THE EARLY CHURCH FATHERS WRITINGS - VOLUME 20
Eusebius of Caesarea: Theophania, the Chronicle, Place Names and Shorter Writings
c. AD 303 – 335

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Texts are public domain except where marked in Sources and Credits.

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INTRODUCTION TO THIS VOLUME
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HOW THIS BOOK IS ARRANGED

This is the twentieth volume of a series that gathers the writings of the early Church in
order of date, from the generation after the apostles down to the eighth century. This
volume holds Eusebius of Caesarea, Theophania, the Chronicle, Place Names and Shorter
Writings, from the period about AD 303 – 335.

Within each work the text is divided into chapters and numbered sections, so that any
passage can be found again and cited. The small bold figures in the text are the section
numbers.

THE TRANSLATIONS

The text is in English only. Wherever a modern English version has been prepared for
SermonIndex it is used here; otherwise the book prints an older public-domain translation.
In both cases the wording is the translator’s own: older translations have not been
altered beyond dividing them into sections. The sources for every work are listed at the
back of the book, together with the licence under which each text is released. All the
works in this volume are printed in older public-domain translations.

IN THIS VOLUME

Eusebius was bishop of Caesarea in Palestine from about AD 314 until his death about AD
339. He is called the father of church history, and he was a scholar, an apologist and a
biographer of the emperor Constantine.

The Theophania survives complete only in a Syriac translation. The Chronicle sets the
histories of the nations side by side and is a main source for the dates of the ancient
world, and the work on place names is a list of the places named in the Bible, with their
location in Eusebius’s own day.

DATES AND AUTHORSHIP

Dates are approximate and are debated by scholars. Each work begins with a short
introduction that states what is known about its author and its date, and what is
uncertain.


THEOPHANIA
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THEOPHANIA Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

BOOK 1

1 THEOPHANIA. THE FIRST BOOK OF EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA ON THE DIVINE MANIFESTATION. 1. THOSE
who say on the constitution of the whole of this great and beautiful world, and on the
diversified subsistence and manifold structure of the heavens and the earth, that it has
neither beginning nor governour; and that there is no Lord, and no Providential care
(existing); but that it has arisen of itself, casually, undesignedly, and by blind (lit.
foolish) accident, however this may have, happened, are altogether impious and godless1:
on which account they are excluded from the divine assemblies, and with propriety shut out
from our holy temples. Because, neither can they themselves possess a house without
contrivance and care; nor can a ship be well constructed with its appurtenances, without a
shipwright; nor a garment be woven, without the art of weaving; nor a city |2 be built,
when the science of the architect is wanting. And, as they themselves confess these
things, I know not by what estrangement of the intellect it is, that they do not consider
the courses of the sun (as being) according to their manner; the changes of the moon,
according to their appointments; the (several) orders of the stars, as in their due
course; and the revolutions of the curvatures of the heavens, and the recurrence and
changes of times and seasons2. And again with these, that (they do not consider) the
weight of the mountains (as regulated) by the balance3; the equalization of days and
nights; the unimpeded production of the animals;

2 the traditionary and unchanging succession of life of long duration; the herbs of every
sort of flower which spring out of the earth; the provisions for all the animals, as
suitable for each; their several senses; the members of the body; their properties of
excellence, and as located in their (several) situations, so that (men) see with their
eyes, and feel with their hands: which they also say, is obvious to the blind. So that
with atheistical affirmations, and injurious wickedness of mind, |3 (they assert) that
there is no work either of wisdom, of the WORD OF GOD, or of Providence (evinced in all
this); but they imagine on the contrary, that (all) is of blind fortune, and happens just
as it may be, without object or end. These same therefore are, as being atheistical,
driven far away from the Divine hearing (of the Word), and entirely from the society of
those who fear God. 2. The company too of the Polytheists, on the other hand, set in order
against the preceding, seems to me to be in extreme error;----that they err, as children
in intellect, who change the worship of the Maker of the world, the Governour of all, the
God who is over all, for (that) of the things which are of Him; and (hence) honour the
sun, the moon, and the rest of the parts of the universe, the primary elements, the earth,
water, air, and fire, with the name due to Him, who is their Maker and Creator; and call
those Gods4 which never existed;

3 nor had existed, nor had been (so) named, had not the Maker5 of the universe, THE WORD
OF GOD, willed that they should exist. Nor do they appear to me better than those who
leave the chief Architect, to admire the excellency of workmanship (visible) in the houses
of kings; the wrought cielings7 and the walls; their many coloured and flowered pictures;
their roofs variegated with gold and sculpture of precious stones; and attribute to these
the praise and wisdom due to their Artificer; which they ought to ascribe, not to the
things seen, but to Him alone who is their chief Architect; to confess Him to be the cause
of their wonder, and of these many works |4 of wisdom. For He alone is wise who supplied
the cause, that these many things should thus be. These differ, therefore, in no respect
from mere infants. Nor do those whose admiration is expended on the lyre with its seven
strings,----the (mere) instrument of music,----but not on him who is the inventor of its
structure, nor on him who knows its use, nor yet on his wisdom. Nor (again) do those who
leave him who is eminent in war, to adorn his spear and shield with the crowns of victory.
Nor do those who honour the streets, squares, buildings, temples, gymnasia----things
inanimate----with the admiration due to the great king, who caused the erection of such
chief city of his kingdom:

4 when it was right they should admire, neither the pillars nor the stones, but the great
maker and lawgiver6 of these instances of wisdom. 3. In7 conformity with these
(considerations) also, we make this same (Being) the (efficient) cause of all which we see
with the eyes of the body; not the sun, the moon, nor any other of the things in the
heavens. It is becoming too, that we should confess them all to be the works of wisdom:
but not, that we should honour or worship them by means of any similitude of Him, who is
their Maker and Creator. From the contemplation of these too, we both praise and worship,
with the whole affection of the soul, Him who again is known, not by means of the bodily
eyes, but only by the mind which is pure and enlightened; |5 Him (I say) who is the King
of all, THE WORD OF GOD. For no one ever graced the (mere) body of any wise and
intelligent man, (or) his eyes8, head, hands, feet, or the rest of his flesh, much less
his external clothing, with the title of wisdom; nor yet has termed the vessels in the
houses, nor the service-vessels, of the philosophers, wise; while every thinking person
has expressed his wonder at that concealed, and unseen, mind which is in man. 4.

5 Thus, and more particularly,----before these visible ornaments which are (but) the
bodies of this whole universe, and which have been fabricated from one (species of)
matter,----let us express our wonder at that unseen and invisible WORD, that Maker and
Adorner of the exemplars9 of all things, who is the ONLY (begotten) WORD OF GOD: whom, the
Maker of all, He who is beyond all, and above all being, generated of Himself as a ray of
light from His own Godhead, and constituted Him both the Leader and Governour of this
whole (world). |6 5. For it was impossible that this perishable being of bodies, and this
Nature of reasonable creatures (such) as it now is, could be brought near to God the
Governour of all, on account of its exceedingly great imperfection. For He is an Essence
beyond and above all, which can neither be described, comprehended, nor approached; and
(which) dwells in the glorious light, to which nothing can be compared,----as the Divine
words declare10. For this had no existence, and out of nothing did He send it forth. And
(hence) it was greatly different, and very far removed, from the nature of (His) Essence.
Well therefore did He, the fulness of all good, the God of all, first appoint a
Mediator11, the Divine Power, His ONLY (begotten), who should be sufficient for all12;

6 who could accurately, abundantly, and as present, hold converse with His Father4,
receive of His inward and secret (nature), and be meekly lowered to the form and manner of
those who were (so) far removed from His princely state. In no |7 other way could it be
either glorious or right, that He, who is beyond and above all, should be mixed up with
matter that is perishable, and with a body. On this account, the DIVINE WORD entered by a
(sort) of commixture into this whole, and bound together the bands (as it were) of all
things, by means of the Divine power which is incorporeal: leading on and carrying
forward, and governing (the whole) by every species of wisdom, as it seemed good to Him.
6. The proof then, of this conclusion is obvious. For, if those which we usually term the
primary elements of all,----the earth, water, air, and fire, were themselves the
constituent portions of the universe, and are constituted of a mixed nature, which we even
see with our eyes is the case,----and, if the essence of all were one, and that
comprehending the whole, and were (as) the Mother and Nurse (of all these things), as
those who are subtle in these matters love to term it; and were without figure and
visibility, and wholly destitute of soul and of reason;---- Whence, one may ask, was it,
that this world was made to consist of that of which it now does? Whence also the
distinction of the (several) elements?

7 And whence the |8 concordant course of those things which were adverse to agreement?
And, Who commanded this heavy element of earth, to ride over that of humid matter? 7. And,
Who is He that has caused water, the nature of which is to run downwards, to take an
opposite course, and to ascend to the clouds? 8. And, Who is He that has so constrained
the power of fire, that it shall insinuate itself into wood? and has made it to mix itself
up with things which are in their natures opposed to it? 9. And, Who has attempered this
cold air with the power of heat; has released these from their (natural) contentions with
one another, and has reconciled them (as it were) to love? 10. Who is He that has
distinguished the race subject to mortality with the character of extension, and drawn it
out to the length of the life which is immortal? 11. Who is He that has so formed the
Male, fashioned the Female, and associated them both as one compound, and (thus)
discovered one source of generation for all animal life? 12. Who is He that changes this
fluent generating seed from its fluid, perishing, and senseless state, and makes it (that)
of the generation of animal life? 13. Who is He that performs even to this time all these
things, and innumerable others beyond them, and which exceed all wonder and astonishment?
14.

8 Who is He that daily and hourly, secretly and by a power that is invisible, effects the
generation and changes of these things? 15. But, the efficient Cause of all things is
justly said to be that worker of miracles, THE WORD OF GOD. For THE WORD OF GOD who is
Almighty, has in truth |9 extended himself into every thing: above into the heights, and
beneath into the depths, has He drawn out His incorporeal soul. He also holds, as it were
in His hands, the breadth and length of all in (its) extent. This whole has He brought,
and bound up together; and has (thus) set up for himself this (immense) vessel filled with
every sort of compound. He too, by every species of wisdom, and by means of the power
which is rational, has made well to combine and to harmonize, according to their several
measures, this essence of bodies destitute of reason, form, and visibility; governing by
words unutterable, and directing for the advantage of all13, the Sun, the Moon, and those
(other) luminaries that are in the heavens. 16. This selfsame WORD OF GOD too brought
himself down also upon the earth, and (there) set up all the various kinds of animals, and
every beautiful form of plant. 17. This selfsame WORD OF GOD also immerged even into the
depths of the sea14, and determined those swimming natures: and here again he made the
myriads of forms which are innumerable, with every various kind of living creature. 18.

9 The selfsame also completes, by the effectuating art of nature, those (beings) which are
inwardly |10 conceived in the womb, and forms (them) into animals. The same too makes to
ascend to the heights as light, this humid, heavy, and naturally descending, matter (of
sea-water15), and thus, completing the course of his government, changes it to sweetness,
and brings it (again) in due measure, and at determined seasons, upon the earth: and, like
the excellent husbandman who waters his land well, and attempers the wet with the dry, he
changes (things) into every sort of form: at one time, into beautiful flowers; at another,
into the forms peculiar to each species; at another, into delightful scents; at another,
into different and diversified sorts of fruits; at another, into every kind of taste which
gives pleasure. 19. But why need I take upon myself to discuss the powers of THE WORD OF
GOD? or, venture upon a thing, the doing of which is impossible, and, it is clear, greatly
surpasses all mortal mind? 20. Others indeed name this same (Being) Universal nature;
others, the Universal soul; others, Fate; and others say, that He is the God who is beyond
all. But, I know not how they confound together the things, which are so greatly and
widely different; and (thus) cast down to the earth, and mix up, that Governour of all,
that Power of (eternal) existence which is above all, with bodies, (and) |11 with
perishable matter;

10 affirm, that He is the medium both of irrational and rational animals, and is
comprehended both in those that are mortal, and immortal. But these things they (do). 21.
The Divine doctrine, however, declares that He who is above all that is good, the same is
the (efficient) Cause of all, and is beyond all comprehension; and that on this account He
cannot be described, enounced, or named: and, not only that He is elevated above all
verbal description, but also above all mental apprehension; that He is neither contained
in place, nor existing in body, neither in the heavens, nor in the aether, nor in any one
portion of this whole. But that He is at once within, and independent of all, reserved in
the unseen depth of (His own) knowledge. The Divine declarations teach us to recognize Him
alone as the God of truth, who is far removed from all essence of body, and a stranger to
all service of government. It has, therefore, been delivered to us, that all is of Him,
but not that it is by (or through) Him16. 22. But He, as a king within the concealment and
privacy in which He is incomprehensible, sits in the elevation of His own splendour,
governing and ordering (all) solely by the power of His own will. For, by His will exists
whatsoever does exist; and, had He not (so) willed, neither had it (so) existed. He wills,
however, every good thing, because He is also good in His own essential being. |12 23.

11 He therefore, by whom are all things, THE WORD OF GOD, proceeded forth from above, from
His good Father, as a river ever flowing from an unlimited fountain, and distilling as
rain, in words unutterable, to those who were perishing, completely furnished for the
common salvation of all. And, as in the case with ourselves, that secret and invisible
mind which is within us, no man ever knew, either how, or why, it exists in its own
essential character, but (which) sits as a king within the secrecy of its chambers, and
considers of the things to be done; so the only word then proceeding from it, begotten as
it were of a Father in the privacy of retirement, and being the primary angel (messenger)
to all, of the mind of its Father, openly publishes those things which its father
considered in secret; and, passing on into the hearing of all, brings to full effect the
will (so made known). These (hearers) then receive the benefit of the word, while the
secret and invisible mind, this father of (such) word, no one had ever seen with the eyes.
So also,----that is, (in a manner) surpassing all examples and comparisons, that
completing WORD OF GOD, the King of all,----was, as being the only (begotten) Son of His
Father, established, not by any mere emanating virtue; nor constituted in his nature by
the enunciation of names and words; nor designated by any sound produced by the percussion
of the air:

12 but THE WORD is living, and is the minister of God who is |13 over all, and in His
essence, He is "the Power of God, and the Wisdom of God. He proceeds moreover from the
Godhead and rule of His Father; and is the17 good offspring of the good Father, and the
common Saviour of all. He also waters all, pouring out from his own fulness upon all,
life, and reason, and wisdom, and light, and every good thing. He waters too, not only the
things that are before Him and near Him, but those also that are removed far away on the
earth, and in the sea; and if there be any other creature, in any thing that exists. He
too keeps in order, by His justice and the power of His rule, every border, place, law,
and possession: to each and every thing does He distribute and give that which is
suitable: apportioning (this) to some who are in the sphere above the world; to others,
who reside in the heavens; to others, whose habitation is the aether; to others, that are
in the air; and to others, on the earth. Then passing on from these, He again well
distinguishes, in other quarters, the lives of all; carrying forward with due
discrimination, their customs and various observances. He also provides the food for the
animals, not only for those that are rational, but also for those that are not so: (and
this) for the advantage of those that are. 24.

13 To some he gives the comforts of a mortal and temporary life; to others, that they may
partake of immortality: and of every thing, as THE WORD OF GOD, is He the Doer. And, being
near to every thing, and |14 pervading all with a power which is rational, and, looking up
to His Father, He governs the things that are below according to His intimations, and
after Him accordingly as the Saviour of all. And thus, mediating and bringing near to the
(eternal) Being this essence of things, He constitutes the bond which cannot be severed.
THE WORD OF GOD (I say), which is in the midst, which binds together those which are
diverse, and suffers them not to fall off (and) away, He is the Providential care which is
watchful over all, He is the Director of all: He is "the Power of God, and the wisdom of
God": He is the only (begotten) Son of God; the God which is begotten of God, THE WORD.
For, "In the beginning was THE WORD, and THE WORD was with God, and THE WORD was God.
Every thing was by Him, and without Him was not any thing:"---- the glorious words of the
divine men (so) teaching. 25. This is the common Saviour of all, on whose account this
universal essence is productive, and rejoices that it ever drinks from his dewdrops; is
always youthful in its stature, and ever presents the appearance of beauty.

14 He therefore holds its reins, and, at the intimations of His Father, rightly guides the
mighty ship of this universe, |15 (and) with His own helm He governs it. This (Being)
excellent of art, did He who is God above all, as a good Father beget as good Fruit, the
ONLY (begotten) SON, and give (him) to this world (as) a most excellent gift; did cast as
a Soul into a body destitute of soul, and into the nature of irrational bodies, His own
rational WOHD: and (so), by virtue of the DIVINE WORD, did He both enlighten and enliven
this (otherwise) shapeless, unsightly and colourless, being ----by Him, (I say) whom we
ought, both to know and to worship, as being ever near to the matter and elements, of
(all) bodies. Thus, that which was immaterial, bodiless, and unconscious (lit. unwise),
became, as from others, endued with consciousness (lit. became wise). But He is THE LIFE,
and He is THE LIGHT; the intelligent offspring of THE LIGHT which cannot be described. He
too, is ONE in His Essence, even as He is |16 from ONE Father. He possesses however many
powers (virtues) within His own person. For, we should not suppose that, because the
(constituent) parts of the world are many, they therefore constitute many powers1
(Demons): nor, because the operations are many, we ought therefore, to set up for
ourselves many Gods. 26.

15 Those therefore who follow many Gods, commit, as children in soul, a grievous mistake
when they make into Gods the (constituent) parts of the Universe, and (virtually) divide
the one world into many18. As if one should take from the person of a man the eyes only,
and then affirm that these were the man; and again, that the ears were another; and so
again, the head (another); or, should gradually sever the neck, the breast, the shoulders,
the feet, the hands, or the rest of the members; or, that he should (so) divide the
faculty of sense by |17 process of reasoning, and then affirm on this one man, that these
(portions) really were many men: he would deserve nothing better of the wise, than the
ridicule due to folly. Such as this man would be, would he likewise be who fabricated for
himself many Gods out of the (constituent) parts of the one Universe, and would sever into
many sections those Bodies of all, whose nature is fleeting and dispersive, and which are
fabricated out of one primary material; and then again, would by an effort of reason make
these his Gods?. 27. Much worse than this would he be, who would also imagine that this
entirely made world,----constituted as it is wholly and altogether of many parts,----is
God: not considering that the Divine nature could never subsist of parts or be complex, or
could stand in need of some other to compound it: nor again, that if it consisted of
parts, could it be Divine.

16 For, How can it consist of things different and dissimilar, faulty and excellent?
Because that which is compounded, must also be dissoluble; and that which consists of many
parts, is of necessity dissimilar19: while that which is equal in all and unchanging in
all, is simple and incomplex. That too which is complex, is compounded of things
dissimilar. And that which is dissimilar has in itself something faulty, opposed to that
which is excellent. For if the whole were excellent, it would (then) be equal and similar.
And, if it were so in the whole, it would in the whole be consistent with itself: and thus
would it be in essence simple, |18 and without parts. But this nature (of things) does not
shew itself to be such, since this world is viewed as wholly subject to sense: for it is
constituted of many parts, and is (therefore) compounded; it is too, in many of its parts,
changing. And where it is thus, there is also the capability of a nature of an opposite
description. And hence this world associates beings, at once both mortal and immortal,
rational and irrational; in matter too, both cold and hot; wet and dry. From all which,
God is (necessarily) free. For, if the nature of God be simple, it is also without parts,
and is uncompounded; (placed) beyond, and far removed from, every ordinance of this
visible world. On this account the Preacher of Truth thus openly says:

17 "The Word of God proclaimed, He who is before all, is alone the Saviour of all rational
beings.'' But God who is beyond all, is the head (source) of the generation of THE WORD.
He alone is the Cause of all; and, of His ONLY (begotten) WORD, He is truly styled THE
FATHER. Above Him therefore, no other Cause can be assigned. He therefore is God alone20;
and from Him proceeded forth, by (virtue of) His own secret will which is unutterable, the
ONLY (begotten), the Saviour of all, the one WORD of God, who (is) through all. 28. This
sensible world is therefore, not unlike the lyre of many strings, consisting of many
dissimilar portions:|19----of acute and grave, lax and intense; and of others between
these, all well combined together by the art of the Musician. Such then is also this
(universe), collected (as it is) into one compound, consisting of many parts, and many
compositions; of cold at once, and warm its opposite; and of matter, wet and dry. It is
moreover a mighty vessel, and is the work of the God of all. 29. But the DIVINE WORD has
not been constituted of parts, nor has it been compounded of any opposing (nature), nor
does it consist of (either) part or compound; but both wisely and well does He in every
thing resemble His Father; and to the King of all does He give back the praise, which to
Him is both suitable and due.

18 (And) as in one body there are many parts, members, viscera, and bowels, collected
together, and one invisible soul (only) is diffused through all; and one is the mind which
(consists) of neither body nor parts; so also (we say) of this one world, which is
constituted of many parts. So also the WORD OF GOD, manifold in power and Almighty, is one
extended into all things, and is invisibly diffused throughout them: and of all, in which
He (thus) subsists, He is the (efficient) Cause. 30. Do you not see with your eyes, that
one heaven surrounds the whole world? and that many orders of stars revolve in this? And
again, (that) there is one sun, not many? and that this eclipses the splendour of them all
by its superior light? So likewise is there one Father, the WORD of whom also is one, who
must be the good |20 offspring of the good Father. If therefore any one complain, that
there are not many Sons; so should he also complain, that many suns, moons, and worlds,
are not established, and at many other things, after the manner of madmen, who endeavour
to subvert those of nature which are right and good. But, as in things visible, one sun
gives light to the whole sensible world; so also in things intellectual, the one WORD OF
GOD, filled with all power, secretly and (in a manner) imperceptible to us, gives light to
all. For Why should many suns be required, when one is sufficient to effect every thing?

19 And again, What need can there be of many Sons of God, when the ONE, the only
(begotten), is sufficient to effect the will of His Father? For, if there were many, then
would they be either similar, or dissimilar21. And if they were similar, then would their
multiplicity be in vain; because one Effectuator, and this Almighty, would be sufficient
for the performance and due ordering of all. But the WORD OF GOD, and the WISDOM OF GOD,
which is ONE in its essence, brings along with it the light, and the life, and (indeed)
all the fulness of goodness. The multitude (then) of those who were (thus) vainly, and not
well joined together in a power that were similar, could have no advantage. But, if it
were necessary they should be dissimilar, How then could that which were dissimilar, or
incomplete and defective in its nature, be on the |21 other hand an Effectuator, and that
sufficient for all? But nothing which is horn of God is incomplete. The only (begotten) of
God is therefore complete (the Efficient). Nor are there many WORDS OF GOD. On the
contrary, THE GOD who is OF GOD is sufficient for all, and is Almighty; is the one Image
of the light of His Essence, as the divine words declare; who, for the convenience of
governing and healing all existing beings, was necessarily appointed; who is also in His
essence one, but in His powers manifold. And Him alone do we declare to he sufficient for
the adorning of all things. 31.

20 Because too, there is in man (but) one Soul and one reasoning faculty, and this at the
same time capable of comprehending many things; whether (for example), it cultivate the
earth, or fit up a ship, or guide it, or build (a house), still it is one and the same:
or, whether it learn and do many things, still there is but one mind and cogitative
faculty in man. It is moreover capable at once of many sorts of knowledge: the same man
will be the geometrician, or will be skilled in the courses of the stars, or be perfect in
the precepts of the grammarians and rhetoricians; or, he will become a leader in the
science of healing, or in its manual operations. Nor has any one ever yet imagined, that
there are many souls in (any) one body: neither has it been made matter of wonder, that
there exists many essences in man, because of his |22 capability of many sorts of
knowledge. For, should a man find a shapeless piece of clay, and afterwards so model it
with his hands, as to impress upon it the forms of certain animals; on one figure, the
head; on another, the hands, the feet, or the eyes (of a man); and again, that he
otherwise imitate by the art of the modeller, the cheeks, ears, mouth, nostrils, breast,
and shoulders, Would it be right also to suppose that, because many forms and members had
been (so) wrought in this one body, many were therefore their makers?

21 We ought rather to bestow the full meed of praise on the one artificer of the whole,
who had by one train of thought, and the exertion of one executive power, (so) disposed
the whole:---- 32. So also, of this universal world which is one, consisting nevertheless
of many parts, it cannot be right to erect the many powers (visible within it) into
makers; nor again to call these many Gods: but rather, to bless the ONE who abounds in
every species of wisdom, and every sort of compounding (power): Him (I say) who is in
truth "THE POWER or GOD, and THE WISDOM OF GOD; who, by means of one (almighty) power and
virtue, pervades, and remains in, the universal whole; who also gives establishment and
life to all: and who, for the whole and singular of |23 these bodies and elements, in
their several situations, produced at once from himself, the several and various means of
subsistence. 33. So also the light of the Sun is one; yet, by its one incidence, it at
once illuminates the air, affords light to the eyes, warmth to the touch, ripens the
(produce of) the earth, gives growth to the plant, and fixes the several periods of time.
It also precedes the stars (in its course), makes the circuit of the heavens, rises upon
the world, and clearly establishes the power of God with respect to all things22. All
these things it completes in a momentary period of nature.

22 Thus too, the nature of fire (is such) as to purify gold, to melt lead, to dissolve
wax, to dry (wet) clay, and to consume dense (bodies): by means of one burning power, it
effects all these things. 34. So likewise THE WORD OF GOD, the King of all, He who is
extended throughout all, is in and pervades all, that is both in the heavens and the
earth; He is the governour of the things which are invisible and visible, and He directs
by powers unspeakable", the Sun, the Heavens, |24 and the whole Universe. He is present to
all things in His effectuating power; and He remains throughout all. He also makes to
distil as rain, from His own resources, the never-failing light to the Sun, the Moon, and
the Stars. He has established, and perpetually holds fast, the heavens (as) an image of
his own greatness. He also fills from the treasury that is with Him, those hosts of Angels
and Powers of intelligent and rational spirits, at once with life, light, wisdom, and all
the abundance of every species of beauty and of goodness. And by one and the same
effectuating art, He never fails to supply substance to the material elements, and to
Bodies (their) commixture and concurrence; (their) forms, appearances, and characters. He
otherwise varies also and time after time, (His) innumerable operations, (whether) in the
animals, the plants, or in the beings rational or irrational: at once He provides every
thing for all, by (His) one power;

23 and clearly shews, (that this) is not a mere Lyre (as it were) of seven or many
strings, but is the one universe of manifold composition, the workmanship of the ONE WORD,
the Maker of the world23. 35. Such therefore, is the common Saviour of all, THE WORD or
the GOD of all, of whom one discoursing on God24 thus mysteriously speaks: "He25 was in
the world, and the world was (made) by Him; and the world knew Him not" For, from ancient
times (and) hitherto, it knew Him not, until He manifested Himself, in the latter times,
to those who were holden in the darkness of vice. But He, the Maker of the whole world,
He, who is the common Saviour of all, has been directly made known to us, as thus
existing; and as affording to this whole, all this assistance. But, as to this whole world
which is |25 governed by one Ruler, (and) which consists of the heavens, the earth, and of
the things therein, it is now necessary we should shew in a few words, what the nature of
the being is which He has assigned to it. 36. This (universe) then, partakes of two
natures; of the essence which is more excellent and is allied to THE DIVINE WORD; which,
being intellectual and rational, is perceived by the mind, and apprehended by the reason:
and to this is possible all that is superior to (material) Bodies. (It partakes) also of
that which was necessarily brought forth for the use of this;

24 which is matter,----is the offspring of Bodies, and is understood by the sense of
reason, both to exist and to be perishable: and which, as I think, has been well said
never to have had any (independent) being26. But this, which is visible to the bodily
sense, designates the one Universe. This same (too), the whole of which is visible, as
well as that which is invisible, may thus be well said to constitute one family of
rational beings; just as in the things that are visible, the nature of bodies is one;
while of tin's, some are in the heavens and the aether27,----those among these being
distinct, and different;----some in the air and on the earth; and of which, the things
visible are the animals and plants. So also, in the essence which is intelligent and
invisible, the common kind of them all is one. One also is the nature of the generation of
the rational and intelligent faculties, while many and various are the distinctions
existing in this28. 37. This same therefore, which has been fabricated out of matter, and
(material) bodies; this, which we usually |26 name the sensible world, which consists of
the heavens the earth and of the things therein, may be likened to an imperial city in
which there are many citizens, the houses of some of which have been distinguished (as)
apartments of the state. Of these, the inner ones are neither entered into, nor trodden,
by the many.

25 Some again are for stations without, (set apart) for the keepers of the middle
portions. Others again, are far distant from the court, and are left for the inhabitants
(generally) and their various assemblies29. Many are (thus) the stations in the heavens,
and many are those inferior to these in the sether, and in the air above the earth. The
habitable |27 part of the earth, (assigned) to those who walk upon it, is this broad space
known to us all. Those (places) however which are beyond the heavens, are (exalted) above
all mental apprehension, as are those also which are distinguished as inner apartments of
the divine house of rule. But those (beings) who surround the King of all, and exult at
the side of THE DIVINE WORD, are both enlightened and upholden by means of the rays which
are drawn forth from Him, as from unfailing fountains of light; and are established in the
fulness of light. (Thus) too all the enlightened, with the incorporeal assemblies of
light, hold that rank of station which is beyond the heavens, and honour with the highest
praises, (and) which are worthy of God, the God who is King of all. 30 In the midst
moreover, has He cast (spread) forth the vast heavens, the curtains (as it were) of the
azure threshold, which exclude those who are without from the mansion of rule;

26 while the keepers of the intermediate part perform (their) rounds in this, as being
without the gate, with those who in the heavens are |28 invested with light and holding
lamps, as the sun and the moon, honouring Him who is beyond all, the King of all. And, at
his intimation and word, these supply light by means of lamps which cannot be
extinguished, to those whose lot it is to be in the place of darkness, and without the
heavens. Thus are brought near to Him the powers of the air, which are invisible to bodily
eyes, as also the animals and other earthly things (which are visible): so is man also the
chief of them all, whose race was no stranger to that intelligent and rational Essence
which is invisible, and who was created on the earth to render praise to the Godhead and
rule of Him who is the Cause of all things. Like as on earth therefore, there is spread
over the whole world but one, and that the same human nature; and, as many nations have
arisen out of this, and the manner of life of every race, its fashions, modes, and
governments, are different, not only of the barbarians and wild, but also of the
peaceable, fashionable, and wise; and, (as) there are among these both slaves and freemen,
poor and rich; those also who differ in colour, as the Scythians, and those whose lot it
is to dwell without, in the west;

27 the Hindoos also, at the rising of the sun, and the Ethiopians at its setting; Greeks,
too, and others whose destiny it is to reside among princes; and, among all these again,
some bear rule over portions of the nations, and others are wholly subject: with the great
king of all moreover, some are considered as in the place of friends, some are elevated to
the greatest honours, others are more especially ennobled for their virtuous deeds: some,
again, fill the rank of slaves; and others, bearing spears and shields, surround the
sovereign: others again, are military officers in the cities, while others fill the
situation of rule in these: others too, have met the fate of the |29 vulgar; and others
are considered as in the place of enemies and haters: still, the whole of these are men,
and one is the common species of them all. Over them all too, is there one king, one only
power, vested with his own authority which is all-supreme. And to this same, according to
the law and edict of the state,----to him alone, the Father and Lawgiver,----is (the title
of) great king ascribed: while He (the WORD) descending from above, and running (as it
were) throughout the whole of the governours and governed, subjects to the one yoke of
rule every race (placed) under his hand; elevating some to the highest honour, and to
others rendering that which is their due31. 38. As it is with these things, (so) one is
the generating, intelligent, and rational Essence which is over all.

28 And well might it be said, that one is the kind (genus) even of these, and that they
all are nothing more than brethren (derived) from one, as made of Him who is the Father of
THE WORD OF GOD32. There are then, multitudes of nations, and of kinds (of these); and
there is a portion the more virtuous, and the contrary. The differences too of these, as
to mind (opinion) are innumerable, as are the fashions, modes of life, constitutions, and
the contrary; but not as to their natures, for the nature of them all is one, and the kind
is one. It is of the variety of their wills, that they have found out many and different
fashions and modes of life. Hence, are the companies of angels, of spirits, and of
incorporeal and invisible powers; some of which are resplendent and glorious, as
enlightened by the splendour of THE DIVINE WORD; others are dark, blacker than any
Ethiopian, and |30 destitute of all rational light. This kind is quite deserving of the
middle place, as capable at once of both the excellent and the base. But the King is one,
that ONLY power which is God above all, both of those who are in the heavens, and above
the heavens. And He it is who holds by the law and edict of sovereign rule, the things
that are in the air, on the earth, and under the earth, and which are of all, and in all.
This law and edict is moreover one, (viz.

29 He who lives in all, THE WORD OF GOD, the minister, (lit. agent): not as that dying
(utterance) which is sent forth from the mouth of mortals into the air33; but is,----as it
has now been made known to us (by the Gospel)----of things (in their nature) possible, the
Governour of all in all wisdom and power. He (I say) who, as THE WOED OF GOD, distributes
fully and in justice to all, the things which are most suitable to them; and gives to
each, and to every one of them, the stations which are suitable: to those which are near,
(those) of happiness; but those of the contrary, to them who have fallen from virtue, as
they may have (severally) deserved. He at once gives to all---- like those who are on the
earth,----to reside in different localities; to some, to exult at the side of the heavenly
sovereignty; to others, to keep watch without; toothers, to dwell beyond (these), and at a
distance: while all with one mouth, and according to the doctrine and instruction of each,
celebrate the praise of the King and God of all: ----(all I say) who bear this law in
their hearts and in the mind of their nature, that they should confess that ONE, who is
the likeness of the image of sovereign rule, who is the only (begotten) WORD,----Him " who
is the Image of the invisible God, the firstborn of every creature34,"----as the divine
words mysteriously teach. 39.

30 And to the honouring of Him are all, whether the rulers or the ruled in every house and
city, at once devoted: not, with inanimate colours variously set forth in pictures (or
images,), but within, on the hearts of their |31 intellectual faculties as upon
intelligent tablets, is the worship of His Godhead inscribed. Thus do all those, who are
subject to His power, tender their worship, irrespective of those vicious Demons, and
wicked Spirits, and "Rulers of this world," who consider themselves as in the situation of
enemies and haters; those who have assimilated themselves to the image of fraudulent
rule35, and put forth various books in the place of others36; that is, innumerable false
scriptures (ascribed) to that fearful name, and to that expressed name, which governs the
Law. But far superior to the Law is the name (which) they have surreptitiously assumed to
themselves. Thus do they succeed in casting down to the earth among bodies, elements, and
the portions of the world, the (whole) race of mortal men. Hence have men feared and
served the creatures, more than the Creator of these37. 40. And again, they named (as
gods) for themselves, these very powers, contenders and rebels against God, which in their
perverseness so became gods; these (I say) which never existed (as such).

31 And well may those be considered as enemies and haters, from whom the law of truth has
commanded us to flee, and to take refuge in Him alone who is the WORD, the Saviour of
all;----Him, who has cast forth the seed which is of Himself, in order that it may
produce, not only in the heavenly places, but also on the earth; and has assigned both to
those that are in the heavens, and to those that are in the elements of |32 the earth, one
and the same portion of kind. So that the rational mind which is in man, (and) is of that
incorporeal intelligent essence, and of the kind of the DIVINE WORD which pervades all
that has hitherto been generated, is nourished on earth by its meditations on Him, and
previously trained for its transition (conversion) to virtue. Hence too, is it previously
instructed and taught, to provide for its passing to the children of its own kind. Wholly
therefore is this alone, of those that are on the earth, through its participation with
THE DIVINE WORD, worthy of the name of rational. He has then, necessarily assigned a place
on earth (to) the mind and rational soul; so that a small image of the great City of God,
mentioned in the example a little while ago (given), has been set up on earth: nor is
there in the whole empire of God, nor even a place on the earth, exempt from this lot.

32 And it was right, that praise should be ascribed in every part of the universe to THE
WORD, the common Father of all, by those who had been generated of Himself. Hence, even
the element of earth is not exempt from being entrusted with this rational portion. Not
only by those who are beyond the world, and in the heavens, and the rational (beings) that
are in the air; but also by those that dwell on the earth, is that just praise sent up to
the Maker and Father of all: which indeed the Divine Word teaches, when it thus commands
every man to sing the praise which is due to God38: " Praise ye God from the heavens;
praise ye him in the heights. Praise him all ye his angels; praise him all ye his hosts.
Praise him sun and moon; praise him all ye stars and light. Praise him ye heavens of
heavens. After the things which are upon the earth, he (the Sacred Writer) reasons thus:
"Praise ye God from the earth (all)" other things. He then also (reasons upon) this
rational family of man,----this (I say) which divides itself from every thing else into
various companies and orders of rank,----in this manner:----" Praise him, ye Icings of the
earth, and all |33 people: ye great, and all ye judges of the earth: young men and
maidens: old men with children. Let them praise the name of the Lord; for great is his
name alone; and his praise is in the earth, and in the "heavens."39 41.

33 With these (words) therefore, he leads over against and along with the companies that
are in the heavens, those also that are on the earth, to the praise of the King of all.
For to Him alone in truth, and to no other God,----(to) Him who is beyond all the heavens
above,---- do the companies that are above the curvatures of the heavens ascribe honour
and praise. To Him (as) their Father do the hosts of angels and spirits, the offspring of
the light which is intelligent, render the praises which are unutterable. To Him also the
sun, the moon, and the stars which are in the circuits of distant worlds, and run their
lengthened courses in the spaces of aether, and form a crown (as it were) to Him;----the
invisible powers also, which wing their way in the free expanse of air,----proclaim the
meed of praise and blessing which is (both) due and becoming. 42. How then, after (the
detail of) these things could it be becoming, that the element of earth alone should be
wanting in the provision which (prevails) in all? Or, that this nature which is generative
of all these fruits, |34 should stand alone, in withholding its meed of praise? Or, that
the life which is (passed) on the earth, bearing every sort of fruit, should be barren as
to (that of) the intelligent creature?

34 Would it not rather appear that this would seem good to Him,----who is the fulness of
all wisdom, the Maker of all,----that He should for His own sake, sow this locality of
earth with beings intelligent and rational? and should, for the use of these, provide the
rest of the creatures, as also that which is generative of fruits and flowers? And that He
should here also join the praise of men, to that which is rendered by the companies of all
(else), to His own Father? And this was so done in former times:----this, that man, who
had been made in the image of God40, honoured with hymns and songs THE WORD, his Father,
together with the divine and rational assemblies, and with the several orders of angels.
His mind had not then erred in the setting up of inanimate images under the phantasms of
demoniacal deception, nor under the stories of error common to polytheism: for these
things recently, and after a time, became known through the vain babblings of the poets.
Those primitive chiefs of our race, who hitherto had not learned the arts of modelling,
hewing, and carving, and had made no use of this extreme metal-working art of evil deeds,
called upon the Maker of the whole universe and their Lord, in the simplicity of their
souls, and in the mind of their (unsophisticated) nature: and Him alone did they confess,
in their instruction which was mental41, to be the Lord and God of all.

35 And as these did, so did the chief of our nature (Adam), as also did the Hebrew race,
which was in ancient times beloved of God, and received, |35 as a son from his father, the
good inheritance of the observances of the fear of God. But these honoured nothing with
purity of life, and with the observances of the fear of God, except the one God, the King
who is above all, and His WORD who is the Saviour of all. On this account, they were
considered worthy of the revelation of the Word of God, of prophecy, and of the doctrines
of righteousness. 43. Thus therefore, THE WORD OF GOD, the Maker of all things, fills,
with His seed of intelligent and rational being, all parts and places that are above the
world, that are in the heavens, and on this element of earth. That seed then, which falls
upon the earth, constituting the intelligent and rational plant, is itself the knowledge
which belongs to man, (and) which is now contained in the multifarious stem and herbage
(as it were) of an earthly and perishable body: many stars of the life which is mortal
surrounding it. If then, an enlightened cultivation meet it, so that it be cleansed from
the obstinacy of matter, and recognize the Sower, THE WORD, who is above the heavens, and
henceforth render praise to Him, meditating as a child on His primitive teaching, and in
due time rendering the corn-ears of its superiority, the complete fruit of its rational
nature;

36 it shall as in the time of harvest lay down, by the death of the life which is mortal,
those luxuriances of the stem that are without, together with the earthly and corruptible
clothing of the body, which it shall have now well employed for the growth and perfection
of the fruit. And happily shall it put off this in due time. The same too, as he becomes
more excellent, and collects the powers of his superiority into the treasury of things
that are good, is preserved (as) the perfect, that with the perfect he may be led on. To
Him also, who is the Sower and the Cultivator of all, he renders the perfect fruit of that
praise which is due to God. And, because he has in this- life recognized Him alone as his
Father, King, and Lord, and has, together with his relative and sister beings (already
mentioned), confessed Him alone to be God, his Maker and Creator; He will,----that he also
may (as) in the place of the society which is more excellent, exalt and honour Him with
the |36 honour that is becoming and just,----not name any other thing God, which it is not
right should be called God, but Him alone to whom all things give (a similar) testimony;
Him, whom all creation, visible and invisible,----even as He alone is the efficient Cause
of all,----names its God, and whom it worships. 44. These things then being such, let us
now again approach our subject afresh, as already laid down.

37 These heavens then, and places in the heavens which are viewed by the bodily senses;
this earth also, and air, as well as this whole constitution (of things) which is of them,
(and) which may be likened to a great city, differ in no respect in their nature from
those inanimate elements which are in its portions, the earth, the waters, the air, and
fire. But it is not necessary, that the denizens of this great city should be considered
as of the same material; nor is it, that we should affirm the seed of the rational soul,
and of the perishable body, to be one and the same. For the mind, the reason, the rational
soul, and the whole of the nature which is intelligent, may accurately and well be
affirmed to be the seed of THE WORD OF GOD, the Creator of all. Nor were these any part of
the earth, or of the air; nor, of any essence cold or hot; but, of those superior
faculties, by which they were made worthy to partake in things most excellent. Because
things prior in order, are the causes of those which succeed them. And the first things
were those generated of THE WORD: after these, those that are irrational. After the
primary essences therefore, were those latter ones, which followed (these as) causes. But
these primitive ones,----the origin of production,----exist (only) in intelligent souls;
on whose account it was, that the seed of passive bodies was also prepared.

38 For it was necessary, that a sufficient house or residence should be prepared for
these. Hence the primary heavens appeared to be a place suitable to the people of this
city, who were both above it and in it; and the curvatures42 within the heavens, for those
|37 inhabitants who should be distinguished accordingly. But thou (reasonable soul),
wouldest never designate as denizens of the city on earth, either the sensitive being of
the fierce animals, or any kind of reptile refusing instruction; or indeed, any of all
those that partake in the nature and name of irrational. For these are thy slaves, which
have been subjected by the law of nature; and they necessarily render the service which is
due to rational beings, as to their lords. For the agricultural ox places his neck
willingly in the yoke, for the purposes of agriculture for man; the carrying ass too,
confesses his own nature; the horse also, on which his lord rides, exults43; and the
hunting dog fondles on him who feeds him. 45. The flocks too, and herds, (and) again, all
sorts of possession (in animals), are given to men; even the fierce beasts are (at his
ready) service. These same too, we kill and reduce to subjection. We also take, by means
of reason, the bird that flies in the heights. We also bring up those (beings) which are
beneath in the depths of the sea, and (otherwise) within it. And nature plainly teaches,
that all these things have been established for the sake of man.

39 Man is therefore the progeny of the DIVINE WORD; not for the sake of any other thing,
but |38 for that (only) of his Father, THE WORD; in order that he might see, and by his
knowledge distinguish, all the wisdom of his Father, which (consists) in the workmanship
visible throughout all creation; and that he should assimilate himself to this same, while
hitherto youthful, and should in every thing emulate his Father, as to law, reason,
knowledge, and wisdom; should live as taught, (that he is) the image of excellence; and
should learn that, together with the companies that are in heaven, he should, as a prophet
and priest, send up from the earth those praises which are due to the King of all, and to
God who is the Cause of all. 46. In representations not unlike these therefore, does THE
WORD, the instructor of all nature,----wondering at the various excellency of the nature
that is in man,----cry out, and say in the divine praises, " What44 is man that Thou art
mindful of him? and the son of man that Thou visitest him? Thou hast made him a little
less than the Angels: with honour and glory hast Thou clothed him, and hast given him
dominion over the work of thy hands, and hast placed all beneath his feet: all flocks and
herds; even the wild beasts of the desert, and the birds that are in the heavens, and the
fishes of the sea, which dwell in the paths of the sea." 47.

40 It is this rational species alone, beloved of God, of those that are on earth,
respecting which another prophet speaking of God, teaches, thus plainly (but)
mysteriously, that in his essence he is in the image of God: " And God said, Let us make
man in our Image, according to our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fishes
that are in the sea, and over the fowl of the heavens, and over the beasts, and over all
the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth. And to the word He
also added the deed: " So God made man," and said that He made him in the image of God.
And again more particularly, He established (the fact) that the image was in the likeness
of God, from |39 the Divine inbreathing, when He said, " And he breathed into his nostrils
the breath of life, and the man became a living soul45. He also teaches, that He gave to
him the more excellent authority and rule, in these words when saying, Let them have
dominion over all that is on the earth, over the beasts, the fowls, the creeping things,
(and) the animals. And, to all these words does that nature give (its) testimony, which
has put every thing under his hand, and has subjected all (things) to this rational
creature.

41 But, if the Divine words can obtain no hearing with thee, still, I cannot think that
thy mind is so entirely darkened, that thou canst not think within thyself, How it is,
that bodies and bodily substances,----or, whatever other divine thing it is which moves
the body,----should consist of this possible excellence,----this, I say,----that (such
body) should know how to avail itself of a discriminating reason, as to what its own
essence is?----this, that it should deliver instruction by memory?----this, that it should
extend itself to the contemplation of all things? But, be thyself and ask, whether the
nature of the body can understand the constitution of the world; the operations of the
primary elements; the beginning, the end, the middle portion, enumeration, and succession
of the seasons; the changes of times; the revolutions of the year; the appointed order of
the stars; and (I know not) how many other things, which men have by the experiments of
geometry, computation, and enumeration, pointed out. For these (results) are incorporeal,
and the contemplation of them is (purely) rational: that any one should make them adjuncts
of the bones, the flesh, or the blood, would be folly infinitely great. And, well might
they be asked, who thus think of these things, since these five senses comprehend all the
faculties of the body, Which of them is it that can teach man the contemplation of any
doctrine? Is it the sight of the eyes? But this distinguishes between colours and forms
only. If you say, The hearing;

42 you (only) name the recipient of sounds acute and grave, but not of any rational
perception. And again, in like manner, the taste is the sense discriminative of sweetness,
or of food, as it might |40 be. The smell too, is the trier of scents, but not of
doctrines. And again, this sense which is extended over the whole body, will touch (and
discriminate) things cold and hot, hard and soft; but not virtue, nor (yet) that wisdom
which is much more excellent. And, How is it with the irrational animals? Have they not
eyes, ears, and nostrils? the sense of taste, and of touch? But nothing of these can be
brought near to the efficiency of reason: because the doctrines, which philosophy alone
can apprehend, are not of the body, nor of the sense that is irrational: they belong
solely to that superiority which attends the rational soul; which is superior to the
nature of the body, and which takes up its abode in mankind alone. If however, any one
wish impudently to persist by way of reasoning, and affirm, That we possess nothing beyond
these irrational animals; that like these we are born, and are subject to corruption;
because the one provision of us all, is of the earth: the passive nature of the body is
the same; the sense is in nothing superior; the labour again, and rest is, in the same
manner, one; as is the blood of us all, the corruption of the body, and (its) dissolution
into the primitive elements.

43 Hitherto however, you do not say, that any one of these can, like the rational animal,
be brought near to the contemplation of things incorporeal; can bear about it any rational
instruction, or lay up learning in its memory; can consider discourses about virtue and
vice; and, as to philosophy, that it ever even entered its mind. But all these things I
might omit, because all men do not possess them. I (only) ask your reason these things:
Was there a city ever (yet) constructed by beings destitute of reason? Or, is there in
these the mind of the Artificer, of the Builder, of the Weaver, or, of the Agriculturist?
Or, has a ship ever been fitted up by them? Or, has the astonishing art of governing (such
vessel) so much as even entered their minds? When, |41 behold! the things which are bodily
(only) are with them, far more excellent than with us: because, of all animals, man is the
most defective, and, as the Poets sing, "The human race is infirm46," Nor can we say how
much he is inferior, in magnitude of body, to the Elephant; or, to be thought of, as to
strength and abundance, with the Camel species. And, to many other animals must he cede
the victory, both as to power, and swiftness of foot. What can they scent better than the
tracing dogs, which are taught to course by the smell? or, be said to see better than any
Antelope; which, because they see (well) are, in the Greek, named "the Seers?

44 And, is it necessary we should hence say, how much weaker the body of man naturally is,
than that of the Bear, the Lion, the Panther, and of many other animals? or, how quickly
or easily he is deceived and overcome by those that attack him? Nevertheless, this
diminutive (creature) will, whenever he pleases, subdue any of those already mentioned;
not by bodily or corporeal |42 strength, for (in this respect) he is greatly the inferior,
and is insufficient to fill the stomach of even one Bear. But there is a certain nature
within him, more excellent than the body, the power of the mind, and of the intelligent
soul. And it is by the superiority of wisdom that he effects these astonishing things. By
means of these (things) hast thou, as a dear child, been honoured of God. Why (so)
despisest thou thy greatness as to think, that this thy whole is (mere) flesh? and
likenest this body, with the divine and rational knowledge which is within thee, to these
irrational beings, the whole of which is perishable? Will then, neither the irrational
nature of the animals, nor this common name irrational, nor (yet) the openly apparent
useful servitude, under which these have never sought excuse from the bearing of burdens
or of labour, suffice to persuade thee, (that all is thus) because God has given to thee
the dominion and sovereignty over them all47? 48.

45 Man alone therefore, of those that are on the earth,----he who is in the image of God,
carries on and introduces (his matters) wherever he pleases: at one time, he trains the
animals that are suited to the chace; at another, he pastures the flocks that are adapted
to this: at another, he avails himself of the tame animals for (his) service; reducing
(their) fierce nature to peaceable subjection: at another, having so reduced them, he
brings them into peaceable proximity with himself: at another, having brought them
together by the multifarious means of reason, be confines them to the house. And not
(this) alone, but he will also take into his hands the injurious reptiles, and play with
them: and of those that breathe out death, and reject instruction, will he make his sport.
49. Man alone, of those that are on the earth, is not to be persuaded to take up his
residence in the caves that are in the deserts, or in the heights. He accordingly builds
cities with walls, and adorns (these) with streets, palaces, mansions, and other edifices.
50. Man alone, of those that are on the earth, considers not of (his) provision after the
unchangeable manner and |43 usages of the irrational animals. For these, destitute (as
they are) of knowledge, avail themselves of the aid of nature alone, and receive their
provision from the stem, unprepared by agriculture, and uncleansed from the weed. He
however, by his knowledge cleanses (this);

46 thus too does he pulverize, fully season, and make it well to pass the fire. Of the
wheat also he will, whenever he pleases, make bread. He is moreover, careful so to
provide, that a healthy provision of food may be secured. And every profitable commodity,
either of the vine, the olive, or of the fruit tree of every flavour, does he appropriate;
and these does he alone apply to the sanative uses of the body. 51. This (being) alone, of
those that are on the earth, has, by means of rule and reason, discovered that mode of
life which is regular and orderly:----has become a leader of armies; has engaged in the
public conflicts, and in the subsidiary arts: and these very many (things), pertaining to
doctrine, has he, by his rational superiority, put forth. 52. This (being) alone, of those
that are on the earth, preserving (in himself) the model of excellence, has determined the
measure, the weights, the extents, and several sorts, of justice. He too, distinguishes,
----governing (all) by reason,----the things which should, and should not, be done: and
(hence) he knows, how to give to every one, as it shall be right. The fishes however, the
birds, and the animals, will devour one another: because no law (prevails) among them. But
to men has (God) given justice, which is their supreme excellence, as says one of the
poets48, (and) according to my opinion, extremely well. |44 53.

47 This (being) alone, of those that are on the earth, evincing within himself the image
of THE WORD OF GOD, erects on high a house of judgment; and, acting after the manner of
God's just Judge49, duly determines (the award) of life and of death; apportioning life to
some, and assigning death to others. 54. This (being) alone, of those that are on the
earth, will confide his life to the small section of a tree50. He has also discovered the
science of ship-building. He too will guide the ship on the back of the sea; will commit
his person to the depths of the humid element, and beat back the death that stands at his
side. He (alone) looks up to the heavens, and to that Governour of all, who binds together
all distances, as to the safety of those who navigate (the seas). 55. Man alone, of those
that are on the earth, has discovered the doctrines of astronomy: has, while moving below
in the body, and clothed with the weight of mortality, ascended up in his mind on high;
and, making the circuit of the sun, the moon, and the stars, foretells1 what shall come to
pass, as he also does the eclipses of the moon, the vicissitudes of the seasons, and the
changes of times. |45 56. Man alone, of those that are on the earth, is viewed (as) the
assistant of nature; has discovered the means of healing;

48 and has, by his understanding, applied (to this) the powers of roots, and of drugs,
with their combination and mixture by weight and due proportion. He too has become skilful
in the healing of infirm bodies, and the helps of the life of man. 57. This (being) alone,
of those that are on the earth, not having arrived at the manner of life of the
graminivorous (animals), has well applied (himself) to (the requirements of his own)
nature. In the winter season he accordingly casts the seed into the earth; and, applying
the sweat of his labour to agriculture, is repaid in the autumn with the fruits consequent
upon his toil. 58. This (being) alone, of those that are on the earth, collects together,
by (his) rational knowledge, the doctrines relating to all (things); the science and
composition of music, as well as (that of) investigation by discussion. He also proceeds
on to the manner of life, and to the fame attendant on philosophy; and (thus) he hastens
forward the love of that superiority, which is vested within him: availing himself, not of
the bodily sense, but of the faculty of knowledge, and of the stimulating power of reason.
59. Man alone, of those that are on the earth, bears about him, by means of his memory,
the histories of things done in former times; converses with those who are (now) no more,
as with those who are at hand: examines the opinions of the wise who have existed at any
period;

49 and from these, rather than from those who are his contemporaries, does he receive
profit. And (thus) by the faculty of reason,----cognate with that of thought,----does he
exist with those who have long ceased to be. 60. This (being) alone, of those that are on
the earth, duly regulates the voice of the chant, by the divisions |46 of the chord. He
also has divided the primary letters (of the alphabet) by the grammatical art, and has
discovered the powers and province of reason. He too, has determined the combination of
verbs and of nouns, as well as the precepts of rhetoric and grammar. All these moreover,
does he bring together, preserve in his memory, and bring forward, as stores filled with
every sort of treasure. In one mind too, does he comprehend both the events and histories
of former times; and these will he bring forth whenever he pleases, as a river from an
unfailing source, and inundate (therewith) the hearing of all present. 61. Man alone, of
those that are on the earth, is, in his works, like unto God who is over all. Any thing
which he pleases will he form into animals; even this inanimate matter will he change into
the form, figure, and fashion, of every sort of creature. By means of this instructive
nature, (and) the reasoning faculty, will he set about emulating (even) the Maker of all
things; and man will make man, at one time in stone; at another, in wood; at another, in
flowers of (many) colours;

50 as well as in the forms that are impervious to change: and (indeed) every sort of
animal and of plant, will he, by the same means, imitate: shewing forth fully, by his
works, the power (vested within him) of the image of God. 62. This (being) alone, of those
that are on the earth, will imitate on the earth whereon he walks, the celestial sphere,
and will engrave on the matter of brass the likeness of the very heavens, and on this will
he impress a copy of the stars, both wandering and fixed. He will also appoint, by the
modeller's art, the limits both of times and of seasons; and will surround the exterior
(of his sphere) with the images of (various) animals. By the abundance of (his) knowledge
moreover, and the means of (many) observations, will he imitate the heavenly sphere; and,
----like God,----will allow the heavens whose revolutions |47 are above the earth, and
with the universal whole,---- and whose revolving is an unceasing miracle,----to revolve
with the things that are on the earth, (in) the similitude which is of earthly material.
The angel of the seasons too, will shout (as it were) with a loud voice, and all, at once
and in a moment, are in motion; the doors, too, at the coming in of the seasons51, throw
themselves open (as it were) of their own accord, and the inanimate images of the birds,
placed round about it (the sphere), speak out in chirpings52.

51 The moon also which is on the earth, runs its course with that in the heavens; and the
(mere) brass of itself, changes its fashions, after the manner of the moon; shewing itself
now dichotomized, now on the wane, and now in its full light. Thus the images of the
seasons follow the analogy of those in nature, and the human-made world contends with
(that of) the workmanship of THE WORD OF GOD! 63. Man alone, of those that are on the
earth, can, by means of words not to be uttered, of prayers acceptable to God, and by
virtue of the fear of God, (evinced) both in word and life, drive far away the invisible
nature of concealed demons53. But further, when he had even departed |48 from the right
way, he could effect all this by a power, such as would, by songs and incantations,
subject the kind of these which flies in the air; and, again, would seize, by means of
force, and the appetencies restrictive54 of nature, those unembodied powers which fly over
any part of the earth, just as they would the flying sparrows. He would lead on, or bind,
(these), whenever he chose: and, sitting upon the images of fabricated gods, would shew by
these his doings, that his own power was far superior to that of the fabricated deity of
such. 64.

52 Man alone shews of what kind the superiority of (his) intellectual and incorporeal
being is, and establishes (the fact) that (this) his power is impervious either to
subjugation or deterioration by calamity. For, he will prepare his body for the fire, the
sword, the fierce beasts, (and) the depths of the sea; and he will approach every species
of torment. He knows too, this his nature, that it is perishable and fleeting, transient
and dissoluble. But that which resides within, is unyielding; and, that this is different
from that which perishes, he proved who cried |49 out, "Bruise, bruise the form55; but me
thou wilt not bruise. And again another, proclaiming with freedom of speech: " Burn or
roast the body, and be satisfied with me when thou hast drunk my blackened blood; but,
before the stars descend to the earth, and the earth ascends to the heavens, I will
present to thee no one conciliating perturbed expression. One of the friends of God
moreover, when suffering evils, put forth these words: " What shall separate me from the
love of God? (shall) tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or hunger, |50 or
nakedness, or cold, or the sword 56? I myself too have seen, in these times, some whose
eyes were digged out; others, who were deprived of their legs by the cautery; and others
who were crucified; their whole bodies hastening to dissolution, and their mortal nature
subject to rebuke;

53 while the conscious mind residing within them, attached to God, was immoveable,
impervious to subjection, and unyielding to these hardships3; clearly proving to those of
sound minds, that their faculty of excellence was a thing altogether different from that
which was perishable. 65. This alone, of the animals that are on the earth, partaking of
the divine inbreathing57, is worthy of the favour57 of the Deity. He too, will hold
converse with the Angels of God, and will apprehend the foreknowledge of things to come to
pass; at one time, by means of dreams; at another, when so invested by the power of God
with the Spirit, that he will even enounce the prophecy of things future; and, by the
manifestation of deeds such as these, he will confirm (the fact of) his fellowship with
Deity. 66. This (animal) alone recognizes in every thing, something greater and more
excellent than any that is visible;----Him who is invisible to the eyes, and imperceptible
to the touch, as well as to every faculty of bodily sense; but is visible to the mind and
understanding alone. Him does he, by His (special) teaching, and the learning of which his
nature is capable, confess; and Him does he call God: to Him also does he render praise;
and shews, by means of this (his) knowledge, his relationship with the Deity. 67.

54 This (being) alone has arisen (to be) the spectator of the great works of THE WORD OF
GOD, and is |51 fitted to worship his Father----Him (I say) who is higher than the
heavens,----with the praises which are proper for the Deity; and to be assimilated to the
company of the Angels in heaven. Because to him alone, of the animals that are on the
earth, has this superiority been assigned. By means of this he recognizes, from the mind
of his nature, Him who is the cause of every good; and is enjoined to render, as the
return due to a Father, the praises of thanksgiving and blessing which are becoming. 68.
The testimonies to all these things, does that word of the doctrine and erudition which is
divine, confirm: (viz. that of this undying nature, and equal of the citizens that are in
heaven, is this (being) alone of those that are on the earth; this intelligent and
rational essence (I say) which is in man: and, that he is the dear child of THE DIVINE
WORD, the common Saviour of all; and that in his nature, he agrees both as to image and
form with (this) his Father. 69. For if this rational animal,----this, who has become
partaker in all this superiority; this, which alone of those that are on the earth, is in
the image of God;

55 this Brother of the divine hosts, and of the Angels, which are in heaven,----had been
duly led by his nature, and had from ancient time adhered to the divine law; he would
indeed have been freed from this earthly and corruptible (mode of) life4, and would have
continued in his conversation on earth, as in a state of migration. Had he first (of all)
studied divine things (only), he would indeed have effected his departure hence to those
things which belonged to him; and would have been registered (as) among those that were
perfect, apart from this his state of defect, and of infantine constitution. Thus
therefore has man, of necessity, put on a corruptible and dissoluble body, (and this)
through the mercy of his Father, that calamity may not be his permanent lot, and that he
may not be tied interminably to corruption. Soon therefore, shall this corruptible be |52
dissolved, and shall receive a participation with those who are incorruptible. For, just
as that which is conceived in the womb, puts on the clothing of its locality; and the
infant to be born, when the period of its destined months has arrived, casts this off, and
accordingly comes forth into the light, inhales the purer air, and henceforward is
considered as of the nature of man; so also is this perfectible species, (as) believed to
be among men, (and as) opposed to the (still) superior one,----a mere infant, and as yet a
foetus (only) conceived on earth,---- clothed in this corruptible skin;

56 which, by the mercy of the great gift of God, it is necessary it should cast off, in
order that it should not be for ever harassed with these defective things, but should, in
due time, go forth into the light, and pass on to the life, which is impervious to
corruption. On this account, well have the companies of the wise, the attached to God,
pressed (as) they have been by a participation in these corruptible bodies, desired their
change for the better, and followed after their equals, the children of their city which
is above, even as he was (circumstanced) who said in the divine word, "Wretched58 man that
I am! Who shall deliver me from this body of death? And again, "Even59 if we live in the
body, still we labour not in the flesh. He adduces his reason too, and says, "For our
labour (of culture) is in heaven60; and we61 draw near to the city of the living God which
is in heaven, and to the assembly of myriads of angels, and to the church of the firstborn
who are written in heaven.''----These are the words of a notable man, and of (all) those
who love God. 70. If however, many are so foolish as to be attached to the lusts that are
here, that they are to the present time but infants in intellect; What has this to do with
right reason?

57 For, that which is conceived in the womb, exults in this its usual locality, fears its
departure from it, and lest it should be extracted from internal |53 darkness, and weeps
when it comes forth to the light. Still even these, did but those things which happen to
their natural birth duly take place with them, would come forth from darkness to light,
well and elegantly born. Thus would they, at the due time and season, be brought forth,
(each) receive the natural air and breath, and bear about him the healthy vigour of man.
Thus would (each) be delighted with the provisions of the breast, and of infancy; then be
placed under the hands of a nurse, and be delivered over to instructors, teachers, and
doctors, until he came forth a man complete. Thus too would he pass a virtuous and
honourable life, great in wealth, in the abundance of possessions, in power, rule, and the
other stages (of distinction), in the increase of (all) those things which result from a
happy birth; of those which multiply by means of instruction, and of those other
innumerable things, which conduce to the experience of a happy life. 71. But, if any
unnatural contortion should happen to that which is conceived in the womb, so that it
affect such an one at his coming forth in birth; What need can there be for my saying,
that the infant was distorted within (the womb)? and refused to come forth to the light?

58 and that it must suffer,----by the iron instruments prepared for parturition, which
shall violently and painfully be placed upon it,----the revulsion which is also unnatural?
Nor would it be worthy even of the one birth,----even of the life of man,----or of the
things belonging to this: but, on the contrary, that it should go forth from darkness to
darkness, and not only be deprived of the life of man, but also of the name. 72. As are
these things, so is he who passes the life which is human on earth, differing in nothing
from the irrational and ignorant infant, or, from that |54 which is yet, but a foetus in
the womb. Nor can he be compared with those bodies which are without, the Angels and
Divine spirits. He is even (as) an ignorant child; and, because of the excess of his
childishness, he exults in the clothing of the body which is about him; loves the womb his
(place of concealment), and knows not the locality which surrounds him, where murder,
darkness, and (all) the other species of mishap, feed, as it were, in the pastures of
wickedness. One of the ancients says,----when shewing that the air, which is on the earth,
is humid and unclear,----that "it consists of many compounds, (resulting) from the
innumerable vapours which (arise) from the earth62. One would think too that (man were
such), although as an infant good.

59 Nevertheless, if he pass the present life as it is becoming to his nature, and evince
accordingly the conduct which is suitable to its law, " that he think not beyond the
measure of his stature," nor spurn the nature which has borne him as a mother; nor again,
remain ignorant of his Father, but recognize his Father who is in heaven, the common
Saviour of all, and render to him the service of thanksgiving, because he has made him to
partake in the things which are good;----be brought up in the instruction of
righteousness, and previously study in his conversation which is on the earth, the life of
heaven; well shall such an one, when he shall depart this mortal life, and shall put off
the body, have the Angels of God for his obstetricators;----when he is to be born to the
life to come, then shall both the good Powers receive him as the nurse, and the Divine
assemblies teach him; that WORD OF GOD too, that teacher of the conversation which is in
heaven, shall lead him on, as a dear child, to the completion of every thing that is good,
and shall instruct him in the doctrine of the kingdom of heaven. And, when He shall have
made him complete and wise, He shall give him up to His Father, the King of all:

60 and shall clothe him, both in body and soul which are (now) incorruptible, with a
vesture of light exceeding description. |55 So that henceforth, he shall be even for the
common advantage of all. Such is the last state of such an one.---- But he who exults
against the course of his nature, participates in the perversion which is not good, and
despises the earth, the mother that bore him; and again, impiously recognizes not THE WORD
OF GOD, the common Saviour of all, but subscribes to a multitude of fathers who have no
existence, instead of that one who is; and calls those gods which never had any being,
instead of that one who alone is true; and again, wholly plunges in pursuit of the things
of this moist, humid and corruptible being, into the filthy and lawless lusts; and this
not as the infant, involuntarily; but willingly, and of his free counsel, chooses to
himself these vices, and so acts; his latter state shall clearly be but the counterpart of
that pointed out by the example (above given). For no happy countenance, or smiling of
good Angels, shall greet him; nor, when he goes forth into light, shall the Divine Powers
receive him as fosterfathers.

61 On the contrary, endeavouring in his extreme state to escape egress, and to hide
himself within, in the concealment of the body and members:----when the dissolution of the
body draws near, and he would assume the perversion which is out of nature;----(then)
shall those who are appointed to this, forcibly attach themselves to him, and drag him
forth. Then too, after his departure hence,----his miserable soul being reduced to sighing
and lamentation,----shall he not have the light and life which is good, for his
receptacle; but, on the contrary, darkness and the place of corruption. The judgment of
God moreover, shall consign him (thus) impure and unclean, as filthy and abominable to the
purification63 and punishment which is by fire: because he would not be instructed by THE
WORD (or Reason), nor |56 adhere to the Divine law, when it was in his power to do so. 73.
He therefore, who, in the example (above) was, as an infant conceived in the womb, in
every thing so defective, and in every respect so destitute of power, that hitherto he
could make no use either of the thoughts of his soul, or the senses of his body;----that
mind, indeed, which is hitherto but (as) an infant in man;----may well be said, by way as
it were, of experimental comparison with those incorporeal and Divine rational (beings)
that are in heaven, to be altogether a child. Even, if (such) were the wisest of men, or
even more perfect than those that are on the earth;

62 still he would, when compared in himself, with his (future) perfect state, be nothing
better than an infant. For, what his state of excellence shall be when he arrives at
manhood, it will be easy thus to shew:---- For if, when hitherto (as) an infant, and
confined within this unyielding wall of earthly and corruptible being, he bears about him
such a faculty of excellence, that he knows, not only the things that are on earth, and
fabricates them by art, but also anticipates the life which is in heaven, |57 and becomes
like to God himself; makes too, whenever he pleases, likenesses of the things in the
heavens, and of those on the earth;----can do all these things, just as those which have
already been recounted64:----these (I say), when immersed (as he is) in all this refuse of
the body and blood; What then, ought we to suppose he will do, when he shall have
proceeded to the perfect measure of man's estate, and shall have been liberated from these
injurious bonds of corruption?----these humid and wasting properties of the body? and is
made a partaker of the life which is incorruptible, and of a body which is impervious to
death? For, if this seed alone of the reasoning faculty be thus all-able and powerful on
earth, when as yet it is incapable of rendering the full return (of fruit), but has even
been cast forth into the moist locality of the refuse of a corruptible body;

63 it shall henceforth be able (fully) to know, of what sort the return of perfect fruit
of this seed shall be as (sown) in the soul, when it shall have been made to partake of an
adequate culture; shall have been removed hence, and have been planted in a superior
locality, in land good and fertile; where that heavenly WORD, that Sower of all things,
and Planter of every good thing, shall receive (back) his own seed, and shall, in the
pastures of incorporeal and unembodied souls, as in the Paradise of them who love God,
Himself water his own plant, shall nourish it to perfection, and make it arrive at the
increase of goods innumerable. 74. You will perceive therefore, the greatness of the
complete state of man's superiority, from his changes and increments here, if you will
consider, that the infant just born is in no respect superior to the worm; that it cannot,
after the manner of the irrational animal, even make use of the bodily senses.
Nevertheless this defective, lame, infirm, and thoughtless being, will, when grown in his
stature, arrive at all this change and variation in the course of time, ---- will receive
all this superiority, power, and beauty both of body and soul,----so, that should those
who begat him see him, they could not distinguish whether this |58 were he, who was sown
(by them) in the womb, and conceived in darkness:----whether this were he, who came forth
out of (this) darkness, to be brought up with milk and the swaddling bands;

64 this,----who is now the man, who in wisdom and knowledge contemplates the whole
world;----this, who subjugates every thing that is on the earth. And should any one by
comparison, as it were, of the Divine faculty and of the Angels, and of the child just now
born, place the complete man in the midst; he would not find a perfect equality as to the
child, with respect to the perfect man; and of the perfect man, with respect to the
superior power; but, the inferiority of the person of the child to the man, to be much
greater, than is the inferiority of the man to the faculty of the Angels. For, the human
infant lately born, cannot be compared in its being even with those irrational animals,
which may just now be brought forth. But he, who has come out the perfect man, and is
contemplated as the friend of God, will henceforward become a partaker in the divine
Spirit, and will hold converse with the Angels: will arrive at a love and attachment to
the conversation which is in heaven, and will previously prepare himself by purity of
life, and the fear of God,----not (placed) at any great distance of limit,----for an
equality with the Angels, and will be made a partaker both of (their) life, and
superiority: which the Divine Word also shewed, when it said, "What65 is man that thou art
mindful of him? and the son of man that thou visitest him? Thou hast made him a little
lower than the Angels:

65 with honour and glory hast thou crowned him. is man that thou art mindful of him? and
the son of man that thou visitest him? Thou hast made him a little lower than the Angels:
with honour and glory hast thou crowned him." 75. If then the child, when brought up to
the (full) stature of his nature, and supplied with the provision and instruction proper
for it, receives all this change and variety;----and no one can disbelieve (this) his
change, on account of the openness of the experiment;---- Why need we wonder, if even this
perfectible mind which is in man, such as it is when still in |59 childhood, with respect
to its more complete and perfect growth, should, when it comes forth to the full growth of
its stature, be in dignity as the Angels? We do see however, that the nature of man
undergoes dissolution by death. But, What of this? Is it not that we are the more
convinced by it, that the soul is immortal? For if, when immersed in a corruptible and
mortal body, it evince all this force of superiority, which we have already shewn; How
shall it not, when it shall have separated itself from its participation in corruption,
and shall have laid down mortality as a bandage, then act in its own power, in a manner
less impeded than it now does? Do you not perceive, that so long as it entertains an
attachment to the body66, it thence acts basely?

66 But, if it refuse participation (with the body), it (then) subsists within itself. And
hence, is its essence clearly known to be incorporeal. For, How can that which is opposed
to the body, be of (its) nature? The thoughts too of the soul are healthy, so long as the
bodily passions are infirm, but the same will be dark and obscure when the body labours
under the lusts. Hence, so long as the soul is infatuated, its whole attachment will be to
the body; and, when attached to the body, it will be shorn of its excellence. When
however, it becomes strong in opposition to the body, and flies from tha lustful passions,
it (then) becomes wise; and, when it has become wise, it turns away its face from a
participation in mortality, and forthwith gives up itself to the knowledge which is pure,
and, in a small degree, withdraws itself from the stimulating nature of the body. When
moreover, it is powerful with respect to the riches which are its own, it (then) happily
becomes more abundantly enlightened, directed, and stirred up. Then too, will it partake
in knowledge, wisdom, and every sort of excellence, when it has ceased to countenance the
motions of the bodily passions. And, so long as it counts upon (this) |60 excellence, it
deigns not to draw near with the eyes of the body; nor will it act by any other of its
senses.

67 When moreover, it (thus) vigorously shuts itself up, carries itself within, and
withdraws to a distance from the things which affect the senses, and are visible; and
(when) near only to the body, still turns with the eye of the soul to another quarter, and
is itself united with itself; then again, will it avail itself of the mind that is
enlightened, and of the recollection which is pure; and will put forth, and nourish for
itself, the reason which is imperturbed: and (thus) will every reasoning power exert
itself without contrbul. But, should any of the things which are hurtful suddenly happen
to the body, so that a mote should injure the sight of the eyes67; immediately would the
sight of the soul be disturbed: and, should remissness be given to the body, and the soul
partake in the drunkenness, gluttony, lusts, and the rest of its pleasures; (thus) reduced
in itself to vice----the corruptible body too domineering over it like a wild and fierce
beast, and itself remaining below (as it were) in the depths,----will be filled with
error, folly, and every sort of infatuation. What necessity then is there, that we should
fear death, which is (only) the determination of the freedom of the soul from the body68?
And, for What (purpose) is the laying down of that which is faulty? Is it not for
receiving the aid of that, which is more excellent?

68 and, that we should confess the lives of those who loved God, then to be in truth, holy
and happy, when nothing of an adverse nature shall controul them? If then, while this
rational nature continues in this locality,----and resides in this vessel (as it were) on
the earth, clothed with a dense and earthly body, not unlike some earthen69 vessel, |61
(and) wholly compressed within this its vesture,----it be such that it will mount on high
in thought, will mortify the members of the body together with their lusts, by means of
patience, and the restraint of the desires; will be hastened, and hastening on, to the
life of those that are incorporeal; will separate and deliver itself at all times, by the
precepts of wisdom from an admixture with that which is vile; and will ever delight itself
beforehand (with the thoughts) that it shall soon submit to death:----if indeed (such) be,
at any time, released from the bonds and agitation of wing (common to) the cares and
anxieties that are here, and thus fly away in his departure, and change the place on
earth, and meet with that which he loved:---- how he will then be circumstanced, ask not.
For, when he shall receive his body, and shall have changed his nature from corruption to
incorruption; his shall be a conversation which is equal to that of the Angels in heaven:
in the semblance of light, and of the sun-beam, shall he be; and of the form, in which
even the Angels of God live;

69 and, as reason with probability holds, he shall partake at once in their superiority
and immortality70. 76. For, just as the form (assigned) to the seed which falls upon the
earth, is given for many: the WORD, which is called the seed, now secretly exerting itself
within the same seed, but silently after the manner of a spark confined within some dense
body;----and (as) this same seed, when it shall fall to the earth, and its dense clothing
which encircles |62 it from without shall dissolve through corruption;----then will it
shew itself to be lively (vigorous), put in motion the power that is vested within it, and
take of the material which is beneath it: then too will it begin to act, and assume its
lively (energetic) nature: its old dense clothing, which is without, will it also cast
off, and put on the new, which is greatly its superior;---- 77. So also is the nature of
the rational faculty, which is in man, (circumstanced), that it is now bound up in a
corruptible body, and of its own power acts but feebly.

70 But, should it be freed from the corruption which surrounds it, and receive (as a
possession) the locality which is in heaven, and henceforth be sown and planted (as it
were) in the society which (is far) beyond it, and be fitted for the clothing of heaven
and of the Angels;----of what sort it shall be, when it shall partake of the life that is
pure, and shall be freed from a participation in mortality, it is neither becoming in me,
nor necessary for me, to say: for this will be obvious to all who can see, from the
example (given). For the whole of the wheat (seed) is not subject to corruption: it is
only the part that is without which perishes, when it falls to the earth: while that
concealed WORD and living power which is within it, lives and remains; and the excellence
which is of this is such, that it will give forth vigorous corn-ears. Of plants too, the
same is the WORD (invigorating cause), and so it is with every sort of seed. And, Shall
man alone be wholly and in every thing subject to corruption, when released by death71?
And, Shall the clothing which is without, at once and together with that WORD which
resides within him, cede to corruption? And, as to the knowledge which is incorporeal,----
that which partakes in all these powers; that, which on account of its superiority, is
likened to God himself;----Shall it not be (considered) even as one of those seeds which
fall to the earth? or:

71 rather greatly (their) superior? for it is not the beard, nor yet the blade, but those
mature and fat corn-ears of his superiority, which he shall give forth. Then, when he
shall be taken away |63 from the corruption which is of the earth, and shall have been
delivered as from bonds, and shall not imprudently have bartered the conversation which is
in heaven, for that on the earth; and, when he shall be at the side of God; (then) shall
he in truth render as the Angels do, the fruits which are acceptable to God: those (I
say), the seed and power of which he possessed from ancient times in a mortal body, and
contained as it were in an oven72. 78. All these things having been said for the purpose
of shewing, that the essence which is in man is intelligent and rational; let us now
proceed in our discourse to those consequent upon them. Had man then, brought up as he is
in the conversation that is on earth, (but) known his own greatness, and continued careful
of the teaching which is of God; there could have no impediment happened to him, that when
taken hence, he should not delight himself in a conversation like that of the Angels, and
take part in the life which is in the kingdom of his Father who is in heaven.

72 But, because it is not one man, nor two, nor is the multitude small;----on the
contrary, it is the whole rational family on earth which has received the potwer to govern
self----(and) because his nature, which has received the seed of the kingdom from the
DIVINE WORD the King, is free; (nevertheless) he has not well availed himself of his
power; but has, by means of the subsidiary arts, laboured in all vain glory, |64 after
those other things, which impel men to the bodily desires, and are advantageous to life;
has become skilful in agriculture, in the building of ships, in merchandise, and in the
purchasing of possessions: nor (this) only, but he has also become great from every
quarter, in the abundant increase of the wealth which puts forth no zeal against any kind
of lust. All these things however, which conduce to the salvation of the soul, and to that
life of righteousness which is well-pleasing to God; all these, (I say,) has he
annihilated in his mind from their very roots; has disregarded his own excellency, and
that of the race of his brethren who are in heaven, and has honoured, through the freedom
of his will, those abominable bodily lusts, more than (this) his own greatness: of the
righteousness of his Father who is in heaven, and of His praise, he has also been
unmindful. These irrational itchings and delusions of childhood has he chosen:

73 these which the fools of childhood usually do, who fly from the instruction and careful
training of those who would enlarge their minds; extravagantly to honour the things which
are sweet for the present, but which corrupt at once both the body and soul; and to hunt
out for themselves the error and foolish knowledge of that voluptuousness, which is too
vain to be conceived. All mankind being then, thus (circumstanced), the Increment of
wickedness, that envious (being), the hater of every good, and deceiver as to every thing
lovely, in conjunction with the wicked Demons, became their waylayer: this same, in his
wicked zeal, prepared the nets, and snares, and riches,----the abundant means of every
sort (of sin,)----against the salvation of all; and so drove them down from above into the
depths of evil, that none on earth could see, but transgressed the law of their nature:
and (thus), the germ of wickedness, instead of the seed of excellence, sprung up within
them; and he that was more peaceful, more wise, and more rational, than all that were on
the earth, so fell into the last stage of brutality and irrationality, that one of those
beloved of God |65 wept over this overthrow of their fall, and cried out saying; "Man
understood not his own honour; but was given up to be as the brute73, and became
assimilated to it." 79. On these accounts therefore, a mighty Saviour, greater than any
son of man, was evidently needful to them.

74 And such is He who anxiously undertook to provide for all, THE WORD OF GOD: He who has,
like a good and loving Father, shewn by deeds His providential care over the rational
souls that are on the earth; and who hastened, in the mission of Himself, to the call, and
for the healing, of those who were thus fallen and perishing. The End of the First
Discussion (Book) of (Eusebius) of Caesarea. [Selected footnotes. Notes concerned only
with points of the Syriac have been omitted] 75 1. 2 "Cujus sententiae," says Lactantius,
de falsa religione, Lib. i. cap. ii., "auctor est Democritus, confirmator Epicurus, sed et
antea Protagoras, qui Deos in dubium vocavit; et postea Diagoras, qui exclusit," &c. These
are the Atheists, ἄθεοι, of the ancients, on whom some excellent remarks from Plato's xth
Book of Laws will be found quoted, Pref. Evang. Lib. xii. cap. 1. p. 621. Edit. 1628. ----
But more on this subject when we come to our second Book. It does not appear that this
exclusion took place, except at the celebration of the Lord's supper.

76 2. 1 This argument is also used by Athenagoras. Legat. pro Christ. p. 60. seq. and by
Theodoret in the place just cited. 3. 2 Alluding to Isai. xl. 12. Theodoret's comment on
the place is, [Greek]: "nihil enim otiosum, nihil redundans, in lucem productum est. The
Mohammedans----who borrowed most of their early notions from the Christians, (see my
Persian Controversies, p. 124. seq.),----tell us, moreover, that the mountains are placed
as studs on the earth, for the purpose of giving it stability, and of restraining one part
from moving off to another. See M. de Sacy's Notes on the Pandnamah of Attar, p, 35. sen.
Some beautiful remarks on this subject generally, will be found in Theophilus of Antioch,
addressed to Autolycus, near the beginning. Among our own writers, Paley, Tucker on the
Light of Nature, and the authors of the Bridgewater Treatises, will be read with interest.
4. 5 Not unlike this, our Author in his "Oratio de laudibus Constantini," cap. vii. p.
512. D. Edit. 1695: and particularly cap. xi. p. 524. A. seq. which is identical with it.
5. 6 It is common with our Author to consider Christ as the Maker of the World, and Father
of the intelligent creature man. 6. 1 Syr. [Syriac] which is an error, for [Syriac]. And
here I may inform the reader, that where I have supposed an error to exist in the Syriac
text, I have generally proposed its emendation in brackets thus []. 7. 2 See Orat. de
laudd. Constant, ib. p. 524. C. D.

77 from which our text slightly differs. 8. Imitated apparently by Theodoret,----Graec.
affect. curat. Edit. Gaisford, p. 183, &c.:----who, it may be remarked, is a very constant
imitator of our Author. 9. 4 The Greek text (I.e. of the Orat. de laudd. Constant, (p.
525. A. has no term corresponding to this. Syr. [Syriac]. 10. 1 Alluding to 1 Tim. vi. 16.
11. 2 Our Author argues in his tract against Marcellus, pp. 8, 9, that even before the
incarnation, Christ was a Mediator between God and the angels, and this he grounds on Gal.
iii. 19,----"ordained by angels in the hand of a Mediator. His words are: "[Greek] . He
has misunderstood the Scripture here. 12. 3 This sentence is not found in the Greek, Orat.
de laudd. Constant, ib. p. 525. B. See the note of Valesius on this place. It is, however,
in the Demonstr. Evang. Lib. iv. cap. vi. p. 155. 13. 6 Alluding to Job xxxvii. 7. See my
Translation and Notes. 14. 9 Alluding to Job xxxviii. 10. 15. 1 It is evident, from what
follows here, that the sea-water is meant: for, in no other case, can we suppose the water
spoken of to be changed into sweetness. Syr. [Syriac] This argument is also beautifully
and powerfully urged by Theodoret. Serm. de Provid. i. Tom. iv. p. 330. C. 16. 10 By this
is meant, that all is OF the Father as the great source of Divinity;

78 but is BY the Son as the Creator, Upholder, and Governour of all things. 17. 5 So
Didymus on the Holy Spirit, as preserved in the works of Jerome: " Bonus Dominus uoster
Jesus Christus ex bono Patre generatus est." 18. 2 This place may be adduced to shew how
literal our Syrian translator has endeavoured to be, and how very greatly he has distorted
the order of his Syriac, in order to suit it to that of his Greek original. The Syriac
stands thus: [Syriac]. Than which nothing can be more preposterous. The Greek is this:
[Greek] Which is not a bad specimen of Eusebius's want of simplicity. ---- This argument
is also given in the Demonst. Evang. Lib. iv. cap. v. p. 150. D. seq. 19. 5 Anaxagoras
imagined that the origin of all things consisted of similar parts. (Plutarch, p. 876. Vol.
ii. Edit. 1620.). His theory is manifestly taken from the Bible. He says, [Greek] All
things were (confused) together: but MIND divided and adorned them: i. e. the " Spirit" of
the Bible. Zeno too, according to Aristotle, argued thus, (cited at § 30. infra.) 20. 3 It
may perhaps be supposed that our author shews his Arian propensity here. But the same
might be said of Justin Martyr, and, indeed, of the Fathers generally, if this were
allowed. See Whitby on Eph. iv. 6. and the note on Book ii. sect. 3. below. 21. 1 There is
much reasoning of this sort in Aristotle's Tract on Xenophanes, Zeno, and Gorgias;

79 and which cannot but be read with interest here, particularly the part on Zeno. See
also Diog. Laert. Life of Plato near the end. This same argument is also urged by Lac-
tantius, Lib. i. cap. iii. A little lower down, cap. v., he shews how some of the greatest
poets and philosophers taught, that ONE supreme God formed and governed all things. Among
the poets, Orpheus, Virgil, Ovid, &c.: among the philosophers, Thales, Pythagoras,
Anaxagoras, Antisthenes, &c. See also Prep. Evan. Lib. ix. capp. ix.----xiii. Ib. Lib. in.
capp. ix. xii. xiii. &c. 22. 7 Alluding to Ps. xix. 4----6. 23. 2 Our Greek (Orat. de
laudd. Constant. leaves us here, and does not join us again till we come to Book 11. Sect.
3. 24. 3 Syr. [Syriac], a paraphrase for Theologian: a title very applicable to St John,
who spoke much of the 80 Λόγος τοῦ Θεοῦ. 25. 4 John i. 10. with the Peschito. 26. 6
Alluding to the reasoning of Plato, see Book ii. § 33. seq. 27. 7 See the Note to sect.
41. below. 28. 8 So also Aristotle, Lib. de Juventute et Senectute, cap. ii. "Necesse
autem est, ut anima vegetatrix in haben-tibus, actu simplex unaque sit, potentia multiplex
ac plures." 29. 2 Our Author knew how to accommodate his reasoning to the class of readers
whom he was addressing, who were the classical scholars of his day.----Homer's councils of
the Gods gave the first outline perhaps of the sketch given here: so Ovid---- Mac iter est
superis ad magni tecta Tonantis, Regalemque domum; Dextra laevaque Deorum Atria nobilium
valvis celebrantur apertis. Plebs habitant diversa locis: a fronte potentes Coelicolae,
clarique suos posuere Penates. Hic locus est; quem, si verbis audacia detur, Haud timeam
magni dixisse Palatia coeli. Metam. i. 1. 170. seq. The Stoics in like manner affirm, that
the world is a sort of city, consisting both of Gods and men: the Gods being the rulers,
men the subjects, &c. [Greek]. From the epitome of Arius Didymus. Prep. Evang. Lib. xv.
cap. xv. so also Philo, ib. Lib. xiii. cap. xviii. Ed. Viger. p. 704. making the heavenly
bodies, the sun, moon, &c. a sort of ministry to the whole. A passage similar to this is
also to be found in the Oration of our Author, "de laudibus Constantini," cap. i. near the
beginning. The most complete discussion on this subject is, perhaps, cap. vi.

81 of Aristotle's Liber de mundo. See also Plato's heavenly earth. Prep. Evang. Lib. xi.
cap. xxxvii. 30. 3 This passage has been introduced into the Oratio de laudd. Constant.
cap. i. p. 409. C. D. And, as it is extraordinary, and not very clear, I give both the
Syriac and Greek of it: [Syriac, Greek] Matt, xxvii. 51. &c. The place is apparently an
imitation of Job xxvi. 9. Sec my Translation and Notes, and the Greek of the LXX. 31. 2
Much to the same effect though not so full, Clemens Alexand. Strom. Lib. vii. p. 704. who
compares the all-pervading power of Christ to that of a magnet acting upon a series of
iron rings, and affecting at once both the least and the greatest. 32. 3 The Syriac is
ambiguous here [Syriac] , which may mean, either as given in the text, or, as being made
by its Father, who is the Word of God: ascribing the creation of all, as is frequently the
case in this work, to Christ. I think the former, however, more likely to be the true
meaning. 33. 1 To the same effect, our Author in his work against Marcellus, Lib. i. cap.
i. p. 4. C. seq. 34. 2 Col. i. 15. 35. 3 Syr. lit. who have assimilated to themselves the
Image of fraudulent rule. [Syriac], which is only a peculiar way of making the comparison:
the Person meant is Satan, as opposed to Christ. 36. 4 The Syriac is peculiar here, and
stands thus: [Syriac]:

82 a practice common to many of the early heretics. 37. 6 Alluding to Rom. i. 25. 38. 1
Cited from the cxlviiith Psalm, with a few variations from the text of the Peschito. 39. 1
Syr. [Syriac], lit. In the Stadia: i. e. places appointed for racing. The aether has been
usually supposed to constitute that portion of the upper regions which approximates to
that of the fixed stars: by some it has been thought to consist of fire, by others of a
very subtile fluid. Aristotle's opinion may perhaps, be taken here as the most
authoritative. He says, then, (Lib. de Mundo, cap. ii.), [Greek] "Coeli porro siderumque
substantiam appellamus setherem: non quidem ideo quod ignita flagret ipsa, ut aliqui
censuerunt, plurimum utique aberrantes circa potentiam illam maxime ab ignea natura
abhorrentem: origine vero hujus vocabuli inde ducta, quod semper aether currat motu
circumductili: cum sit illud elementum a quatuor illis diversum: tum divinum, tum
interitus expers." 40. 1 Gen. i. 27, 1 Cor. xi. 7. The argument shewing that revealed
religion is much more ancient than the vanities of idolatry is admirably prosecuted in the
Prep. Evang. Lib. x. cap. iv. Clemens Alexand. Strom. Lib. I. p. 302. A. seq. 41. 3 Syr.
[Syriac], lit, in the doctrine of their mind:

83 which, as it is intended to be opposed to image worship, seems to me to imply doctrine
mentally received and applied. 42. 1 This expression will be understood, when it is
considered that the ancients supposed the heavens to consist of sphere upon sphere,
encircling each other, like the coats of an onion. 43. 3 " Shares with his lord the
pleasure and the rifle."----POPE. This argument is similarly urged by Plutarch, (De
Fortuna,) p. 98. Edit. 1620. [Greek, Latin] 44. 1 Ps. viii. 5. varying in some respects
from the text of the Peschito. 45. 3 Gen. ii. 7. 46. 2 Syr. [Syriac]. Similar, though not
identical, sentiments will be found in extracts given by Clemens Alexand. Strom. Lib. v.
p. 492. Edit. 1029; by Theodoret, Gr. Affect, curat. Serm, i. p. 477. Edit. 1642. Ib.
Edit. Gaisford, p. 193. The nearest is, perhaps, to be found in a Fragment of Menander
preserved by Plutarch, (De consolat. ad Apoll. p. 103. Edit. 1620.) ..... "ἀσθενέστατον
γὰρ ὂν ( ζῷον )

84 Φύσει." ......"cum sit infirmissimum (animal) Natura. Another not unlike it is (ib. p.
104) cited from Homer: " Οὺδὲν ἀκιδνότερον γαῖα τρέφει ἀνθρωπόιο . " Nil homine in terris
infirmius aetheris aura vescitur." 47. 1 Matter, in some respects similar to this, will be
found in the Orat. de laudd. Constant. Cap. v. p. 509. B. seq. and Prep. Evang. Lib. xi.
cap. xxviii. p. 556. seq. 48. 3 There is a passage in Plutarch very nearly allied to this,
who probably has in view the same poet (Pindar), it is as follows: [Greek] "Medicinam enim
animae, quse Justitia cognominatur, omnium esse artium maximam, praeter sexcentos alios
etiam Pindarus testatur, principem et dominum omnium deum appellans Aristotechnam, id est,
artificum praestantissimum: quippe justitise administratorem, quae jus habet determinandi
quando, quomodo, et quatenus quilibet malorum sit puniendus. It is not improbable, I
think, that our author had this place in his eye when he wrote the above paragraph.
Clemens Alexand. also cites the place in Pindar, Strom. Lib. v. p. 598. B. but in a
different sense. Plutarch, de his qui sero, &c. ib. p. 550. A. 49. 1 That is, considering
Christ as appointed the final Judge of all, man here acts like him. 50. 2 i. e. the
section of a tree formed into a boat, as was much the case in former times. See the Prep.
Evang. Lib. i. cap. x. p. 35. A. 51. 2 Syr. [Syriac]. lit.

85 hours, a literal translation, in all probability, of the Greek w[rai, signifying
seasons. 52. 3 One would think from this, that the ancient Astrolabes were furnished with
an apparatus for the purpose of exhibiting animated nature, while they presented the
places and groups of the stars; not unlike, perhaps, our modern Orreries, supposing them
accompanied by a sort of cuckoo-clock. Lactantius thus describes the sphere of Archimedes,
Lib. n. cap. v. p. 115. Ed. 1698. "An Archimedes siculus concave sere similitudinem mundi
ac figuram potuit machinari, in quo ita solem, ac lunam composuit, ut inaequales motus et
coelestibus similes, conversionibus singulis quasi diebus efficerent: et non modo accessus
solis, ct recessus, vel incrementa, diminutionesque lunae, vel etiam stellarum, vel
inerrantium vel vagarum, dispares cursus, orbis ille dum vertitur exhiberet," &c.
According to the Greeks the sphere was invented by Anaximander: Diog. Laert. in the life
of this philosopher. 53. 4 So Porphyry, Prep. Evang. Lib. iv. cap. xxii. [Greek]
"Qui...nec oculis, nec alio quovis humano sensu attingi omnino possunt. Eusebius, perhaps,
first alludes here to the practice of Exorcism, as had recourse to in the primitive
Church: see Suiceri Thesaurus, sub voce, Εξορκισμός --There was moreover, a very general
belief that a sort of magic virtue consisted in the pronunciation of certain words. Origen
(contra Cels. Lib. v. pp. 261----2) tells us that any name, or word, having effect in
incantations, if changed or translated into any other language, immediately lost its whole
magical efficacy. His instances are, The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob:

86 the names Israel, Adonai, Sabaoth, &c. Nor does he restrict these usages to the
professors of the true religion. See also ib. p. 374, and Spencer's very curious note on
pp. 17. C. 41: notes, p. 16----19, where we have every thing we can require on this
subject. 54. 1 This is perhaps, an instance of hypallage, as occasionally met with in the
Scriptures (see the note to §. 57 above. So Rom. vii. 24. [Greek] Syr. [Syriac]. Here, the
[Syriac], by the desires of the bonds (the lusts) of nature. Our author probably means,
(by hypallage) the mortifications to which persons of this sort usually submitted, just as
it is the case with the devotees of Hindustan at this day; all of whom generally hold,
that they have power over demoniacal agents. A belief however, in these things as
expressed here, must be classed among those, which more enlightened times have very
properly rejected. Our author might, however, have intended this as a sort of argumentum
ad hominem, it being religiously held by the heathen of his times, as may be seen Prep.
Evang. Lib. iv. C. xxii. seq. Where (p. 173. D. he tells us that in this ease he used not
the testimony of Christians, but of the heathen Philosophers themselves, [Greek]. See ib.
cap. xxiii. on the means used for expelling and opposing these Demons, from Porphyry. See
also Sect. 12. Book ii. below. 55. 2 According to Celsus (Origen contra Cels. Lib. vii.

87 p. 367,) Anaxarchus was thrown into a mortar, and, when beaten there, uttered these
remarkable words. The tyrant who reduced him to this, was Aristocreon of Cyprus (ib. p.
368.). Epictetus is here also celebrated for a similar act of fortitude. This account,
moreover, of Anaxarchus will be found at length in Diogenes Laertius, under his life. 56.
1 Rom. viii. 35. differing considerably from the text of the Peschito and Philoxenian
Versions. 57. 3 See §. 47, above. 58. 1 Rom. vii. 24, as in the Peschito. 59. 2 2 Cor. x.
3, differing considerably from the Peschito. 60. 3 Phil. iii. 20, as before. 61. 4 Heb.
xii. 22, cited from memory, apparently. 62. 1 Several passages similar to this, though not
identical with it, are to be found in Plutarch, and other writers. 63. 2 The views of some
of the Fathers on this subject were extremely dark and perplexed, out of which evidently
grew the Purgatory of the Roman Catholics. How far our author partook of this, I have not
been able to ascertain. Origen tells us in his 24th Hom, on Luke, that, as John baptized
with water, so shall Christ baptize in a river of fire all who shall pass to Paradise; but
here, the baptism by water must first have taken place. In this case all must submit to
this second purifying baptism. Again, near the end of his 8th book of ex planations of the
Epist.

88 to the Romans, he says, that he who spurns the purifications of the Word of God, and of
the Gospel-teaching, will reserve himself to the sad and penal purifications of the fire
of hell: in conformity with the Scripture, "I will purify thee with fire even to
purification. (Is. i. 25. Sept. He goes on to tell us, that, how long this purifying by
fire with sinners shall continue, He only, to whom the Father hath delivered all judgment,
can know: evidently inclining to the notion that it is not eternal. This is however,
according to him, one of those things which the Apostle considered as a mystery, and to be
held as such by the faithful, secretly within themselves: and, for this he cites
"Mysterium Regis (ut ait Scriptura) celare bonum est. (Prov. xxv. 2?). But, who does not
see that all this is a miserable perversion of Scripture? See Spencer's Notes on Origen
contra Cels. pp. 47-50: it. p. 77. The Bishop of Lincoln's Eccl. Hist, illustrated from
Tertullian, p. 342. seq. Camb. 1826. Out of this also grew the Mohammedan purgatory,
styled [Arabic]. Elaraf. They have also a Bason (pond), styled [Arabic] out of which all
the faithful are to drink before they enter Paradise. Our author however, does speak also
of earthly plagues sent as purifiers. See Book ii. §. 80, below: and so does Origen contra
Cels. Lib. iv. p. 173, where Plato is cited as using similar phraseology. 64. 1 See §. 62,
seq. above. 65. 1 Ps.

89 viii. 5, 6, differing slightly from the Peschito. 66. 2 Similar reasoning will be found
in the Phaedo of Plato, Edit. Lond. p. 170; and in Plutarch de consolat. ad Apollonium.
(p. 107. seq. Edit. 1620) beginning with, [Greek] 67. 1 Alluding to Matt. vii. 3, 4, 5:
and meaning apparently that, should light be impeded by any means from passing through the
natural inlets to the soul, so far must the soul remain unenlightened, and in intellectual
darkness. 68. 2 Plato's [Greek] Phaedo. Edit. Lond. p. 183. And so a Poet cited by
Plutarch, (de consolat. ad. Apoll. 108. E. [Greek] 69. 3 Alluding to 2 Cor. iv. 7. 70. 4
Much to the same effect Plato, Phaedo. Edit. Lond. p. 178. seq. So also Clemens Alexand.
(Strom. Lib. v. p. 740.)... [Greek] ... "Quinetiam precatur cum Angelis, ut qui jam sit
etiam aequalis Angelis, neque est unquam extra sanctam custodiam, et licet oret solus,
habet chorum Angelorum una assistentem." 71. 1 It was one of the errors of Tatian, that he
believed the soul partook of the matter of the body: Orat. contra Graecos, p. 169. B. seq.
Edit. 72. 2 Syr. [Syriac]. Ovens in the East are not unlike large stone jars, as may be
seen in Mr. Taylor's Fragments to his Edition of Calmet's Dictionary, No. cix. Plate 38.
fig. 5. Edit. 1838.

90 The allusion, made to the spark of fire, in the last section, is perhaps intended to be
kept up here, with the notion of a silent process going on, as in baking any thing in an
oven. 73. 2 Ps. xlix. 21. according to the Peschito, except that we have [Syriac] instead
of [Syriac]: but differing slightly from the Septuagint, as it also does from the sense of
the Hebrew.


THEOPHANIA
==========

THEOPHANIA continued

BOOK 2

BOOK II. THE SECOND BOOK AGAINST THE PHILOSOPHERS. 1. THE human race, O my friends, stood
(thus) in need of God the Saviour : and God alone was the helper, who, could give
abundance to those who had suffered loss, and life to them who had become subject to
death. The advent therefore of God, and the divine manifestation of the common Saviour of
all;----of him who arose (as the sun) upon mankind was necessary, because all that was
upon the earth, had, through the insanity (inculcating) a plurality of gods, and the envy
and solicitation of demons, become corrupted to the last stage of vice, and (immersed) in
the depth of ungodly error. 2. But again, that the cause of the Divine manifestation of
the common Saviour of all among men, might the better be known, let us first of all speak
on the great fall of the human race, on their lawless wickedness and iniquity : and then
let us pass on to the hidden mysteries of the doctrine of this divine Revelation.

3. For, it was not as some disease which (lay) on man, and was mighty as opposed to every
other; but it was, that the evil Demon so led, and ruled over, the whole human race, like
a pestilence that is mortal, (and) far surpassing every thing that is (generally) evil and
hateful, that he drove him who was more peaceful than any other being, to the last stage
of brutality; and him who was rational, to that of being the most irrational of all. Hence
it was that men, in the blindness of their souls, recognized not the God who is over all;
The Cause and Maker of all; The Reverend Name of that nature of the ONLY (Begotten) which
had no beginning, Him who was before all, THE WORD OF GOD; The Father of the essence which
is intelligent and rational; Him who rules both in heaven and earth ; Him who is at all
times present to this world, and is in it, and is the (efficient) Cause of every good to
all; That providential care ; That Saviour; That Upholder; That Giver of rain, and
Dispenser of light, and Prince of life; That Creator of this whole (they recognised not, I
say), but gave that Reverend Name to the Sun, the Moon, the very Heavens, and the stars;
nor did they confine themselves to these,----

4. But also, to matter warm and cold, wet and dry, to the very waters, the earth, the air
and fire;----things which we perceive with our eyes, have neither soul nor reason ;----and
to the rest of the (constituent) portions of the world, they likewise gave the names of
Neptune, Vulcan, Jupiter, Juno, and of others, and honoured them with the title of god:
nor did they confine themselves to these,---- 5. But, they also made Gods of the earthy
nature of the fruits of the earth, and of the provisions intended for the bodies of every
kind (of animal, and named them) Ceres, Proserpine, Bacchus : and, of other things allied
to these, they made Idols: nor did they confine themselves to these,---- 6. But, they
hesitated not to call the cogitative faculty of their minds, and their reason, which is
the interpreter of of these, also Gods. Their faculty of thought they named Minerva, and
their speech Mercury. The powers inventive of moral doctrines, they called Memory, and the
Muses : nor did they confine themselves to these things,----

7. But, increasing in manifold impiety and the excess of wickedness, they made themselves
Gods of their own passions; which it was becoming they should have put away, and have
cured by the effort of pure reason :----of their lust, their baser infirmities and
passions; of their grosser members also fitted for corrupt acts, and of the different
parts of the body. And again , the appetency to the intemperate lusts, they named Cupid,
Priapus, Venus, and other things allied to these: nor did they confine themselves to
these,---- 8. But, they also prostrated themselves to that which was born of the human
body, and to the life which is subject to death; they made men into Gods; and published of
these, after undergoing a common mortality, that they were Gods and Demigods; imagining
that the divine and immortal essence moved about the sides of graves, and among the
monuments of the dead: nor did they confine themselves to these things,----

9. But, they also honoured with the Reverend name, every species of irrational animal, and
noxious reptile! nor did they confine themselves to these ",---- 10. But, they also cut
down trees, and hewed the rocks: the metals too of the earth, brass, iron, and other
matter, they sought out, and formed into the appearances of women, forms of men, and into
the likenesses of wild beasts, and of reptiles; and to these again they gave the name of
Gods! nor did they confine themselves to these,---- 11. But, they also ministered, by
means of libations and the fumes of sacrifices, to the evil demons which had insinuated
themselves into these same images, which had been set up in the innermost recesses of
darkness; and to them they gave the name of Gods! nor did they confine themselves to
these,---- 12. But, they also drew over to themselves, by means of the ties of those who
used abominable incantations, by songs and other forcible and lawless enchantments, tho se
invisible Demons and Powers which fly in the air: and again, they availed themselves of
these, as abettors of the error of the deities, which they had (so) fabricated. And thus
did they set up mortal men, as the Gods of Others. For the Greeks honoured Bacchus,
Hercules, Aesculapius, Apollo, and other men, with the names of Gods and Demigods ; while
the Egyptians imagined of Horus, Isis, Osiris, and again of other men such as these, that
they were Gods. Nor did their wise men, who are boasted of for their excessive wisdom, and
the invention of Geometry, Astrology, and Arithmetic, know or understand how to weigh or
to discriminate in their minds, between the distinguishing measure of the Divine power,
and that of irrational mortal nature. On this account, they hesitated not to give the name
of Gods, to every frightful image of the animals ; to every sort of untamed beast, and
reptile; and to the fiercest animals. The Phoenicians too, named Malkuthrudun, Ousurun,
and other mortal men more contemptible than these, Gods ; while the Arabians did the same
to Dusarin, and Oubadon; the Getas (Goths), to Zalmacusin : the Cilicians, to Mopsus ; the
Thebans, to Amphiaraus. And with others, again, others,----who differed in no respect from
mortals, but were in truth men only,----they also honoured with the name of Gods.

13. The whole of the Egyptians, therefore, at once with the Phoenicians and the Greeks,
(thus) availed themselves, contrary to humanity, of every mortal species,----even as the
rising of the sun illuminates (all) the portions of the universe,----of the very elements,
of the fruits which grow out of the earth, even of their own passions; and again, even of
the madness of demons, and (other) delusions; and before these, of mortal men! Nor did
they set up, during their lifetimes, the doctrine which is excellent; nor did they point
out to men, the instruction which attends purity of life; nor did they shew forth the
requirements of (true) philosophy, or discover the practices favourable (to this) : nor
did they leave behind themselves any disciples of their superiority, or deliver either
precepts or writings conducing to happiness of life. On the contrary, they busied
themselves with women, and the baser lusts ; and, as it happened,----I know not by what
error of the participation in the deeds of Demons,----they named (these) Gods and
Demigods, and honoured (them) with sacrifices, and services (connected) with the error of
enchanters! They also built Fanes and Temples (to these) both in the cities and villages:
but Him who alone is beyond the universe, THE WORD OF GOD in verity, the King of all, and
Maker of all, they set at nought! These same multiplied all this, in the madness and
corruption of (their) mind, to such an extent, that they forthwith called any men, with
whom they happened to meet, Gods;

and immediately attached themselves to these same passions of mortals! And to these did
they ascribe lawless adulteries, abominable deeds, and perverse lives and deaths. Nor did
these things come from others, so that they could say these were their calumniators; but
they themselves are the witnesses of these things, confessing the error, the sorrows, the
deaths; and prior to these, the adulteries, the corruptions, of men (with men), and the
rapes of women. Nevertheless, they filled all their cities, villages, and (other) places,
with the Fanes, Images, and Temples (of these)! 14. Nor was it this only, but also, from
the speeches which they made about their Gods, they received every provision for the life
which was lawless and base; and, in the first place, corrupted by every sort of
abomination, at once both their souls and bodies. And, that such were the things which
they did, when assimilating themselves to their Deities, we can readily shew from this,
that the Phoenicians our neighbours, as we ourselves have seen, are busied with these
things, even now, in Baalbeck; the ancient injurious excesses and corrupting paths of
vice, being persevered in there, even to this time; so, that the women there enter not
into the bands of lawful marriage, until they have been first corrupted in a way contrary
to law, and have been made to partake in the lawless services of the mysteries of Venus.
Now indeed, this city alone remains in this sickly state of folly, by way of proof of
these ancient vices; when, from ancient times, many thus suffered while the disease
inflicted by Demons had more abundant hold.

15. Nor was it this only, but also, the very men who rejected the gods mentioned (above),
preached up, by means of hymns, elegies, sacrifices, mysteries, books, and votive
offerings to Idols, that Father and Leader of all the Gods, who was overcome by bodily
lust, and fell in love with Ganymede: and, as it were in emulation of their Gods, they
transgressed the bounds of nature, and remained in this excess, at a distance not to be
described, or (received) as real into the hearing. They fearlessly abused each other, as
the Divine declarations affirm : "Man with man working that which was shameful, and
receiving in themselves the return of reward, which was due to their error''. 16. Nor was
it this alone, but they also subverted the common mind of all, placing under an irrational
Fate, and natural necessity, the constitution and essence of every thing. They led too,
the lives of beasts, even the life which was no life. Nor did they enquire into the
essence of the soul, or think on the righteous judgments of God. The victory attendant on
virtue, they never called to mind, nor again, the punishment due to a wicked life.

17. Nor was it this alone, but they also ran as herds into the midst of the theatres, old
and young together ; mothers with their sons and daughters; and, conformably with the
doings (there), they contracted every base and intemperate disposition. Men and women too,
being (thus) congregated together, became at once filled with intoxication (as it were)
and lasciviousness! How then, could they do that which was good, when they stored not
their hearing by listening to words that were pure, inculcating the fear of God? and
applied not their eyes for the advantage of their souls? but (the hearing), to the
instruction of sentiments that were base; and the sight, to the representation of every
(sort) of lascivious-ness? For, things such as these, were those which (were presented) to
the sight; (and), on which whole multitudes so fixed their attention, that in them (was
evinced) the maddened excitement of the stallion, the vile pleasure (felt) over those
devoured by wild beasts; (the excitement) of grains of corn parched (by the fire); (or
over) those killed in the lion-hunt; but not (any feeling) belonging to human beings! And
again, the impudent laugh (set up) at the vilest things; the intense and foolish desire
excited by the music; the lascivious shows personating women; and the loud uproar set up
at the songs! For these, indeed, and such like things, were immense multitudes of the
ignorant inhabitants brought together, with those who were their Princes, their Generals,
and their Governours, and became saturated (as it were) with the corruptions which debase
the soul.

18. Nor was it this only, but they also built seminaries of the precepts of ungodliness
both among the (country) people, and in the cities. Instead of the precepts of
righteousness, and those which were advantageous to the world ; and, instead of the
doctrine which was pure, and the love of God; they received into the memory,----through
the impious babblings of the poets, in which there were corrupt recitations, and stories
about their male and female deities,----passions filled with every thing shameful, as well
as hard sufferings, differing in nothing from (those of) mortal nature; (I say), through
the instruction and study of the lying writings of the Dramatists, both tragic and comic,
these things, corrupting and injurious (as they were) of life, they first sowed in their
own souls, and afterwards in those of the young. And accordingly, (through) the iniquity,
which was the first and last of every other,----which was, at once and entirely, that of
all men, of Princes and Subjects, of the Sovereigns of nations, of Lawgivers, of Armies,
of the Inhabitants both of villages and cities, among both Greeks and Barbarians;----the
praise which was due, and was suitable to Him alone who is King of all, they perversely
gave to that which was adverse (to Him), and called the demons that had corrupted them,
(their) Gods! They sang hymns moreover, to earthly and wicked spirits, to the inanimate
elements, and to the sensible portions of the universe!

And (thus), the companies of the rational animals which were on the earth, rendered not
the praise of the officiating priest; nor, with their brethren who are in heaven, the holy
Angels and Divine Spirits,---- those who praise the King of all,----did they render
praise, the praise (I say) which is proper for such : but, on the contrary, they sang,
both in their feasts and festivals, that which was foreign to propriety, and was
unsuitable, to those seducing Spirits which had led the world astray! To them, too they
gave the honour of worship; insomuch, that henceforth, the whole element of the earth,
uniformly with all nations throughout the whole of creation, became nothing better than
the vessel in the storm, whose entire and violent wreck in the extreme depths of
perdition, is momentarily threatened! 19. Much therefore, on account of all these things,
was God the Saviour and (only) helper, needed by mankind. Had some societies only been led
to this state of error, the evil would indeed have been (but) small. But now, the Princes
of cities, the Leaders of the nations, the Kings of countries, the Heads of territories,
and the Honourable of the nations, had at once become fully, and completely, diseased in
this same error of Demons, and of a plurality of Gods. And behold! again, even those,----
who boasted themselves among the Greeks of (their) philosophy, and made the profession,
that in them was knowledge superior to any that was in the many ; were pompous in the
streets, swelling with pride, and casting their mantles loosely about them ; had wandered
in the great and wide earth; had freely taken from other nations this magnificence of
doctrine about things; from this place, geometry; from another quarter, arithmetic; and
again from another place, music, the art of healing, and those other things, which have
their being in rational experiment: for, these things, and others like them, they got
together from every place:----these fell (nevertheless), into a deadly and ungodly state
of mind! By the mere discovery of persuasive words moreover, some of these set it up,----
as if they would make no experiments even after the truth,----that indivisible bodies
(atoms), having no extent, or having projecting parts, and infinite, were, forsooth, the
origin of all things! These same too, determined Rest to be the extreme good :

that which is, and evidently (so), a greater corruption than all the (other) vices. For,
What could be more worthy of honour than Rest, with those who laid it down, that there is
in this something which exists, neither Providence, nor God, nor soul that is immortal,
nor intelligent essence, nor WORD OF GOD which is above all, nor (yet) beginning, nor end?
and, that the things alone that are irrational and inanimate, which are indivisible and
subtile bodies (atoms), and fall not, on account of their excessive smallness, under the
(observation of the) senses;----that they should predetermine these very things, which are
inanimate, irrational, as being without beginning, ungenerated, and in their multitude
infinite, and as having, from times not to be comprehended, been dispersed just as it has
happened?---- still, things being thus, have affirmed, that these were the cause of this
universal order; and, that there was neither God, nor Providence, nor Reason which viewed,
or which governed, the whole? But, even if there were, that He would not possess the being
of any one thing; neither would He give it to others! And, as my judgment is, the "Rest"
which was (so) lovely to them, and which they also attributed to God Himself,----just as
the doings of those were who arose as Philosophers of the school of Epicurus and
Democritus, and as was the whole traditionary (doctrine) of those amongst the Greeks,----
was that of (this) life. And, being thus eminent, they approached the multitudes; at one
time, walking to the temples with the inhabitants (generally) ;

at another, shewing themselves to be those who feared the Gods; because of the fear of
punishment (otherwise to be expected) from the law. But such were these, who contended for
Rest (as the extreme good). 20. Others too, fixed the limits of Providence as far off as
the moon; the company of those too, who were of the school of Aristotle, excluded it from
every other portion of the world: which same also, determined the extreme good to be,
neither Virtue, nor Philosophy, unless indeed, it happened to be attended by wealth of
possession, abundance of gold and of silver, Family, and and the glory which takes with
the many! And, What could hinder such from boasting themselves in these things? ---- men,
who had shut up, as with bolts and doors at the distance of the moon, the Providence which
is over all? or, that they should affirm, that the intelligent and rational soul which is
in man, is mortal; and, that it is nothing, but even as the body, or as its colour, or its
form? They usually term it moreover, Entelechia. Nor did they, by any means, place in
apposition with the chief good, either the life of Philosophy, or the superiority of rule:
on the contrary, they lapsed into the things of accident, riches, greatness, and family:
(affirming), that with these existed the superiority that was worthy of reason ; and that,
without these things, it was nothing! Nor had the wise man any thing superior, unless he
were also rich : nor had he, who was careful about purity of life, any thing good about
him, unless he were a person of family!

nor, would justice itself, or the complete beauty of virtue in the person of any one, be
sufficient for the life of happiness, unless he happened to have a complete symmetry of
bodily limbs! These men then, considered these things as being apart, in a place (removed)
from the things pertaining to men, (and) higher than the moon : that a Godhead existed;
but affirmed, that the providence of God looked not to the things on earth. Nor did they
recognize the common Saviour of all, THE WORD OF GOD, the Preserver of all things; but
drew near for the purpose of reverencing those Deities, that were in certain places, and
in the cities: professing themselves to be wise in some things, with those who knew them ;
but performing others in their deeds. In their writings and common conversation, they made
the oaths of their Gods: but, in their minds, no such thing existed. On the contrary, they
submitted to this for the sake of the applause of the many. So that hence these same were
Demons, rather than men, (and) to be despised by every sort of sound Philosophy.

21. Others also, besides these who boasted themselves (as being) the best of Philosophers,
dared with ungodly mouth to affirm, that God is a body; and, that His nature differs in no
respect from fire. And this is the extreme error of the Stoics, who say of this sensible
world, that it is God : and (so) set up a doctrine, which is impious and all-corrupting.
For (they affirm), that the operative Cause, and the passiveness of matter, are of one and
the same essence; and, that the maker and the made, are both bodies : and also, that the
King of all, God who is above all, differs in nothing from sensible fire; but, that he
mixes Himself up at once, with every thing,----just as fire does in (its) progress,----at
the appointed times. But great is the sin (to affirm), that God is subject to change; and
again, to combustion! This therefore, is the doctrine of the Stoic Philosophers, that all
being, even the whole world, shall in time be mixed up with God in fire: and, (that) the
whole shall effect a change, as in seed; and, that out of this, universal order shall
again be produced, just as it was at the first: and that all these are Gods, as are all
the portions of the world; and, because the whole consists of all its parts, the entire
universe itself wholly constitutes the Deity! These same again affirm, that this
intelligent and reasonable soul which is in man, is corruptible, just as it is corporeal.

What then, could hinder such from daring to speak against God, the King of all? or again,
from determining, that these souls (consist) of matter, and body? and, that they are
nothing else but the dense smoke, and fumes of bodies? and again, that after the close of
life, they shall continue, during the times destined for them? and (this) not of all, but
only of the souls of the Philosophers ? and, that at last, with the general conflagration,
these also shall burn together with God, and the whole universe? and, that at the same
time, the souls of the wicked and of the just shall be dissolved ; the thing's also of the
just, together with those of the atheists, shall be fused, as it were, by one and the same
fire? and again, that the worlds shall be reborn from this consumption of universal fire,
differing in nothing, but in every thing, similar to the former; so that again, as from a
beginning, these (worlds) shall in those be reproduced; as shall this same traditionary
(life). Modes of life again, such as shall in all respects be similar, and not differing:
the same fashions too, customs, regulations, and passions, shall exist within these. In
the same manner also, the same sorrows, honours, recreations, oppressions, shall subsist
among these, and happen to the same individuals. So that Helen, and the calamities of
Ilium, (Troy) may again be expected: and again, Anytus , and Melitus, and the deadly
poison of Socrates: again too, the contentions of the Philosophers themselves:

the same divisions on the same subjects; and, at last again, shall the whole be consumed
by fire ; and again, after it has been burnt, again shall it be restored anew: and again
shall consist of the same reducible materials. And indeed these, adhered thus violently to
their error! 22. The descendants however, of the Philosophers, who were named the
"primitive (students of) Physics", (and) who preceded all (others), laid the origin of all
upon the inanimate Elements, and recognized neither God, nor Providence, nor Creator, nor
Maker of any thing; but vainly, emptily and falsely, arrogated to themselves the name and
show of Philosophers: some of them affirming the earth, and dry substance, to be the
origin of all; others the ocean, the Parent of all ; for thus they named the humid
substance and waters : others, fire; others, the air; and others, a compound of these.
They also introduced many male, as they likewise did, female Deities. Marriage too, and
the bringing forth of children, they perverted by natural metaphors, and the specious
diction of the fictitious stories of the Poets, to the adorning of (this their) vain
glory. So that these also, fell down again, as it were by perverseness, from the heights
above, upon the material elements and sensible portions of the universe!

23. Others however, exclusive of these, determined the reverse of all those mentioned
;----that there was nothing divine in (all) this which exists; neither God that was over
all; nor the (Deities) which were in certain places, nor that superior name, nor the
imposition of (plastic) hand upon matter, were things really existing: so that they
proceeded to the greatest extent of impiety. 24. Plato alone, of all the Greeks, (as) it
seems to me, adhered more eminently to (the true) Philosophy ; and held correctly,
respecting that good Being who is the First, and Cause of all; and became truly wise,
respecting the Second ( Cause), who is the Creator of all. 25. He also established (it)
justly and well, that the heavens, the sun, the moon, the stars, and wholly and at once,
the whole world, were made by the God of all. 26. He also affirmed of the essence of the
soul, that it is incorporeal and foreign to corruption. He was also cognizant of the
intelligent Essences; and confessed, that the mind which is over all, (and) which we call
THE WORD OF GOD, is King of all. To the same he gave the Rule over all, after the manner
of a shipmaster, who well and duly provides for all: Him he also shewed was Governour.
This man alone, of all the Greeks, confessed----just as we do,----of THE WORD OF GOD the
Creator of the world. But, he is at hand, and we may hear (this) from himself, when
discoursing of God thus :----

27. " Let us render honour, neither to that (heavenly body) which is of the year, nor to
that of the month. Nor let us cut off to these indeed, any portion : neither the time in
which it proceeds in its orbit, and completes the visible world, which THE WORD OF GOD has
set in order. Of all who are in it, he who is happy will have wondered (at Him), and
afterwards acquired such love, as to investigate (Him) as far as mortal nature is able.
28. This man moreover, now calls THE DIVINE WORD, the Father, the Lord of all, and also
Governour of all, in the very same words, and names Him just as we do ; expressing himself
thus :---- 29. "This Epistle, all you who consist of three should read, particularly in
society: but, if not, between two in common, as each may be able. As often as ye shall be
able, avail yourselves of compact (together), and of the Law; and, by that Lord, who is
justice (itself) swear ye, at once with care ;----not without wisdom,----and with
erudition the sister of care; and, by that Governour of all, of the things that are, and
of those that shall be; and, by the Father of the Governour and of the (efficient) Cause,
the Lord, swear ye:----Him, whom, if we are truly Philosophers, we shall all clearly know,
as our power (may be, being) of those who are happy men."

30. This (philosopher) also taught, that there was a just Judgment of God, and that He
would render to every man as he should deserve: he very divinely shewed too, that the
extreme good was this, that (men) be like to the Godhead; be attached, and made (as it
were) twin brothers, to virtue. Nevertheless, he also fell justly4, (and as it was)
likely, more than they all under reprehension. Why? Because he knew God as He was; but
honoured Him not as God. He concealed the truth too, and put forth falsehood to the many.
To those whom he loved, he spoke openly and well, as a Philosopher, of the Father and
Creator of this whole. But, with the inhabitants of Athens, he conducted himself as no
Philosopher; and went down to the Pirasus to Socrates, at his word, to pray to the
Goddess, and, at once, to complete the festival of Bendis, together with all the
inhabitants. And again, he himself said of his master, that, when the end of his life drew
near, he commanded them to sacrifice a cock! Nor did the best of Philosophers
blush;----nor was it concealed :----that, the Father of his philosophy commanded them to
propitiate the Deity, by means of fabricated earthly matter, and a little blood ;----the
body of a dead bird! And again, he called those (Deities) that were honoured in the
cities, Demons: and this he did well. But, he further confessed, that these same were, and
that they were formerly known as being, mortal men. And (here) he spoke the truth.
Nevertheless, he advised that (men) should worship these same as Gods! And, because he
submitted himself, with the multitudes, to the error of these, he may well have been
memorialized as (implicated) in their pretences, because he concealed the word of truth
under the show of Philosophy, and attached himself to falsehood. Hear therefore, the
things that he has said in the Timaeus:----

31. " To speak of the other Demons, and to know their power, is too great for us. We
assent however, to those who have said before us, that they were the sons of the gods,
even as they have affirmed : and they well knew their own fathers. It is impossible
therefore, we should not approve of the sons of the gods, when behold, they advance
neither probabilities nor strong proofs. But, as they affirmed, that they narrated
respecting those who were their own (fathers) ; (so) we, adhering to the law, believe.
Thus therefore, as these affirmed a generation respecting these gods, (so) let it be; and
be affirmed, that the Ocean and Tethys were the sons of the Earth and the Heavens; and of
these same, Phorcys, Saturn, and Rhea (Ops): and of Saturn and Rhea, Jupiter and Juno: and
those others, whom we know were all of them brothers of those mentioned: and others again,
the children of these."

32. You (now) view the very Philosopher----who is from above, and of the exemplars that
are above the world, and of the intelligent essences which are incorporeal,----beneath on
the earth and on the ocean, immerged as it were in the depths of error! He has moreover,
introduced a generation of the gods,----him who could himself alone, say with a mind, the
voice of which was more elevated than that of man,---- "What is that which always is, but
that it might exist, has no being? And it is this same which is apprehended by knowledge
together with reason, and exists in all time according to itself. But, that which is to be
considered by the sense that is irrational, and was, and is corruptible; that it might
fully exist, it never had even being." 34. This selfsame Combatant therefore, now honours
this identical (something,)----this which was, and is corruptible, but never fully
existed, on account of its elemental and dissoluble character,----with the name of gods!
And again the very same, (virtually) reprehending the expositors of this story of the
gods, says of them, that it was neither from probabilities nor from strong proofs, that
they spoke and put forth the error of these Deities. And, having accused them in this
manner, he afterwards says, "We give our assent to them, and approve ;" when, behold! they
had said nothing truly! Besides, when he called them the sons of the gods, he clearly
knew, that he was introducing their fathers who were, like all (other) men, subject to
mortality! And again, he memorializes mortal gods, and mortal sons, who were like to their
fathers, and who plainly said that they knew their own fathers. Nor does he conceal
himself when he says, "It is impossible therefore, that we should not believe the sons of
Gods;" still, he immediately accuses them, that they had advanced neither probabilities,
nor strong proofs, and adds, "We approve of them, as saying that they narrated respecting
their own" (fathers.) He says not----and (this) fully and carefully,----that they
narrated; but, as "they said that they narrated;" and, we "assent to them as saying, that
they were the sons of the gods." And, Whence had he learned this, that he should affirm
just as they had said? For (says he) they said this: It was not I. That is; Still to them,
when speaking of themselves, and unable to establish (the assertion) respecting
themselves, either by probabilities or strong proofs, we nevertheless give our credence!
He says too after this: " Thus therefore, as these affirmed the generation of the gods,
(so) let it be;" necessarily, says he, just as these say! Not indeed as my opinion is, but
as theirs (was,) let these things be affirmed!

35. You perceive therefore, that he advises it as proper, that we should adhere to error!
And, For what cause does he set this up? Not because of any other thing, except the Law :
that is, because of the death that was suspended on the Law! And this he openly
acknowledges when he says, " We, adhering to the Law, believe." The fear then of man, and
of the Law, dismissed from the Philosophers, that Fear, and Law, which (were) of the
truth! Where then, are those excellent and wise things, which the same elegant
tongue,----(and) wholly for the sake of which,----said in astonishing language, and thus
magnificently?---- 36. " For there is neither law, nor any one ordinance superior to
erudition; nor is it just, that the mind be subservient or subjected to any thing: it is,
on the contrary, Prince of all, if indeed it be free in its nature." This same too, is he
who said, that "Wheresoever a man places himself, thinking it to be best, there he ought,
as I think, to remain, (even) in the storm; making no account of any thing, neither of
death, nor of any other thing, before things hateful." He also said afterwards; "For this,
that one should fear death, O men, would be nothing else, but that we should suppose him
to be wise when he is not so."

37. How then can you, O Philosopher! be moved by death after these expressions? or, draw
near to honour" mortal Gods, on account of the Law? And, How can you dignify these, as
sons of the Gods, in order that we might approve, and give (our) assent to them? In your
own words you both reproach, and chastise (them), as having said nothing soundly, or by
way of proof, respecting (these) their own Fathers. How then, having thus accused them,
can you now advise men to approve of them? But, of these their Fathers, let us make
inquiry :---- 38. Of the Earth, you say, and the Heavens, the Ocean and Tethys were the
progeny: and again, Phorcys, Saturn, and Rhea. And so after all these, Jupiter and Juno!
Jupiter, after the Earth and Heavens! Jupiter, after Saturn! and Rhea, after the whole of
these! What say you, O Combatant?----Where is the great Jupiter, who drove the flying
chariot in the Heavens? Or, Is not that a sentiment of thine, over which every body cries
out and wonders, when thou thus sayest:----

39. " The same great Jupiter therefore, drove and guided the flying chariot in the
heavens, and to the same adhered the hosts (both) of the Gods and of the Demons?" 40. But,
I know not whence Jupiter is to be viewed, after these (viz.) the Earth, the Sea, the
Ocean, Rhea, and Saturn, mortals! or How, according to this sentiment of thine, we can
give our assent to that of those who said before us, that " they are the sons of the Gods,
just as they affirmed; as they clearly knew their own Fathers. It is impossible therefore,
we should not approve of the sons of the Gods, when, behold! they advance neither
probabilities nor strong proofs." And he adds; "Thus therefore just as they affirmed a
generation, respecting these Gods (so) let it be, and be affirmed." After this he makes a
long story, which is that of the generation of the Gods, (as) related by the Poets. And,
upon this He assures us and says, that from Saturn and Rhea were Jupiter and Juno, and all
those whom we know ; and the brothers of these, are they all said to be; and others again,
who were the children of these.

41. Do you observe then, how this man goes on stating, ---- stating too not things that
are not difficult, but impious, and those which are directly opposed to his own
Philosophy? For this is he who in the Republics, drives away contemptuously (and) entirely
from his commonwealth, those whom he here calls the sons of the Gods! ----those ancients
(I say) who spoke of the Divinity of these; Homer himself, Hesiod, and prior to these,
Orpheus! But now, the same Philosopher advises, that we give credence to these; calling
them the sons of the Gods! He supplicates too,----subsequently to the earth and the
heavens, and to that humid substance which he names the Ocean, (implicated) in generation
and corruption!----that Father of all, both of men and Gods; and Juno, with those others
succeeding them, who----as he affirms----are said to be their brothers; and confesses,
that they are the sons of those who are of the Earth, and of the Ocean: and he afterwards
advises, that we should worship these as Gods! Where then is that multitude of
intellectual Essences? And, Where that incorporeal Form which is beyond the world? or,
that Divine story about the nature that has neither colour nor form? And, if indeed every
soul be immortal, Why dost thou subject to mortal beings, those that are immortal? And, to
the bodies of Demons, that which is Incorporeal? The intelligent and rational Essence too,
to those that are of sense, and subject to corruption?

It seems right to me therefore, to consider this man more reprehensible than (all) the
rest; since an attachment, on account of the kindred character of his doctrines, drew me
to him. For, as it appears to me, this man alone of all the Greeks, attached himself to
the outward portals of the truth, and shewed, in many (of his) sentiments, a relationship
with us. Nevertheless, such cannot be honoured by the truth; because he is, as it appears
to me, more reprehensible by it than all others. For he,----whose (main) desire was to
live, while those things which attached themselves to his doctrine (virtually) effected
his condemnation to death; and, while his opinion was that, (these) were no Gods;.----he
did nevertheless submit himself (to them), as if he recognized no other life, but that
only which was present. 42. The Peripatetics too, so attached,themselves to a belief,
similar to that of the Originator of this Philosophy, that they supposed the soul which is
in man to be mortal; and affirmed, that its form and body, was (what they termed) the
Entelechia. For the sake of the present life,----which alone they acknowledged,----they
submitted to the many. They believed too, that those were never Gods, which were (made)
such by the law of the commonwealth: they submitted themselves (nevertheless to these)
through the fear of death, and of the punishment of the Law. 43. The Stoics again, who
taught that all was body, and that this sensible world alone was God, and that the
(constituent) portions of this were Gods, persuaded themselves to do the things----
although these might be odious,---- which were conformable to these their precepts! And,
because they called the (constituent) portions of the world Gods, and worshipped the
earthy substance, How could they escape severe reprehension? These too, as they determined
that the Elements were the origin of all things, worshipped the Elements accordingly.

44. He however (i. e. Plato) determined, as by divine revelation, what that is "which
exists in all time, but which could not be (of itself) ; and what that is "which is
apprehended by knowledge together with reason, and (is) in all time according to itself.
He also said, in what way it exists; stating openly, well, and wisely, (and) in plain
terms, the true account of the Deity, as (its) nature is, in these words: "God therefore,
according to our former discourse, holds the beginning, middle, and end, of this all which
exists: and, proceeding according to nature, He rightly disposes (it). And to Him does
justice ever adhere, awarding punishment to those who swerve from the Divine Law. But, How
came he to swerve from the Divine Law, and to think defectively of the justice which is
over all? and to put forth for us, these laws of mortal men? this Philosopher too,----this
(I say), who could send the soul above the curvature of the heavens,----to fear Death?
Besides, I cannot think that this same man held soundly of the immortality of the soul,
because he made the notion of the vulgar his own. For, it was not (according to this) that
the souls of men only were immortal; but also, (those) of dogs, hedgehogs, ants, horses,
asses, and of the rest of the irrational animals ; and, that (these) differed in nothing,
as to their essence, from the souls of the Philosophers!

He (also) affirmed after the Egyptian manner, that these same eiFected a change into every
sort of body ; those of men being transfusable into the beastly nature. On these accounts,
he is as worthy of reprobation in this case, as in that in which he gave his approval, but
lied on the other side! And, although this was (such) an astonishing man, that he could
apprehend the Maker and Creator of this whole; nevertheless, as he put not forth the word
of righteousness, he is particularly deserving of the reprehension of every man : because
" he knew God, but honoured Him not as God; but worshipped and served the creature,
exclusive of the Creator. He also named those Gods, and worshipped them (as such), which
were (supposed to be) fixed in visible bodies; the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars,
confessing at once, and at the same time, that they were made, were perishable, and
compounded in their nature of fire, earth, and at the same time, of the rest of the
elements! And these same he worshipped, he honoured, and called them Gods! And then again,
he afterwards confessed that these very same (Deities) were both dissoluble, and subject
to corruption! But we may hear him,----as the thing said is at hand,----saying in the
Timaeus:----

45. "Gods of the Gods, of whom I am the Creator: every thing therefore, that has been
bound together, is dissoluble; hence, because you came into being, in order to exist, you
are not immortal: neither (are you) wholly indissoluble." And again (speaking) on their
being, whence this is, and how to be determined, he says: "What fire is to air; such the
air is to the water; and the water to the earth : out of which He bound up and established
the visible and sensible heavens. And, by means of these things, and out of them, which
are thus and the number of which is four, the body of the world came into being." After
this he says : "And, as to the existence of time, in order that time might be, the Sun,
the Moon, and the five other Stars, which have the title of wandering (planetary), came
into existence; (and this) for its determination, preservation, and calculation. So God
made each one of these bodies, and placed them (each) in (its) course." And again, he says
of the heavens, how they existed in all time; there being no beginning of the essence (of
these) not even one: or being, of what sort this was in its primitive commencement. He
then turns his discourse to his soul, and says, "it became existent, is visible, is
subject, to sense, and has a body: and, that all such things are thus subject to sense,
and, that those which are subject to sense, are apprehended by thought, and (so) perceived
to be existences".

46. Was it not therefore, lapsing far from soundness of mind, that he, who spoke so
orderly and well of these things, should call them Gods? that he should confess also, that
they were made out of the perishable and corporeal matter of fire, water, air, and earth?
and affirm that they were subject to dissolution, and in their nature corruptible? and,
again, should name these selfsame beings Gods to be honoured? For, What participation can
that Name and Honour have, which is the Cause of all things, with bodies that are subject
to sense, and to dissolution? Or, What sort of companionship of the WORD, inseparable from
Him who is in all time, but cannot be, (i. e. as we are, subject to corruption), with that
which always was, but never had an existence (of its own), so that he should call these
Deities God? For, if He is truly God, He who exists in all time, but has not that he might
be (as we are) ; so far as He existed not thus, He was no God. But if he be God, who was
at all times, but never existed (of himself): whatever he might otherwise be, he is no
God. And, What sentiment can be more impious than this? For, the two things are opposed in
their natures ;----this, which is apprehended by reason and knowledge; and that, which is
to be considered by irrational sense:----this too, which is capable of action : and that,
which is passive.

How (I ask) can such opposites deserve one (and the same) name? For, this would be, as
though a man should wonder at the science of the architect, but should attach the honour
(due to him) to the work that was by him ; and (so) invert the order (of things)! And,
should any one name the ship, the shipmaster; or the coachman, the chariot with its
horses; so likewise, would he act most foolishly, who should dare to name the Creation of
God, Gods; when behold! it had not escaped him,----but he had openly confessed,---- that
they were bound up in the bands of God the Creator of all, and (affirmed, that they) were
constituted out of the inanimate elements, fire, water, air, and earth! Nevertheless even
this man thus (taught)! 47. But, What necessity can there now be, that I should bring to
light, how the wise men collected themselves together in ranks, as it were, sectioned
themselves off, separated, and mightily armed themselves against one another, just as in
battle array, and met with shields, spears, and hosts,----as one of the Poets says,
"Behold the abundance of the uproar thickened----of the destroying and the perishing?"----
for Plato termed their warfare with one another, the conflict of Giants when he thus
spoke,---- 48. "And behold! the conflict between them might be assimilated to that of
Giants, because of the contention they had with one another about matter."

49. Nevertheless, Plato himself said these things either against the Philosophers who were
before him, or against those who were his contemporaries: and, that these also,----(as) he
also afterwards cries out,----were those who took up arms against him, the evidence is
clear. For Aristotle, who arranged himself against Plato, went off with his whole school
from his doctrines. Others again, the Juniors afterwards arose, who attacked the
philosophical notions of Aristotle; and, on the other hand, animadverted on the Stoics.
Others, the Sceptics, put forth Pyrrho and the reserve: and, at once, ridiculed every
body! For, they all fully equipped themselves for a mighty war of soul against one
another: and (this) by means of words, fell moreover, but little short of arming
themselves, fighting, and attacking one another, with spears and shields! Where it was any
thing but right, they divided: but, where it was necessary they should contend with all
their power,----I know not how it was,----they agreed; and particularly in the error of a
multiplicity of Gods! They agreed (I say) in that, which before all men, and more than all
men, they knew was a non-entity! That is to say, the Epicureans, (agreeing) with the
Stoics: the followers of Aristotle, with those of Plato: the professors of Physics, with
the Sceptics; (these) one and all, together with their wives, their daughters, and the
ignorant crowd, going to the Temples, and presenting themselves for the purpose of
worshipping with (their) vows, as Gods, the inanimate Idols, (formed) in the likeness of
men:

and these they honoured with libations, fumes, blood, and the sacrifices of irrational
animals: shewing by this means,----and in this one thing only did they relax their enmity
towards one another,---- that they all studiously gave their assent to this their error.
And (again), when the truth was laid open to them, they opposed it! For it was right, that
where their knowledge was correct, there should they have shewn their character to be
firm: that they should have contended and warred for the truth; and, had it been
necessary, they should have even died for it: (and) should have received it readily in the
love (thereof), as men boasting themselves that they were Philosophers. These same persons
were therefore, friendly to one another in this, that they brought themselves together for
the sake of falsehood: and, about those things, on which it was unbecoming they should
contend,----because of the hidden and unknown properties of these,----they contended as if
it had been for the truth; readily too was their contention carried on about shadows,
while they attacked and reproached one another, with innumerable wounding expressions.
But, What need can there be, that (I should record) the contentions of the Philosophers
against one another, their controversial expressions, and the common warfare which they
set up, and in which they fell; since they availed themselves of human wisdom (only), and
of the reasoning of the mortal mind: God the Teacher not having presented himself to them?

50. How was it then?----How, that those who contended about these things, had no God;
when, behold! there was a multitude of Deities among them?----since that of Delphos, and
that of Lebadia, was (each) a Diviner? ----that of Colophon gave responses?----'that of
Miletus was also a Diviner?----and another was crying out from another quarter?
Nevertheless, not even one of these could so teach these wise men, that they could
apprehend the truth! All of them too worshipped these, as did their Fathers; and all the
Greeks confessed, that they were gods: yet, they were not the more assisted in the
discovery of the doctrines which are divine; when, behold! there was nothing hindering
them from being forthwith (so) instructed in the truth, (or) from availing themselves of
the Gods, who were on the earth and at hand, as (their) Teachers. Nor should they have
injured, and reviled one another ; but, should have ceased from dispute, and have enquired
of the Gods about the matters of contention; and so have learned the truth, as it were
from Physicians, and (thence) have received advantage. And first, it was the duty of the
school of Epicurus to have learned not to be godless, and not to have subjected themselves
to "Rest" (as the chief good) : nor so to have infatuated themselves with ridiculous
(notions), as to ascribe to subtile and indivisible bodies the power of making the
universe; but to have persuaded themselves from the Gods, when (so) taught of the things
respecting them.

It was also the duty of the school of Aristotle,----who saw with their own eyes the
Temples, Fanes, and Idols (that were) on earth : not one (only) but myriads (of these), in
every city and place,----to have examined them as to their power: and, from the fact, no
more to have confined their discussions about Providence, either to the (regions) above
the heavens, or even to (those) above the moon; but, to have persuaded themselves, that
there were Gods also on the earth, and that they exercised a providential care over the
men among whom they resided. And, as it was in their power to learn from these same their
own (Deities), they should no more have contended with those that were arrayed against
them, as to whether the soul was mortal, or immortal. They should therefore, have asked
the God who was at hand, and (so) have received, as from the Gods, the true decision (of
this question). Thus also, (it was the duty) of the Stoics; and thus too, of the
Platonists: thus also, of the Sceptics who are termed Pyrrhonists : and thus also, of
those who were in former times styled the Philosophers of Physics, that they should not
have desisted from inquiry as to the truth, nor have supposed, as those do who play at
chess, that every thing coming into their mind was truth. They should, on the contrary,
have asked the Gods who were residing among them about every thing that was unknown:

but not even one of the Wise Men has done this, nor did it even enter his mind! Was it
then, that they were godless, and evil-minded towards the Gods, that (the task) was
unwelcome to them, and (that) they acted thus? But, thus were they all at once godless;
and the Philosophers appear to have been particularly so, and much more wicked than those
who were unintellectual: those (I say), who made it no unwelcome task to enquire of the
Gods about the taking of wives; the taking of a journey; blindness, or the infirmity of
the body :----these too, were readily heard: and to those, who so sought did (the Gods),
not in.vidiously, give their divinations. But, behold! it was any thing but becoming in
the wise, to have enquired of those Gods who were among them, and to whom they rendered
worship and honour, respecting their bodies (only) ; but not about the healing of their
souls. And, as not even one of these marvellous Philosophers did this ; it remains, that
we assure ourselves of one of two things; (viz. Either, that these men were no
Philosophers; or, that those (Deities) were no Gods. For if, when (these) were really
Gods, they set them at nought; they were no Philosophers, but were fools and ignorant men:
but, if they had in truth made any approach to the love of wisdom, and abounded in
knowledge more than the many; it is clear that they would, with pure conscience, have
laughed at the folly of the many ;

and it is likely (they did so). 51. But, if those who have been mentioned, were really
Gods; Why was it, that the conversation which is on earth, happened to be that of their
lives? Was it for the common advantage of all? If indeed this was the case; Why did they
not give up those (their) vain stories, and preach to all men the things, that would aid
in the acquirement of virtue? And, Why did they not give themselves to the enacting of
laws for man, corrective of the common conduct? and (to the performance) of deeds,
pointing out the life of virtue to all? And, Why was not their care more particularly
exerted for healing the passions of the soul, than (the sufferings) of the body?----rather
to deliver those who fled to them, from foolishness and ignorance, than from the loss of
possessions, when they saw that men desired wisdom ; that they were labouring night and
day for the discovery of the truth ; and were seeking (both) by labour and contention, for
a decision as to the reverence due to these same Gods? And again, (these) went in among
the Diviners, and offered sacrifices just as their Fathers had done; and honoured those
(Gods) with the honours which they had by custom retained. Why then, did they not receive
these with terms of affection? praise them for their labours?

and, so delivering them from the contention which they had with one another, give them
such aid from their labours, that they should become truly wise in God, and be (real)
Philosophers?----and (thus) teach them the science of that true Philosophy, which is free
from falsehood? But, as they did not this, they made it plain to every man's perception,
that they were no Gods: and, that those who boasted that they were Philosophers, were
unworthy of that name! For, had they been truly wise, they never could have supposed that
these were Gods: inasmuch as they had afforded to them nothing worthy of Deity, nor had it
in their power to teach those, who were anxiously careful about the knowledge respecting
them, the things pertaining to Deity. 52. Thus these (Philosophers) became in (appearance)
what they (really) were not: besides, they presented themselves to the many, and called
those Gods, which they knew more accurately than all (other) men, were no such things!
What sort of name these deserve, it is not necessary for me further to say, except, that
those who made their locks to flow down, frequented the Temples together with tavern-
keepers, with men the refuse (of society), and harlots! And, Did these wise men (then) ask
of the Gods the things advantageous to the Philosophers? There is no one who will say this
of them!----nor, in like manner, how it was, that no instructing Deity presented himself
to afford the erudition which would aid them. But (the things asked) were,----as the
Diviners (themselves) say,----the commodities and helps of life generally; the discovery
of a slave, if one had happened to run away; of a broken vessel; the purchasing of an
estate; merchandise; the taking of a wife; or, other things similar to these. About these
it was, that their admiration and reverence were called forth to their Gods; (and this) in
the little blood of a cock, the immolation of a ram or of a bull; the (offering of) cups
and bowls, or of a little wheat flower, or of purchased crowns! And, Had they any truth
----teaching Deity, as to the things (comporting) with virtue, or to those which respected
the healing of the soul? No, not (even) one!

On this account, these Philosophers appear to me, to have laboured insolently in (their)
warfare against one another, greatly to have aggravated their mutual differences, and to
have departed (willingly) from the real knowledge of God : and accordingly, one might hear
from them in words, of the Gods, the sons of the Gods, of Demigods, and of good Demons :
but in deeds, every thing was adverse: and in opposing, they boasted themselves of
opposition! Just as if one should he willing to point out the sun, with the luminaries
that are in the heavens; but be unwilling to lift up his eyes to Him who is above (these):
should cast down both his hands and soul to the earth, and seek among the clay and mud,
the Powers that are in the heavens! In this manner therefore, had the whole race of men
persuaded themselves, together with their Philosophers, and Kings,----through an
estrangement of the intellect, and the error of wicked Demons,----that the rational and
Divine Essence which is above the heavens, and beyond the universe, existed in place,
below, among material bodies, and subject to the passions of both mortals, and immortals!
And, since this entire estrangement of mind had infected the whole human race, Have we not
soundly affirmed that God the Saviour, a Divine Revelation, and a common Helper of all,
was required for this our state of life?

53. And again, all had been led to such a state of insanity, that they even sacrificed
their friends to those who were thought to be Gods: nor did they spare their own nature;
on the contrary, they put to death, through the madness and bondage of their minds, even
their only children, and the friends of their children! And, What madness can be greater
than this, that (men) should sacrifice human beings, and pollute all their cities and
houses with their own blood? And, behold! Do not all the Greeks bear testimony to these
same things? And, Is not the whole of their histories filled with the records of them? 54.
For, the Phoenicians annually sacrificed (some of) their friends, and their only children
to Saturn! To the same again, was a man also sacrificed in Rhodes on the sixth of the
month Conun (March)! This same custom too greatly obtained, and was thus changed : They
kept one of those, who had been publicly condemned to death, until the feast of Saturn;
and, when the feast arrived, they brought the man out beyond the gate, over against the
Image of Aristobule (Diana): they then gave him wine, and put him to death.

55. In the (place) also which is now called Salamis, but formerly Coronea, was a man
sacrificed in the month named among the Cypriots Aphrodisius, to Argaula the daughter of
Cecrops and daughter-in-law of Argaulis! And this custom continued to the time of
Diomedes; and was (then) so changed, that they sacrificed the man to Diomedes! And in one
(and the same) inclosure was the Temple of Minerva, of Argaula, and of Diomedes. He then,
who was to be sacrificed, was accordingly----when his equals in age had led him three
times round the altar, ----stricken on the stomach with a lance by the priest. He was then
wholly burnt on a fire that had been got together. This law however, Diphilus,----who was
king of Cyprus in the times of Seleucus the Theologian,----abrogated: He also changed this
custom for that of sacrificing a bull. 56. The law too, whereby men were sacrificed in
Heliopolis (a city) of Egypt, was abrogated by Amosis, as Manetho attests in what he wrote
about primitive justice.

57. Men were also sacrificed to Juno, and were chosen just as immaculate calves were
sought after, and were slain! There were three moreover, sacrificed in one day! But Amosis
commanded that equivalents of wax, resembling these, should be substituted for them. 58.
They also sacrificed a man to the Omadian Bacchus in Chios, when they had torn him (to
pieces)! and also in Tenedos, as Euelpis the Carystian affirms! 59. The Lacedemonians
also, as Apollodorus affirms, sacrificed a man to Mars! The Phoenicians too, in their
greater calamities, whether wars, pestilences, or famines, sacrificed one of their
friends, who was selected (for this purpose), to Saturn. The history too of the
Phoenicians ----composed by Sanchoniatho in the language of the Phoenicians, and (which)
Philo Biblius translated into the Greek, in Eight Books,----is full of this, (viz.) as to
those who were (so) sacrificed. 60. Ister also says, in (the) collection of select
sacrifices, that the Curetes formerly sacrificed boys! And Pallas, who collected
abundantly on the mysteries of Mithra, affirms, that the sacrifices of men entirely ceased
every where, in the days of Hadrian the Emperour.

61. A Virgin was also annually sacrificed to Minerva, in Laodicea of Syria; but now a hart
is. 62. The Carthaginians also, who were of Libya, made the same sacrifice ; which
Iphicrates caused to cease. The Dumatians too, of Arabia, sacrificed a boy annually: him
they buried beneath the altar, and this they used as an Idol! 63. Philarchus too has left
it on record, that all the Greeks commonly sacrificed men, before they went out to battle!
64. But I omit the Thracians and Scythians; and also the Athenians, who put to death the
daughter of Erectheus and Praxithia. But, Whom has it escaped, that even to this time, a
man is sacrificed in the Great City (Megalopolis) at the feast of Jupiter Latiaris? For
even up to this time, it was not only to Jupiter in Arcadia, nor to Saturn in Carthage,
that they all commonly sacrifice men ; but, through the remembrance of the law, they shed
their own blood upon the altars every year! The most select Philosophers also attest, that
things were thus: for Diodorus who abridged the Bibliotheca has affirmed, that the Libyans
publicly sacrificed two hundred of the sons of the nobles to Saturn! Nor did they add to
the sacrifices, fewer than three hundred others! He too, who wrote the history of the
Romans, whose name is Dionysius (of Halicarnassus) has said, that Jupiter and Apollo
required upon a time, human sacrifices from those in Italy who were called the Aborigines.
These however, had sacrificed to the Gods that select part (Tithes) both of their fruits
and flowers, which was required of them. But, as they had offered no human sacrifices,
they fell into every sort of calamity. Nor did they obtain any relief from these evils,
until they had decimated themselves! Thus therefore, having selected a tithe of the men,
and sacrificed them to Jupiter and Apollo, they became the cause of (their) country's
ruin! And, so far had this entire corruption of soul destroyed human life, that no other
hope of salvation could be prescribed, except that which was from God the Saviour: this
alone, and no other, was wanting to the race that is mortal.

65. And thus, in these (distresses) of soul were all men, in every place : nor, was it
enough for them, after these things, to act basely ; but, they were also harassed by
innumerable other incurable calamities from without, in every place and city. For, all
nations at once, throughout the whole creation, Barbarians and Greeks, were so inflamed by
means of the maddening deeds of Demons,---- were so stirred up by the grievous and
calamitous disease (of these), that neither intercourse nor agreement existed among men,
----that so far,----and farther,----was the great body of (our) common nature forcibly
urged on, that, in every corner of the earth in which men lived, they were, both from
their usages and laws, in a state of warfare with one another. Nor was it this only, but
they were also so fierce in the commotions and wars, in which they opposed each other,
that, always and throughout their whole lives, they so engaged themselves that no one who
desired (this), could take a voyage for the purpose of merchandize to any place, unless he
(first) armed himself as for war. In the villages and fields too, the Agriculturists put
on swords, and furnished themselves with an excess of equipment, over and above that of
the implements necessary for the cultivation of the earth. Men considered it (also) a
virtue to rob, and steal from, their neighbours: and, to our affirmation do all the
writings, both of the Greeks and Barbarians, give testimony. The Books also, which are
among the Jews, teach (us), that, from times prior to Augustus and Tiberius,----in whose
days our Saviour appeared,----there were in the world, in every city and village, kings
and Toparchs fully (established) from the earliest times.

66. The Jews therefore, immediately after the egress from Egypt by Moses, when they had
come into Palestine, expelled the Kings, thirty in number, from their cities. Those
however, who were not extirpated, remained and availed themselves of their population,
local residences, and kings: those (I say), who resided apart in Gaza, Ashkelon, Joppa,
and Azotus, again rebelled among themselves. Scythopolis too, and the cities about it,
were accordingly so governed, that hence it happened, that their study was in contention
and wars with their neighbours. And also, when in Jerusalem the wonderful Temple was
built, (and) which Solomon erected, What necessity can there be for saying, how many
subsequent wars (happened) and dealt vengeance even on the Jews, on account of their
dissimulation in the worship of their God; and on which account, they became divided from
each other? They also arose against themselves, and availed themselves of (the aid of)
various Kings and enemies ; some of whom took the metropolis formerly called Samaria, but
now Sabastia; others again, resided in Jerusalem, and were always engaged in wars with
their own people, and these with them.

67. Not unlike these too, did those suffer who resided in Arabia : for, among these also,
there was a multitude of local Princes. The same also was the case with the Syrians, who
were in subjection to their (many) kings. The Phoenicians again, so guarded their
territories, that no one could mix himself with them, or pass through them: while they
were continually desolating the lands of those who resided on their borders, and were
constantly engaged in the reduction of cities, and in making captives of one another. Nor
was it this only, but also the whole of Libya and of Egypt, subjected themselves to all
these Princes and Kings, as if they had been Gods! They had too, thousands of different
Gods, both in the villages and cities, as they also had of kings, who enacted laws adverse
to them, and were the inventors of every form of Deity. These were they, from whom many
places in Egypt received their names, as well as laws; which they still retain. These
Deities moreover, and Laws, so affected those who were subject to them, that they made
them at once, both enemies and haters to those who were in their neighbourhood; and that
hence, they gave up the whole period of their lives to contention! And they were as much
excited against one another, as if they had employed the many princes of the vilest
Demons!

Hence also, the error of a multiplicity of Gods began and obtained dominion,----like some
evil and destructive disease of soul,----over the rest of the countries of the heathen!
The Egyptians were moreover, (occupied) more than all other men in the worship of the
Gods; and more able were they than all others, scientifically to honour them. But, that
such fruits were the recompence of their worship, Do not thou (now) enquire. For, the
causes of peace and mutual agreement, now so visible to the eyes, had no existence in
former times; on the contrary, every thing opposed to these. On this account they were,
during the whole period of their lives, harassed with wars and contentions against one
another; and (hence), they filled their lands with their own blood, and with the slaughter
of themselves; these very Deities apportioning to them, as a recompence for their worship,
these and similar doings!

68. If however, these things are not known to all; yet Who, of those that are fond of
reading of the affairs of the Greeks, can be ignorant of them?----of the war (for example)
of the Peloponnesians and Athenians, of which Thucydides is the writer?----how Greeks
warred with Greeks?----how they subdued the Potidaeans?----how they trampled on the
Thebans and Plataeans?----how the Thracians and Macedonians at one time assisted the
Athenians, and at another became their enemies?----how the Athenians reduced Corinth, and
desolated the country of the Epirotae and Traezenii?----how they wasted the Lacedemonians;
and these again, suffered in like manner from the Lacedemonians when they invaded Attica,
and depopulated the country of the Athenians? At another time, the Olynthiansmade war on
the Athenians; and these again, on others: and these, on their neighbours! Every species
of warfare moreover, abounded among them: fights in ships (by sea), fights by land, and
fights with cavalry! All these innumerable things did the Gods,----as one may affirm,----
fully bring to pass at that time among the Greeks! Nor was it (this) only, but they were
also conversant among men; they were honoured, and they were served : not as is now the
case; but,----as (all) affirm, ---- as their fathers worshipped those ancient (Deities),
and gave themselves up to them, so as to be their friends and to converse with them, as
being Gods (present) with them, and residing with them on the earth. And in many things,
both by divinations and revelations, did these assist them. Nevertheless, the fruits of
honouring these Gods were these; wars, contentions, desolations, and captivities!

69. But, if you wish to investigate things more ancient than these, contemplate with your
mind him who was in Delphos, and held his seat (there) in the presence of the Greeks. I
speak of the Pythian ; of him who was preached to all the Greeks, and who proclaimed to
the Lydian (Croesus),----but was infirm when he did so,----" I know the number of the
sand, and the measure of the sea: the deaf I understand, and the dumb I hear. He
therefore, sent to this same (as) a reward for this song, the bricks of gold of two
talents (weight), the phials of gold, and bowls in like manner. Nevertheless, Croesus was,
with this his declaration, all infirmity : nor did this Deity in any way help those
descendants of his house, so that they might live happily and soberly. On the contrary,
Pisistratus became embittered against the Athenians, while this Pythian was seer among the
Greeks, and the rest of the Gods had dominion over them, and were even partakers in
(their) wars! The people of Argus accordingly, fought against the Corinthians; the
Lacedemonians, against the Traezenians; the Locrians again, waged war with the other
Greeks, and the Corcyreans with others. Messena too, was taken four times by the
Lacedemonians; and the Arcadians were reduced! The walls of the Orchomenians were also
rased to the foundations, and the Athenians: overcame the people of Aegina: and again, the
Megarians, the Corinthians; the Lacedemonians, the Athenians; the Athenians, the
Boeotians; and the Locrians, the people of Phocis!

These things therefore, (did) all the Greeks to the Greeks; the Gods nevertheless, sitting
at the side of Jupiter while all these came to pass! The Clarion Pythius; that of Dodona,
which was in Epirus, did----since they were Demons filled with fumes,---- very gladly
receive the sacrifices which were of Demons, both the sacrificial bestial hecatombs of
bulls, and those human sacrifices, which were of their own friends! And, while they were
inflamed with this vile delirium and love of war, and were (even) rabid against one
another; these Grecian Gods,----behold! when with them; these friends, (I say) and
provident beings, these lovers and guardians of the Greeks,----restrained them not! But,
if we must speak truly, these were the friends of war; these the haters of mankind; these
the contenders with God! For, they were the cause of all these things, because they
delighted in the slaughter of mankind. And when they had it not in their power to delight
in war, they forthwith did so in human sacrifices, and in the libations of human blood,
with which they glutted themselves in every city!

70. One of two things is, therefore (the case) : Either, they were nothing; and it was
grievous error that had then so taken hold of mankind, as to induce them to honour
inanimate images as Gods, and vainly, emptily, and by a sort of madness, to sacrifice
their own friends (to them) : or, if they were possessed of power, it is likely that this
would be fully effective, either of good, or of evil. Now, if they were in their nature
beneficent Deities, remaining too on the earth, and occupying the middle part of the
cities; they would not have evinced this sufficiently, unless for the advantage and safety
of those among whom they lived. But, if they were wicked Demons, they would be engaged in
every thing opposed to goodness. What then, can constitute a surer proof as to these
things, than the fruits which (grew) out of their government; for, "from its fruits is the
tree known."

71. It is time therefore, that we enquire whether the wars and contentions----not of
enemies, nor yet of Barbarians who arose against the Greeks, but of the Greeks themselves,
who subscribed to the Gods of their fathers, and were infuriated against one another; ----
were these fruits: the Gods too being within (their cities), and nearer than the (very)
gates, and daily honoured by their citizens. What (then) did they give, worthy of this
worship, to those who so worshipped them? Was it, first of all, peace? that they might
live a life of ease and comfort? ---- and thence, laws that were efficient, arid
preservative of every thing good? If indeed, the things just now said were of this sort;
there is no necessity we should doubt of the existence of good governours. But, if the
extreme of evils had taken hold of the whole family of the Greeks:----the Gods being more
numerous than the inhabitants: nor was it, that they were honoured in every city only, but
also in every house:----and, (if) when they were (so) honoured, they supplied nothing more
to those who honoured them, than the slaughter of wars, the desolation of villages, the
rasing of cities, captivity, and spoil; the Greeks being inflamed against the Greeks by
these things:----What can there be wanting to our knowing, and (thence) affirming, one of
the two things supposed (above)? For, either these Gods could do nothing, because they
were nothing: and thus, were far from being the cause of the evils :

or, they possessed some power, and were the cause of these: or, that they permitted these
things to be so: or, that they themselves did them. If then, they were the doers of these
evils, it would thus seem, that they should be styled the Princes of evil. But if, when
these evils were done by others, they connived (at them), they were again, the betrayers
of their Friends: they were not (their) helpers: but (their) deceivers; and were
therefore, vicious. 72. For, if they were no Gods, and in their nature by no means
superior to ourselves, but, were otherwise men who had realized sincerity through their
excellency and wisdom ; Would they not have interposed themselves, and have relieved their
Friends from contention?---- either persuading them by reason, or, saving them by power,
and severing them to a distance from each other? counselling them also in the things which
were becoming?---- when acting (I say only) as good men; and, as being their Friends,
relieving them from their (mutual) enmity, and bringing them together for peace? 73. How
then ;----for good men would have done this, had they happened (to be circumstanced as
just mentioned): ---- did the Gods (act), being present with the Greeks and conversant
among them, and honoured by all? Did they neglect their Friends, giving them up to
bloodshed, desolation, and mutual slaughter? and, Why? Because they were unable to help
them? or, being able, were unwilling? For if, when able, they were unwilling; it was no
office of helpers which they performed for those who honoured them, but of enemies and
deceivers! For those, who can deliver from calamities, but do it not, are in nothing
better than enemies. But if, when willing, they were unable ; they merited desertion on
account of their weakness. And, if they were thus circumstanced, the reputation of their
being Gods was superfluous: nor did men truly ascribe to these the title of helpers;
inasmuch as they did not help them to salvation, because of the weakness of their own
nature.

74. But, if they advance a superintending fate, such as to take hold of every thing, and
even of the Gods themselves, and (affirm), that this was the cause of the wars, and of
every thing which came to pass among men ; this will overthrow the whole course of our
life, as it will make every thing that is (virtuous) among us, vain ; and a doctrine false
and vicious will, instead of this, make its ingress among us. And thus also, will the
purposes of the Gods themselves be rendered vain, since they can do nothing hut that which
has been fated. The things, which this makes it necessary should happen, (shall happen)
even when the Gods will (them) not! And thus again, will the anxiety of those who
reverence these Gods become vain and empty, since they render honour to beings who can
effect nothing. 75. But in this were these astonishing (Deities) caught, that they had not
the power to help against the evils of mankind ; that they were openly seen delighting in
base and abominable stories about their own divinity, and in the wicked and unlawful
sacrifices of men. From these things therefore, it becomes us to judge of these same Gods,
as doing such things among the men of those times ; because, as their nature was attached
to evils and to wars, they were convicted by their own deeds.

76. But now in our times, every anxiety about the Beings just mentioned has suddenly lost
its power ; and the things belonging to this ancient disease have been cut off: every
city, region, and locality, among the heathen, now remaining in the profoundest peace! The
whole of Asia, Europe, Lybia, and Egypt, which were formerly not better than a ship in a
storm, on which the violent winds and tempests had fastened from every quarter, and had
thus far, ---- and still farther by the northern blast, ---- contributed to her immersion
; are now so righted by the happy guidance of the helm of peace, in a serenity that is
peaceful and a calm that is resplendent, that they subscribe to the ONE Ship-governour of
all things. Such are all things now, since he that was in Delphos has been desolated;
since that Pythian, (I say) has been extinguished, and since the recollection of the rest
of the Gods has been wholly withholden from the hearing of mankind. Nor have such things
as that necessity of fate, or (those) war-loving Demons, agitated the cities. For, since
the doctrine of our Saviour has obtained throughout the whole creation of man, in every
city, village, and place ; and again, since no race of Demons, but He alone who is the
King of all, God, and that Creator of the whole world, THE WORD OF GOD, has been made
known and honoured by all men, Barbarians and Greeks; every word about fate has been
rendered unavailing:

every war-making necessity too has been removed far away: the Divine peace-making WORD is
hymned throughout the whole earth: the race of man is reconciled to God its Father ; and
peace and love have been restored to all nations! The things, which pertained to the Gods,
are now no more done; ----nor are those which set up the system of warfare (that men
carried on) against one another, when those (their) ancient temples occupied the highest
positions throughout the whole earth,----(now that these) have fallen under the extremity
of desolation, and all those Gods, which formerly uttered their cry in every place, have
either from shame or fear, been reduced to silence: every city too, nation, and region,
have by means of the right hand of love, been made at once to enjoy peace, and are
delighting themselves under one government in the deepest established order and agreement.
In what manner of life all, both among the Greeks and the Barbarians, existed formerly,
when they honoured the Gods far more than their own friends, there is now no need we
should shew at length, having shortly laid these things open already, except (to say) that
these ancient things are, as such, matters of record.

77. But, Why should any one say that these are things of recent occurrence? since, as far
back as (the death) of Alexander of Macedon, not long before the manifestation of our
Saviour, many governments arose. For Arridaeus, the brother of Alexander, received the
Kingdom of Macedon: of those that were in Europe, Antipater took possession ; Ptolemy, of
Egypt and Alexandria ; Seleucus became Governor of Phoenicia and Coelo-Syria: Philotos, of
Cilicia; Antigonus, of Asia ; Casander, of Caria ; Leonatus, of the Hellespont ; Eumenes,
of Paphlagonia ; and Lysimachus, of those parts that bordered upon Thrace. From this time
these, with those who had received their governments, poured forth as rivers against one
another in war. For, Ptolemy the son of Lagus, marched fifteen times out of Egypt.
Seleucus too, met Ptolemy King of the Macedonians, and was killed. Perdiccas also, entered
Egypt with an army. Ptolemy took Cyprus, and Demetrius seized upon Syria. Another too,
went forth to another place, and, with the violence usually attendant on robbery, seized
upon those who resided on his borders.

78. Thus therefore, during this same time, were things brought to pass one after another
in every quarter of the world. When the worship of many Gods prevailed, there was neither
peace nor agreement ; while mutual enmity abounded. Sacred places, Fanes, and Temples too,
were abundantly appropriated to these in every city. With many votive offerings were these
temples adorned. Much talk too was engaged in respecting these Gods, by the kings of those
times, as was also by the people, the inhabitants of villages, and of every (other) place;
so that they honoured with images and altars these (Deities) of their fathers, in their
houses, their very treasuries, and inner chambers. Nevertheless, when thus circumstanced,
they were no better than demoniacs whose souls had been perverted by madness, (and) that
during their whole lives, they polluted themselves with the blood of their own countrymen!
And truly demoniacal were they in their wars with one another, and in their pertinacity in
the reduction of cities: the demons, the leaders astray of the world, being their helpers
in these matters!

79. Those too who were thought to be Gods, who gave out divinations, and foreknowledge (of
things to come) to their worshippers, were not so discerning as to foreknow, or to
foretel, their own destruction: which happened to them all, at the manifestation of our
Saviour among mankind! This too is a mighty proof of their inferiority, as it is a well
grounded reproach on the divinations which were formerly published among all the Greeks.
Nor did any one of the Diviners indeed, foretel that manifestation of our Saviour, which
(has taken place) among men ; nor yet, the new doctrine which has been given by Him to all
the nations. Neither did that Pythian (Apollo), nor any other of the great Demons,
foreknow his own destruction; nor did he prophesy respecting Him who was to come (to be)
the destroyer and uprooter of them all; nor yet, did he foresee respecting all those of
the nations, both Greeks and Barbarians, who should leave the error of a plurality of
Gods, and acknowledge the God who is over all.

80. What Diviner then, or Enchanter? What Demi-god, Demon, or God, has foreshewn by
divination, that these their beauties should be extinguished, when He should be
manifested, who was to be a new thing in the life of man, and (is) the "knowledge of God"
who is above and over all, and whose worship has now been communicated to all nations? Who
is he (I ask), that has prophesied of the destruction of their Temples, and of their own
utter ruin? and, Who,----supposing of these Images of gold and silver which are every
where, whose fusion was by fire, and whose change as to appearance was quite useless, were
supremely serviceable to man;----that, as (these) their Gods were (but) molten, they
should, by way of contempt and derision, be afflictively cut to pieces? Which (I ask) of
the Gods has ever put (this) on record? And, How was it with their supporters, that they
lent no aid to their Temples, when these were rased to the ground by men? And, How were
those circumstanced who, in former times were engaged in creating wars, that in their own
calamities they should look with complacency on their uprooters, who were in the
profoundest peace? But, the wonder of the matter is this, that, when their Temples were
subjected to destruction, a peace, administering increase to every excellency and good,
had taken firm hold on the life of men: every thing happening to the contrary, when the
Gods were in peace!

For, during their prosperity, wars, conflicts, commotions, and the reducing of cities,----
as shewn in history, and as we have already said,----(prevailed) among men: but, in their
desolation, an entire peace with every good thing without drawback. Whence it must be
evident to every one capable of reflection, that these were no Gods, as it also must, that
they were not good Demons, but on the contrary, vicious ones. Those must also have been
destroyers, whose prosperity was the cause of calamities to mankind, and whose ruin led
the way to the bringing in of every good to all. But, how (all was) formerly in commotion
among the Greeks, and how the nations throughout the whole earth were agitated, we now
know, as to a few things:---- 81. And hence we may perceive why appointments, the
character of which was varying, subverted the lives of all. For the Egyptians had a law,
allowing them to take their own sisters as wives: the Persians, to hold shameful and
sinful converse with their own mothers: others, to pollute their own daughters in unlawful
wedlock: and of these, the extent was such, that ("the natural use of) the woman was
interdicted. The wickedness too, of the Philosophers themselves, as also the intercourse
with men which is out of nature, had reduced all the Greeks to insanity. Besides there
were some, by whom it was thought right to conceal (their own while living) in the earth
in Sepulchres; and by others, to deliver (these) to the flames! Others however, gave up
these things as impious, and exposed their dead (only) to the dogs and birds of prey.
Others murdered those who came to them as guests! Others too, feasted themselves on human
flesh! And again, there were those who, when their friends were in the agonies (of death),
sacrificed them and feasted on them, before they expired! Others, who were approaching old
age, they threw from rocks! Others they gave up to strangulation! Others they threw to the
dogs, while still living; and others, while dying! Others they buried with these (alive)!
while others put the living to death on the funeral pile; those (I say), whom those (now)
dead had loved !

82. Thus therefore, had the whole human race been led on to the last stage of brutality,
so that he, who was (once) rational, became the most irrational of all. Nor was there any
other (being), of those that were on the earth, more vicious than man; who had been (so)
led into every vile affection, and had (so) corrupted his mind with every species of
wickedness, that he readily forsook even the reflection which belonged to his nature, and
did nothing well, either of the things pertaining to the soul, the body, or of those,
which were external to him; but, he every where became subject to vice upon vice!----For,
the lives of men are divided among the things which are of the soul, of the body, and of
those which are external (to both). But, the error of the Demons had (now) so possessed in
every form, and had so corrupted, the lives of men, that the things of the soul were at
war with them, through the madness of the Demon-worship which had (so) seized upon them,
and through their foolishness and blindness as to the truth,---- about which (truth) even
the family of Philosophers was in a state of agitation. And, as to the things of the body,
(they consisted) in the human sacrifices which (prevailed) throughout the whole earth ;
and again, in the base, lawless, and corrupt practices, which were foreign to nature.

The things too, which were external (to both, consisted) in this, that in the cities,
localities, and nations, all were, at one time, divided into parties ; at another,----when
they were brought together,----they contended against each other, by means of the
desolations and reductions of cities, in which they mutually laboured. And, the length of
the day would be insufficient for me, were I to relate all the things pertaining to this
ancient disease, which had (so) seized upon the whole race of man. And, on this account
more particularly, was God the Saviour necessary to this our (mortal) life, as to those
who had been cast down to the last extremity of evil: nor was there any other cure or aid
(for this), except by means of the glorious and divine manifestation (of Christ). 83.
What, then, was it right that THE WORD, the Father of rational beings, the Saviour of all,
the Guardian, the providential Care, the Shepherd of the rational flock which is on the
earth, should, after (the occurrence of) these things, do, in order to raise to great
honour the rational and intelligent Essence which is in man, (and) which had (so) fallen
into the vast depths of evil? And that he, who had with his own hands (so) dragged upon
himself the cause of his ruin, might see (and know Him as) his friend? Would it have been
well, that (even) a man should pass over the safety of his friends, and unpityingly
neglect them when thus perishing, who had the highest claim to his providential care? No
Captain indeed, would ever be termed wise, who should give up his ship with its crew to go
down, having by him that which (would secure) the safety of those who sailed with him, but
not applying it. Nor was there ever a General so merciless, as to give up, unavenged, the
soldiers of his army to their enemies. Nor is there any good Shepherd, who unfeelingly
neglects the (single) sheep that has strayed from his flock; but, he leaves those that are
not lost and in a secure place, and undergoes every thing for the discovery of that which
has strayed ; and, should it be necessary, he will even engage with the wild beasts(in its
defence).

The providential care, however, of THE WORD, the Saviour,----of Him who has provided every
thing for (His) rational creatures,----was not put forth (merely) for a flock that is
irrational. For, it is man (only) of the creatures that are on the earth, who is (thus)
beloved of God; and it is man also, to whom He has, as a Father, given up every kind of
irrational animal in subjection. It is to man too, to whom He has assigned the navigation
of the seas; and for whom He has adorned the earth with every sort of plant. To him He has
subjected both the (various) kinds of beings that swim in the unseen depths, and of the
birds that fly in the heights. It is man moreover, to whom He has granted the faculty of
knowledge for receiving every sort of learning. To him likewise, has He made plain the
observation of things in the heavens, the (annual) courses of the sun, the (monthly)
changes of the moon, and the progress of the stars both planetary and fixed.

84. How then, after (the occurrence) of these things, could it have been becoming, that
the fatherly anxiety and providential care which is over all,----which had (so) rightly
exerted its care for those other things of the body, and of this sensible world,----should
be so crippled as to become inactive, as it respected the healing of the rational Essence
vested in man? It had afforded every sort of provision for man, every sort of remedy, and
(means) of health, for the body, growth also, strength, beauty, riches, delights, and the
increase of possession for (his) convenience. And, Would He put forth not so much as one
effort of care, that they might become acquainted with the things which are most excellent
in them, with their own souls, and the Essence which is intelligent? But thus, it is
likely one would rather blame the imbecility (or) carelessness, not of the sheep wandering
from the flock, but of the shepherd: and again, not the infirm of soul, or those
calamitously circumstanced ; but the contempt or imbecility of the physician, if he gave
not every sort of medicine for the healing and aid of those, who (so) needed (it). Every
necessity would therefore call upon Him, who is the Guardian and Saviour of all, for the
healing of his (rational) flock.

85. It is likely therefore, that the compassionate WORD OF GOD would, as a good Shepherd,
Saviour, and Guardian, when His rational flock on earth was (thus) implicated in the
greatest evils, deign openly to make a Divine manifestation of Himself; since, behold! He
had never allowed even a period to pass, in which He did not fully exert His providential
care, for the supply of every good thing to those who were in need. At every period
therefore, in all ages of the world, He both looked, and engaged Himself, upon the things
belonging to the earth; and gave freely in times of necessity, of the things which were
(laid up) with Him: and so without upbraiding, evinced He the promptness of His
providential care towards all men, that He even afforded instruction to those among
mankind who were worthy (of this), by revelations of Angels, and by raising up holy
Ministers of God : by Prophecy also, and familiar intercourse, He preached the Godhead of
His Father, and the life that was most excellent, to those who were capable of being
taught in the mysteries of the worship of God: at that period, too, he gave the
instruction which was from Himself to our Fathers, as to those who were still infants, and
inexperienced in evil.

86. Because then (men) had by a perversion which was not good (growing) out of their
liberty, and from the will of their minds, set themselves up, and (hence) had fallen from
the life that is excellent into (many) evils; it is likely, that the same WORD OF GOD,
would again,----as the Physician of souls,----by adequate aids succour those who suffered
this malady, and bring back by bitter medicines, those who had not benefited by these His
gifts. On these grievous diseases of vice therefore, He took vengeance by pestilences,
famines, wars, conflagrations, and inundations (of waters); and thus turned back to
Himself, those who stood in need of these things. At one time He purged the entire life of
all, by destructions of waters: at another, He punished the wicked by excessive rains in
(certain) places, by strokes of the lightning, by burnings, or by withholding the
(necessary) rains. And again, in the abundance of His mercy, He made certain by these same
deeds, both (his) rebukes and teachings against the errors of Demons. The Temples too, of
those who were thought to be Gods, and (their) Fanes, together with the images and Gods
themselves, did He desolate by destructive strokes of lightning; and thus He put to shame
those follies. Nor was it (this) only, but He taught them to distinguish by their own
reason, that these never were Gods, and, that it was not in their power even to help
themselves:

and also, that they were neither of the household of God the King of all, nor friends of
Him, who (thus) waged war against them. For, How could He who is the cause of every good
thing, give up to destruction by fire, the Temples which (men) had built to His own
honour; unless (indeed) He did this for a reproof of their error? For, if it was His will
that the Demons which resided in these should be honoured, Why did He destroy their
Temples together with their images? By means of the arrows which were sent from above from
God, He drove far away from their eminences those who resided in these (Temples), and
fully preached, in this way (and) by these doings, in the hearing of all men, crying out
(as it were), Cease ye from the error of Demons, and (from affirming) that there are many
Gods; and acknowledge that Lord of heaven and earth and of the whole universe, who is God
(indeed): that Saviour, that Nourisher, that Preserver;----Him, who, (as) they may see
with their own eyes, has openly shewn His providential care over them ; at one time, in
the supply of seasonable rains, of fruits borne of all (that springs) out of the earth, of
wealth, and of comforts, unsparingly : at another, by the chastisements sent from God, and
by the modes of discipline which were from Himself, has He brought back as with a bridle,
those who were insensible of the good things, with which He had furnished them.

Nor was it (this) only, but He also so cured the error of those who supposed these to be
Gods, by a continuance of the lightnings and conflagrations which (came) upon them, that
the Temples of the Gods were even burnt, together with those who had fabricated Gods for
themselves, by ambushments of men: plainly exhibiting to those who could see, the rebuke
which was due to the error of these. Nevertheless, when these worshippers of the Gods
witnessed these early (occurrences), they entertained no greater a disposition towards the
correction of their impiety! 87. And again also, when they believed in these Gods, who had
(virtually) confessed by their divinations, that they could effect nothing beyond what had
been fated;----for Fate is the cause of all (in this acceptation);---- they understood
not, nor did they consider, that, as (this) Fate took hold both of themselves and of the
Gods, vain must be (every) trust put in these, as they could neither help, nor injure
mankind in any thing. And, Only so? ----If it were right to honour Fate, as the cause of
every thing; still this, as being a necessity impervious to change, could have no power
even over itself! But, He has put forth the knowledge of Himself,----in order that (men)
might know Him to be Lord of this (fate), and also of every (other) thing;----at one time,
by the supply of every sort of good thing; at another, by chastising the error of a
plurality of Gods in thunderings and in lightnings. And it has accordingly been made
matter of history, that the Temple of Delphos,----of that Pythian (Apollo) who was (so
much) preached of formerly,----underwent upon one occasion (an entire) conflagration; but
these, remaining in their error, raised it up a second time; and God the second time
destroyed it! They renewed it also a third time; and He again, expelled entirely from its
place, not the Temple, but the Demon that resided within its chamber, by his Divine
manifestation! so that now, this is no more a house of divination ; nor does he, who
formerly led the Greeks astray, (any more) practise there.

88. The Temple of Diana too at Ephesus, came to (its) destruction three several times. On
one occasion, the Amazons burnt it; on another, Herododus (Herostratus), one of the
inhabitants of Ephesus; and lastly, on another, (it was ruined) by God who is over all. So
that now, after the manifestation of our Saviour, nothing more is visible even there,
except the great (and) signal mark of the victory of (its) overthrow. 89. They have
recorded moreover, that the Temple of Juno in Argus was destroyed on one occasion by fire;
as was also that in Abas, in like manner, when the Thebans made an incursion and burnt it,
and with it five hundred men! 90. It is also said, that on one occasion, lightning struck
the statue of Jupiter in Olympia. 91. The Roman histories likewise inform us, that the
Temple of Vesta which is in Rome, and which is called the Pantheon,----(all) the Gods
being assembled together there, as it should seem,----was again, destroyed by lightning.

92. And again, on one occasion, lightning fell from heaven on that which is called by them
the Capitol, and destroyed that house of every Temple. 93. With all these modes of
discipline therefore, has the Providence which is over all, THE WORD OF GOD, put to shame
from all time, those who worshipped Demons. Nor was it (this) only, but He also taught
them, from ancient times by doctrines worthy of God, that they should worship His Father.
He has likewise, cast forth (as seed) among mortal men, the doctrines conducive to life;
divine laws, and precepts of righteousness, as herbs (productive) of things that are good,
and as medicines for the salvation of reasonable souls. Thus (did He) in ancient times
with the Hebrews through Prophets, men who partook of the Divine Spirit. And again, from a
long extended antiquity, through other Friends of God: and again afterwards, through those
who were vested with the Divinity, did He call those who had been cast off to death, to
(the means of) recovery. He also sowed (as it were) in the souls of men, the rudiments of
the Divine laws;----of various kinds of instructions ; of doctrines of every kind; of
predictions, and of prophecies of things to come; as also the love of that life (which is
devoted) to the worship of God. Hence poured forth as from a fountain, even in every part
of the creation, the seed, (and thence) the rational observances (of life): and hence,
laws and lawgivers were seen among all the nations; and the name of virtue and of
philosophy became known among men. (Now) came into being the love of things most
excellent;

and, the desire to discover the truth was in such active operation with the many, that the
error of their forefathers came into utter contempt, and, with the intelligent, those
things which belonged to the worship and love of God, into repute. The truth too had been
wanting; and great had been the differences respecting this with the many, as had the
contentions and divisions of those, who disputed about doctrines. And thus did these
things shew, that the Providence (exerted) over mankind, was from all time great, (and)
evincing the care for every man, which was both suitable and sufficient. 94. Because then,
great would be the change for the better in every one, upon human life's becoming
tranquillized, and the common conduct (of all) being changed from its former wildness to
something approaching to benignity ; it is likely, that the common Saviour of all, the
compassionate WORD OF GOD, would more particularly, and the more readily, make his Divine
manifestation at a time that would be (most) suitable. He accordingly came in by the
mission of himself, and shewed forth to men,----who could by no other means arrive at the
knowledge of the truth, by the instrumentality of a human vessel,----the God of truth. The
God of truth did then, through the divine operations and astonishing miracles which were
evident to all, shew forth the doctrine of heavenly teaching which respected His Kingdom ;
in order that by these, He might henceforth,----even as He had formerly afforded aid by
means of the things already mentioned,----instruct the whole human race in the doctrine
which is heavenly. It was impossible indeed, in ancient times, to make those who had been
driven to the last stage of vice, pure by words (only), inviting (them) to the perfect
knowledge of God, and to the better life of purity and of righteousness. On this account,
just as Physicians prescribe their remedies to those who are sick and debilitated by pains
and sufferings, not the healthy food proper for the robust, but things that give
uneasiness and pain; and, should it be necessary, do not excuse themselves from applying
cauteries and bitter draughts, to coerce the disease:----not the aliments proper for the
healthy, but those suitable to the sick: but, when they have become convalescent, they
will henceforth allow them to partake of wholesome and strengthening food :----

95. So likewise the common Saviour of all, as the Shepherd and Physician of His rational
flocks on earth, taught those----who had previous to His last divine manifestation entered
into the many follies of a plurality of Gods, and had been maddened by the evils and
fierceness attending (this) corruption of mind,----by bitter punishments, by pestilences,
famines, and the continuance of wars against each other. And again, by excessive rains, by
the withholding of the rains, and by calamitous strokes of lightning, did He annihilate
these instances of obstinacy : besides, He afforded opportunity to the worshippers of the
Demons to see, by the vengeance taken in the strokes of lightning sent upon the Idols, the
reproach due to the error of a plurality of Gods. 96. He again as a good Father, thus also
afforded instruction to the foolish; for He imparted to them ungrudgingly, the gifts which
were from Himself, in the provision of every good and rich thing: rains in their seasons;
the production of fruits; the changes of the seasons ; and the carrying forward of animal
life. The rational means also of all kinds of art; the seeds of these, and the (due)
consideration of them, He cast forth into the souls of men. Again also He sowed (as it
were), by means of the Prophets who are preached of among the Hebrews, the rudiments of
the Divine precepts; the instruction pertaining to the fear of God; the entrance, the
stages, and principal things, attending the Divine laws ; such (I say) as were suitable to
the men of those times. He again from his providential care, (and) by means of many
others, also gave the aid which was convenient for men as then (existing).

97. Because therefore, the life of man had henceforward undergone a change, by means of
these things, to a state of peacefulness and rest, and was prepared to receive the perfect
doctrine relating to God ; well again, did the common Saviour of all, the only (begotten)
WORD OF GOD, the King of all, shew forth at a time that was suitable, and by these same
operations, the Divine manifestation of Himself. But, as these things have been largely
set forth already, it is (now) time we should proceed to those that (should) follow them.
The End of the Second Book of (Eusebius) of Caesarea. [Selected footnotes. Notes concerned
only with points of the Syriac and large chunks of Greek have been omitted]


THEOPHANIA
==========

THEOPHANIA continued

BOOK 3

BOOK III. THE THIRD BOOK OF (EUSEBIUS) OF CAESAREA. 1. BECAUSE then, human life had
undergone a change, through the things already mentioned, to a state henceforth of peace
and rest, and had been prepared to receive the perfect doctrine relating to God; well
again, did the common Saviour of all, the only (begotten) WORD OF GOD, the King of all,
shew forth the divine revelation of Himself by very deeds, and at the time which was
suitable. For, immediately and at once, when He appeared in the world, those things which
appertained to the ancient service of Demons, were undone by the overthrow as it were, of
(some ruinous) war-engine; tidings announcing good things were preached to all nations,
and God who is over all, the Propitiator of the children of men, was announced. The whole
error of a plurality of Gods was also overthrown, and all the operations of demons were
forthwith cast aside. Men again were no more sacrificed ; nor were the slaughterings of
human beings, which from former times had ruined the world, (persevered in). Nor again,
were there multitudes of Rulers, Princes, Tyrants, and Governours of the people. Nor
again, existed those things, on account of which wars, and the reduction of cities, had
been set on foot in every city and place: on the contrary, one God was preached to all men
: the one empire too of the Romans had extended itself over all : and the peaceless and
uncompromising enmity, which had so long been the portion of the nations, came to an
entire end.

And, as the knowledge of the one God, and of one just and righteous conduct resulting
therefrom, was, by the teaching of our Saviour, delivered to all men; so also one king, at
one and the same time, was established over the whole Roman empire, and a profound peace
prevailed in every thing. At once too, and at one period, as it were at the intimation of
the one God, two singular advantages sprung up among mankind ; the Instruction that was in
righteousness, and the Empire of the Romans. For formerly, this error of the Demons had
grievously enslaved the nations: and, as the whole had been divided into many (parts),
some taking Syria by way of portion; others bearing rule in Asia; others, in Macedonia;
others cutting up and seizing upon Egypt; others, in like manner, upon the country of
Arabia: the race of the Jews again, had possession of Palestine. And, in every village,
city, and place, they were, as from madness (and) like marauders and demoniacs in reality,
careful (only) about warfare and contention one against another;--of which enough has
already been said.

2. But (now), two great Powers sprung fully up, as (it were) out of one stream; and they
gave peace to all, and brought all together to a state of friendship : (namely) the Roman
Empire, which, from that time, appeared (as) one kingdom ; and, the Power of the Saviour
of all, whose aid was at once extended to, and established with, every one. For, the
divine superiority of our Saviour swept away the authority of the many Demons, and many
Gods; so that the one kingdom of God was preached to all men Greeks and Barbarians, and to
those who (resided) in the extremities of the earth. The Roman Empire too,-- since those
had been previously uprooted who had been the cause of the rule of many--soon subjugated
all (others), and quickly brought together into one state of accordance and agreement, the
whole race of (man). And, behold ! it henceforth brought together such a multitude of
nations, as soon to take possession (of all), even to the extremities of the earth; the
teaching of our Saviour having, by the divine power, already prepared all parties, and
established (all) in a state of equanimity. And this is indeed a great miracle to those,
who set their minds on the love of truth, and are unwilling to be envious against that
which is good. For at once, was the error of evil Demons put out of sight; and, at the
same time, did the enmity and contention of the nations, which had always existed, lose
its power:

and again, at the same time, was the one God and the one knowledge of Him, preached to all
men through the teaching of our Saviour: at the same time too, was the empire of the
Romans established among men; and, at once, was the (state or) the whole race of man
changed to (that) of peace; and all, professing a common brotherhood, betook themselves to
the instructing of their own nature. Forthwith too, they became born, as it were, of one
(common) Father, and as the children of the one God ; of one Mother too, righteousness and
truth; and so received they one another with the salutation of peace, that henceforward
the whole creation was nothing less than as one household, and as a race governed by one
law. It was (now) practicable too, that any desiring to send, for the purposes of
merchandise, and to proceed, whithersoever he pleased, to do this with the greatest
facility. Those of the West could come without danger to the East: and again, those who
were here (in the East) could proceed thither as to the house of their own fathers,
according to the words of ancient prophecy, and of many other burdens of the Prophets,
which we have not now leisure to mention, excepting these respecting our Saviour, the WORD
OF GOD, which proclaimed thus: " He shall have dominion from sea to sea, and from the
rivers to the extremities of the earth: and again, "In his days shall righteousness spring
forth, and abundance of peace : and again.

" They shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into reaping hooks, and
nation shall not lift up the sword against nation; nor shall they learn war." 3. These
things were foretold in the language of the Hebrews, (and) have been published a very long
time ago: they are now in our times witnessed in their operation, confirming the
testimonies of those ancient declarations. If then, thou desire other proofs of the
excellency of the truth, (shewing) that it is not of mortal nature, but is the word of God
in truth; and (that) the "power of God," the Saviour, has been revealed in the world, not
by words (only), but by deeds; accept thou of them. Open the eyes of thy understanding,
unbar the doors of thy mind; and let thy soul be wholly collected within thee. Consider
and ask thyself, as if thou wert interrogated by another, and thus investigate the nature
of the things (to be brought before thee). 4. Who, of those that ever existed, is the
mortal man, King, Philosopher, Lawgiver, or Prophet, whether Greek or Barbarian, who bore
all this pre-eminence,--not after his death, but while he was still alive, and drew
breath;-- and could effect so much, that he should be preached throughout the whole earth
? and, that his name should fill the hearing, and tongues of every people upon the face of
the whole earth ? But this, no man has done excepting our Saviour alone, who said to his
disciples by word, and fulfilled it by deed: " Go and teach all nations." He said (also)
to them,--what He had foretold and previously revealed,--that it was necessary His Gospel
should be preached throughout the whole creation, for a testimony to all nations. And,
with the word, He brought the deed also to pass: for, immediately,--and not at a great
distance of time,--the whole creation was filled with His words !

5. Now. What can he have to say on this matter, who dares to oppose the truth; since the
testimony which is by means of the sight, is better than that which is by any sort of
words? But, if thou give up this first (sort of proof), betake (thyself) to the latter:
and now consider with thyself,-- 6. What mortal nature has ever appeared, which appointed
like Him, by word only and not in writing, laws that were just and pure, and sent these
same forth by the hands of His disciples, from one extremity of the creation to another?
and, Who so opened out His doctrines throughout the whole earth, that immediately and day
by day, the instructions which it was becoming should be delivered by Him, were
sufficiently preached in the hearing of all men, Barbarians at once, and Greeks? But, if
thou seek, thou shalt find no other: for this is a work, resulting from the power of the
Saviour of us all, alone.--Nor will this persuade him who is not to be persuaded. Let the
same then say to us, for we are willing to learn--

7. Who, of those who have been praised for the wisdom of their observances, has ever so
delivered the barbarous and brutal of barbarous nations, by his merciful laws, that those
who became (His) disciples among the Scythians, feast (now) no more on human beings? nor,
among the Persians, take their own mothers (as wives) ? others too cast not their dead to
the dogs? nor do others deliver up those that are aged for strangulation ? nor are other
brutal and beastly things allied to these, done with others? But these are only small
proofs of the revelation of the Godhead of the Saviour of us all. Look now also at others,
and consider with thyself:-- 8. What mortal man, of all the Princes at once, and Kings,
and Armies, and Companies, and Inhabitants, and Nations, ever existed during all these
periods, who added this also (to his exploits), that even those who were thought to be
Gods by the many, should wage war with Him,--and who at all times did wage war with
Him;--but, that He shewed his pre-eminence so far to exceed that of man, that day after
day there was exultation, and (that) His doctrine took effect throughout the whole world ?

9. And, Who is that other (person) who, since the life of man was set up, ever sought to
constitute a people after his own name;--a thing never yet heard of:--and this, not in a
corner, or obscurely in some part of the earth, but in the whole earth under the sun;
(and) did so settle by the power of the rule of his Godhead, and so complete his wish,
that he delivered the knowledge of the one God who is beyond the heavens, the King of the
whole world, together with his fear, to all men on the face of the whole earth, to the
nations both Barbarian and Greek ? 10. Who ever set about to teach, and, after he had so
engaged himself, brought, as in this marked instance, the matter to its right effect ? and
forthwith, through his own efforts, so made known his undertaking, that by the love of
God, he closed rather the mouths than the doors of all; and proclaimed God who is over all
? He commanded moreover, that all nations should truly acknowledge Him alone ? And,
because he willed that which was acceptable to God, He deigned to give His aid and
assistance to him, who was his own ambassador ? The doctrines therefore, accompanying this
preaching, were delivered; they were also received into the hearing of all men, and they
were by deeds confirmed!--How they were, see thou, and consider;--

11. What other person ever arose (as the sun) with his rational light to the souls of men,
and so prepared them to laugh at the error of the Demons of their forefathers, that they
no more attached the divine name to wood, stone, and matter that is inanimate ? 12. What
other, excepting our Saviour, persuaded the Egyptians,--more attached as they were to the
fear of Demons than any other people, and from whom came the error of a multiplicity of
Gods to the Greeks,--that henceforth they should be no more (so) infatuated, and no more
give that venerable name to beasts, reptiles, noxious and irrational animals; but should
acknowledge that one God alone who is above all, and contend for his righteousness in
every sort of death ? 13. And Who invisibly, and by the powerful means and force of his
doctrine which was every where preached, drove out as evil beasts, from among his own
human flock, that injurious and destructive family of Demons, which from ancient time had
ruled the whole race of man; and, by means of the exciting power of Idols, had put forth
innumerable errors among them, so that these Demons should no more give out their
divinations at the springs and fountains ? Nor again, should any earthly spirits, leading
the world astray, implicate mankind in error ? The fountain therefore, that was in
Castalia became silent, as did the other which was in Colophon: other fountains of
divinations also became silent; the Pythian, the Clarian, the Nemean; that in Delphos, and
Miletus; that in Colophon, and in Lebadia, of which (last) so much was boasted from
ancient times. To the doctrine of Christ did they all accede. Where are (now) Amphilocus
and Mopsus? There is not a man in (either) place! Where are Amphiaraus and Aesculapius?
Where is that (Image) of Ammon, and (which was) in the Desert of Lybia ? All these Gods
have crept under the earth, being alarmed at the name of our Saviour! not unlike those
their Princes who could not, when He went about among men, bear the rays of his Godhead,
but grievously complained, crying out, " What have we to do with thee, Jesus " (thou) "
Son of God," and saying, " Art thou come before the time to torment me?

We know thee who thou art, that thou art the Holy One of God. The Egyptian Demons
therefore, when hearing that the doctrine of our Saviour was preached in the whole of
their land, confessed that they themselves were nothing ! They gave up accordingly the
places subject to their customs to be destroyed, together with (their) Fanes and Images,
and betook themselves to flight and departure; driven away as they were by the Divine
power. The divinations too of every place were destroyed ; and the Christ of God alone,
and the one only God who was preached by him to all men, became the object of divine
worship. 14. What other (person) moreover, has, like this our Saviour, given such power to
those who have, in purity and sincerity, arrived at the life of excellence and of wisdom
which has been delivered by Him, that they should by calling on Him, and by means of pure
prayers offered up through Him to Almighty God, cast out that superabundance of evil
Demons from the human body ? 15. What other too, except Him alone, has granted to those
who draw near to Him. that they should perform the rational and unbloody services which
are (offered) by means of prayer, and the secret (use of) the Divine announcements ? and,
on which account He has appointed, throughout the whole creation of man, altars without
fire, services worthy of God, the setting apart of Churches, and, that intellectual and
rational sacrifices should, by means of rites becoming the Deity, be put forth to that one
God alone, who is the King of all nations ?

16. Who moreover, tacitly, and by means of His invisible power, has abolished those
sacrifices which were completed with blood, impurity, smoke, and fire ? -- those
abominable shrines also for the slaughter of men ; and so provided, that human sacrifices
should no more be offered, and these things be no more done ? -- that the writings of the
Greeks also should attest, that it was not from ancient times, but (only) after the divine
teaching of our Saviour, in the times of Hadrian, that human sacrifices ceased throughout
the whole earth ? 17. Since then, all these are clear proofs confirming the divine power
of the Saviour of us all, Who is he whose soul (partakes) so much of iron, as not to give
his testimony to the truth ? and to confess His divine and living (active) power ? For it
is of the living, and not of the dead, that these deeds are. For the visual perception of
something distant is, they say, (the effect) of some thing (really) visible.

18. The Race therefore which contended with God, disturbed the life of man, and
introduced, led on, and could effect much, has suddenly, lately, and but a short time ago
--because driven out from among men,--been cast to the earth, as an object deserving of
the utmost contempt, breathless, motionless, speechless, and again, bereft both of
utterance and of remembrance ! 19. This mortal nature therefore, and again that which has
no proper existence, is (as) nothing. And that which is (as) nothing, is likewise
inoperative. But, (as to) Him who acts at all times, and is every moment operative, and is
more potent than any living creature, How can He be supposed to have no proper existence,
although not visible to the bodily eyes? But, discrimination is not by the senses; nor do
we try the terms of art, the perception of doctrines, nor yet the mind of man, by the
bodily senses: much less can man ever see with the eyes the person, or the power, of God.
Nevertheless, these things may be known from the effects of their (several) operations. On
this account, it is our duty to inform ourselves respecting the unseen power of the
Saviour of us all, to prove His works, and to distinguish, whether we ought to confess
that the things which have hitherto been done by Him, are of one living; or, whether we
are to affirm, that they are of some one, who had no proper existence; or, whether this
same thing be foolish, and the question respecting it inconsistent. For, he who has no
proper existence in all his parts, has, it is clear, no proper existence at all, and is
unable either to act, or to effect any thing. Such is the nature which is dead ; while
that opposed to it is living.-- But, it is now time we should investigate those works of
our Saviour which appertain to our days, and to take a view of the living (effective)
works of the living God. For the living works of God are life indeed. Learn (then), what
those things are about which thou enquirest, and Him (at the same time), who lives in His
works.

20. Some of the contenders with God did, but a little while ago, rebelliously, forcibly,
and with a mighty hand, so rase to the foundation and overthrow His houses of prayer, that
the churches disappeared: by every means too, they made war with Him who is invisible to
the eyes, attacking and reproaching (Him) with innumerable injurious expressions. But He,
while unseen, secretly avenged Himself of them. And they again (felt this), not by one
intimation from God (only). They (I say) who, but a short time before, were delighting
themselves and happy;-- they who were worshipped by all men, as if they had been Gods, and
who, during the revolutions of many years, gloriously administered the affairs of their
rule: for before they made war with Him, they had the most perfect peace and friendship
(with all) ; but when they became changed, and dared to contend with God, and arranged
their Deities before them in battle array against Him who is our (God), in order that
(these) might be their strength;-- (then), forthwith--in one moment--and at the intimation
of God, and through the power of Him with whom they had contended, did all they who had
been thus daring, suffer punishment, so that they gave in to Him on whom they had made
war, turned their backs (in flight), and confessed His Godhead ! They allowed also, and
persuaded, that (men) should boldly do the reverse of those things which were from ancient
time.

He therefore quickly established throughout the whole earth the signal mark of victory,
and adorned (it), as from the first, with Temples which were pure, and distinguished (set
apart) as for the prayers of the whole creation; so that He consecrated holy and dedicated
places, in every village, city, place, and even in the deserts of the Barbarians, to the
One God (and) King of all; -- to Him who is the Lord of all;-- that He might hence dignify
the things (so) set apart, with the name of Him who was their Lord. Nor was it of man,
that (this) happy appellation fell to their lot; but it was of Him who is Lord of all,
that hence they were each dignified with the name of "the House of the Lord. Let any one
who wishes then, stand forth in the midst and learn, who it was that, after all this
subversion and destruction, raised up on high from the earth, buildings such as these
throughout the whole creation; and who it was, that vouchsafed to afford to these things,
of which every hope had been cut off, a renovation far better than they formerly had! Nor
was the great miracle of THE WORD, which renewed these, delayed until after the death of
those who contended with God, but (took place) during their stay in the world. Those very
persons (I say) who rased (the churches), did by their words and writings preach the new
birth, which directly opposed their own (former) darings :

and this they did, not when enjoying rest, so that any one should imagine that it was of
the friendship of men; but when driven forth by the stroke of God. 21. He then, even after
all these storms of persecution, did, by means of sharp calamities and His divine
teaching, so enlighten and set up throughout the whole creation, men zealous of the life
of wisdom, multitudes both of men and of ministering women, and of congregations of
virgins, that they (all) were (thus) established throughout the whole of their lives in
perfect holiness. 22. Who moreover persuaded women, multitudes of children, and of men,
voluntarily to suffer the privation of food and of wine for many days ? to sleep on the
earth ? to have recourse to a hard and robust discipline, coupled with chastity ? and made
them exchange the food of the body, for those spiritual and rational provisions of the
soul,--the one for the other,--which are obtained by the divine reading ? 23. And, Who
taught men, barbarian and rustic, as well as women, children, and innumerable multitudes
of heathen slaves, to despise death ? to be persuaded that their souls were immortal ?
that the eye of justice was open, viewing the deeds of all men, just and unjust ? and to
hope for the judgment of God ?--That it was, on account of these things, their duty to be
careful as to the life of righteousness and temperance ? And, that if they were not so,
they could not otherwise be brought under that yoke of righteousness, which hitherto had
been brought into operation by Him alone whom we call God ?

24. But, let us dismiss these things, and let us otherwise approach him whose mind is (as)
the rock; and let us interrogate him thus, with the questions (growing) out of these
things (following):--O bring thou forth the word of reason, not from a heart implicated in
error, but advancing (this) as the fruit of the intelligent and rational soul; and, having
meditated much, say between thyself and thy soul,-- 25. What other, of those preached of
from ancient times, ever did like Him who is called God by us, become known, established,
and declared, by the enouncements from above of the Prophets many ages ago, among those
ancient friends of God, the Hebrew family ?--those (I say), who also previously delivered
in writing, in the divine scriptures, the place of His manifestation, the time of His
advent, the manner of His life, His power, His words, and His deeds?

26. Or, Who so suddenly appeared as an executor of vengeance against those who dared to
oppose Him, that, upon the Jews acting (thus) impiously, He forthwith dealt out punishment
by means of His unseen power on their whole nation ? and overthrew to the foundations,
both their place and rule ?--For He at once levelled to the ground, both their Temple, and
their sacred (things) ! 27. And Who, like this our Saviour, has clearly foretold the
things that respected the impious (Jews), and respecting the Church which was established
by Himself throughout the whole creation, and in the very things themselves? and has shewn
their confirmation in their effects?--who said of the impious (Jews), "Behold, your house
is left desolate; nor shall stone remain upon stone in this place, which shall not be
thrown down." And of His Church He said; " Upon this rock I build my Church, and the gate-
bars of Hell shall not prevail against it ?"

28. And this also, that He should change men poor and rustic, from the occupation of
fishing, to that of rule ? and, that He should make these into Lawgivers, and Teachers, of
the whole creation of man ? How is it to be imagined by thee, that He then (so) made the
promise by word, and brought it to pass in deed, that He made them "Fishers of men?" He
gave them moreover, all this excellency and power, that they should compose and complete
Books; and, that they should give such confirmation to these, that they should be received
throughout the whole creation, in the languages of both the Greeks and Barbarians ? and,
that in all nations they should be taught, and believed, as containing the written words
of God? 29. And, How does it appear to thee, that He should foretel what was about to take
place ? and should previously testify to His Disciples, that, because they should give
their testimony to Him, they should come before Kings and Governours: and that they should
be punished, and undergo grievous torments?--

30. And this also, that He should so prepare them, that they should voluntarily suffer ?
and, that they should so firmly arm their souls with the armour of righteousness as with
adamant, that they should be seen (engaged) in conflict against those who opposed them
;--How does not this surpass all description ? 31. Nor was it only, that He impressed on
the souls of those who (immediately) followed Him such power, that when, having clone
nothing worthy of death, they willingly underwent every species of punishment and torment,
for the sake of the righteousness of that God who is overall; but also, on those who
received (it) from them; and so again, on those who came afterwards; and on those even to
this present, and (who live) in our own times;--How does this not transcend every sort of
miracle ? 32. Besides, Which of the kings ever remained prosperous in his rule, throughout
all this length of time ? And, Who is he, who so conquered after his own death, and
established the mark of victory over his enemies, that he subdued every region, place, and
city, both of the Greeks and Barbarians? and beat down, by the hidden and invisible power
of (his own) right hand, that which opposed him ?

33. But, the chief of all the things that have been mentioned, is that peace which was, by
His power, supplied to the whole earth; of which we have already said what was proper.
And, What mouth of the calumniator would not (the consideration) close, that love and
concord so ran together with His doctrine in (effective) operation, into all nations ?
and, that the peace which took place among the nations throughout all the world, and the
word, which was sown (as seed) by Him among all nations, had formerly been so foretold by
the Prophets of God ? But a (whole) day would be too short, were I to attempt to collect
and shew within it, the open proofs of the divine power of the WORD OF GOD, the Saviour of
all, which have been put forth up to this time. So that there never was a man at any time,
no not among the Greeks, who has shewn forth such transcendent and divine power as He has,
who has been preached to every man, and is the Saviour of all, and the only (begotten)
WORD OF GOD who is above all. But, Why do I say "of men ? when behold! no such nature as
His has appeared upon earth, even of those who have been named Gods by all nations? If
(not so), let him who wishes shew (this):

let every existing Philosopher too come forward and tell us, What God or Hero has at any
period, or ever, been heard of, who delivered the doctrine of eternal life, and of the
kingdom of heaven, --a thing not of recent occurrence,--to mankind, as this our Saviour
(has done) ? who has caused innumerable multitudes, throughout the whole creation, to be
instructed in His own doctrines of wisdom ? and has persuaded them to follow after the
life which is heavenly, and to despise that which is of time (only) ; and to hope for the
heavenly mansions, which are kept for the souls that love God? 34. What God or Hero is it,
that has ever so fully arisen (like the sun) and given light from the East even to the
West by the bright rays of his doctrine, that, immediately and with the swiftness as it
were of the course of the Sun, all the nations of the earth (thence) rendered to the one
God, one and the same service? 35. What God or Hero is it, who ever contended with all the
gods and heroes both of the Greeks and Barbarians, and laid down a law, that not one of
them should be thought a God ? and, having so legislated, persuaded (men of this) ? and
who, when they all afterwards waged war against Him, being one and the same, overthrew
every power opposed to Him; and shewed that He was superior to all, both gods and heroes,
that ever existed, so as to be called throughout the whole creation of man, and by all
people, the ONLY (begotten) WORD OF GOD ?

36. What God or Hero was it, who ever delivered to all nations dwelling on the great
element of the whole earth,--to those on the land, and on the sea,--that they should make
a feast in holiness, both of the body and the soul, on the day of every week which is
called among the Greeks the Sun's day? And, that they should assemble themselves together,
not that their bodies should hear-- but their souls--that it was by means of the divine
teaching, they should live ? 37. What God or Hero was it who, when they so made war with
him, set up, as our (Saviour) has done, such a mark of victory in opposition to his
enemies ? For they ceased not to contend both with His doctrine, and His people, from
first to last: while He, being invisible, secretly overthrew them, and advanced His own,
together with the houses of God, to great glory ! But, Why should we wish to circumscribe
by words, the divine powers of the Saviour of us all, which exceed all description ? When
behold ! should we remain silent, the things themselves would cry out to those, whose
souls have ears ?

38. This is strange indeed, and something not to he imagined; at any period too, it must
be a singular thing (which) He brought to this world of mankind, and, that the only Son of
God should in truth, ever have appeared to those that are on the earth:--and that the
whole race of man should through Him, receive one who should in his own (human) nature, so
introduce him to the righteousness which is true, that henceforth there should be set up
throughout the whole creation of man, places for instruction in the Divine enouncements
and teaching ; and that men, barbarous and fierce, should so change their minds to
peacefulness, that the rational disposition of their souls should receive of His virtue;
and, by His means, acknowledge their Father who is in heaven, with the Saviour of all, the
ONLY (begotten) WORD OF GOD, the King of all; and that to Him, and through Him who is the
Cause of every good thing, they should so render the praises that are due, and the
blessings and thanksgivings which are right, that henceforth the righteous praises and
thanksgivings, which are suitable to the companies of the Angels that are in heaven,
should also be put up, day and night, by the inhabitants of this element of earth !

39. These acts, therefore,--pertaining to salvation, and advantageous to the world, and to
the Divine Manifestation of THE WORD OF GOD among men, as well as innumerable others like
them, on account of which he came into the world of men--He performed not in His usual
manner, that is, incorporeally; for, He had acted throughout the whole world secretly,
and, by these his works, shewed both to them who are in the heavens, and to them who are
on the earth, His innumerable operations. But recently, (he has done this) in a manner
foreign to His own custom. For He has, by means of a mortal vessel,--not unlike the king,
who (acts) through an Interpreter,--openly declared His edicts and methods of government
among men; in order that He might evince His providential care for mortals, by that which
was like to themselves, (and) that they might find life. But, as it has been seen that not
one, but many were the causes, why the Saviour of all made His Divine manifestation among
men; it becomes necessary, that we should also say in a few words, in their order, why He
availed himself of this human vessel, and came for the purpose of ruling among men.

How then, could the Divine, concealed, invisible, and untangible, Essence,--that
unembodied and incorporeal mind, THE WORD OF GOD,--otherwise exhibit himself to men
immersed in the depths of evils, and the corporeal substances (of nature), seeking God
upon earth, but otherwise not finding Him;--or, being unwilling to search after the Maker
and Creator of the whole creation, --if not by means of (some) human compound, and in some
form known to ourselves, and, as it were by an Interpreter ? For otherwise, How could the
eyes of the body look upon the incorporeal nature of God ? And, How could mortal nature
discover Him who is concealed, (and) invisible, whom they knew not from the multitude of
His works ? On, this account therefore, He required a mortal vessel, a help which would
comport with the conversation (had) among men; because, this would be agreeable to them ;
for they say, "Every thing loves its like . For, just as some great king might stand much
in need of an Interpreter, who could enounce his words to the inhabitants of both
countries and cities, whose understanding (of languages) was diverse; so also did THE WORD
or GOD,--who was about to be for the healing of souls,--that He should exhibit himself in
a body, and upon the earth. He would want a Mediator, not unlike an Interpreter, and a
bodily compound. And this would be some human instrument, by means of which He could make
known to men, what those concealed (properties) of the Godhead were.

Nor was it (this) alone, but also that He, the compassionate WORD OF GOD, should exhibit
Himself to those who delighted in the sense of things seen, and were seeking God by means
of inanimate Images, and carved Idols; and imagining, through (mere) material bodies, that
there was a God; but, from the infirmity and deficiency of their minds were giving to men,
mortal in their nature, the name of Gods. On this account, He prepared for himself a
Temple more holy than all ; a bodily vessel, and sensible habitation, for the rational
Power ; an Image pure, and in every thing excellent, and more honourable than the whole of
inanimated images. For that which was of inanimate matter, and in the form of an Image of
brass, iron, gold, ivory, stone, or wood, was fabricated by the hands of artificers of
(mere) matter, altogether for the residence of Demons, and to administer to the error of
fools. But the Divine Image, variously adorned by the wisdom of the Divine Power, partook
of life and of the Essence which is intelligent: the Image, filled with every excellence,
--the Divine Image, the habitation of THE WORD OF GOD, and the holy temple of the holy
God,--was prepared by the power of the Holy Ghost, in order that He, who resided therein,
might become known among mortal men by means of one who was their equal, as it were by an
Interpreter;

but who should not fall after the manner of their passions, nor be bound in the body, as
the manner is with the soul of man : nor yet, when appearing small (in reputation), should
undergo any change on that account as to his Godhead. For, as the rays of the sun's light
suffer nothing from their filling every thing, nor when they permeate the unclean bodies
of mortals; so, in a far higher degree, the Power which is incorporeal, THE WORD OF GOD,
suffers nothing in its own Essence, neither is it mutilated, nor is it ever diminished,
when, incorporeal as it is, it permeates that which is corporeal. In the same manner
therefore, the Saviour of all presented himself to every man (as) the helper and Saviour,
by means of the human vessel which He put forth, just as the musician (does), who is
willing to shew his skill by means of his lyre. History too among the Greeks teaches (us),
that Orpheus moved by his song every sort of animal, and pacified their angry feelings by
means of a hollow instrument, the strings of which he struck. This is moreover sung in the
assemblies of the Greeks; and it is believed, that an inanimate lyre soothed both the
animals and trees, and so changed even the oaks that they became imitators of music. This
(personage) therefore, filled with all wisdom and all prudence, THE WORD OF GOD, put forth
every sort of healing for the souls of men which had been reduced to all kinds of evil.

He took into His hands the instrument of the musician, the work of His own wisdom : this
He struck with His hand, (producing) songs and sweet strains to rational man, not to
animals that are irrational; and healed, by the medicines of His heavenly teaching, every
kind of the fierce, both of the Greeks and Barbarians, as well as the rude and beastlike
passions of the soul; and did, as a skilful physician, shew by the aid of one of their
equals, and who was like to themselves,-- to the souls which were implicated in disease,
and seeking God among bodies and substances which were elemental,--God in man ! Nor again,
was He less careful as to the body, than He was as to the soul. For He provided, that the
things which He did by means of the Body, should be apparent to men's bodily eyes; (that
is) that they should see astonishing miracles, signs, and (other) divine powers. And
again, He preached to the hearing of the body, these doctrines through a bodily tongue.
All these things therefore, He delivered by means of the Body which he bore,--as it were
by an Interpreter,--to those who otherwise could not,--except only in this way,--be made
sensible of His Godhead. Thesethings too, were (thus) administered by the will of His
Father: He still remaining with His Father, as He was before, immaterial, incorporeal,
(and) unchanged as to His (eternal) Essence. Nor did he suffer corruption from His
(former) nature; nor was He confined by the bonds of the body ;

nor was He here, only such as His human vessel was ; nor was He restrained from being in
other places of (this) whole: on the contrary, even then, when He conversed among men, did
He fill all things: was with His Father and was in Him; and then also, He fully and
providentially took care of all things, whether in heaven, or on the earth. Nor was He
ever, as we are, withholden from being near to every thing; nor was He hindered from
acting, after His own divine manner. On the contrary, the things that were of Himself He
gave to man; but, those which were of man, He took not. Of His divine power too, He
provided for mortals; while from His participation with the mortal, He received nothing.
Neither was He who was incorporeal, polluted when born in the body. Nor again, did He who
was impervious to passion, suffer in His (eternal) Essence, even when mortal nature had
been assigned to Him. For, neither does he who strikes the lyre become in any thing
subject to suffering, although the instrument should be broken, or the strings be cut: in
like manner too, we do not say when punishment is inflicted on the person of a wise man,
that the wisdom of the wise man, or the soul which is in his body, is either cut off, or
consumed.

So, much less is it right we should affirm, that the Power of the Divine WORD can receive
any thing like loss from the sufferings of the body. Nor, does any thing forbid our
affirming that,-- since, in our example, the rays of the Sun sent down from heaven to
earth, permeated the clay, mire, and every sort of impurity,--the light was therefore in
no respect polluted, although these things received light from its splendour. For the
light did not (thus) become clay, nor did the Sun become polluted, by its commixture with
(such) body; because these things are not foreign in their nature to bodies. But He,--who
is immaterial and incorporeal, THE WORD OF GOD, who is both the life, and intelligent
light,--impels, by the divine power which is incorporeal, every thing He approaches, both
to live and to remain in this rational light. In like manner also, the body to which this
is near becomes sanctified; and quickly does He enlighten it: all diseases too, pains and
sufferings, pass away (from it) ; and that which was defective is supplied from (His)
fulness. On this account He gave up His whole life, at one time exhibiting His image under
sufferings like those common to ourselves; at another, revealing himself, God THE WORD, in
great and astonishing works and acts, as God. And, when He foretold something by His
prophetic words which should come to pass, He likewise exhibited Him who was invisible to
the many, THE WORD OF GOD, by works, and by astonishing deeds;

by signs, wonders, and extraordinary powers (put forth) : and again, instructing the souls
of men by the divine doctrines, He prepared them to draw near to the heavenly city which
is above, and to hasten to those their fellow-citizens there, as to their own brothers and
equals : also, to know their Father who is in heaven, and the excellency of their kind,
which is of the Essence that is intellectual and rational: teaching them also, that they
should no more err, but henceforth so live in all purity and holiness,--so (I say), that
they might make their departure hence to that place easy, and without hindrance; and, that
they should be prepared to receive forthwith, with the companies of the holy Angels,
everlasting life with God the King of all, and the light which cannot be described, and
the kingdom of heaven. 40. Thus therefore, the ONLY (begotten) WORD or GOD, who availed
Himself of a human instrument, and set up His own Interpreter, administered every thing
for the healing of men by the will of His Father; still remaining immaterial and
incorporeal, just as He formerly was, with His Father. By means of a man also. He shewed
forth God to man, through mighty acts and wonderful works. In the divine Power and in true
Wisdom, He scattered His doctrine (as seed); and taught these things, with others allied
to them. Nor became He inferior, from what He did: nor, (as so) doing, became He the less
dignified from what He taught and delivered.--The doctrines of life and words of light, He
laid not down in any book of paper, nor in the perishing skins of animals; but He
inscribed on the very souls of His disciples, as upon intellectual tablets, the doctrines
respecting the kingdom of God. In the whole of His instructions on heavenly things, hidden
enouncements, and which had never before been heard, were delivered. It was also by means
of these things, that He taught that the souls which were on the earth, were beloved of
God; delivered the memorial of the life that is with God the Father, in heaven; and also,
stirred (men) up to cry in prayer and to say, "Our Father who art in heaven," and, that
they should be cognizant of their family which is above.

If then, thou art desirous of being a partaker in the contemplation of these things, there
is no feeling of jealousy hindering thy approach to the hearing of the Scriptures of His
Disciples, and to the knowing of His record in all its parts, both as to His deeds and
words ; so that thou mayest in truth, view God, and THE WORD OF GOD ; and see, how He
existed by means of an Interpreter with men, in the example of (His) sufferings ; how He,
who was immortal, conversed with mortals; how the Image (of God), which is incorporeal,
became vested with the nature which is human: and, how the Image of God, which was in Him,
moved (Him): how He sent forth enouncements, and made public the Divine teaching; and
(how) the Saviour of all, healed every sort of disease and infirmity: and, how ready He
was, in whom there was no sin, to good works; and, how those things which eyes had not
seen, and which had not entered into the hearing of men, He delivered in mighty deeds; and
thus made His Disciples to approach the very summit of excellency with God; made them wise
through the power which cannot be described, and constituted them true preachers of His
Godhead. Thus again He healed those, whose souls were corrupted by every sort of sin; at
one time, inflicting the sufferings (which were) helpful and right;

at another, delivering a view of the mystery and doctrine of His Godhead to those who were
able to receive it. And, What need is there we should say, how easily and well, and with
(what) just rebuke, He received those who were enemies to the truth : at once healing and
instructing even these, by the open enouncement of His words ? and, how meekly he
presented His person to all as a helper, and as long suffering and passive ? as a
Physician also, not of souls only, but also of bodies ? On this account, the name of JESUS
was previously imposed on our Saviour;--which is a Hebrew word, designating JESUS as the
Physician of all. Now, the (propriety of the) imposition of the name designating healing
on Jesus, He evinced by the works (which He did); for He instructed the souls of men by
the Heavenly doctrine, while he healed the Body of all sufferings, pains, and infirmities,
by the power of the healing WORD. At one time, He cleansed the leprous in body: at
another, He cast out by (His) command the Demons that (possessed) men: and, again at
another, He freely healed those who had been reduced by disease ! At one time also, to
him-- whose body was debilitated, and all his limbs powerless,-- He said by word only,
"Arise, take up thy bed, and walk; and this (man) did what He commanded ! And again at
another time, He gave the perception of light to the Blind!

And thus again, at another, a woman,--who had been afflicted with an issue of blood, and
had during the revolution of many years been reduced by her complaint, seeing that great
companies were round about Him, and not allowing her to kneel and pray that she might be
healed of her complaint,--thought, that if she could but touch the border of His garment,
(she should be healed) ; she accordingly pressed in, and touched the border of his
garment; and at once, she was both healed of the evil, and immediately became healthy;
bearing (away with her) a mighty proof of the power of THE WORD OF GOD ! Another man also,
the servant of a king,--because his child was grievously afflicted,--fell down before Him,
and He forthwith took and healed him ! There was another again, the chief of a synagogue
of the Jews, whose daughter (He restored) ; but this was after she was dead ! And, What
need can there be, that we should tell how another aroseby the power of the Saviour of
all, who had been dead four days, hearing only the voice of the all life-giving WORD which
called him ? Or, how He made His paths upon the sea as upon dry land, causing His Vessel
to traverse the back of the waters? Or, how when His Disciples were sailing and the storm
was against them, He rebuked the sea, the storm, and the winds;--gave the commandment by
word;

and they were instantly silent, so that they were wrought upon, as by the voice of their
Lord ? (How) He so filled and satisfied five thousand men,--when there was with them a
company of many women and children,--with five loaves, that they took up an entire
remainder which would suffice to fill twelve baskets ! To Whom is not this astonishing ?
and Does it (not) likewise challenge the inquiry which relates to his unseen power ? 41.
Let any one therefore who will, take up the true faith, together with the open proof of
the revelation of our Saviour's Divinity, from many other great miracles; and particularly
from this,--if he will also consider,--that He foreknew by the divine power what should
come to pass, and openly foretold the great change to His better (doctrine) which should
take place among men throughout the world; and also predicted, that He himself would be
the doer of this: and from these very deeds, let such place faith in (this) His promise.
Many other great and evident proofs of His Godhead moreover, (afforded) in many things
similar to these, will any one, carefully enquiring, find from His predictions with their
fulfilment: which we ourselves shall also examine in this work at the proper time. But,
that which we now have before our eyes,--that our discourse may not lengthen itself
greatly out, so as to detain thee upon all His mighty works--is the death, which (His)
Interpreter,--the clothing of THE WORD OF GOD, and the Image that was openly revealed,--
underwent, and which (event) every one acknowledges.

42. This His death therefore, which has been made public, was (so) accompanied by the
miracle, that it was unlike that of the rest of mankind. For it was not, that He perished
by disease, by strangulation, or by fire; or was, even on the cross itself, cut off by the
sword, as a mark of victory, in the manner of others who are evil-doers; nor yet, did he
suffer less than any one of those whom they usually put to death; for He suffered a death
of violence: but He himself alone, by his own will, delivered up His Vessel to those (his)
accusers; and forthwith He raised Himself from the earth ;-- 43. For said (the
Evangelist,) "He cried out greatly, and gave up His Spirit to His Father: and (so)
effected a release from His soul, and made His departure from the body. On this account,
He had previously delivered this same His death to his disciples, when teaching (them) and
saying; "No man taketh my life from me;" and, "I have power to lay it down:" and again, "I
have power to take it up: and again, "I am the good shepherd, and I know my own, and my
own know me; and I lay down my life for my sheep." The cause of His death too, He
establishes in a few words, when saying, that, "Unless the grain of wheat fall into the
earth and die, it remaineth alone ; but, if it die, it bringeth forth much fruit."

44. Having then, delivered representations of this sort respecting His own death, He
effected the release from his soul, and made (His) departure from the body. After this,
His body was taken up by his acquaintances, and was consigned to (its) due interment.
Again on the third day, He resumed that (being) from which He had before, by the exertion
of His own will, departed. And again, He shewed to his Disciples the selfsame person, both
in body and substance, just as it formerly was:-- to them (I say) with whom He conversed a
little, and with whom He remained a short time. He was then taken up whither He was before
: and, before their eyes, did He make his departure and ascension to heaven, in order that
they, to whom He had delivered (His) pledge as to deeds, might be made the Teachers of the
fear of God who is above, to all nations.

45. Now, What can be wanting after these things, except that we should state the cause of
THIS, which was the chief of all ? I (now) speak of the close of His life, which has been
spoken of by all; of the manner of His passion, and of the great miracle of His
resurrection after death. After viewing these things then, let us now come again to our
proofs; and let us confirm these same by open testimonies. He availed Himself therefore,
of a mortal Vessel,--for the reasons already given,--as of an Image becoming the Deity;
and this He both put forth into life, and by means of this, as some great king by means of
an interpreter, He performed every thing that was worthy of the Divine Power. 46. For, if
He had done otherwise,--after His dealings among men,--so as not to have been seen, and
had suddenly taken flight, and secretly stolen away His Interpreter; or had, in escaping,
been careful to convey away His Image from death; or again, had led on that mortal (being)
by means of His person, to corruption and perishing ; He would have seemed to the many
(but) as a spectre.

47. Nor could He have done any thing, which it was right He should do, as being the LIFE,
the WORD and the POWER of God; having given up His Interpreter to corruption and ruin. 48.
Nor, could those things which He did against the Demons, (or) in His contention with
death, have been worthy of completion. 49. Nor could it have been known, where He
remained. 50. Nor could it have been believed by those, to whom He had not delivered (it)
;--nor had it been seen,--that His nature was superior to death. 51. Nor, could He have
delivered mortality from its own (mortal) nature. 52. Nor, could He have persuaded His
disciples to despise death. 53. Nor, could He have established a hope of the life that is
with God after death, with those who drew near for (the reception of) His doctrine. 54.
Nor, could He have fulfilled the promises of His own words; nor have given to the
prophecies, which went before respecting Him, a due fulfilment.

55. Nor, could He have overcome in the last conflict of all, which was opposed to the
death that exists in all these things. For it was above all things right, that this mortal
vessel should, after it had completed the service which it rendered to THE WORD OF GOD,
obtain to itself an end worthy of God, (and that this) be through this same ordinance of
death. For, there were two things resting upon (this) consummation ; (viz. either, that He
should deliver up (His vessel) to entire corruption and destruction, and (so) make His
whole conflict, and egress from this world, matter of shame; or, that He should afford
proof, that this same was superior to death; and (so), by the divine power, make immortal
that which was mortal. The first however, was incompatible with the promise. For, it is
not the property of fire, to be cold; nor, of light, that it be dark : neither is it of
life, that it should die; nor, of THE WORD OF GoD, that He should act with impropriety.
For, What cause could He have, who promised life to others, for being unmindful of His own
vessel when subject to corruption:--for delivering up His Image to destruction, and for
surrendering the Interpreter of His own Godhead, to the corruption of death ?--for Him to
do so, who had previously promised to those, who should take refuge in Him, the life which
is impervious death ?

This (one) then, of two things was necessary :--this, I say, that He should shew him (His
Interpreter) to be superior to death. And, How was it, that it was necessary He should do
this ? Secretly, and by stealth ? or, openly before all men, and manifestly? But, if this
fact had taken place covertly and secretly; it would then have remained unknown, and
unprofitable to man. But, as it was preached (to all), and heard of by all; it afforded to
all, the advantage which (grew) out of the miracle. Well therefore,--because it was
necessary He should shew His vessel to be superior to death,-- did He also do this, not
secretly, but before the eyes of (all) men. He escaped not from death; for this would have
been pusillanimous, and it would have been thought that He was inferior to death. But, by
this contention with Death as with a contemporary, He established the immortality of that
which was mortal; and, this last conflict which was for the salvation of all, secured (for
all) the life which is immortal. For this was done, in the first place, against the
Demons, for the destruction of the error of a multitude of Gods, when He began to be known
among men.

It also appeared particularly necessary to Him, that, as He was to make His circuits among
the flocks of men, He should immediately, (and) in the presence of all, drive out the
enemies and haters of mankind,--as being the princes of wickedness, and like to cruel and
fierce beasts, those (I say),--who had, from former times and falsely, been esteemed Gods.
He therefore, THE WORD OF GOD, immediately led out His Vessel into the land of these
enemies and haters,--that (land I say), which the words of mystery style "The Desert" as
(being) destitute of every good thing; and there "forty days, and as many nights," He
wrought and performed those things of which no mortal knew, and which the eyes of man did
not see. The testimonies however of prophecy teach, that to these things the declarations
of the prophetical Scriptures agree, where it is written, that "Jesus was led of the Holy
Ghost into the desert, that he might be tempted of Satan. And He was there forty days and
forty nights, and was with the wild beasts. And, What are these but the princes of the
Demons, whom the Holy Ghost has said are,--and has named by way of figure,--"Serpents"
"Adders" "Lions" and "Dragons" on account, of the similitude to the viciousness of each of
these: (saying) "Thou shalt tread on the serpent and adder, and shalt trample on the lion
and the dragon?

The other things also which were done in the desert, this declaration intimates, saying
thus in the person of the Vessel which He bore, " His truth shall gird thee (as) a weapon:
neither shalt thou be afraid of the fear of the night, nor of the arrow that flieth by
day; nor of the thing that walketh in darkness: nor of the wind that bloweth at noon.
Thousands shall fall at thy side, and tens of thousands at thy right hand: but they shall
not touch thee." 56. These things have been said in parables and mystically, on the
conflict which (took place) in the desert between the Vessel of salvation, and the
invisible spirits. During all these nights therefore, and days in like number, He
contended with the whole race (of Demons) that was beneath the air. Nor was it tardily
that THE WORD OF GOD drove these out, nor, that He pursued the whole congregation of the
enemy; nor, that (He did this) as God in his abstract and unembodied power, but, by means
of the body which He took. Because the whole race of man had, from ancient times, been
subjected to these as to Gods: on this account therefore, principally, He subjected all
the families of the Demons to this (His Vessel). For it was right, that He should make him
who had been conquered, and iniquitously subdued to his enemies, not only (man's)
Deliverer, but also the Conqueror of his enemies; and that He (THE WORD) should shew, that
His Friend, whom He had made in His own Image and similitude, was, on account of his
participation in THE WORD, superior to the Demons who were formerly thought to be Gods;
just as it is written in the words of mystery (the Scriptures).

57. Because then, the Saviour of us all had completed the conflict which was opposed to
these (spirits), He went up thence, clothed (as it were) with victory, entered upon the
life common to men, and delivered their souls: having relieved them from the bonds of the
Demons: and, having revealed to His Disciples those other secret things,--as well as these
which he performed in opposition to the enemies that are unseen,--He thus spoke, and He
established (it), "Be of good courage, I have overcome the world. The manner too of His
victory, He taught by those things which He said to His Disciples in parables (viz.): "No
man can enter the house of a strong man and spoil his goods, unless he first bind the.
strong man; and then he shall spoil his house. He therefore bound the strong man, and
drove out the whole race of Demons. And forthwith, He (so) wrought on the souls of those
who were His, that He freed them from the bitter state, slavery, and errror, of a
multiplicity of Gods. This His first conflict however against the Demons, was completed at
the outset of His manifestation among men. But the last (His crucifixion), was the
commencement of His sovereignty over Death. For it was right that He,--who was superior to
(that which was) no God, and to the error of Demons, and, had been attached to GOD THE
WORD,--should receive the honour compatible with this His deed (viz. the victory over
Death.

For the Demons, which had assembled together against Him, with their Head, and with the
spirits residing above the earth in the air, (and) invisible to mortal eyes, turned their
backs (in flight) in His first conflict (with them) ; directing their view to the second,
and waiting for His last egress, and departure by death, from the world, which they
expected would be like that of other men. For, they had no notion that the mortal nature
could ever exist, which should be superior to death ; or, that Death was (not) the common
king of all those, who had once experienced the birth of mortals. They thought too, that
this was, of all evils, that which no man could either avoid, or evade. But, immediately
after the signal mark of His first victory over the Demons, He engaged also in conflict
with Death. And, just as one wishing to shew that some vessel was incombustible and its
nature superior to fire, could in no other way establish this astonishing fact, except by
placing the one which he held in his hand in the fire, and then taking it out of the fire,
safe and sound; so also THE WORD OF GOD, the life-giver of all, willing to make it known
that the mortal Vessel, of which He had availed Himself for the redemption of man, was
superior to death, and, to shew that He made it to participate in His own life, conducted
the matter both well and virtuously as it was most convenient.

He left the body for a short time, and consigned mortality to death, for the rebuking of
its (sinful) nature ; and again, He soon raised up the same from death, for the purpose of
proving that the Divine power, which was by Him,-- that eternal life, (I say) which was
preached by Him,-- was superior to every kind of death. 58. This therefore was the first
cause. The second was, to shew that the Divine power resided in the human body. Because
men had formerly made gods for themselves of those who were men mortal in reality, had
been overcome by death, (and) in whom the last common extremity had been witnessed ; and
had named those heroes and gods, who had been taken away by death; on this account
therefore, He happily shewed Himself; and for this cause, the same compassionate WORD OF
GOD exhibited to men, the nature which was superior to death, and brought in mortality--
after its dissolution--to a second life. He also afforded to all, the means of viewing the
signal victory of life immortal over mortality; and taught (them) by (His) death to
confess Him alone to be the God of truth, who had (so) bound the crown of victory over
death, about His own head.

59. The third cause of (His) death was, the redemption that is (taught) in hidden
(mystical) terms, which are these in effect: He was the sacrifice which was consigned to
death, for the souls of the whole race (of man) : the sacrifice (I say) which was slain
for the whole flock of mankind: the sacrifice turning (men) back from the error of Demons.
The sacrifice therefore,--the great offering, and that which was superior to all (other)
sacrifices,--was the Body of our Saviour which was sacrificed as a Lamb, for the whole
race of mankind: and it came up for the souls of all the nations that had been held in the
impiety of their forefathers, the error of the Demons. And thence, the whole impure and
unholy power of Demons was destroyed ; this whole vain and earthly system of error, was
instantly dissolved and ruined by a superior power! He therefore who was, from among men,
the sacrifice of Redemption,--the bodily Vessel of THE WORD OF GOD,-- was sacrificed for
the flock of all mankind. And this is He, who was, by the accusation of men, delivered up
as a sacrifice to death; of whom the Divine words exclaim, speaking at one time thus:
"Behold! The Lamb of God: behold! He (it is) who taketh away the sins of the world. And at
another, thus previously enouncing: "As a Lamb He was led to the slaughter; and, as a
sheep before the shearer, He was silent. And the same (Divine word) teaches the cause,
saying:

" Truly He underwent our sufferings, and bore our pains; but we considered Him bruised and
stricken of God, and humiliated. He was slain because of our sins, and was humbled because
of our iniquity. The chastisement of our peace was upon Him, and by His stripes are we
healed. All we have strayed like sheep, and (each) man has turned to his part; and the
Lord has made to meet in him the sins of us all. This bodily vessel therefore of THE WORD
OF GOD, was, for these reasons, sacrificed. But He, the great High Priest who officiates
as Priest to God, the King of all, and Lord of all, is another distinct from the
sacrifice, (viz. THE WORD OF GOD, THE POWER OF GOD, and THE WISDOM OF GOD : He too, after
no long time, raised mortality from death, making him (so raised) by participation, the
beginning of the redemption of us all, and of that immortal life which is with God. Him
too, (thus) vested with the mark of victory over death, and the deeds of the Demons; of
those human sacrifices which had been delivered down from ancient times, did He constitute
the Destroyer, for the sake of all mankind. Hence also was the name of Messiah (Christ)
given to Him; which, among the Hebrews, attaches in like manner to the chief priest. He
therefore received the two names: the name of Jesus, implying the sacrifice of salvation;

and that of High Priest, the WORD OF GOD, who officiates as Priest for us all:--the custom
of the Hebrews intimating (this) of the Messiah (Christ.) 60. After the things which have
been said, the latter was the great cause of (His) death, viz. the Redemption spoken of:
because, it was necessary to the disciples that they should see, with their own eyes, the
life which was after death, He (thus) openly taught them to place their hope in this
second birth. And, because He also encouraged them to be strong in the yoke of
righteousness, He well delivered this, in order that they might, with their own eyes, see
it. For it was necessary for these, who were about to be brought to the life of
righteousness, that, first of all, they should receive this most necessary doctrine by
means of open view; and much more, for those who were soon to preach it throughout the
whole creation, and to cause the knowledge of God, (so) given by them, to arise (as the
sun) in all nations, (and) among all men. It was necessary, that these men should receive
the strongest persuasion of the life which is after death, so that they might accept
fearlessly, and unmoved in their mindsby death, the conflict against the error of many
gods. For, if they had not been taught to despise death, neither would they have ever been
prepared to approach afflictions. On this account, He the more particularly armed them
against the power of death. Nor was it by precepts and words (only), that He delivered to
them this doctrine: nor, in persuasive terms or similitudes, that He composed (his
discourses) as men do, on the immortality of the soul; but He shewed them in the deed
itself, the signal mark of the victory (obtained) over death.

61. For death had been, from ancient times, fearful to all men as the destroyer of our
mortal race; its power being considered the undoing of the whole nature of man, both soul
and body. Nor was there ever a man, who could relieve human nature from this fearful
being. All were pierced, (as it were,) small and great, Princes and Subjects, Kings at
once and People, as well as the Inhabitants and Societies of all nations and families, by
the fear of death. Nor had mankind any solace for this evil, either in word, or form, or
manner of life, opinion of the wise, writing of the Ancients, prophecy of the Prophets, or
revelation of Angels. He was superior to all, supreme over all, and victorious over all!
Death, like an inflated boaster,--who had subjected to himself the whole mortal race,--was
conversant with every species of iniquity, both the impurities of blood-shedding, and the
deeds which were unrighteous; with the error also of every sort of vile (and) ungodly
impiety. For, of all these things he was the Cause; and, as if there were again no
existence after death, the many did in their conduct the things which deserved death, and
as if unsubdued by (the fear of) any impending punishment. On account of this
dissoluteness (resulting) from death, they lived a life which (in reality) was no life:
they entertained not God in their thoughts, nor the righteous judgment of God : nor did
they cherish the remembrance of the rational Essence of their own souls.

They were conversant (only) with the one hard Ruler, Death; and were reconciled to the
corruption resulting from this, which was the undoing of their whole soul. On this account
it was, that they gave the name of Pluto,-- the god of riches,--to Death : and Death
became their god ! And not he alone, but also those precious things which were in his
presence, and contributed to a life of lust, became their Gods ! The very lust of the body
therefore, became to them a God ! the common aliments, a God ! the seed which fell into
the earth, a God ! the pleasant blossoms of this, a God ! the flowers of the apples, a God
! the pleasure that was in drunkenness, a God ! the love of the body, a God ! and the very
lust of these things ! Hence, the mysteries of Demeter and of Proserpine: as also the rape
of the Maid to Hell; and again, her return. Hence the feasts of Dionysus (Bacchus)--and of
Hercules--who was overcome as by some great god by drunkenness ! Hence the mysteries of
the adultery of Mars and Venus ! Hence the madness of Jupiter after women, and his love of
Ganymede! the rambling stories about Gods lovers of lust, and attached to the vilest
affections! And of all these, was Death the (originating) Cause: for they believed Death
to be the end and conclusion of all, the dissolution and corruption both of bodies and
souls;

and that there was no other life, except this of the body, and which is corporeal:--living
a life worse than that of the whole irrational nature of beasts! On these accounts, it
became the desire of the universal King, THE WORD OF GOD, at the intimation of His
merciful Father, and for the purpose of affording help to these, to hasten,--as a king
great in mercy,--and to undertake the reprehension of Death, by means of human nature;
being as He was, THE LIFE, THE WORD, and THE POWER. OF GOD. Nor was it but that help
should be obtained, that He caused that fearful being among men to be reproved: on this
account, He, who was incorporeal,--availing Himself of human armoury, and of a mortal
body,--by means of mortality overcame mortality. Hence His primary mystery, that of His
Body, was instituted; and hence, the signal mark of the victory of the Cross; hence too,
the commemoration of the life which is eternal and imniortal, He namedHis remembrance. Of
the armoury which is mortal, He availed Himself, and exhibited that greatest of miracles
to all men, the mark of victory of eternal life, which He established in opposition to
Death. For, He gave up mortality to be food for the beasts; and He himself was forthwith
affixed to the cross of crucifixion, in order that to all might become known the nature of
mortality. Nor was that which was done concealed by any means; neither from men, nor from
Demons, nor from the Powers which are superior.

For it was necessary, that all should take an accurate view of mortality, as in a great
theatre, when He (thus) testified of the nature of His (human) person ; and afterwards
(see) Death coming in like a fierce beast: and (also see), why it was that it slew Him :
and (that) then, the Power of life came in after Death, and again established for all the
victory which is over Death, when he had thus made that which was mortal, immortal. The
Power therefore, which had taken hold of him, (viz. THE WORD OF GOD, left the Body for a
short time; and it was suspended for a short space on the Cross, and became a corpse. But
the WORD, which gives life to all, became not a corpse. He therefore (thus) attested the
mortal nature of his Person. This corpse too, of which Death had (so) taken possession,
was now borne by men ; and--being worthy of the usual care--was afterwards consigned,
according to the laws of men, to burial. The grave itself was a cave which had recently
been hewn out; a cave that had now been cut out in a rock, and which had experienced (the
reception of) no other body. For it was necessary that it, which was itself a wonder,
should have the care of that Corpse only. For it is astonishing to see even this rock,
standing out erect and alone in a level land, and having only one cavern within it;

lest, had there been many, the miracle of Him who overcame Death should have been
obscured. The Corpse was therefore laid there, the Vessel of the living WORD ; and a great
stone held (the entrance of) the cave. And much did Death exult in this, as if, behold !
he had (now) taken even this (Personage) under his power, together with those whom he had
ever (so taken). But, when the period of three days had not yet passed, the same life
shewed itself, after the rebuke which was sufficient against Death. For, if He had risen
earlier (and) immediately, He would not then have been believed to have been dead. But,
since He was (thus) in reality raised, He had also in reality died; and had, for a time,
been in reality subject to Death ; then also did the all-life-giving WORD OF GOD evince
the hope that is laid up for all men, by means of the second birth of this selfsame mortal
(body) !

62. What things then came to pass after these, as to their being (actually) performed, it
is not my intention henceforward to be thy teacher. Those who saw them will be the
witnesses best fitted for the truth (in this respect); those (I say) who, from having seen
the acts themselves, did, both by their blood and persons, attest their faith in Him; and
who, by the power of Him, to whom they gave their testimony, filled the whole creation
with the righteousness which was preached by them. Those therefore, who were spectators of
the things then done, and who saw with their own eyes the Second Birth which became theirs
, have delivered (this) by their own testimonies. It was not indeed, that the things done
had been heard of by them, as far as word or enunciation (went); but, they had been seen,
and accurately felt by those who testified respecting them: and on this account, these
same, who had by open vision and in reality apprehended (these things), and had received
the signal mark of victory over Death, learned well to be daring against Death; and taught
this same thing to their Disciples, (viz.) that they had received from their Saviour, the
truth pertaining to life immortal. And thus also, was the whole mortal race thence
refreshed (as freed) from the fear of Death: because he, who had formerly been terrific,
had suffered rebuke in the presence of all; and the life which was after death, bad (now)
received certain credibility ; not from the artificial enouncements of Sophists, nor from
the discovery of persuasive words; but, by the deeds which came forth to light. Nor again,
did (men) as formerly tremble at death, but they laughed much and greatly in the hour of
this fearful being; so much so that they even followd after death, on account of (their)
desire of that immortal life, which should succeed it.

63. Hence indeed, originated the care of mankind for the life which is holy and pure, and
the diligence to attain to every (sort of) excellency : the (constant) recollection of
God, and of the many enouncements respecting the righteousness of truth, and of the
turning away from vice and ungodliness. Nor was it this only, but also the true notion of
the life which is after death, was stirred up among all men, and (so was) the right and
true state of mind, respecting the righteous judgment of God, the King of all. On this
account did the whole race of man,--which had (now) been changed to a state of virtue by
means of enouncements not to be described,--henceforward spit in the faces of the Idols,
trample under foot the unjust laws of the Demons, and laugh at the ancient traditionary
system of error of their forefathers. 64. Henceforward therefore, men became so instructed
in the heavenly doctrine, and the enouncements respecting the knowledge of God, that they
no more reverentially viewed this visible creation with the bodily eyes; nor, when looking
upwards and seeing the Sun, Moon, and Stars, did they address their veneration to them:
but they acknowledged Him who is beyond these;--Him who is secret and invisible,--Him who
is the Creator of all, and the Maker of every thing: even as they had been taught to fear
Him alone.

65. Nor did he, who had been instructed in the new doctrine, again imagine as formerly,
that this nature of the body, which is fleeting and corruptible, inanimate (in itself,)
and irrational;--nor, that the primitive elements, Earth, Water, Air, and Fire,--were
Gods; since he had also been taught, that the superiority of his own soul greatly excelled
these. 66. Nor is he as formerly, a slave to his own lusts; nor is he overcome by the
baser desires: for he was then vanquished, and could not overcome: (nor) can he, who has
been commanded to be careful to root up the sin (of idolatry) from his mind and soul,
together with every evil desire and folly, again fabricate Gods to himself, or, even dare
to look upon a woman lustfully. 67. Nor will he again as formerly, venerate the
Interpreter of his own soul, or dare to call it a God: nor will he name his own mind
Minerva; nor indeed, any of those other things, which are in like manner but for an hour;
but Him alone who is beyond all, the WORD OF GOD, the Artificer of all, the WISDOM OF THE
GOD OF ALL, will he recognize and bless, as his Saviour.

68. Nor again as in former times, does he,--who has subscribed to the one who alone is
superior to Death; to the Conqueror, who has possessed himself of the signal mark of
Victory over the power of Death ; to his Saviour ; --give the names and appellations of
Heroes and Gods, to mortals who left this world in shame, and surrendered their lives to
the dominion of Death. 69. Nor again as in former times, will he revere inanimate Idols.
Nor will he honour the nature which is irrational, and of Beasts, through that fear of
Demons which is out of nature. But, he will laugh at the error of his forefathers, and
will turn his face from their manner (of life), which was destitute both of the knowledge
of God, and of the contemplation (of this). 70. Nor will he again as in former times,
express terror at the images of evil Demons, nor at the vain and erroneous phantasms of
earthly spirits:--he (I say) who is constrained by the prevailing power of THE ONE WORD
the King of all, has been taught to undo through Him, the whole race of the accusers of
men, and (so) to abolish and expel, both from souls and bodies, these (causes of)
injuries.

71. Nor will he as formerly, again pollute himself with libations, fumes, blood, and
sacrifices; nor yet with the sacrifices of irrational animals: much less will he delight
himself with the slaughter of men, and with human sacrifices. He has been taught, that God
stands in need of nothing.--Nor will he delight in bodily matter, nor in the fumes of
earthly sacrifices; but only in the enlightened mind, in purity of soul, and in holiness
of life; in the sacrifices also which are without smoke and blood: those which are in the
words of the mysteries: those (I say) which the Saviour of all has appointed to be
delivered throughout the whole creation of man, for a remembrance of Himself. 72. Nor
again will he, who has been taught by the words of his Saviour, to "mortify his members
that are on the earth" dare, as formerly, to give the title of gods to the aliments of the
body, and to drunkenness; nor yet to the lusts and passions.

73. Nor again will he,--who has subscribed to the only One who is above all, the life-
giving WORD OF God, who is his Saviour, and the Conqueror of Death,--be afraid of the
solution of his soul, from the body which (now) accompanies it. Nor will he call Death,
God. 74. With all these instructions of righteousness therefore, will he be armed who has
been taught in the new doctrine. Nor will he, in opposition to the truth, give in to those
who dare to contend with God; but will stand up, in the mind (so) confirmed, against fire
and sword; will bear up in the presence of fierce beasts, of the depths of the sea, and of
every other terror of death. Those too, who in their natures are (mere) children and
women, will sport with that death which was formerly (so) grievous, and the hearing about
which was (so) dreadful. Barbarians at once and Greeks, who have received the powerful
persuasion respecting the life which is immortal, by means of the resurrection of our
Saviour, do follow after the life of that better wisdom, the fear of God, the signal mark
of their victory over death, and of the eternal life which follows, having subscribed to
their Saviour.

75. Hence it is, that this rational race of man,-- since it has been its lot to reside on
the earth,--this same (I say) acts henceforth according to its nature; being taught to
live in the remembrance of God, in the fulness of every good, and in accordance with the
prediction of the prophets, who, many years ago (inspired) from above, thus previously
preached : "All the ends of the earth shall remember themselves, and be turned to the Lord
their God; and before Him shall worship all the families of the nations: because the
kingdom is the Lord's, and He is Governour over the Gentiles." 76. Hence, places of
instruction have been established throughout the whole creation of man ; so that the words
of God, the doctrine of purity of life and of the fear of God, are preached in the hearing
of all nations. 77. Hence, in every city and place, congregations (assembled) from among
all, ascribe, in songs of victory, honour to the all-life-giving WORD of God.

78. Hence, the hymns which are suitable to the assemblies of Angels in heaven, even the
race of mankind tenders to God the King of all. And henceforth,--together with those
spirits, the intelligent and unembodied powers that are with God who is above all; those
also, whose lot it is to reside below on this element of earth, as also the rational souls
of the just,--do, by means of the body, as by an instrument of music, send forth the hymns
which are becoming, and the blessings which are due, to their one Saviour, the cause of
every good. And that, which never (before) existed, the fruit which is due to God the
universal King, is now daily rendered (to Him) throughout the whole creation of man, by
every race as by one general agreement, and at the same befitting hours and seasons. 79.
Those genealogies of the Demons, and stories about the Gods, which are now superannuated,
perished when (so) consigned to oblivion. But, the word of Christ is renewed, and in
(vigorous) youth with all. Now are the Divine Laws and Lessons preached throughout the
whole earth, and they succeed in purifying all men. The instruction too, of the fear of
God in truth, has filled all places, both of the Barbarians and the Greeks. Now do those
of foreign, as well as those of many, languages, send forth in one manner of life, and
with one consent, the ascriptions of blessing which are becoming, to the Creator of
all:--one enouncement, the same Law, and one mystery, suitable to God: and to this same
conduct do they adhere. Now has there been established, throughout the whole creation, one
combination of souls, and one accordance of doctrine. And hence, at one moment of time do
those whose lot it is to reside together in the east, along with those at the setting of
the Sun, glorify, by means of the same doctrines, the One God who is beyond all, the Lord
of the whole world. Nor do they subscribe to any other, except only to the Christ of God,
who is the cause of their happiness. Those also, who have possession of the northern
parts, together with those who are in the south, at once call Him THE SAVIOUR.

And, so do they honour God in the same (forms of) words, that no difference will again
soon be made--although it might be imagined as to speech,--between the Barbarian and the
Greek; nor, that the Greek be a person to be distinguished from the Barbarian; for with
God "there is neither Barbarian nor Greek. For every one fearing God, is (here) a wise
man. And now Egyptians, Syrians, Scythians, Italians, Moors, Persians, and Hindoos, all
and at once, have be-become wise by the doctrines of Christ. In these things too are they
all, at once made wise, and (so) instructed, as to be intrepid against Death; to despise
the things of this life, and to put forth the one good hope, which is in the promise of
the word of our Saviour. But they also learn, that they shall receive that life of the
soul which is immortal, and which has henceforth been promised to them as a deposit, in
the habitation of the circle of the heavens, and in the kingdom of God. This promise,
their Saviour confirmed by deeds in His conflict with Death ; by which He proved to his
Disciples, that Death which had (hitherto) been so fearful to all men, was nothing. The
life moreover, which had been promised by Him, He established by open view to their very
eyes; so that they should even see it;

and made this His Image (body), by its resurrection, the commencement of our hope,--of the
imperishable life of our bodies, of the soul as being immortal, and of our greatness as
like to that of the Angels. 80. The deeds therefore, pertaining to Redemption and
affording aid to the world, as to the Revelation of THE WORD OF GOD among men, are these.
If however, any one require a greater abundance, so as to be supplied with many other
proofs of the Divine power (in this respect), personal leisure will be requisite, for the
examination of the things which have been written respecting Him. Of these I will select a
few from the writings of His Disciples,--which he previously preached as predicting the
things which should be done by Him,--in proof of his Godhead: and will so lay before
those, who do not acknowledge the conclusiveness of my former statements, this as the last
(and greatest). The End of the Third Book (of Eusebius) of Caesarea. [Selected footnotes.
Notes concerned only with points of the Syriac and large chunks of Greek have been
omitted]


THEOPHANIA
==========

THEOPHANIA continued

BOOK 4

BOOK IV. THE FOURTH BOOK OF (EUSEBIUS) OF CAESAREA. 1. IT is desirable then, that we
should hear from the common Saviour of all himself, who, speaking with men after the
manner of a good Parent, became as a child, and gave (his) answers, as the nature of
mortals was able to hear, by means of the vessel which he assumed, as through an
Interpreter. For, when he made his Divine manifestation among men, he gave many other
proofs of the power of his Godhead, by means of deeds which any one who chooses may
collect, from the Books (that have been written) about Him. Nor will that again, be a
trifling conviction as to His truth, which takes its stand on the words which he uttered,
and which it is necessary we should bring forward against those, who do not readily give
credence to his astonishing Divine performances. Even in those other things which have
been preached respecting Him,--which (consist) in the power of His words,--there is no
small proof afforded to those who possess mind. For, as on many occasions, we know those
whom we have never seen with our eyes, and whose words only we have heard ; and
distinguish the speaker by what we hear, whether he be Greek, --as the case may be,--or
Roman, or even Egyptian; or, whether in age old, or young; or, whether the strain be that
of man, or woman ; or, the enunciation that of the wise and rational, or, on the contrary,
of the foolish or ignorant;

so also, although we might not have happened to see with our eyes those Divine acts which
THE WORD OF GOD performed, when He made His conversation on earth; still, from the
teaching of His words, the enunciation of which was foreign, and surpassing general
apprehension;--also, from the foreknowledge of things to come to pass which he predicted
;--and, from the things which he promised he would do in after times ;--as well as from
the issue of the things (so) predicted, the fulfilment of which is now before our eyes,
(and) brought about by his power;--there must result no mean proof, as to those
(declarations) which bear testimony to His Godhead. For, the miracles which were performed
by Him may he divided into (two) periods; that, in which the conversations He made on
earth are commemorated, and that which succeeded, and extends to our times. Those great
acts then, which he formerly did when he was with the men who happened to exist at that
time, it was in their power openly to view ; but to us, these were unseen ; and they are
laid down, (as) having been unseen. And thus again also, the things which have been
fulfilled in our times,--in the order in which His words foretold them, and are even to
this present witnessed by us in the very facts,--could not, to those of the times in which
they were foretold, have yet been known as to their results; and they were, no doubt,
considered by them, who believed not, as impossible.

It is nevertheless likely that even then, those whose character was that of sound
judgment,--although not witnessing the results of the predictions,--did still believe in
them, on account of His other acts. For, Is it likely that they who saw with their eyes
the evident powers of God, the miracles and astonishing acts and deeds which eclipsed all
mortal nature, believed only the things which were then seen, but, (as) confirmed by these
of his foreknowledge, did not (as) readily also believe those which were afterwards to
come to pass ?--So that again, it is right that we should, from those miracles which we
ourselves have seen, also give our credence to the things which were then witnessed by his
Disciples. For, the very things which were delivered in the hearing only of (our)
predecessors, are (now) visible to our own eyes: and, they are sufficient for those whose
judgment is incorrupt, as proofs setting a seal on the things which have been recorded.
And these are the things which then existed not; nor had they yet been set up; nor had
they so much as ever entered into the minds of men: but they were foretold by Him, from
His divine foreknowledge of the future ; and, in after times, they have been fulfilled,
and are in (these) our times seen by us, even to this very day.--Of these, our means of
knowledge are at hand.

2. A certain man, illustrious from (his) service to the rule and power of the Romans, was
in a state of suspense, because his favourite boy had become paralytic in his limbs, and
was laid (up) in his house; who, when he saw that our Saviour shewed forth such powers
upon others,--healing the sick, and curing every pain and infirmity,--he perceived in his
own mind, that this miracle was not of man. He approached Him accordingly as God;--not
looking to the vessel of the Body which was visible, and by means of which He carried on
His discourses with men, but to that God who was unseen ; to Him, who by means of a mortal
being, made known these His excellent doings;--he fell down and worshipped Him, praying
and striving (with Him), that He would afford to him for his boy the aid which is from
God. And, when our Saviour said to him, "I will come and heal him," the Chiliarch answered
Him,--for he had been considered worthy of this rule among the Romans;--and said to him, "
Lord, I am not worthy that thou shouldest come under my roof; but, speak the word only,
and the child shall be healed. For, I am a man in authority, and there are soldiers under
my hands; and I say to this, Go; and he goeth: and, to another, Come; and he cometh: and,
to my servant I say, Do such a thing: and he doeth it.

Hear therefore what our Saviour did upon this request, not from me, but from the Writer
himself,--teaching (us) thus--in the very words : "But, when Jesus heard it, He wondered,
and said to those who followed Him, Not even in Israel have I found such faith as this.
And I say unto you, that many shall come from the East and from the West, and shall sit
down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of heaven; but the children of the
kingdom shall go out into outer darkness. And, after these words, He thus spoke to the
Chiliarch: "Go: as thou hast believed, shall it be unto thee. And his boy was healed from
that hour. And, when the Chiliarch returned to his house, in that very hour he found his
boy well. 3. With so much power therefore, did the word of our Saviour go forth, and
shewed so much virtue, and so replete was it with power and with so much mercy, and with
such ease were the good aids (it afforded given), that He readily promised He would come.
And such indeed was the miracle which accompanied the act, that it is impossible to
conceive of it as we ought. For this, that He said to the Chiliarch no more than, "As thou
hast believed, so shall it be unto thee," and, with the word, gave health to his son, How
effectually does it shew, that it was God who spoke in mortal voice ! But, should any one
be persuaded of this with difficulty, on account of the greatness of the miracle; still,
such cannot fairly be excused as to His prediction, in which a powerful argument will be
afforded in favour of the deed, if any one will consider that at this period, the Roman
who drew near to our Saviour, was ONE (only), namely, the Chiliarch, who made a greater
and better profession of Him, than (did the whole) Jewish people; and, that our Saviour
prophesied that instead of ONE, those, who should like this man draw near to Him, should
be MANY ;

and, that these should be of those residing in the East, and in the West:--those (I say),
who, by means of the knowledge of Him, and of the confession (made) of Him, should be
considered worthy of honour with God, equal to that of the Hebrew Fathers:--even of him
who is preached of as being the Father of their Fathers, Abraham, who went forth from
among his idolatrous forefathers, and changed his manner of life; and, leaving the error
of many Gods, recognized the ONE GOD who is over all. He also foretold, that like to this
(man), and to his sons Isaac and Jacob, there should be myriads of men throughout the
whole creation; and particularly of those who resided both in the East, and the West. To
these things He added,--and this (constitutes) the greatness of the prediction,--that
these very Jews, the descendants of these Friends of God, who make their boast of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, should, on account of their resistance to Him, and their want of belief
in Him,--as if cut off from the light of knowledge,--go forth into outer darkness : and,
because of their extreme ignorance and foolishness, (be consigned to) an entire
disseverance from the light of salvation.

Thus He predicted.--It is now right we should consider the fulfilment of these things, and
receive from the testimony of our eyes how these very Jews, who boasted of their descent
from the family of those called the Friends of God, have been cast out, not only from the
kingdom of God, but also from their own metropolis, the most excellent place of rule, in
which the law appointed that their noblest service should be performed ! and (how) those
who were formerly free, and the virtuous children of these Fathers, have become slaves;
and, being mixed with foreign nations,--a thing unlawful with them,--wander about in lands
not their own, and are not permitted to view, even from a distance, the land of their own
religious worship! Being moreover, deprived of those princes and kings, who were vested
with rule by traditionary right, they now remain in subjection to those who have rased
their temple to the ground, and have subdued their whole nation ! Nor is there, as
formerly, either prophet or revelation; nor is there help, or act of God. Of all these
things, not one existed from ancient times; it was (only) after our Saviour had turned
away His face from them that these came upon them, according to His predictions; and such
are the things respecting the Jews.

4. Instead then, of that one Chiliarch who drew near to our Saviour at that period, a
number of men exceeding description has, from all nations, drawn near to Him, not of
Chiliarchs only, but also of the mass of the Roman armies; so that even myriads of princes
and governours bearing rule among the nations, and in the (various) regions; and also of
others, much more honourable and exalted than these,--those who are great, and glory in
the royal apartments,--have like the Chiliarch approached the Christ of God ; and have, by
means of his doctrine, acknowledged the God of those Friends of the Deity, who (formerly)
arose among the Hebrews; and they have accordingly, been considered worthy of a return
from God the supreme King, equal to that afforded to these. If indeed any one will
consider, what numbers of Christians and of churches, and of vast congregations, are said
to be in the country of the Persians and of the Hindoos, residing in the East; and, how
there are with these, through the words of our Saviour, women, virgins desiring, and men
coming over to, holiness, and to the provisions which are for the life of philosophy and
of purity, and how numerous the confessors are, who live among these:--

5. Also, how those very persons who confess Him who has arisen from the seed of Abraham,
and that He is the Christ of God; and have become, by means of the new birth which is in
Him, the children of Abraham ; and have (thus) set their seal to the prophetic Word of our
Saviour: and this also, that, in like manner, in the western parts of the world, the whole
of Spain and Gaul , in the countries of the Moors and Africans, in the (Islands of the)
Ocean itself, and in Britain, men subscribe to Christ, and even acknowledge the God of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob: upon Him also they call in their prayers, and are looked upon
(as) partakers with these same (Fathers) in the worship of God:-- If (I say), any one will
therefore take these things into his consideration, he will then understand what the power
of the prophetic word (was) that declared and said, "Many shall come from the East and the
West, and shall sit down in the bosom of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of
heaven." These things therefore, He said, and foretold to the Chiliarch : and, on many
other occasions, things not unlike these to the Jewish Doctors. And in this manner He
spoke: "When ye see Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and all the Prophets, in the kingdom of
God, and yourselves going out. And they shall come from the East, and from the West, and
from the South, and shall sit down in the Kingdom of God." Of these things an open
confirmation is afforded by the fact, of all nations having been converted to the God who
is over all. These, He therefore said to them, respecting the conversion of all nations to
God, who is over all.

6. Thou wilt learn moreover, from the writings of His Disciples,--that it was by their
means He was about soon to call in the nations--which are to this effect: " When Jesus
passed over a part of the sea of Galilee, he saw two brethren, Simon who is called Cephas,
and Andrew his brother, casting nets into the sea :--for they were fishers. -- He said to
them, Follow me; and I will make you fishers of men. And they, in the same hour, left
their nets and followed him. And, when he departed thence, He saw two brethren, James the
son of Zebedee and John Ms brother, in the ship with Zebedee their Father, and He called
them ; and they, in the same hour, left the ship and their Father, and followed Him.
Another writer too has left it on record, that He spoke to Simon on two occasions, a
prediction similar to this: "When a great multitude was standing over against Jesus" He
(this writer) has said, that " He went up into one of the ships, which was Simon's; and,
when He had sat down in it, He interpreted to the multitude. But, after the teaching which
was sufficient,--because it was suitable that He should add some Divine work to His words,
for the advantage of those who were looking on,--He commanded Simon to "cast forth his net
for a draught: and he said to Him, We have toiled the whole night, and have found nothing
;

nevertheless at thy word, I will cast out the net. And, what He had been commanded, he
did. And, when he had taken a great number of fishes, their nets were breaking,--because
they were heavy with the many (fishes),--and they called to those who were in the ship at
their side, to help them. And thus, when they had drawn up the fishes, they filled both
their ships, insomuch that they were pressed to sinking; and, upon these things, Simon was
astonished and wondered, confessing that he was not worthy, that our Saviour should come
near him. But, when He had thus shewn him a representation of what was about to take
place, He also gave its explanation (thus); "and Jesus said to him, Fear not; Thou shalt
henceforth be a fisher of men unto life. It was to Galileans,--men unacquainted with any
thing beyond the Syriac language, and this mean profession and necessity of fishing, by
which they were driven,--that our Saviour well promised, that He would "make them fishers
of men" and preachers of His doctrine. And, He made them (such). Nor did He belie His
promise; but He shewed forth the "POWER OF GOD," the Doer of a thing, which eclipsed every
human excellence! For, had He brought near to Him the Intellectual and the Wise, the Rich,
and Illustrious, among the Jews; and had made use of these (as) the Teachers of His words;
it would indeed have been likely, that men would have supposed this matter to have been
brought about by human means only.

For thus are most men usually overcome; (namely), they are either wrought upon by the
gifts of the rich, or, they are led astray by excellency of speech, or, by the phantasms
of science : or, they fear the power of illustrious personages. But He made use of no such
disciples as these: on the contrary, by the poor, the despised ;--by men ignorant as to
speech, Syrians in language, and in their character humble and mean,--did He openly
manifest His work (of redemption). It was the Divine Power alone, which He made use
of;--that which He evinced when He previously called them, and made them go forth ; and so
promised that He would make them both "Fishers of men," and Preachers; that, instead of
the nets which they then had, they should receive from Him the net, which should
comprehend in its texture, an aggregate of the declarations of both the Law and the
Prophets, as well as of those comprehended in (all) the Divine teaching. This they should
cast into the sea of mankind as existing in the world, and inclose (therein) as many as
they could; filling these their rational nets with every sort of the fish that are
rational. But these things, which were then heard by word, were words and sounds, and
nothing more: it was an effort of the Divine Power itself, which, at no distant time,
brought them to pass;

and so fulfilled by deeds the things which had been foretold, that, in a short time, He
made His own possession the whole creation of mankind,--congregations innumerable,--by
means of these poor and illiterate men; and, that His Churches were every where filled,
both with Greeks and Barbarians. For, it was not by that one Divine word of promise, that
He would teach His Disciples, but, that He would MAKE them Fishers of men. Nor was it
therefore, that He knew only, what should come to pass; nor, that He foretold this; but,
that He should also be looked upon (as) the Effectuator of all this knowledge.--He spoke
in word, and He performed and established the deed:-- that something (I say), which was to
be brought about, (He foretold) by demonstration and representation; and of this He gave
the fulfilment in the fact itself! For, to them who formerly toiled throughout the
lengthened night, which was dark and destitute of the true light and knowledge of God, and
could find nothing which they could take, (leading) to salvation, He arose (as the sun) in
His brightness, and commanded those who were in the light and the day,--not by their art,
but by trusting in his word,--to cast out their nets into the deep. And they so enclosed
this great multitude of fish, that their fishing vessels were pressed to breaking, and the
ships themselves to remaining in the deep from their weight. And, because these things
were so done, astonishment and great fear came upon Simon.

But, our Saviour said (as it were) these things to him, Let not these things alarm thee:
they are (but as) recitations for the present, and representations of something hereafter
to come to pass: for, these are fish unendued with either voice, or reason; these too, are
ships and nets, composed of (earthly) material, and are inanimate; but, not as these
things, are those of which these are the representations : for shortly afterwards,--that
is, immediately, nmv, and forthwith,--thou shall be a fisher of men unto life (eternal).
This laborious fishing which returns no profit, thou shalt relinquish; and, thou shall
become a fisherman of reasonable creatures, in place of these which are irrational. Nor
shalt thou again draw up those whom thou shalt catch from the depths of the sea, but from
the bitterness of the life that is hateful; from the chambers of ungodly darkness and from
sin, into the light which is intellectual; and to the elevation of purity. That is, thou
shalt catch them for life, by means of that which is of life: it is not death that thou
preparest for them. These first indeed, which are drawn up out of the sea, and which
formerly enjoyed life in darkness and the deep, perish immediately on their ascending and
receiving the light. But, those who shall be caught by thee from among men, shall be
caught up out of the darkness of ignorance, and shall be changed to the life that is of
God.

These things therefore, (namely,) " Thou shalt henceforth catch men unto life," our
Saviour foretold by the Divine power: and the same, our Saviour shewed by very deed, were
sure and true. This Syrian fisherman therefore, this net-caster,--did by means of his net,
--the texture of which was by the Divine power composed of the words of mystery,--catch
innumerable multitudes of men. And, " The visual perception of something hidden, is
something visible. The things therefore, which the long life of the world,-- and which
from the first experienced not the rising (as of the Sun) of our Saviour,--could not
effect:--the things which neither Moses who gave the law to the Hebrews, nor the Prophets
who came after Moses, could ; nor yet the multitmdes of others, who from ancient times
carried as fishermen the doctrine of God to man, and who toiled throughout the whole night
which preceded his manifestation,--could do, this Galilean, this Pauper, this Barbarian,
this Simon did, by means of his voice bring to pass. The demonstrations indeed, then given
of Simon as to these things, are the Churches which up to this time have arisen, far more
in number than the ships (then present), and these, filled with fish that are rational.
Such is this of Caesarea of Palestine, and such is that of Antioch of Syria; and such is
that of Rome; for, by these Churches--which Simon set up, and by all those near them,--are
these things commemorated.

Those too that are in Egypt and in Alexandria itself, did he again, not by his own means,
but by those of Mark, his disciple, erect. Of those also, that are in Italy and among the
nations adjoining, he was the Steward (Dispenser): and he made his disciple Mark the
Teacher and Fisherman of those in Egypt. Now, give thy consideration likewise, to the rest
of our Saviour's Disciples, on those whom He said He would make Fishers of men;--and this
his word He has shewn forth by deeds. For up to this time He did, and caused, that,
forthwith, and throughout the whole creation of man,-- His rational net should be filled
with every sort of rational fish, Barbarian and Greek ; and that He should draw up from
the depths of evil, and the darkness of ungodliness, the souls of men ; turning these
daily and hourly to the light and knowledge of God which had been delivered by Himself.
Which things, seen as they are with our own eyes, establish,--as it appears to me,--beyond
(all) doubt, the Divine manifestation of our Saviour.

7. Art thou desirous then, of hearing a third declaration of the Divine word, which
foretold that His Disciples should arise (as the Sun) throughout the whole world ? Hear
this also, for it is after this manner : "Ye are the light of the world: and, "A city that
is built on a hill cannot lie hidden: "nor do men light a candle, and place it under a
bushel, but upon a candlestick; and it giveth light to all that are in the house. So let
your light shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father
who is in heaven. Here again, these very fishermen, who went forth from Galilee, --a
corner of Judea so called, which is situate on the sea; and of which Isaiah,--one of the
Prophets,--making known at once its obscurity, and at the same time, the rising (as of the
Sun) of our Saviour, which he announced should take place there,--proclaimed (saying),
"Galilee of the Gentiles, a people sitting in darkness have seen a great light:"--those (I
say) who went forth from thence; men, mean, necessitous, illiterate in speech, and poor in
circumstances;--those very fishermen He said, should be the light of the world; and this
promise He confirmed by deed ; (namely), that this same Simon who was called Cephas, (and)
who went forth from Capernaum which is a village of Galilee,--should enlighten many souls
of men with the light of the knowledge of God ;

and should himself become known throughout the whole creation, even to the regions of the
West: and, that even to this time, his memory should be more celebrated among the Romans,
than that of those of former times, so that he should be considered worthy of an
honourable sepulchre in the very front of their city ; and, that great multitudes of the
Roman Empire should run to it, as to a great asylum and temple of God. How then, Does not
the truth bear testimony to Him, who said to his Disciples, "Ye are the light of the
world? So again, the name of John the son of Zebedee also,--who (was engaged) in fishing
with his father and brethren, and mending the net, whom He (Jesus) saw, and considered
worthy both of this call and promise,--arose (as the Sun) throughout the whole creation ;
and whose words have, through the Gospel which was delivered by him, also enlightened the
souls of men !-- which has been translated into all languages, both of the Greeks and
Barbarians, and is daily preached in the ears of all nations ! And more particularly, the
sepulchre of this (Disciple) which is in Ephesus of Asia, does glorious honour to his
death, and shews to the world the memorial of that light which cannot be hidden. In like
manner also, the writings of the apostle Paul are preached throughout the whole creation,
and they enlighten the souls of men.

The martyrdom of his death, and the sepulchre which (is erected) over him, are, even to
this day, greatly and abundantly honoured in the city of Rome. And, What need is there we
should say, that the mode of life set up by means of the Disciples of our Saviour
throughout the whole creation,--like the exhibition of a banner of victory,--is as a
famous city which has nothing hidden within it ? but which is in authority in the midst of
all other cities, (and) according to the enouncement of our Saviour, "Is like to a city
placed upon a hill? And this is the very word, which they preached respecting their
master. It was not, as (if) hidden under a bushel, or given up to error and darkness; but,
as upon a lofty candlestick, and lifted up to an exalted eminence, and giving light to all
that were in the house of the whole world ! And this, (viz. "Let your light so shine
before men" evinced (both) foreknowledge and prophecy; not precept only, but also
intimation of what should come to pass. He fully too named them all (here), the light when
He said, "YE are the light of the world. Not, that they were many lights; but, that they
all together (constituted) one light: as if from an equality of them all, there should be
at once an arising (of light as of the Sun) to the whole world. For, it was His alone to
say, "I AM the light of the world.

And of Him it has been truly said, that "He is the light that came into the world, which
enlighteneth every man. But, since these things have been thus foretold, and fulfilled;
observe how He again spoke of, and explained, them to His Disciples: "That which I say to
you in darkness, speak ye in the light; and, that which ye hear in your ears, preach ye on
the housetops. And fear not those who kill the body, but cannot kill the soul. But fear ye
Him rather, who is able to destroy both soul and body in hell. He also promised by these
things, in the very beginnings (of the ministration) of His Disciples,--when they knew
nothing of them, but were as if they had been in the dark,--the knowledge of the light. He
prophesied also, to those (then) hearing His precepts, that they should preach openly to
all men that which was (now) secret, in darkness, and invisible. He taught them too, not
to be perplexed, but to suffer affliction with all their soul; to preach Him in the ears
of all; and not to fear those, who would kill the mortal body: the soul not being subject
to loss of life by men, because it is incorporeal and immortal. For it is God only, who is
able to inflict punishment and death, at once on both body and soul. It may be observed
therefore, that He taught by these things, that the soul is incorporeal; and set up, in a
few words, the ordinances of (true) philosophy,--

In that He foretold at the outset to His Disciples, that He would make them Fishers of
men; and, that they should eventually, openly, immediately, (and) through His power, make
Disciples of all nations. From the Gospel of Matthew. 8. After his resurrection from the
dead, all of them,-- being together as they had been commanded,--went to Galilee, as He
had said to them. But, when they saw Him, some worshipped Him, but others doubted. But He
drew near to them, spoke with them, and said: "All power (both) in heaven and earth, is
given to me of my Father. Go ye and make Disciples of all nations, and baptize them in the
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. And teach them to observe all
that I have commanded you. And, behold! I am with you always even to the end of the world.
Observe now, in these things, the consideration and caution evinced by the Disciples:
(viz. that they did not all worship Him when they saw Him. Some of them indeed did this
faithfully and devotedly, but others refrained for the present. It was not easily and
suddenly, that they gave in to this miracle; but, it was after much investigation and with
every caution they were so at last persuaded, that they went out to all mankind. They
became too, the Preachers of His Resurrection; because it had prophetically said in the
Scriptures of the Prophets, in His Person, "Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen
for thine inheritance, and (for thy) possessions, the uttermost parts of the earth. Just
as the testimony of this prophecy has now been fulfilled in fact, He said to His
Disciples;

"All power is given to me, as in heaven, so in earth. For, He had possessed the
sovereignty of the things which are in heaven from eternity; but now, He said was given to
Him, by His Father, those upon earth, in conformity with this (viz. "Ask of me, and I will
give thee the nations for thy possession. For, from ancient times,--as Moses attests,--"
The most High, when dividing the nations, appointed the boundary of the people, according
to the number of the angels. So that the Angels of God were, from ancient times, Rulers
over all that was on the earth. But, when mankind had been perverted to the error of many
Gods, and the Angels, who were the Rulers, were unable to afford any remedy for this; the
common Saviour of all Himself taught, by means of His Divine manifestation, and after His
victory over Death, that the empire of the nations upon earth, should no more be given by
his Father to the Angels, but to Himself. And on this account, He commanded his Disciples,
--not from ancient times--but now, that they should make the circuit, and make Disciples,
of all nations. And He necessarily added the mystery of cleansing. For it was necessary to
those, who should be converted from among the heathen, that they should be cleansed by His
power from every pollution and uncleanness;

because they had been defiled by the error of Demons, and had been holden by the worship
of Idols, and by uncleanness of every sort, but had now first been changed from that life
of abomination, and of lawless practices. These very persons then, did He direct to teach,
--after this cleansing, which is by the mystery of His doctrine,--not, that they should
observe the precepts of the Jews, nor yet the Law of Moses, but all those which He
commanded them to observe. And these are those which the whole of the Disciples,--making
severally the circuit of all the nations,--equally delivered to every Church throughout
the whole creation. He necessarily therefore, stirred them up, and made them readily to
confide,--to undertake the circuit of all nations, and to make Disciples of all races of
men, through the promise by which He counselled them, saying: "Behold, I myself am with
you. To this word of promise, He also superadded the performance. He was present in the
Divine Power with each and every one of them; to the whole of them was He at once present,
and with them He acted and wrought. He confirmed too, even to victory, (the promise)
constituting them Teachers to all nations, of that fear of God which was delivered by
Himself. In this promise therefore, they trusted; and forthwith, did they fulfil His words
by deeds: nor did they in any thing hesitate; hut they (so) went forth with all readiness
to the disciplining of all nations, that they engaged in the work.

With their eyes they had seen Him who was a little while before dead, then living: and,
Him whom they had denied with cursing,--on account of what then happened to them,--they
had seen openly, present, and in his own person; and, as His custom was, He had conversed
with them, and promised them the things of which we have already spoken. Nor could they
disbelieve His promises, because of His appearing (to them); which (appearing) they bad
investigated. Now in this precept, there must have been (much) that was discouraging to
them, knowing as they did in themselves the rusticity and illiterate character which they
sustained; on account of which, they might indeed have sought to be excused, and have well
imagined it impossible that those, whose Language was the Syriac (only), and who knew
nothing beyond the art of catching fish, could he Teachers both of the Greeks and Romans,
of the Egyptians also, the Persians, and the rest of the barbarous nations : and set about
to legislate,--in opposition to all other Legislators and Kings throughout the whole
creation,---that which was opposed to the things delivered to them from all ages,
respecting the Gods of their Forefathers. But it was not possible for them to think such
things, who had heard the voice of God saying to them, "Behold, I myself am with you
always. They had too, openly viewed the Godhead of Him who spoke with them. It had been
seen to be superior to Death : respecting which however they had entertained fear.

On the contrary they (now) hear, that henceforth they shall, with all their soul, undergo
afflictions. They had now taken up from their Master, the certainty of life after death ;
they went out tllerefore, with confidence to make the circuit of all nations, that they
might confirm by fact, the promises of Him their Lord. But He attached to the promises
made to them, a more excellent word ; and,--what exceeds all wonder,-- this He shews forth
even to this present time; (viz. " Behold, I myself am with you always" He added also,
"even to the end of the world" And this applies, not only to them, but also to all those
who came after them, and from them received His doctrine; and, thenceforward, even to this
time, is He present to all those who have become His Disciples. Hence, His Church, which
is kept by Himself, is daily increasing and multiplying to myriads; and by His Power shall
it be congregated, even to the end of the world !

On the conversion of all nations to God. From the Gospel of Luke. 9. Again, upon another
occasion after His resurrection from the dead, He appeared to the other disciples, and to
them,--yet doubting and not believing in Him,--He put forth and said these words: "These
are the words which I said, to you, when I was yet with you; that it is necessary every
thing should be fulfilled which is written respecting me in the Law of Moses, in the
Prophets, and in the Psalms. Then He opened their understandings that they should
understand the Scriptures : and He said, Thus it was right that Christ should suffer, and
that He should rise from the dead on the third day; and (that) repentance and remission of
sins should be preached in His name among all nations, beginning from Jerusalem. And ye
are the witnesses of these things. On one occasion indeed, He said, that "in His name
should be preached repentance to all nations. (Now), if the Deed did not follow upon the
Word; neither can His resurrection from the dead be credited. But if, even up to this
time, the things which His prediction foretold, remain in fact, so that His lively,
(energetic) and operative word is visible (in effect) throughout the whole creation to our
eyes; then is it unbecoming we should disbelieve Him who spoke this. For He, whose power
is living (energetic,) operative, and visible to the eyes, powerfully impels us first of
all to confess thereupon, that He is living;

and that He brings to effect the living things of God, whose living (actual) deeds are
seen fulfilling His words. These His words then, --being varied and translated into all
languages, both of the Greeks and the Barbarians,--has He made intelligible to all, so
that His doctrine is heard by all nations, and has stirred up myriads of congregations of
those, who were formerly wickedly led on in the error of many Gods, in the worship of
Idols, and in (the course of life) which was unbecoming, to conversion and repentance. He
did not command them first to preach remission of sins, and then repentance; but first,
repentance, and then remission. For it was to those, who evinced a sincere repentance of
former sins, that our Saviour's grace gave the pardon of their deeds;--on whose account
indeed He suffered Death, and gave His soul a ransom for the souls of those, who should be
saved through Him. Thus therefore, these His disciples,--men rude of speech and altogether
illiterate, poor and needy, (as) they were in their character,--trusted in the power of
Him who appeared to them after Death, and openly held converse with them. And they began
from Jerusalem according to His commands, and went forth into all nations; the things too,
which they were commanded, they performed, and preached repentance to all men, and
remission of the former sins of the soul.

And such was the entire superiority which they evinced, that, even to these our times, the
doctrine of these poor and illiterate men, is in active operation throughout the whole
creation of man. How His acts should be heard, and preached of, throughout the whole
world. From the Gospel of Matthew and of Mark. 10. When our Saviour was in Bethany, a
village not far from Jerusalem;--having been invited by one who was (named) Simon, and
sitting down there ;--a certain woman took an alabaster box of balsam (ointment), which
was very precious, and came and poured it out upon his feet: but His Disciples forbade her
; complaining of what had happened. But He received the tiling done as a sign, and
intimated that this act should be preached of, and heard, throughout the whole world. He
prophesied accordingly, and said: "I say unto you, that wheresoever this my Gospel shall
be preached in the whole world, what this (woman) hath done, shall also be spoken of for a
memorial of her." Now these things He foretold, when, at that time, the writing of the
Gospel had yet entered into the mind of none, nor had it come to the hearing of any. Nor,
as it is likely, had what was then done, been learned by any who resided in the
neighbourhood, but by those only who were present. Nevertheless, He left this whole
enouncement in word, and prophesied that the Gospels, which should be written by His
Disciples, should be preached throughout the whole world. And to the word He at once also
superadded the deed, and said, that with His acts should be written in the Gospel, and
spoken of throughout the whole world, even that which had been done by this woman, for a
memorial of her:--which same thing has (now) been seen confirmed by Him in very deed! For
there is neither people, region, nor place, in which the memorial of this woman, as
recorded in the Gospel, has not been mentioned; and, together, with the doctrine
respecting Him, is it preached throughout the whole world.--Of the things therefore,
respecting this(Gospel,) and respecting His Church, hear (now) how He made His promises :
--

How He mentioned His church by name, when yet it had no existence: and how He declared,
that the gates of Hell should never prevail against it. From the Gospel of Matthew. 11.
When asking His Disciples on a certain occasion, what men said of Him, and they answering
according to the opinion of the many, He asked them the second time, "But what say ye?
and, when Simon had said unto Him, "Thou art the Christ of the living God" He answered
him, and said : "Blessed art thou Simon son of Jonas, since flesh and blood hath not
revealed (this) to thee, but my Father who is in heaven. And I also say to thee, Thou art
Cephas: and upon this rock do I build my Church, and the gate-bars of Hell shall not
prevail against it. The (term) "this" He took (as implying) the knowledge, that He was the
Messiah, the Son of the living God ; and Cephas (the rock), because it should neither be
rent nor moved. It is not unlikely, that He named (in) " THIS" the whole sense comprised
here. On this account too, He designated that same Disciple, who had formerly been called
Simon, Cephas (Peter), with reference to this knowledge; (and) of which He afterwards
prophesied, and said: "On this rock do I build my Church, and the gate-bars of Hell shall
not prevail against it. He foretold at once something to come to pass, and promised, that
Himself would build it (the Church), and bring the work to completion, by the things of
this knowledge which had now been given concerning Himself; that it should be made firm as
on a confirmed foundation ;

and that His Church should be built, solely by means of His own power which is
everlasting, and that the gates of Hell should never overcome it. He himself afforded a
proof (of this) in the fulfilment, better than any (that) words (can give). For
innumerable persecutions, and many forms of death, have sprung up against His Church, but
in nothing could they prevail against it. He has therefore, openly confirmed the
enouncement of His prediction, by deeds; its truth He has shewn, by the fulfilment. The
Church too, which He called the congregation, about to be set up in His name, evinced no
small foreknowledge: for the congregations of the Jews had been termed Synagogues; and,
during the time of His going about among men, He frequented the Synagogue of the Jews. Nor
was there hitherto, so much as one Synagogue only, set apart to Him. And, Who is not
astonished, that He so foreknew those congregations which should afterwards be set up, at
a great distance of time, in His name, and, that He should not name them, after the Jewish
custom, Synagogues, but Churches ? He added too, that the gate-bars of Hell should not
prevail against them:-- things, which we perceive with our own eyes ! Nor should we wonder
at the prediction only, but also at His promise, namely, "I build my Church upon the rock,
and the gate-bars of Hell shall not prevail against it: which is (all) so brought near in
fact, that we can see it !

For it was not by the power of men, nor yet by the superiority of the Teachers (employed),
that His Church was raised ; but, it was He who promised, and in deed fulfilled His
promise ! --He (I say) who up to this time has, by the Divine Power, built up, and
enlarged, His Church throughout the whole creation of man ! On the divisions which are in
Houses and Families up to this time, on account of His doctrine. From the Gospel of
Matthew. 12. Think not, that I am come to send forth peace upon earth : I am not come to
send forth peace, but a sword. For I am come to divide a man against his Father, and the
Daughter against her Mother, and the Daughter in law against her Mother in law : and the
enemies of a man (shall be) those of his own house. (Or), as Luke enounced (it) ; " Think
ye then, that I am come to send forth peace on earth ? I say unto you, No ; but divisions.
For, there shall be henceforth five in one house, who (shall be) divided, three against
two, and two against three. And the Father shall be divided against his Son, and the Son,
against his Father; and the Mother shall be divided against her Daughter, and the
Daughter, against her Mother; and the Mother in law, against her Daughter in law ; and the
Daughter in law, against her Mother in law. And, Who is not astonished, that the things
which should take place in every individual house, in times far removed (from those of the
prediction), and even up to this time, did not remain hidden to the foreknowledge of our
Saviour ?

For He foretold to His disciples, the things which up to this time are taking place, just
as one present to the things themselves, and making the circuit of the dwellings of all
the children of men :--things which hitherto have not existed, nor did they at the period
in which He enounced these words. Nor, were there yet any such doings; they were then
heard only in the ear. But now, that the prediction has in fact come to its completion,
and is visible to the eyes, How can any one, who would think justly, but confess that they
are in truth the words of God ? And again in these things also,--"For I am come to divide
and to send forth a sword, and divisions among the children of men,""--we likewise see
with our own eyes, that no word of man, either of philosopher or prophet, whether Greek or
Barbarian, ever shewed forth power such as this, that he should so hold the whole
creation, that there should be divisions in every house; that he should pass through and
distinguish every race, throughout all their families ; and, that of these some should be
considered as his own, and others as opposed to these ! But it was our Saviour alone, and
this WORD OF GOD, who promised to do this, and He confirmed the promise, in very deed !

The cause therefore, of the divisions of soul that came to pass in houses He Himself
taught, as we have found in a place in the Gospel existing among the Jews in the Hebrew
language, in which it is said: "I will select to myself these things: very very excellent
are those whom my Father, who is in heaven, has given to me. And, one may learn from this,
how in every house in which the word of Jesus should prevail, the excellent would be
distinguished from the vile. For, if a man make a comparison among brothers, or servants,
or in families generally, as to the customs, forms, manner of life, and the purity and
meekness of those, who have chosen the doctrine of our Saviour;--for this is what is meant
by those who have been selected by Him :-- and, of those who have not yet become worthy of
Him ; --he will perceive what sort of power that is, of which He has made use; and, that
He did not only foretel what should come to pass, but that He has, according to the
prediction, also brought the works to pass : and, with other things, these also in which
it is written that He said, "I will select to myself the very excellent, those whom my
Father who is in heaven has given to me. Nevertheless, (what He) now (said), " I am not
come to send forth peace on earth," with other things, He explained to the Disciples
themselves and said;

"I leave peace with you, my own peace give I unto you: it is not as the world giveth
peace, that I also so give peace. It was the knowledge and love of God, which He had
prepared for His disciples ; and this, that the soul should not be perturbed. And in this
way, He named the light, and confirmation of the mind. These things therefore He foretold,
and also respecting these (men) : but, of those which He foreknew and foretold respecting
the Jewish People, (the time) is at hand that we should enquire. On the things which He
prophesied against the Jewish people in parables. From the Gospel of Matthew. 13. When the
Rulers of the Jewish people, the chief Priests, and the Doctors of the Law, were assembled
together in Jerusalem, and He was in the Temple; He foretold covertly and by parable, the
things they were about to dare against Him, and the destruction which should overtake them
on account of this daring, in this manner : " There was a certain master of a house, (who)
planted a vineyard, and surrounded it with a fence, and digged a wine-press therein, and
built in it a tower, and delivered it to husbandmen, and departed. And, when the fruit-
season drew near, he sent his servants to the husbandmen that they might bring to him the
fruit. But these husbandmen seized his servants, and some of them they smote, and some
they stoned, and some they killed. And again, he sent other servants, more than the
former; and to these, they did in like manner. But at last, he sent his Son, and said,
Surely they will reverence my Son. But these husbandmen, when they saw the Son, said among
themselves : This is his heir ; come let us kill him, and the inheritance will be ours. So
they took him, and cast him out of the vineyard, and killed him. When therefore, the Lord
of the vineyard shall come, What shall he do to those husbandmen? They say to him, he
shall most miserably destroy them; and his vineyard he shall deliver to other husbandmen,
who shall render him the fruits in their seasons.

Jesus himself said to them, Have ye never read in the Scripture, 'The stone which the
builders rejected, has become the chief corner stone of the building: This is of the Lord,
and it is a miracle in our eyes?' Wherefore I say unto you, The kingdom of God shall be
taken from you, and shall be given to a people which shall render the fruits" (thereof.
And this parable is of a sort with that, which is in the Prophet Isaiah, which is (given)
in this manner: "My beloved had a vineyard on the horn of a fat place. And he cultivated
it, and surrounded it with a fence, and planted in it vines, and built a Tower within it.
He also made a wine-press in it. And he expected that it would produce grapes; but it
produced wild grapes. But this that is in the Prophet, accuses the vineyard; which he thus
interprets, as to who was (really) intended, when he says, "For the vineyard of the Lord
of hosts is the house that is in Israel, and the men of Judah are (His) one beloved plant.
I looked for judgment, but there was rapine; and for righteousness, but behold, howling!"

14. The parable then, spoken by our Saviour, was so like to that of the Prophet, that it
was known to point out those who were present and heard (it). But, it was not of the
vineyard that it was spoken, because the Prophet had already made his prediction of this.
The things however, which were not mentioned in the Prophet, He supplied in His parable:
those, I say, which respected the husbandmen of the vineyard; and these were the Elders of
the people, the chief Priests, the Rulers, and Doctors: those, who indeed were the cause
to the whole congregation, that they should render evil fruit, and, on whose account, the
vineyard itself was left to destruction. That is, the whole of their people, with their
fence, was rooted up; those who formerly contended for the people, and watched over the
people, together with their place. The Tower that was in it, was the Temple; the wine-
press, the Altar. And all these were therefore, wholly taken away, even to their
foundations ; because the husbandmen had become polluted with blood ; those (I say), who
had openly slain the servants first and last; those Prophets, who had, time after time,
been sent unto them. The Old Testament also gives its testimony (otherwise) to this
matter; and, of the Prophets, Elias who in his prayer to God says, "Lord, they have slain
thy Prophets, and broken down thy Altar: and I am left alone, and they seek to take my
life.

Of these things therefore does this Prophet, by his prayer, accuse the rulers of the
Jewish people. These however, the pollution of the Prophets' blood had not satisfied, and
at last they slew the Son himself, that is, the Son of God! Nor was it that they knew Him
not; but, when they knew fully and accurately, that He was the heir ! These things then,
our Saviour Himself delivered by parable, respecting Himself, before His suffering. He
also foretold,--by His foreknowledge, what should come to pass; (viz. these things when
walking in the Temple,--to those husbandmen of the vineyard of His times, the Chief
Priests, the Doctors, and the rest of those who were at the head of the people. And much
(and) openly did He, in the parable, prepare them to pronounce condemnation against
themselves : asking them in the close of the parable, and saying, "What shall the Lord of
the vineyard, when He comes, do to those husbandmen? And they, not yet understanding that
it had been spoken of themselves, gave judgment against themselves, saying, "He shall most
miserably destroy them, and shall give up the vineyard to other husbandmen, who shall
render to Him the fruits in their seasons. Jesus then said to them : " Have ye never read
in the scriptures, The stone which the builders rejected, has become the chief corner
(stone) of the building: This is from the Lord, and is a miracle in our eyes?

Very consistently after the prediction of His death, He pointed out, from the testimony of
the prophets, His own resurrection from the dead. For He had previously taught, that the
Son of the Lord of the vineyard should be slain by the wicked husbandmen, and had obtained
from themselves (their own) condemnation. After that, He brought this forward : " The
stone which the builders rejected, has become the chief corner (stone) of the building:
which, in the prophecy, had been given by way of parable on His resurrection. For,--after
He had been rejected by those husbandmen who were also the builders, He (I say), who was
(as) a precious stone, and of whom the Prophet Isaiah says, "Behold, I lay in Zion a
choice and precious stone, the chief corner (stone) of the foundation: And he, who
believeth in it, shall not be ashamed,"--He became the chief corner (stone) of another
building, of which the (divine) word has said: "And this is a miracle in our eyes: by
which He meant His Church. And thus deservedly did He, according to their own judgment on
themselves, repay them, saying, " The kingdom of God shall be taken from you, and shall be
given to a people, that will render the fruits" (thereof) : which corresponds to this
declaration (already) mentioned, (viz. "from them; that He would " give the vineyard to
other husbandmen, who should render to Him the fruits in their seasons. For He named the
"kingdom of God," those observances in which the worship of God consisted;

and these Hedeclared, should be taken away from those husbandmen: and (this) He has most
openly shewn, and brought to effect; giving (the vineyard) to another people, which does
bring forth its fruits. And this is the Christian people, which docs, throughout the whole
creation, bring forth the fruits, that are both conformable, and suitable, to the
observances of God; and shews this daily, both in words and works. On the rejection of the
Jews at once, and the calling of the Gentiles: also on those who should unworthily be
gathered into His Church ; and on the end of these, From the Gospel of Matthew. 15. After
the Parable which has already been mentioned, the word of the Divine Scripture states,
that "When the chief Priests and Pharisees had heard His parables, they knew that He spake
against themselves, and they sought to take Him: but they feared the people, because they
held Him as a Prophet. "And Jesus answered them, and said again in a parable: The kingdom
of heaven is like to a (certain) man, a king, who made a (marriage) feast for his son, and
sent his servants to call those who had been bidden to the feast; but they would not come.
And again, he sent out other servants, and commanded them to say to those who had been
bidden: Behold, my dinner is ready, my fatted oxen are slain, and every thing is prepared
for you : Come to the feast. But they disregarded and went away, One to the village
(farm), and Another to (his) merchandise. But they who remained seized his servants, and
abused and slew (them). And the king was enraged, and sent his army and slew those
murderers, and burnt up their city. He then said to his servants, My dinner is ready, but
those who were bidden were unworthy of it. Go ye out therefore, into the ways and paths,
and every one that ye find, call to the feast. So those servants went out into the ways,
and they brought together all they could find, (both) bad and good.

Now, in the former Parable, the Vineyard, the Tower, the Winepress, and the Husbandmen,
were evil: and the servants sent, first and last, were killed. And, at last, even the Son
of the Lord of the vineyard was himself slain : by which were pointed out, the People, the
Temple, the Altar, and the Rulers of the Jews; and also those wicked husbandmen, who,
standing at the head of the people, slew both the former and latter Prophets, and at last
the Son of God Himself! 16. Now the Parable before our eyes, obviously introduces the
familiar feast, and bringing together, of the Bridegroom and Bride, with a marriage-
supper: and again the servants also, who are here destroyed and slain, and the former and
latter persons bidden. By means of these again, He points out covertly, the things that
happened after His resurrection from the dead. For the Bridegroom is, THE WORD OF GOD ;
the Bride, the rational soul, which is associated with Him, and receives the Divine seed
that is of Him. And (this) Divine and rational association, (represents) that of His
Church : and, consequent upon these things, the rational feast and marriage supper,
(represent) the Divine and heavenly aliments (so prepared). He does not here speak of the
inviting servants, with reference to those who were formerly sent to the vineyard, but,
with reference to the latter ones. For those were the Prophets; but these, His own
Apostles, who were sent forth to make the call, (and) first, of those who were of the
circumcision. For, when He first sent these forth, He charged them, saying, "Into the way
of the Gentiles go ye not; and into a city of the Samaritans enter ye not; but rather go
ye to the wandering sheep of the house of Israel. These same persons therefore, the
servants did first invite; but, when they hearkened not to the call, He sent also, the
second time, many Evangelists and Preachers of the Gospel ;

those whom He chose, after the twelve Apostles, the seventy other Disciples, who also
first preached the Gospel to the Jewish people, and called them to the feast of the New
Testament. But they availed nothing, because they, who had been bidden, were busied with
their merchandise; and who, after they had heard the call of the servants, abused some,
and killed others. And it is in our power to find from the Scriptures, how many of the
Disciples of our Saviour they afterwards killed, both in Jerusalem and in the rest of
Judea. Stephen then was, in the first place, forthwith slain by them by stoning. After
him, James the brother of John. And again after them, he who first chose (to accept) the
throne of the Church of that place, James who was called the Brother of our Lord: whom, on
account of his great excellence, they called "the Just. Him too, the Jews of those times
killed by stoning. How they abused the Apostles by stripes, the Book of the Acts relates.
And these things did He, by His divine knowledge, foretel before they happened; He also
foretold the things which should befall them from the Jews. By means of a parable too, He
predicted what should come to pass before these things took place, by these expressions,
(viz. "The king was enraged" at the abuse and slaughter of his servants, " and sent his
army, and slew those murderers, and burnt up their city.

And, What can be more obvious than this foreknowledge, and the fulfilment of the things
themselves (so predicted) ? For the army of the Romans came soon after, and took the city,
and destroyed the Temple itself by fire. And, of Whom was it, except of Him who is King of
all, God over all, that it was thus said, that "the King shall send his army, and shall
slay those murderers, and shall burn up their city? To this very time indeed, the remnants
of the conflagration which took place in various parts of the city, are obvious to the
sight of those who travel thither. But, how those murderers of the Apostles were taken in
the reduction (of the city), and suffered the punishment which they deserved, it is not
necessary we should say, as the things which were done to them, may readily be found in
the record of the Romans by Flavius Josephus. After the slaughter of these therefore, and
the reduction of the metropolis of their kingdom, they,--who remained of those servants
that had first heard it said by their Lord, "They who were first called were not worthy;
but go ye out into the ways and paths, and all that ye find, call to the feast"--performed
even the thing commanded. Our Saviour said to them therefore, after His resurrection, " Go
ye and make Disciples of all nations in my name," And these things He said, who formerly
had commanded:

" In the way of the Gentiles go ye not" but (enjoined) that they should preach to the Jews
only. But, when these had abused (their) Inviters, then He dismissed the servants the
second time, and said, " Those that were called were not worthy. Go ye out into the ways
and paths, and all that ye find call to the feast. And this they fulfilled in deed. They
went out into the whole creation, and they preached to all nations, the divine and
heavenly calling; and " they collected together as many as they could find, (both) bad and
good. Let no one therefore wonder, that, of those, who are collected into the Church of
Christ, all are not good; but, that in the mixture together with the good, the evil will
also be collected. Nor did this escape the foreknowledge of our Saviour. And it is
accordingly seen to remain in fact, in conformity with that foreknowledge : and, what the
end of those will be, who are brought together unworthily in His Church, He Himself shews;
for He afterwards teaches these things in the parable, saying, "And the feast was filled
with guests: but, when the king came in to see the guests, he saw there a man who had not
(on) wedding garments. And he said to him, My friend! how earnest thou in hither not
having put on wedding garments ? And he was silent. Then the king said to the ministers:
Bind him hands and feet, and cast him out into outer darkness.

There shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth. For many are the called, but few the chosen.
He likewise previously rebuked, with these predictive words, those who should conduct
themselves unrighteously in His Church. Again, on the rejection of the Jewish people. From
the Gospel of Matthew. 17. " Ye serpents, ye generation of vipers, How shall ye escape
hell ? Wherefore, behold, I send unto you Prophets, and Wise men, and Scribes: and some of
them ye shall kill and crucify, and some of them ye shall scourge in your synagogues, and
shall persecute them from city to city; so that there shall come upon you, all the blood
of the Righteous, which has been shed upon the land, from the blood of Abel, even to the
blood of Zecharias the son of Barachias, whom ye slew between the steps and the altar. I
say unto you, All these things shall come upon this generation. There is no need we should
affirm, that all these things are so plain, as to require no explanation whatever; which,
being afterwards fulfilled in very deed, confirmed by (their) open fulfilment, the
foreknowledge of our Saviour. For the Apostles were scourged by the Jews at a subsequent
period, in Jerusalem itself; when also, they went forth from their synagogues, "rejoicing
that they were found worthy to be reproached for his name's sake that they were found
worthy to be reproached for his name's sake. Stephen also was stoned by them; and James
was slain with the sword; and again, the second James was put to death with stones. And
Simeon, who after James held the Episcopal chair in Jerusalem, was given up to
crucifixion, as the history reminds (us). And many others again, who were slain by the
Jews, have (thus) set their seal to the foreknowledge of our Saviour.

On account of all which, the judgment of God took vengeance on the generation that dared
to do all this: and, upon it turned back the (just) consequence of all its deeds. For it
was of that generation that their Temple and altar were rooted up, and the kingdom, which
had, by tradition from their forefathers, been preserved to that very time, was dissolved.
And of the same, was their freedom taken away: and, from the effects themselves it was
evident, that the avenging of the blood of all the Righteous was on that generation, in
conformity with the words of our Saviour. It is necessary then we should see, with what
entire power, and by what sort of force, it was said, "Behold I send to you Prophets, and
Wise men. For (this), "Behold I send" is an intimation of the power of God. And, that He
called the Rulers of the Jews to their face, a "generation of vipers," affords no proof of
deficiency (in this respect). The prediction too, of the destruction which should overtake
them, does, after all the rest, afford ample confirmation as to these declarations; and
this their complete fulfilment proves. These things are therefore sufficient (here). Let
us then, now enquire accordingly, how it happened to the land which had always been
precious to them, and to those glories of the metropolis of the kingdom which had been
(so) famous with them;

of which, by His divine foreknowledge He attested ;--weeping bitterly as He did over them
of his mercy,--that the whole should undergo a change to the extremes of calamity, because
of the insolence of its inhabitants against Him. On the destruction of the Temple of
Jerusalem. 18. What the end of those things should be, which had been foretold respecting
the Jewish people, has (already) been said and shewn. But, as He, THE WORD OF GOD,
prophesied also respecting these places themselves, it is necessary we should see His
words on them. Now, when the Rulers of the Jews would not bear the purity of His Doctrine,
its publication, nor His rebukes, they so acted as to rid their city of Him. He then,
leaving Jerusalem, pronounced these words over their city: "Jerusalem, Jerusalem! that
hast killed the Prophets, and stoned them that were sent unto thee, How often would I have
gathered thy children together, as the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings : but ye
would not. Behold I your house is left desolate. For I say unto you, that ye shall not see
me henceforth until ye shall say, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord.
Impurity (and) pollution afterwards marked their doings: and this was the sin in which
they dared to persist against our Saviour. And it was right, not only that the Inhabitants
of the city, but also the land itself,--in which they so greatly boasted.--should be made
to suffer the things, which the deeds of its inhabitants deserved. And these they did
suffer ! For it was not long, before the Romans came against the city: and, of the
inhabitants, some they killed by the law of war; others they destroyed by famine; others
they led away captive ; and others they persecuted.

The captive (City) and Temple they burnt, and reduced to utter desolation ! But the things
which took place afterwards, did our Saviour, from his foreknowledge as THE WORD or GOD,
foretel should come to pass, by means of those which are (now) before us. For He named the
whole Jewish people, the children of the City; and the Temple, He styled their House. And
thus He testified, that they should, on their own wicked account, bear the vengeance thus
to be inflicted. For many times would He have gathered their children together beneath the
yoke of the worship of God, just as all formerly was; even as He had from ancient times
been careful for them, and had, during all ages, instructed them by one or other of the
Prophets, and called them, but they would not hearken to his call;--on this account, He
gave judgment against them, and said, "Behold your house is left desolate. It was
therefore with special care that He said, not (only) the City itself should be desolate,
but the House that was within it: that is, the Temple; (and) which He was unwilling should
again be called His, or yet "the House of God," but theirs (only). He prophesied too, that
it should be desolate in no other way, than as deprived of that providential care, which
was formerly exerted over it: hence He said, "Behold your house is left desolate.

And, it is right we should wonder at the fulfilment of this prediction, since at no time
did this place undergo such an entire desolation as this was. Not at the time when it was
rased to its foundations by the Babylonians, on account of their great wickedness, their
worshipping of Idols, and pollution in the blood of the Prophets. For seventy years was
the whole period of the desolation of the place in those times: because it was not (thus)
fully said to them at that time, "Behold your House is left desolate. Nor was it (then so)
forsaken; an event happening soon after, which dignified it with a renewal much more
illustrious than its former state, as one of the Prophets had foretold : (viz. "The glory
of this latter House shall be greater than that of the former. After the enouncement
therefore of our Saviour,--that they should so be left, and their house come, by the
judgment of God, to utter desolation ;--to those who visit these places, the sight itself
affords the most complete fulfilment of the prediction. The period too has been that of
many years, and (of duration) so long, as not only to be double of the desolation of
seventy years,-- which was that in the time of the Babylonians,--but even to surpass four
times (its duration) ; and (thus) confirming the judgment pronounced by our Saviour.

Again, on another occasion, our Saviour--walking by the side of the Temple, just
mentioned, and His Disciples wondering at the building which surrounded it, and pointing
out to Him the greatness and beauty of the same Temple;--returned to them answer and said,
"Behold! see ye not all these things ? I say unto you, stone shall not be left here upon
stone, which shall not be thrown down. The Scriptures do moreover shew, that the whole
building and the extreme ornamenting of the Temple there, were indeed thus worthy of being
considered miraculous: and, for proof (of this), there are preserved, even to this time,
some remaining vestiges of these its ancient decorations. But, of these ancient things,
the greatest miracle of all is, the Divine word (declaring) the foreknowledge of our
Saviour, which fully enounced to those, who were wondering at the buildings (of the
Temple), the judgment, that there should not be left in the place at which they were
wondering, "one stone upon another which should not be rased" For it was right, that this
place should undergo an entire destruction and desolation, on account of the audacity of
its Inhabitants; because it was the residence of impious men. And, just as the prediction
was, are the results in fact remaining: the whole Temple, and its walls,--as well as those
ornamented and beautiful buildings which were within it, and which exceeded all
description,--have suffered desolation from that time to this! With time too, this
increases :

and, so has the power of THE WORD gone on destroying, that, in many places, no vestige of
their foundations is now visible! which any one who desires it, may see with his own eyes.
And, should any one say, that a few of the places are still existing; we may nevertheless,
justly expect the destruction of these also, as their ruin is daily increasing: the
predicting word, just mentioned, daily operating by a power which is unseen. I know too--
for I have heard it from persons who interpret the passage before us differently,--that
this was not said on all the buildings, except only on that place which the Disciples,
when expressing their wonder upon it, pointed out to Him ; for it was upon this that He
spoke the predicting word. Again, the Scriptures of His Disciples which teach respecting
Him, (teach) us these things (following), on the utter destruction of the place.--

On the taking of the City. From the Gospel of Luke. 19. "And, when He saw the city, He
wept over it, and said, If thou hadst known, even in this day the things of thy peace.--
But now, they are (so) hidden from thine eyes, that the days shall come upon thee, in
which thine enemies shall surround thee, and shall press upon thee from every part of
thee: and they shall utterly root thee up, and thy children within thee. The things, prior
to these, were predicted respecting the Temple; these, which are now before us, respecting
the City itself; which the Jews named the City of God, because of the Temple of God that
had been built within it. Over the whole of this then, the compassionate (Saviour) wept.
It was not, that He had so much pity on the buildings, nor indeed upon the land, as He had
first upon the souls of its inhabitants, and (then) upon (the prospect of) their
destruction. He pointed out moreover, the cause of their desolation when He said, "If thou
hadst known, even in this day, the things of thy peace: intimating too His own coming,
which should be for the peace of the whole world. For this is He, of whom it was said, "In
his days shall righteousness arise (as the sun), and abundance of peace. He came also for
this purpose, that "He might preach peace to them that were near, and to them that were
afar off. And, of them who received Him, He said, "PeaceI leave to you I leave to you;

my peace give I unto you: the peace, which all nations who believed on Him throughout the
whole creation, have received. But the people, who were of the circumcision and believed
not on Him, knew not the things of their peace : and, on this account, He said afterwards,
"It is now (so) hidden from thine eyes, that the days shall come upon thee, (in which)
thine enemies shall surround thee. The things (I say), which were therefore to take hold
on them, a short time after, in the reduction (of the city) : (and), because they had no
previous perception of the peace, that had been formerly preached to them, it should now
be concealed from their eyes. They had therefore, no previous perception of any thing,
which should afterwards befall them; He then plainly foretold these things by His
foreknowledge, and gave open intimation of the reduction (of the city), which should come
upon them through the Romans, (when saying), "The days shall come upon thee...because thou
knewest not the things of thy peace. For, for this cause "there shall come upon thee the
days, (in which) thine enemies shall surround thee, and shall go round about thee, and
shall press upon thee from every quarter of thee; and they shall root thee out, and thy
children within thee. In these (words) then, has been recorded the form of war which
should come upon them.

And, how they were fulfilled, we shall presently find from the writings of Josephus, who
was himself a Jew, and descended from a tribe of the Jews ;--one of the well known and
famous men among that people. At the time of the reduction (of the place), he committed to
writing every thing that was done among them; and (so) shewed, that the predictions before
us were, in their facts, fulfilled. Again, on the reduction of the City. From the Gospel
of Luke. 20. "When ye shall see Jerusalem surrounded by an army, know ye that its
desolation is near. Then let those who are in Judea flee to the mountains. And let those
that are within it (Jerusalem) give up: and let not those that are in its borders, enter
into it. Because these are the days of vengeance, that all which has been written should
be fulfilled. But, woe to them that are with child, and to them that give suck in those
days; for there shall be great tribulation upon the land, and great wrath upon this
people. And they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and shall be led captive into all
nations. And Jerusalem shall be trampled on by the Gentiles, until the times of the
Gentiles shall be fulfilled. Previous to this He said, "Behold your house is left
desolate. He now gives by the words before us, the signs of the times of the final
destruction of the place; and these He shews, saying, "When ye shall see Jerusalem
surrounded by an army, thence know ye that its desolation is near. Now, let no one
imagine, that, after the reduction of the place, and the desolation that should be in it,
another renewal of it shall take place, as it was in the times of Cyrus, king of the
Persians; and afterwards in those of Antiochus Epiphanes; and again, in those of Pompey.
For many times did this place suffer reduction, and was afterwards dignified by a more
excellent restoration.

But, when ye shall see it reduced by armies, know ye that which comes upon it, to be a
final and full desolation and destruction. He designates the desolation of Jerusalem, by
the destruction of the Temple, and the laying aside of those services which were,
according to the law of Moses, formerly performed within it. You are not to suppose, that
the desolation of the city, mentioned in these (words), was to be such that no one should
any more reside in it: for He says after this, that the city shall be inhabited, not by
the Jews, but by the Gentiles, when speaking thus, "And Jerusalem shall be trampled on by
the Gentiles. It was known therefore to Him, that it should be inhabited by the Gentiles.
But He styled this its desolation (viz), because it should no more (be inhabited) by its
own children, nor should the service of the law he established within it. And, how these
things have been fulfilled, many words are not wanted (to shew) ; because, we can easily
see with our own eyes, how the Jews are dispersed into all nations; and, how the
inhabitants of that which was formerly Jerusalem,--but is now named Aelia by Aelius
Hadrian,--are foreigners, and the descendants of another race. The wonder therefore of the
prophecy is this, that He said of the Jews, "they should be led captive into all nations;
and, of the Gentiles, "that Jerusalem should be trampled on by them. This miracle is then
complete :

the Jews being now fully (dispersed) throughout the whole creation, so that they are
(found) remaining among the Ethiopians, the Scythians, and in the extremities of the
earth. It is only their own city, and the place in which their worship formerly was
(carried on), that they cannot enter! But, if the city itself had been utterly desolated,
and without inhabitants, men would have thought that this was the cause (of their
exclusion from it). Now however, that the place is inhabited by foreigners, the
descendants of a different race, and that it is not allowed to them alone even to set a
foot in it, so that they cannot view even from a distance the land of their forefathers;
the things foretold of it are fulfilled, in exact accordance with the prediction: (viz).
"They shall be led captive into all nations, and Jerusalem shall be trampled on by the
Gentiles" The manner moreover of the captivity, points out the war. of which He spoke;
"For (said He) there shall be (great) tribulation upon the land, and great wrath upon this
people : and they shall fall by the edge of the sword. We can learn too, from the writings
of Flavius Josephus, how these things took place in their localities, and how those, which
had been foretold by our Saviour, were, in fact, fulfilled. He also shews plainly the
fulfilment of the prediction of our Saviour, when He said, "Woe to those that are with
child, and to them that give suck in those days.

For he has put it on record, how the women roasted their children by the fire and ate
them, on account of the pressure of the famine which prevailed in the city. This famine
therefore, which took place in the city, our Saviour foresaw, and counselled His Disciples
that, in the reduction which was about to come upon the Jews, it was not for them to take
refuge in the city as in a place guarded and preserved by God, but in which many should
suffer ; but, that they should depart thence, and "flee to the mountains; and, that those,
who should be within Judea, should give up to the Gentiles; and those, who were in its
lands, should not take refuge in it as in a fortified place. On this account He said, "Let
those who are in its borders not enter into it, since these are the days of vengeance,
that all may be fulfilled which has been written. Any one therefore, who desires it, may
learn the results of these things from the writings of Josephus. And, if it is right we
should lay down a few things from him in this book, by way of testimony, there is nothing
that should hinder us from hearing the historian himself, who writes in this manner;--

From the sixth Book of Josephus. 21. "And, How can it be necessary, that I should describe
the severity of the famine, as to things inanimate? I come then to the making known of a
fact, the like of which has not been recorded, either among the Greeks, or the Barbarians
: one which, it is shocking to mention, and, to the hearing, incredible. I myself indeed,
would gladly have left this calamity (unmentioned)--that I might not be thought by those
who shall come after, to have related falsehoods,--had I not had many witnesses among
those of our own times. I should indeed otherwise have rendered but a doubtful good, as to
the land of my fathers, had I omitted to mention the things which, it has, in fact,
suffered. A certain woman, of those who resided on the other side of the Jordan,--whose
name was Mirian, well known on account of her family and wealth,--took refuge with many
(others) in Jerusalem, and with them was shut up (in the siege). This woman's other
possessions, as they were after she left the passage (of the Jordan) and came into the
city, the Tyrants seized. The residue of her treasures moreover, should it have sufficed
for her daily sustenance, was invaded and seized by the attendant soldiers. Grievous
indignation therefore, took possession of her; and many times did she excite the robbers
against herself, by curses and reproaches. But, when no one put her to death.--either on
account of her indignation or in mercy;

and she became weary of seeking sustenance for others from every quarter, and (as)
suspicion was excited against her, even if she found (it) : hunger, at the same time,
remaining in her bowels, and indignation inflaming her more than hunger;--she took for her
counsellor impetuosity and necessity, and dared to do that which was contrary to nature.
She seized upon her son,--for she had a sucking infant,--and said, "Wretched (babe) ! for
Whom do I preserve thee in war, famine, and tumult?-- that thou shouldest be a slave to
the Romans ? If thou shouldest indeed live happily with them, still famine precedes (this)
servitude ; and the seditious are cruel. Come ; be thou thou to me for food; to the
seditious, the vengeance;--and to the world, the tale which alone is wanting to (complete)
the sufferings of the Jews ! And, saying this, she at once killed her son. She then
roasted him, and ate a part of him ! the rest she hid, and kept! These sufferings out of
many, I have here set down on account of the Divine prediction of our Saviour, which
declared, "Woe to them that are with child, and to them that give suck in those days: and
because it adds this also to the predictive words of our Saviour, "There shall be great
tribulation on the land, and great wrath upon this people:

or, as Matthew has said, "For there shall be at that time great tribulation, the like of
which has not been since the beginning of the world, even until now ; nor shall be"
(hereafter). It will be well therefore, to hear this writer himself, when thus putting on
record the fulfilment of these same things. From the fifth Book of Josephus. 22. "It would
be impossible to give an account of each and every of their iniquities singly; we say then
summarily, that no (other) city (ever) suffered all these things; and, that there never
was a generation so fruitful in vices as this : for they destroyed the city itself! and
(were the cause) that the Romans should be recorded,-- as forced by them against their own
wills,--to this sad victory ! They accordingly dragged them on forthwith, unopposed, to
the Temple ; and viewed from the upper city, the fire that was burning within it." Nor
were they pained, nor did they weep at these things ! Because, "there should be at that
time great tribulation, such, that its like existed not since the beginning of the world."
This very thing was foretold by our Saviour, which this writer attests ! the whole of
which was fully brought to pass forty years afterwards, in the times of Vespasian the
Roman Emperor. Our Saviour moreover, added to His predictions,--determining the time,--how
long Jerusalem should be trampled on by the Gentiles; for He said, "Until the times of the
Gentiles shall be fulfilled:" intimating by this, the end of the world.

Again, on the laws of the Jews, (viz.) that they should no more be observed, either on
mount Gerizim, or in Jerusalem. And, on the service worthy of God, which should be set up
in His Church. From the Gospel of John. 23. On the side of this our neighbouring city
Neapolis of Palestine,--which was not small, but is even (now) a city of celebrity,--a
woman of Samaria drew near to Him ; and, after other words, said to Him, "Sir, I perceive
that thou art a Prophet. Our fathers worshipped in this mountain; but ye say, that in
Jerusalem is the place where (men) ought to worship. Upon which, our Saviour returning
this answer, said to her, "Believe me woman, the hour cometh (in) which, neither in this
mountain, nor in Jerusalem shall they worship the Father. And, after a few other things,
He said : "The hour cometh, and now is, (in) which the true worshippers shall worship the
Father in spirit and in truth: for the Father seeketh even such as these to worship Him.
God is a, spirit, and it is right that those who worship Him, should worship him in spirit
and in truth. And, by these things also, He fully proved that His foreknowledge was not
small. For formerly, in the days of Tiberius the Roman Emperor,--in whose times these
things were said,--the Jews were particularly collected together in Jerusalem, for the
observance of the precepts of their Law; and the Samaritans, on the mount called Gerizim
which they honoured, on the side of Neapolis, affirming that it was right the Law of Moses
should there be observed. Now, these mounts are, as it were, anathemas of God. With both,
certain parts were honoured; and of both, the Scripture of each bears record ;

that of Moses, respecting Gerizim ; and those of the Hebrew Prophets, respecting
Jerusalem. The sentence of judgment therefore, put forth in the Divine enouncement of our
Saviour was, That no more, either in Jerusalem, or on mount Gerizim, should those
henceforth worship, who then adhered so pertinaciously to these places : which came to
pass soon after. (For), in the days of Titus Vespasian, and in the reduction which
happened in those of Hadrian, both these mounts were, according to His words, desolated.
That on the side of the city Neapolis, was defiled by unbecoming Images, by Idols, by
Sacrifices, and the shedding of blood, and (thus) rendered abominable. The Temple also of
Jerusalem was rased to the foundations, and has remained, during the whole of the time
mentioned, in utter desolation and (destruction by) burning. And, from that time and even
until now, has the prediction of our Saviour been fulfilled, which declared, " The hour
cometh, (in) which neither in this mount, nor in Jerusalem shall they worship," He terms
the time (meant) "the hour; which was not yet at hand, but was about to be. And, speaking
to His Disciples on the rational service to be completed by Himself, He added, " The hour
cometh, and now is, that the true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and
truth. He necessarily added therefore here, It "now is. For immediately, from the very
hour (in) which he said these words, (viz.

" The true worshippers"--of whom He was the Head and Teacher,--His Disciples, who received
the rational service,--from Him, did perform the service of God, "in spirit and in truth.
But the thing, above all (others) prophesied of in these words, implies, that no more on
any mount, nor in any distinct corner of the earth, but throughout the whole creation,
should those " true worshippers" worship the God who is above all, and should present to
Him the Divine services, which should be performed without blood, "in spirit and truth.
Not by similitude, nor by those things of which He was the antitype, as were those of
Moses observed by both Jews and Samaritans, in slaughter, sacrifices, incense, fire, and
many other bodily modes;--that all of these should be abolished through the things now
before us, did THE WORD OF GOD here predict. He also said, henceforth "in spirit and
truth. That is, "the true worshippers" shall render to God, the service which is worthy of
Him, in a manner divine and with both the soul and mind.

On the people which should be set up out of foreign nations, by means of his teaching.
From the Gospel of John. 24. "I am the good Shepherd, and I know my own, and my own know
me. Even as the Father hath known me, so know I the Father....And I lay down my life (lit.
self) for my sheep. And I have other sheep, those who were not of this fold; and it is
necessary that I should bring in these, and that they should hear my voice. And there
shall be one flock and one shepherd. By other words (too) He taught and said, "I am not
come, but to the sheep that have strayed of the house of Israel. It was the Jewish people
then, that He named under this figure; but, by the things before us, He predicted, that it
was not those only who had become His disciples from among the Jews, that were considered
(as) of the number of His flock; but those also who were without this fold. For thus, the
word (Scripture) usually names at one time, the whole Jewish people; at another,
Jerusalem, and the service there performed according to the Law of Moses.--That "He would
collect other sheep which were not of that fold" implies the whole creation; and He
foretold by these things, that out of them (this) rational flock should be so brought
together to Him, that to the one and self-same worship of God, all, (both) Jews and
Idolaters believing in Him, should come over;

and, that there should be " one flock and one Shepherd."This is His Church, which has been
established both from among the Jews, and Gentiles. And thus, has it come to pass ! For at
once, at the outset of the preaching of the Gospel, great multitudes of the Jews were
convinced that He was the Christ of God, who had been preached of by the Prophets. And
with these, (those), who believed on Him from among the Gentiles, were brought together in
one Church, under the hand of the one Shepherd,--of Him who is THE WORD or GOD. For in
Jerusalem itself arose, from among the Jews, one after another fifteen bishops of the
Church there, from James who was the first. There were too thousands, at once both of Jews
and Gentiles there, who had been brought together, even to the time of its reduction in
the days of Hadrian. And, that He was the (good) Shepherd who had been many times preached
of in the words of the Prophets, it is obvious to us: the words (I say), which mention THE
WORD OF GOD and teach, that He is the Shepherd of the souls of men, as of rational flocks.
For it is thus said on one occasion by the Prophets: " The Lord feedeth me (as a
shepherd), and I shall lack nothing. And on another; "Shepherd of Israel look, (thou) who
leadest Joseph as a flock: and, on another, He introduces (one) saying, "He is the Lord,
and the Shepherd of the sheep.

He therefore alone, is truly declared to be the Shepherd of rational souls. For, just as
the case is among men, the nature of the sheep is one, and that of the shepherd another;
and, (as) the rational nature rules and leads that which is irrational; so also is it with
respect to the superiority of the Shepherd (here), THE WORD OF GOD, the nature far excels
that of man. We indeed are His flock, and, as compared with His power, we are less
rational than any sheep. But He is in truth the good and pure Shepherd, who does not so
neglect His flock, that it may be devoured by the wolves; that is to say, by the wicked
demons, the corrupters of souls. This constrains us to look to His word which declared,
with great power and might, "I am the good Shepherd; and which also said, "I lay down my
life for my sheep. (This) He said in a mystery respecting His death. He also taught at the
same time the cause; viz. that it was for the redemption of the souls of the rational
flocks, that He (so) gave His life. And this also: "I have other sheep," shews, that the
Jews were not His only possession; but also, that the whole of the nations had been given
to Him of His Father, according to this (declaration), "Ask of me, and I will give thee
the nations for thine inheritance."

How His death was the cause of the redemption of many. From the Gospel of John. 25. He was
often with the Jews, because to them were known the predictions of the Prophets respecting
Him. But, because the Greeks upon one occasion also approached His Disciples, desiring to
see Him,--it is written, that, when they had told Him this, He said: "The hour is come,
that the Son of Man should be glorified. I say unto you, that unless the grain of wheat
fall into the earth and die, it will remain alone; but if it (so) die, it will bring forth
much fruit. By these things also) He obviously declared in a mystery, that, among the
Greeks, among foreign nations and the children of a different generation, those things
which comprehended the praises of His Godhead should be embraced. For it was not when He
was among the Jews that he said, "His hour had come that He should be glorified," but,
when the Greeksdrew near to Him. After this, he necessarily continued shewing of His own
death, His resurrection, and of the calling of the people, among whom He then was. For,
just as the grain of wheat, before it falls into the earth, remains alone, but contains
the life-producing-power, with the energies of the seed included within it, (and) which
the ears shall produce; but, after falling into the earth,--just as that which lives after
death,--it will increase, and, from the power vested within it, produce many ears of corn;
so did He also declare respecting Himself, that the things should be. And this indeed, the
result of them has plainly evinced.

For, it was not the Greeks alone who, after His death, received of His power and of the
provisions of His Godhead, but also many nations. He was therefore, that seed which fell,
and sprang up again, "He who was dead, but is alive. He, who after His fall which was by
death, increased greatly, is He who has, by His resurrection, filled the lands of the
heathen, as it were cultivated fields, with the Divine unutterable power. On this account
He said, "The harvest is great, but the labourers are few. And again, "Lift up your eyes
and see the fields, that they are white for the harvest. These things He also foretold
(figuratively), of those who should after His death establish themselves in Him, through
the pure faith which is by Him; the multitude of whom should, throughout the whole
creation both of Greeks and Barbarians, constitute the Church to be established in myriads
of congregations ;--collected together, as it were, (the produce of) rational well-
cultured fields, into one place ; (that is) the souls of men, into the granaries of His
Church. Hence it has been said, "He whose fan is in His hand, and who will cleanse His
floor, and collect the wheat into (His) treasuries: but the straw He will burn with fire
unquenchable."

How Simon the chief of the Disciples, should, like his Master, be given up to crucifixion,
and depart this life. From the Gospel of John. 26. "My children, a little while I am with
you; and ye shall seek me: even as I said to the Jews, whither I go, ye cannot come; and
thus also I say again unto you. Simon Peter said unto Him, Whither goest Thou ? And Jesus
answered him: Whither I go, thou canst not now come, but, after a time, thou shalt come.
And again, in the latter part of the book, Jesus, after his resurrection from the dead,
said to Peter: "I say unto thee, When thou wast young, thou girdedst thy loins, and
wentest whither thou wouldest ; but, when thou shalt have become old, thou shalt stretch
forth thy hands, and others shall gird thy loins for thee, and shall lead thee whither
thou shalt not be willing. And these things which He said (were) to shew, by what death he
should glorify God. And, when He had said this, He said to him, Follow me" And, Who is not
astonished, that, when He said these things to His Disciples, they should be prepared and
ready to adhere to Him even to death ? For He did not deceive them by intimating, or
promising to them, the things considered good in this life ; nor did He by any such means,
allure them to give their adhesion to Him ; but, He simply foretold those obvious tortures
which should, on His account, befall them.

And (so) He previously shewed to Simon the mode of crucifixion, by which he afterwards
closed his life in the city of Rome, in this which He said, "When thou shalt have become
old, thou shalt stretch forth thy hands, and others shall gird thy loins for thee. And
similarly, He also shewed mystically in this which He said, "Whither I go. thou canst not
now come; but, after a time, thou shalt come. Now, these things were not said to them all,
but only to Peter ; because it is he alone, who, in the Scripture, (is said) should end
his life after the manner of the suffering of our Saviour. How He foretold to the rest of
His Disciples, the persecutions which were about to arise time after time against them.
From the Gospel of Matthew. 27. "Beware of men, for they shall deliver you up to their
Rulers, and shall scourge you in their Synagogues, and shall bring you, before governours
and kings for my sake, for a testimony to themselves, and to the Gentiles. And again,
"Blessed are ye when they persecute you, and revile you, and say every evil (thing)
against you, for my sake. Rejoice and exult, since great is your reward in heaven ; for so
they persecuted the Prophets who were before you. Now, the wonder is this, (viz. the
additional word here saying, "for my sake. For it was not sufficient, that He should only
foreknow and foretel the persecutions which should arise against His Disciples; but, that
He might also shew the cause of these, He said, they should suffer these things for His
sake. Nor was it on account of any evil practices, nor yet for any other fault; but,--(as)
He previously testified,--that every thing (of this sort) should befall them for His sake:
which is present in the fact for our information ! For if any one, during the time of the
persecutions, denied only that he was a Christian, he was released from all blame and
cause of accusation. But, so irreprehensible and sinless were the lives of His Disciples
to be, that they should suffer every sort of calamity for no other cause, except only
their confessing, and giving testimony to, Him.

He did indeed, fully stir up and make'them ready (for this), by comparing them with the
ancient Prophets and Friends of God ; for, (said He), even as they persecuted the Prophets
who were before you, so shall they, without cause, drive you out; and, after the manner of
the Prophets, shall ye be punished, because ye worship the God who is over all; on which
account, they also persecuted the Prophets. Now that He should foretel, that even
governours and kings should be moved by these things; that the time was then at hand; that
He should (so) speak with His Disciples; and that His words should so come to pass and
remain in fact, How greatly does it exceed (all) wonder ? For there have been many others,
both Barbarians and Greeks, who have said and promised many wise things to their
Disciples. Of these, some supposed that there was no God; others annihilated every
consideration about Providence; and others (received) those who were thought Gods by the
many: others arose (as) the leaders of vicious factions; others (who thought), that Rest
was the extreme (good) : and others, that Rest indiscriminately was; and who indeed talked
just as they might be circumstanced. But never did any one of these, previously determine
such things for His Disciples. Nor do we know of any persecutions that opposed them, such
as those were that opposed the teaching of our Saviour.

How then shall we not wonder, and confess, that these are indeed the words of God ?--these
(I say), which not only previously attested, through the Divine foreknowledge, the
persecutions which should come upon His Disciples; but also, previously pointed out the
cause of these, by this which He said, that these things should happen to them, for His
sake? How those also who were equals should arise, and persecute each other, in the times
of the persecutions. From the Gospel of Matthew. 28. "The brother shall deliver his
brother to death, and the father his son: and the children shall rise up against their
parents, and shall cause them to be put to death. And ye shall be hated of all men for my
name's sake; but he, who shall bear even to the end, shall live. Now, how these things
have, even to the present time, been fulfilled in fact, What need is there that we should
shew at length, since these facts are superior to all report ? We have seen too with our
own eyes, how many things of this sort took place, both during the persecutions, and in
our own times. Nor do you simply hear this, that "the brother should deliver his brother
to death; for even this might have been as any mere matter of opinion. But we can
investigate (the case), and inform ourselves how it was, that "the brother delivered his
brother to death."-- When one surrenders himself to fraternal affection, and chooses the
love of life, and denies God, and particularly with respect to his brother, whom he will
solicit and persuade to worship idols; will excite and inveigle, putting forth (his)
fraternal affection, so as to make him disregard the command of our Saviour; then indeed,
will the brother deliver up his brother to the death of his soul. In like manner also,
will the father cause his son to err (by enticing), and will persuade him to worship the
idols, and (so) deliver him to death.

So also the children, their parents: they will, through their affection for them, (so)
lead them on, that they will choose the mortal life which now is, rather than that which
is with God; and will (so) become the cause, both of the death and perdition of the soul
of their parents. And many such things as these, did we witness with our own eyes, during
the times of the persecutions ; so that in them was fulfilled the (prediction) : "Ye shall
be hated of all men for my name's sake. In this place also was this addition carefully
made, teaching the Disciples that, it should not be for any hateful deed, but for His
name's sake, they should be hated. On those who should impurely collect themselves into
His Church, and on the punishment that should come upon them. From the Gospel of Matthew.
29. "The kingdom of heaven is like a net that fell into the sea, and collected of every
sort (of fish) ; and, when it was full, they drew it up to the shore, and sitting down
they selected those that were good, and put them into vessels; but the bad, they threw
away. Thus shall it be in the end of this world: the angels shall go forth, and shall
separate the evil from among the just, and shall cast them into a fiery oven: there shall
be weeping and gnashing of teeth." The "net"--which is here (put) by a figure for the
word,-- and which is woven (as it were) from the various mind of the old and new
Scriptures, He names His own doctrine : the fluctuating life of man, which is subject to
hardship in its doings on account of the calamities attending it, "the sea." Out of this
(sort of) life, as from the sea, the "net," so foretold, was to catch up tens of
thousands. And under it were to be (taken), the various multitudes of those opposed to
each other in their characters; and of these, the good and bad in their dispositions. Of
these too he spoke mystically, as being caught up from the sea after the manner of fish,
when He said in the first calling of His Disciples, "Follow me, and I will make you
fishers of men." This collecting together therefore of such men, bad and good, in His
Church,--assembled (as they are) to this very time,-- was not unknown to Him : for He
taught, that these same should at last be separated by the Angels, who should be appointed
to this (work) ; and (so) should the punishment, due to the disposition of each one, be
awarded.

How Impostors and Seducers should invest themselves with His Doctrine, and formally
present themselves to Him. From the Gospel of Matthew . 30. "Beware of lying Prophets who
come to you in lambs' clothing, but inwardly (are) rapacious wolves. By their fruits ye
shall know them. For men do not gather grapes from thorns, nor figs from thistles. So
every good tree produceth good fruit, but an evil tree giveth forth evil fruit. He (here)
counselled (them) by His foreknowledge, to beware of those ungodly persons, who, availing
themselves of the opinions of others, and of the words of the Scriptures of His Divinity,
should in after times formally assume the name of Christianity. He also shews the marks
and vouchers of the evil concealed within them, and which should deceive the many, when
saying, "By their fruits ye shall know them. Now the fruits of such are these ; the
ungodly words uttered by them; their unrighteous and perverse manner of life. These things
then, when uttered and foretold by our Saviour, afforded at that time no visible testimony
whatever to those who heard them, (as to their truth) ; but, in after times, the facts
(so) declared became openly visible to all: the followers accordingly of Marcion,
Valentinus, Basilides, and those other corrupters of souls, sprang up, (viz. Bardesanes,
and that madman in opinion of yesterday, and of our own times, whose name became the
titular badge of the Manichean heresy; who all became the sources of lying and ungodly
doctrine. Nor did they otherwise come to light, but as outwardly clothed with the skins of
our Saviour's lambs. And He plainly styled His Disciples "sheep;

saying, "My sheep hear my voice: and again, "Behold, I send you as sheep among wolves. Of
these then they outwardly assumed the manner, while in themselves they were "rapacious
wolves. (And), How many thousands of the sheep of our Saviour, did these Deceivers snatch
away ? Who, presenting their persons in form as to Christ, attached themselves to His
instruction, and to the terms of the doctrines relating to His Godhead, and exhibited
themselves as (His) lambs ! But, that ungodly bitterness which lay (as) in ambush within
them, adhered secretly to those who had been ensnared by them. These, therefore, who were
now thought to be "sheep," because of their (thus) drawing near (to Him), openly appeared
afterwards to be "rapacious wolves. And hence, our Saviour taught us previously to beware
of them, when He said by way of instruction, "By their fruits ye shall know them." How
even He and His Disciples should be thought to have taken men, by means of Magicians, and
of intercourse with Demons.

31. "The disciple is not greater than his master, nor the servant than his lord. It is
sufficient for the disciple that he be as his master, and for the servant, as his lord.
And, if they have called the Lord of the house Beelzebub, How much more the children of
his household? Fear them not therefore, for there is nothing hidden that shall not be
revealed; nor concealed that shall not be made known." The Jews held that Beelzebub was an
evil Demon, and prince of the Demons: they blasphemed our Saviour accordingly, (affirming)
that by the power of this, He expelled the rest of the Demons from men . But, He returned
the true answer to those who thought this, which is also written among His words. He
foretold too, to His Disciples, that they also should be thought to overcome men, through
intercourse with Demons and Magicians: which very thing, now affirmed by the many, has
sealed and confirmed the prediction of our Saviour. He also gave His testimony, that this
notion, (so) ascribed to them, should come to nothing, from (the consideration) of their
lives, and conduct; their purity of doctrine, and that (inculcating) the worship of God.
He said therefore, "Fear them not; for there is nothing hidden that shall not be revealed,
nor concealed that shall not be made known." He therefore reproved these (Disciples), for
a considerable time, because the things formerly escaping the many, had, on this account,
been supposed (by them) to be incapable of publication; as also those, belonging to the
doctrines of the (true) worship of God, of being made openly known. But, His ordinances
and precepts have now been made known to every man ; and He has extinguished that
(injurious) opinion respecting them, (His Disciples) which had formerly been held by the
many.

On those who should remain in complete holiness in His Church, and in the life
inexperienced (in conjugal) Society. From the Gospel of Matthew. 32. When He determined
for them, that (one) should not leave his wife except in the matter of fornication , and
His Disciples said to Him, "If the cause of a man with the wife be thus, it is not
advantageous to take wives;" It is written, that He said upon these things, "Every man is
not sufficient for this matter, except those to whom it is given. There are eunuchs, who
were, thus from their mothers' womb; and there are eunuchs, who were (made) eunuchs by men
; and there are eunuchs, who have made themselves eunuchs, for the sake of the kingdom of
heaven. He who can bear (it) let him bear (it)." It is evident from the context of the
Scriptures, that there never was among men, and particularly among the Jews, any one who
uttered by revelation any thing like this ; or, who did any thing like it: or that,
throughout the whole creation and among all nations, whether in the cities or villages,
there were multitudes, not of men (only), but also of women, who kept themselves in
perfect holiness, and the state of virginity, through the hope and expectation of the
kingdom of heaven. We have seen in the very experiment itself, that they learned they
should soon be prepared for this. The fulfilment however, of the claim to foreknowledge,
was not simply (realized here); for we have seen many men, well known to us, who
(actually) availed themselves of the iron (knife,) and made eunuchs of themselves for no
other cause, except that of the hope of the kingdom of heaven: who neither hesitated, nor
were weak in the doctrine of our Saviour, but simply and boldly betook themselves to the
thing itself. So that the foreknowledge of our Saviour, even respecting these things, sets
to its seal, that His word was in truth the word of God.

On the distinction of those who should not worthily receive the seed of His doctrine. From
the Gospel of Matthew. 33. When a great multitude of men had come near Him, He thus
foretold by a parable what those should be, who should receive the seed of His doctrine,
saying : "Behold, a sower went forth to sow: and, as he sowed, some fell by the way side,
and the fowls of heaven came and devoured it: and some fell on the rock, where there was
not much earth, and immediately it sprang forth ; and, because there was no depth of earth
beneath its root, it dried up. And some fell among thorns, and the thorns sprang up, and
choked it: and some fell upon good ground, and it gave forth fruit, some an hundred, some
sixty, and some thirty-fold. After these things He cried out and said, He that hath ears
to hear, let him hear" After this also, He was asked by His Disciples, what the
interpretation of the parable should be; and He taught them, saying, " Hear ye therefore
the parable of the sower. Every one that heareth the word of the kingdom, but
understandeth it not,--the Evil one cometh, and snatcheth the seed out of his heart. This
is that which is sown by the ivay side. And that which is sown upon the rock, is he who
heareth the word, and with readiness receiveth it: but, not being confirmed therein, he is
offended by a little affliction.

And that which fell among the thorns, is he who heareth the word, but the care of the
world, and the deceitfulness of riches, choke the word, and it remaineth without fruit.
But that which is sown on good ground, is he who heareth the word, and understandeth it,
and produceth fruit, some an hundred, some sixty, and some thirty-fold. Now, Whence could
it have happened to human nature, not only to declare bv (one's) foreknowledge something
that should come into being; but also, to determine the kinds and sorts of persons (who
should), unless indeed He were truly THE WORD of God ?--He (I say), who at that time (so)
prophesied and taught;--of whom it is said, "The WORD OF GOD is lively (energetic), and
more sharp and cutting than the two-edged sword, and passeth even to the parts of the soul
and of the body, and of the joints and marrow; and is the Judge of the thoughts and
intentions of the heart, and from whom no creature is hidden? He well declared therefore,
the distinguishing marks of those who should afterwards receive His doctrines; and He also
foretold, that those who should in impurity receive the seed of His instruction, should be
of three kinds; as should in like manner the good, who should like good ground hear much,
and give great increase to the word itself. Of those corrupters of the seed too, which
should fall into their souls, He declared there should be three (moving) causes :

Either from the considerations of life, and the care of things not (absolutely) necessary,
and from riches and pleasures, immersing (as it were) the seed sown within them, and
making it resemble the seed choked by thorns: or, others not receiving it into the depth
of the mind, but immediately extinguishing it when affliction overtakes them: or, the
third cause may be, that the source of the destructions of the seed within them is, the
surrendering of a lax and ready hearing to (men) wishing to seduce them, and to snatch
away the seed that had fallen into their souls. And these same are, in no other way cut
off from bearing the fruit that is of God, except as by one or other of the means just
mentioned. But those who are opposed to these, and receive the seed of salvation into a
soul that is pure, and a mind that is devoted, do again, as their power may be, greatly
increase their fruits. He moreover assimilates the distinctions of these, to those of good
and excellent lands which bring forth some thirty, some sixty, and some an hundred-fold.
For such as these powers are, are those occasionally found in the souls of men. These
things therefore, He prophesied on these matters. But, of the multitude of those who
should in after-times bear (much) fruit, through the instruction of His words, He thus
cried out and said, "The harvest is great, but the labourers are few.

Pray ye therefore the Lord of the harvest, that He would send forth labourers into His
harvest. And again, of these same He said on another occasion : "Do not ye yourselves say,
that there are yet four months, and the harvest cometh ? Lift up your eyes, and see the
fields that they are white for the harvest! And, Who does not wonder, that He should shew
even the fewness of those who should in purity be the chiefs of His word, for He said,
"The labourers are few? And, as prayer was necessary for the obtaining of these, He said
therefore, "Pray ye the Lord of the harvest, that He send forth labourers into His
harvest. When He said therefore, "The sower went out to sow," He also said, that there was
another sower, and another seed ; and He also shewed and taught, whence, and whither, he
went forth by the things said in the parable immediately following this, which is in this
form:--

On the teaching of Heterodoxy, which should be sown together with His word in the souls of
men. From the Gospel of Matthew. 34. He added another Parable, and said: "The kingdom of
heaven is like to a man, who sowed good seed in his field. But, when men slept, the Enemy
came and sowed Tares among the wheat, and departed. When therefore, the wheat sprang forth
and produced fruit, the Tares appeared in like manner. And his servants drew near and said
to him : Our Lord, Didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? Whence are there Tares in it
? But he said to them, The man (who is) the Enemy hath done this. They say to him: Is it
thy will therefore, that we go (and) gather them ? But he said to them, No; lest, while ye
gather the Tares, ye also root up the wheat with them. Let them both grow until the
harvest. And at the time of harvest I will say to the reapers, Gather up first the Tares,
and bind them in bundles for burning; but gather ye the wheat into the granaries" (lit.
treasuries). This same Parable too, He explained to His Disciples in the house, when they
drew near to Him and said, "Explain to us the Parable of the Tares of the field. And He
answered them, and said: The sower of the good seed is the Son of man; and the field is
the world. (As to) the good seed, these are the children of the kingdom; and the Tares,
those are the children of the wicked one; and the Enemy, who sowed them, is the Accuser.

And the harvest is the end of the world, and the reapers are the Angels. Even therefore,
as the Tares are gathered up, and fall into the fire; so shall it be at the end of this
world. The Son of man shall send His Angels, and they shall gather out of His kingdom all
offences, and those that do evil, and shall cast them into the Gehenna of fire: there
shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth. And then shall the righteous shine in the kingdom
of their Father. He that hath ears to hear, let him hear. Our Saviour shewed therefore, by
His explanation of the Parable, these things (viz.), who the sower that went out to sow
the seed was, and what the seed was which He cast forth, in the expressions: "The sower of
the good seed is the Son of man ; and the field is the world. For He usually called
Himself the "Son of man," on account of His going about among men. He therefore went forth
from within, and came out. Where then was He within, but above the world ? where (indeed)
He existed; and in the end of the world He came forth, and came down to us, who were
without (out of) the kingdom of heaven. And with Him He brought the heavenly seed, which
He sowed in the souls of men as in distinguished lands.

For the Parable placed before us teaches respecting the field, as of what sort it is, into
which He cast the seed;--which says, "The field is the world; and it shews of this field,
that it belongs to none but Himself;--to Him who came forth from the inner part of His
kingdom, to those who were "without" (out of it), when saying, "the servants drew near and
said to Him, "Our Lord, didst not thou sow good seed in THY field? He therefore taught
plainly, that even this field is His own : and this He interpreted and shewed, was the
world. In the former Parable therefore, He shewed His foreknowledge as to what the
distinctions of those would be, who should receive the seed into their souls; but in this,
which is placed before us, the perverse doctrines and errors of the ungodly Hereticks:
when not one of them had yet so established himself among men! Nevertheless, it was not
unknown to Him that this should come to pass. For, as false scriptures were scattered as
seed in succeeding times throughout the whole earth, with enouncements assimilated to
those of His doctrine, by an opposing nature, not unlike the Tares (sown) among His pure
words and life-giving doctrines;--and there are myriads even to this time, some of whom
make their boast of Manes, some of Marcion, and some of others, of those (I say) who put
forth ungodly heterodoxy, and "Tares" (as it were), assimilated to the doctrine of our
Saviour;

making use of His name, and holding false books of the Gospels:--but he who was the Father
of these things; --he who first sowed them in the souls of those who received him, was the
Accuser himself: so He (our Saviour) well evinced, by the Divine power, the foreknowledge
of what should come to pass; and these things He previously testified, which have been
thus fulfilled in fact; and accordingly their fulfilment was, as His words (had
foreshewn). As He therefore truly shewed forth these things, and as we see in the facts
themselves, the fulfilment of these predictions of our Saviour; so ought we also to think,
that the rest shall come to pass. And these are, "the harvest,"" "the end," and "the
angels the reapers: also that the Tares shall be gathered, and shall fall into the
fire:--the extreme good things too of those, who shall have preserved and multiplied the
living, pure, and life-giving seed ; of whom it is said, "Then shall the righteous shine
as the sun, in the kingdom of their Father."

On those who should falsely name themselves the Christ. From the Gospel of Matthew. 35.
"When He sat on the mount of Olives, His Disciples drew near, saying between themselves
and Him, Tell us, When shall these things be ? and What is the sign of thy coming, and of
the end of the world ? And Jesus answered them, and said, See that no man deceive you: for
many shall come in my name, and shall say, I am the Christ; and shall deceive many" And
again, after a few things He said, "If at that time any one say to you, the Christ is
here, or there; believe ye not. For false Christs shall arise, and false Prophets, and
shall give great signs and wonders, so that if it were possible they should deceive even
the elect. Behold, I have foretold (it) to you. If therefore they shall say to you,
Behold, He is in the desert, go not forth; or, Behold, He is in the chamber, (it) not.
For, as the lightning shineth from the East, and is seen even to the West; so shall the
coming of the Son of Man be" And on another occasion, when speaking with the Jews, He
added these things and said, "I am come in the name of my Father, and ye receive me not;
but, if another come in his own name, him ye will receive. These things He foretold when
warning His Disciples against the lying Antichrist, whom they were expecting:

and one (of these) shewed of another in the Epistle to the Thessalonians, who (should be)
in (the time of) the end. But, that others also should be before this, our Saviour Himself
foretold in several places: "For many," said He, "shall come in my name, and shall say, I
am the Christ, and shall deceive many. And there were many (such) after (these) His words.
And so the Samaritans were forthwith persuaded that Dositheus, who was after the times of
our Saviour, was the prophet of whom Moses predicted . And he so deceived them, that they
declared he was the Christ. Others again, in the times of the Apostles, named Simon Magus
"the great power of God" and thought that he was the Christ. Others (thought the same) of
Montanus in Phrygia: and others again, of others, in another place. Nor did the deceivers
cease. And it is necessary we should suppose, that there were many such as these; so that
even from them, testimony may be had, as to the reality of our Saviour's foreknowledge.
Our Saviour taught moreover, that His glorious second coming should not again be, as it
was at the first, in some one place, so that it may be supposed to be visible in some
corner of the earth: and, that no one should thus think, He said, "If any one shall say to
you, Behold, the Christ is here, or is there, believe ye not.

For opinions such as these comport by no means with Him, but with those false Christs and
false Prophets. He indeed appeared once in the form of man, and in a certain district.
But, of what sort his glorious second coming from heaven should be, He taught and said,
"For, as the lightning goeth forth from the East, and is seen even to the West; so also
shall the coming of the Son of Man be." On the events that should happen at the end of
things. From the Gospel of Matthew. 36. "Ye shall hear indeed of wars, and rumours of
wars: see that ye be not moved, for it is necessary they should be; but the End is not
yet. For nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom. And there shall be
famines and pestilences, and commotionsin divers places. And all these are the beginning
of sorrows. Then shall they give you up to affliction, and shall kill you in divers
places. And all these are the beginning of sorrows. Then shall they give you up to
affliction, and shall kill you; and ye shall be hated by all nations for my name's sake.
And after this He added, and said, "Then shall many stumble, and shall betray one another,
and shall hate one another. And many false prophets shall arise, and shall deceive many.
And, because of the abundance of iniquity, the love of many shall wax cold. But he, who
shall bear until the End, shall live. And the Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in
the whole world, for the testimony of all nations; and then cometh the End. He clearly
foretold also by these things, that His Gospel should, of necessity, first be preached in
the whole creation, for the testimony of all nations, "and then should the END come. For
the END of the world should not come, before (the Gospel) had been preached; but, when His
word should have so taken effect among all nations, that the people should be few, among
whom His Gospel had not been preached;

so also should the time of the END be short (in its coming). He further teaches and says,
"Ye shall hear of wars, and rumours of wars: see that ye be not moved, for it is necessary
they should be; but the End is not yet. He also shews when this shall be, for He says,
"The Gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in the whole creation, for the testimony of
all nations: and then cometh the end. When also, "famines and pestilences, and commotions
(shall be) in divers places, and nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against
kingdom" and there shall be overwhelming persecutions, and great afflictions. After these
things too, He says, "And ye shall be hated of all nations" not on account of any other
hateful acts, but "for my name's sake." 37. These proofs of the Divine manifestation of
our Saviour, which we have thus far seen, are at the same time demonstrative, that both
the words and deeds (had in view) are Divine. For in former times, the words were simply
heard; but now, in our times, the fulfilment of these words is openly visible in deed,
together with powers eclipsing those of all mortal nature. And, if men will not be
persuaded by these, we ought not to wonder: because it is usual with man so to resist
things the most plain, as even to dare to oppose by his words the existence of an
universal Providence; and hence also, to deny God himself! And thus also, will he
disingenuously contend against many other things, to which the truth bears testimony. But,
as the injurious conduct of these detracts in no respect from the word, which is in its
own nature true; so also will the wicked unbelief of men, in no way injure the evident
excellency of the Godhead of our Saviour. But, if it is right that we should compose, for
these also, a form (of prescription) conducing to intellectual health ; it is time that we
should here again present, for their use, (other) proofs of the (truth of the) Gospel, and
now also recite the things, which have formerly been investigated with reference to other
(objectors), as to those who will not be persuaded by the things (hitherto) said.

The End of the Fourth Book (of Eusebius) of Caesarea. [Selected footnotes. Notes concerned
only with points of the Syriac and large chunks of Greek have been omitted]


THEOPHANIA
==========

THEOPHANIA continued

BOOK 5

BOOK V. THE FIFTH BOOK OF (EUSEBIUS) OF CAESAREA. 1. SUCH as these (then), are the proofs
of the Divine manifestation of the common Saviour of all, Jesus the Christ, which have
been thus far visible to the eyes, shewing forth at once the Divine words and deeds. For
in ancient times, the words, of which we have already spoken, as to things which should
come to pass, were simply heard ; those (I say) which He prophesied to His disciples when
He was near, (and) in their presence. But now, in our times, the fulfilment of these words
is openly viewed in fact, with powers eclipsing that of all mortal nature. And, if men
will not be persuaded of these things, we ought not to wonder: because man is accustomed
so to resist the clearest things (possible,) as to dare to oppose in his assertions even
the existence of an universal Providence, and thus also even to deny God Himself! And thus
disingenuously, will he also contend against many other things, to which the truth
(itself) bears testimony. But, as the injurious conduct of these detracts in no respect
from the word, which is in (its own) nature true; so also will the wickedness of the
unbelief of men, injure in no respect the evident excellency of the Godhead of our
Saviour. Let us not deign therefore, even in word to attach ourselves to these. For those,
whom the works of God will not persuade, the word of man will be (too) abject to move.
Nevertheless, let us again take up the more vigorously, those things against such, which
we formerly investigated by questions, in proof of the Gospels. If therefore ally one
should, after all this, impugn the truth and dare disingenuously to affirm, that the
Christ of God was not (such) as we believe He was, but was a magician, seducer, and
impostor; we would present to him, as an infant in mind, those things which we also
formerly investigated:--

Against those who suppose that the Christ of God was a magician and deceiver. 2. Let us
now ask then, Whether there ever was a man heard of at any period, who (as) a magician and
deceiver, was (also) a teacher of humility, meekness, purity, and of every other virtue?
And, Whether it is just to call by these names, Him who would not allow, that (men) should
even look upon women with evil desire? And, Whether he could be a magician, who delivered
the chief philosophy by teaching His disciples, that the indigent should of their wealth
adhere to Him, and that compassion and liberality should abound with them? And, Whether He
could be a magician, who forbade the assembling together of ferocious and tumultuous
inhabitants, and taught them to love the retirement only, which devotes itself to the word
of God ? How could He,--who deterred from every species of falsehood, and commanded that
men should so honour truth above all things, that they should not stand in need of a true
oath, much less of a false one,--be justly named a magician? But, What need can there be,
that I should now say many things (on this point,) since we may readily inform ourselves
from His own words,--which have, even to this day, been preached throughout the whole
earth,--what the sort of conduct was, which was disseminated by Him in the world ? Every
one who loves the truth will confess of Him, not only that He was neither magician nor
deceiver, but was THE WORD OF GOD in truth, and the teacher of the divine philosophy and
righteousness; and not of this common philosophy of the world ;--

3. But the things pertaining to His form of doctrine were such as these.--Come then, let
us enquire whether this His error, consisted in (any of) the many things of His teaching.
Observe then, Was it not God, the King of all, Him alone, of whom it is written that He is
the cause of every good thing, that He taught and presented to His disciples ? And, Do not
the words of His doctrine to this very time, raise the mind of every Greek and Barbarian
in existence, to the God who is supreme, to Him (I say) who is the maker of the heavens
and of the earth, and of the whole world; making (them) overleap all visible nature, and
every thing fabricated ? Was this then His error ? or, Was it, that He did not allow those
to worship many gods,--to whom it had been made clear, from this worship of God only, that
He could not be convicted of falsehood:--(and) who had fallen after their Head, on account
of this real error? But this was not new, nor was it His word (only), but that of those
Hebrews, friends of God, who arose in ancient times. And from them it was, that these
recent (true) philosophers were aided in these great (performances), and gave in to their
doctrines: the wise men of Greece too, glorying in the divinations of their deities, have
put it thus on record of the Hebrews, that "wisdom came to the Chaldeans alone, and the
Hebrews purely worshipped the Essence of the person of God, the King of all."

4. If then those ancient friends of God,--those to whom (these) divinations have more
particularly home testimony,--did raise the act of worship (directing it) to the God who
is over all; How should we confess of Him, that He was a deceiver, and not a most
wonderful teacher, who has extended this worship of God--as to the things which were known
only in former times to these descendants of the Heads of the Hebrew fathers,--to all
mankind ! And this to such a degree, that no more, as in those times, a few, and those
easy to be numbered, hold the orthodoxfaith respecting God; but thousands of congregations
of barbarians at once, and of those who in ancient times were perfectly savage, also of
the wise, and men of Greece,--of those (I say) who now, like the prophets and just men of
old, have been taught in the worship of God, solely by means of His power, and of His
instruction !

5. But, let us also investigate this third (consideration). Was it then for this, that
they called Him a deceiver (viz.), because He taught, that men should no more honour God
with the slaughter of bulls, or with the sacrifices of irrational animals ? Neither with
blood and fire, nor with incense, which are of the earth, because these things are of
small value and earthly ; and shewed that they never could comport with the nature which
is immortal and incorporeal?-- determined also that to keep the commandments of God, and
by their means to purify both the soul and body, was more acceptable and becoming to God,
than any sort of sacrifice ?--inculcated too that men should be careful to become like
God, both in enlightenment of mind, and in the knowledge of his worship ? And, should any
one of the Greeks find fault with these things, let him know that it is not to be
imagined, that the things (so) received are against (even) those of His own teachers, who
have put much together on this (matter,) viz.; That (men) should not suppose they honoured
God by means of blood and the sacrifices of irrational animals, or by those of fire,
smoke, and the fumes of fat.

6. We know too that we are, after these things, taught by Him that the world was made; and
that these Heavens, the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, are the work of God; and that it is
not right we should worship these, and not Him who is the Maker and Creator of them all.
It may be well therefore for us to see, how He could have deceived men, from whom we have
learned to think that this system (of things) is nothing new, but is that of the Hebrews,
the ancient friends of God. Even this sentiment was also from these famous
philosophers;--they delivered these same (particulars), affirming that these beavens, the
sun, the moon, the stars, and the whole world, were also made by Him, who is the Creator
of all things. He also taught us to believe, that the soul which we possess is immortal,
and that it is in no respect like the animals that are irrational, but that (the
faculties) within it resemble the powers of God. He likewise taught, that all those who
were barbarian and ignorant, should (at once) make this their own, and be, and know. And,
How was it, that we were not made wise by those sages among the Egyptians, or by those
Greeks who made broad their foreheads; those who said that the soul which was in man, was
in no respect better in its essence than were gnats, fleas, worms, or reptiles; nor even,
than the soul of the serpent, the viper, the bear, or the panther? and that swine, as to
their soul, differed in no respect, (from men) ?--

7. And, that after these things, He perseveringly admonished (men) of the judgment of God,
and of the punishments and vengeance,--things from which we cannot be exempt,--which are
recorded against the wicked; also, of the promises of eternal life, of the kingdom of
heaven, and of the life of happiness with God, respecting the just. Whom then did He
deceive ? Did He not rather stimulate (men) to hasten on to virtue, because of the
victories reserved for the righteous ? and, to flee from, and repel from them, every vice,
because of the punishments to be inflicted on the wicked ? Such then, being the
instructions contained in the doctrinal ordinances of our Saviour; What room does there
remain for imagining, that we should suppose Him to have been a Deceiver and Magician ?--
But, let us also investigate these things.-- 8. When a magician associates his companions
with the things of this vice, Like to what men does he make them ? Is it not to magicians,
deceivers, and fabricators of magical drugs,--in all respects like himself ? Was there
ever, then, a man found among the whole Christian race, who fabricated magical rites or
drugs, from the doctrine of our Saviour ? There is no (such thing) existing for any man to
say; but, the contrary to this, that they have been seen passing over to the precepts of
the philosophy which is Divine. How then, can He be justly styled other, in truth, than
the Teacher of the life which worships God, the common Saviour of all,--who became
throughout the whole habitable world, and to all nations, the (sole) cause of purity and
of holiness of life, and of the knowledge (inculcating) the worship of the Creator of all
things ?

9. Those too, who adhered to Him from the first, as well as those who afterwards received
the traditionary account of the manner of their conversation, were, as to all these
matters, so far removed from suspicion of evil and bitterness, that they did not even
allow the sick to do many things which the many dared to do; either, that they should
write (charms) upon tablets, or make use of amulets; or, that they should in their minds
have respect to those who promised to use enchantments; or, that they should prescribe for
the persons (of the sick), as cures for complaints, either the fumes of roots, or of
apples, or of any other similar things. All these things were therefore, excluded from the
doctrine of our Saviour: nor was there ever a Christian to be found who used amulets, or
enchantments, or the means of written tablets, or, indeed, any other forms allied to
these; the indiscriminate use of which was in repute among the many. What then can be said
against the men who had been instructed in these things, so as to cast the imputation on
them, of their having been the disciples of a master who was a magician ? when, behold,
the association of any one among the disciples, who promised any (new) doctrine, was
severely reprehended! Those men therefore both of art and science, to whom He was the
cause of their (christian) instruction, fully confessed of Him, that He was much their
superior (in these respects).

For, even as physicians are witnesses of the goodness of the doctrine of their master ;
so, of geometricians, Who has assigned any other instructing heads, except geometricians ?
and of arithmeticians, except arithmeticians ? And in like manner, of the magician, the
best witnesses as to these things have been His disciples, who have (always) fully
resembled their Master, and have done (as he did). But no man has ever been found, during
all these years, a magician and (at the same time a) Disciple of our Saviour; when,
behold, kings and governours have, during the whole of these times, made the most careful
inquiries into (these) things by means of the worst of torments ! 10. And thus indeed,
neither was there (ever) any magician His Disciple, so as to be left free and exempt from
every (sort) of condemnation; being only reduced by them (the persecuting emperors) to
sacrifice. 11. But, that our discourse may not wander from Scripture, take the proof of
these things even from the writings of those primitive acquaintances and Disciples of our
Saviour, (as found) in the book of their own "Acts." They so wrought upon those of the
Gentiles who received their doctrine, that many of these,--who formerly accused them of
magic,--so entirely changed their conduct, that they boldly brought forward the abominable
books which they had formerly kept secret, to them into the midst of the assemblies, and
threw them into the fire in the presence of all. Hear then the statement of these things,
which runs thus:-- 12. "The greater part then of those who practised magic brought in
their books, and burnt them in the presence of all men; and they reckoned their price, and
it was found, that they were worth fifty thousand" (pieces of silver).

13. Such therefore were the Disciples of our Saviour, and such was the entire power of the
word, which they put forth in their discourses with (their) hearers, that it became fixed
in the depths of their souls;--were so struck and inclined, that every one took up the
resolution no more to suffer those things to remain hidden, by which the many had formerly
been implicated in error, but that these secret things should be brought out into the
light, and that they should become witnesses against themselves, of their own former
wickedness. Such also were those who became their Disciples, so pure, noble in soul, and
abundant in love, that they allowed nothing impure to remain concealed within them, but,
on the contrary, they gloried and exulted in their change from vice to virtue.
Sincetherefore, the Disciples of our Saviour were seen to be such, Must not their Master
have first been much more excellent? But, if you wish to know from those who are
Disciples, of what sort their Master was, you have tens of thousands of the Disciples of
the precepts of our Saviour even to this time; of whom there are multitudes of
congregations of men, who have armed themselves against the lusts of the nature of the
body, and have accustomed themselves to preserve their minds uninjured by any of the evil
passions : those (I say), who have passed their whole lives, (and) grown old in purity ;
and have put forth, from the provisions of His word, the most brilliant examples (to
others).

14. Nor was it that men only were in this manner (attached) to Him, and became
Philosophers; but also tens of thousands of women throughout the whole creation; those (I
say), who like Priestesses of the supreme God, attached themselves to the most exalted
service, and applied themselves to the love of the wisdom which is heavenly. On the
generation of the body they cast contempt, giving all care to their soul, keeping
themselves in purity from every thing sordid and unclean, and extending their desiresto
all holiness and to virginity. The Greeks, indeed, sing of one shepherd who left his place
for the sake of philosophy, and him they hawk about here and there. This was Democritus.
They also express their astonishment at one Crates, who gave his possessions to his
citizens. He then took with him himself alone, and boasted in the provisions of liberty.
But these counterparts of the word of our Saviour, are tens of thousands in number; nor
was it one, or two (only), who sold their possessions and distributed them to the poor and
needy: indeed we ourselves are witnesses, that these were even such among men ; and, in
the effects themselves, we have seen the righteousness of the doctrine of our Saviour.

And, What need can there be that we should say, how many myriads even of the barbarians
themselves, and not (of these) only, but also of the Greeks, have, by the doctrine of the
words of our Saviour, been raised above every error of a plurality of gods, and have
recognized and confessed the one only God, the Father and Creator of this whole world? Him
(I say), whom one Plato formerly knew, but confessed that he durst not speak of Him before
all men; because such power as all this of God's worship was not with him: but to these
the Disciples of our Saviour it was, through the help of their Lord, easy to acknowledge
Him, and to find Him (at hand as) the Father and Creator of all. To every race of men did
they reveal Him, and so preached the knowledge of Him to all, throughout the whole
creation, that, from their teaching, there are even to this time, among all nations, tens
of thousands of congregations, not only of men, but also of women, children, slaves, and
villagers! All this (then accrued to them) from this philosopher, so that they were not
wanting, not only to make Him known (as) the Maker and Creator of this whole world, but
they also became his ambassadors in every place. Such were the victories of the common
Saviour of all; these, the deceptions of Him who was thought to be a Deceiver! While,
behold, such alone were His Disciples and acquaintances;

from whom it was (but) right, we should learn of what sort their Master was. 15. Come
then, let us again try the matter thus,-- You say of Him that He was a magician; and not
(only so,) but, that He was a maker of magicians. You style Him cunning, and a deceiver.
How then was it, that He was the first, and the only one, who has arisen capable of this
matter? Or, Is it (not) right we should, according to custom, ascribe the cause to the
Teachers ? If then He was the first and only one capable of this;--no one having taught
Him, and He having never learned any thing from others, nor yet derived it from the
ancients;-- How is it not then incumbent on us to confess of Him, that His nature was
Divine? He (I say), who without book, without precepts, and without teachers, (so) learned
of Himself, and was seen to know from Himself, the Maker of all these things? when,
observe, it is impossible for any one to acquire a knowledge of the art of the goldsmith,
of logic, or of the primitive elements (of the world), without some one to instruct and
teach him. But, if He was out of nature;--and no one ever, (so) taught of himself, came
out a teacher of grammar, or of rhetoric; not having previously been taught; nor, has
there been a physician, or builder, or practitioner of any other art: these things being
but small, and belonging to men; but this, one might say, is of the Teacher of the whole
habitable world; (viz.) that He performed the miracles recorded in the Scriptures, (and)
whose Disciples (taught) by Himself were such; having received nothing from the ancients,
neither having had any help from those moderns who performed things not unlike what others
had done, who had preceded Him;--What other thing can we testify or confess, but that the
matter is in truth Divine, and such as exceeds all human nature?

16. But. you say of Him that He had deceiving teachers, and that neither the sciences of
the Egyptians, nor those mysteries which were formerly preached among them, escaped Him:
that from these He collected together (His doctrines), and that He seems to have been a
man of this description.--If then others, His superiors, appeared before Him, and were His
teachers, whether in Egypt or elsewhere; Why did not the fame of these also run forth,
prior to His name among all men, just as His has done? and, Why is not the praise of them
also proclaimed, even to this time, just as His has been ? and, Who is the magician, of
those who arose at any time, Barbarian or Greek, who was the teacher of such disciples;
the originator of all such laws and precepts as these are; and has shewed forth the power
of (this) the common Saviour of all ? and, of Whom has it ever been written, that He did
such cures as those which have been recorded of our Saviour?--The knowledge too of
something to come to pass, with all those predictions ? those too, which like these, have
by their means been laid down as principles, What other has, either before, or after Him,
been memorialized as having delivered ?

and, Who is it that has promised that he would effect those things, throughout the whole
habitable world, which he had (so) predicted, and has, in fact, so confirmed His words,
that, even to these our times, the fulfilment of His predictions is visible to our own
eyes ? And, Whose disciples and eye-witnesses of the things themselves (here had in view),
have ever so sealed the truth regarding those which they attested of their Lord, by the
trial of both fire and sword, as these Disciples of our Saviour have done ?--who (indeed)
bore the reproach of all men, for the sake of the things which they had seen and witnessed
of Him, and submitted to every species of torment; while the end of their testimony
respecting Him was, as that of the Son of God ! How much less would magicians seal with
their blood their testimonies? And, Which of the magicians, even if it ever came into his
mind to set up a new people in his own name, did not only think of doing this, but also
gave effect to his project ? How would not this eclipse all human nature, that he should
also frame laws opposed to the error of a plurality of Gods, and adverse to the ordinances
of Kings, Legislators, Philosophers, Poets, and Theologians? and, that he should send
these forth and shew, through the period of a long life, that they were (at once)
triumphant and faultless?

17. Which of the magicians is it, who ever projected that which our Saviour did ? But, if
one did so project; still he dared not to advance this. But, if one so dared; still he
brought not the matter to effect. He (the Saviour) said in one word and enouncement to His
Disciples, "Go and make disciples of all nations in my name, and teach ye them every thing
that I have commanded you." And the deed He made to follow the word. For thence, every
race of the Greeks and Barbarians became at once, and in a short space of time, (His)
Disciples: The laws too of our Saviour were not written in any Book of His; but, without
book, were disseminated at His command among all nations; (and) these were opposed to the
ancient worship of a plurality of Gods:--laws at enmity with the Demons, and unfriendly to
every error of a multitude of Deities :--laws purifying the Scythians, the Persians, and
other Barbarians, and converting (them) from every savage, and lawless sort of life:--laws
subversive of the customs, which had obtained from ancient times among the Greeks, and
teaching the new and genuine worship of God. How then have they dared so (to advance) such
things as these, that one should say of Him, that He was probably aided (in) this magic by
others,--the ancient magicians,--who were before His times? But, if there was no other
person, whom any one could say resembled Him ; neither was there consequently, who could
have been the cause of His possessing all this superiority.--It is now time therefore that
we should confess, that an extraordinary and Divine Nature came into the world, which
first and alone performed the things which had never before been commemorated among men.

18. Let us again ask, after these things, Whether any one ever saw with his eyes, or
learned by hearing, that there were magicians such as He was, and composers of (magical)
drugs, who, without libations, sacrifices, and invocations of Demons, performed the rites
of magic ? When, behold, it is well known and clear to every one, that the whole process
of magic is usually effected by these things. For, How can any one bring an accusation of
this sort either against our Saviour, or against his Disciples, or against those who are,
even to these times led by His doctrine ? Is there a man who can bring such an accusation
as this against them? Is it not evident, even to the blind, that we are prepared for every
thing the reverse of these things ? And that we dare to surrender up ourselves to death in
an instant ? but that we will not sacrifice to Demons :--that we instantly submit to be
put out of life; but do not submit to be subjected to Demons! And, Who is he who knows not
how delightful it is to us, that, through the name of our Saviour, (coupled) with prayers
that are pure, we cast out every kind of Demon ? And thus the word of our Saviour, and the
doctrine which is from Him, have made us all to be greatly superior to the power which is
invisible, and impervious to inquiry;

and, (such) that we are ready to be enemies and haters of the Demons, but not that we
should be friends, or followers, of (their) customs; much less be subjected and obedient
(to them). How then could He have been a slave to the Demons, who delivered such things as
these, to those who were devoted to Himself? And, How could He have sacrificed to evil
spirits? Or, How could He have called upon the Demons (as His) assistants and helpers,
when all the Demons and impure spirits have been agitated, as by some torment or
punishment even to this very time, at the mention of His name ? (and) have departed and
fled before His power, as it was the case in former times, when He conversed with men,
when they could not bear to see Him ; (one and) another, crying out from another place,
and saying, " What have we to do with thee, thou Son of God ? Art thou come to torment us
before the time?"

19. Now, Is not the man whose mind is intent on magic only,--and is wholly addicted to
things (thus) base,-- in his character openly odious, vile, corrupt, iniquitous, ungodly,
and impious ? And being such, Whence, and How, can he teach others, either the things
which pertain to the worship of God, or which respect purity ? or, which concern the
knowledge of God ? or, which are on the immortality of the soul ? or, which inculcate
righteousness, and the judgment of God who is over all? Would he not be an ambassador of
the things which are opposed to all these? persevering in those that attend on hatred, and
the denial of God ? and rooting up as fabulous the (doctrine of a) general providence of
God ? and laughing at the words which treat of virtue, and (affirm) of the soul that it is
immortal ? If indeed, such things as these had been witnessed (of Him), then would there
have been nothing, even respecting this our (Teacher), which we could have said to the
contrary. But, if in all His words and His deeds, He was seen to call upon God who is over
all, and King of all; and prepared his Disciples to be such; and, if He was Himself
temperate, and a Teacher of temperance ; if too, He was a doer and a preacher of
righteousness, of truth, of mercy, and of every virtue; and, if He shewed forth the
worship of God, the King of all; How does it indeed not follow upon these things that we
should think of Him, that not one of those wonderful acts which He did was done by magic ?
and confess that it was, in truth, by the unseen power of God ?

20. These things then, are directed (against) those who dare, with ungodly mouths, to
blaspheme against Him. But if they change and confess of Him, that He was a teacher of
purity and sobriety of life, and a bringer in of the doctrine of the (true) worship of
God; still, that He was no doer of those wonderful, powerful, and miraculous works which
are recorded of Him, or of those divine deeds which are superior to man; and, that His
Disciples have fabricated these same; it is now time that we should also meet this
accusation. Against those who do not believe the testimony of the Disciples of our
Saviour, respecting His miraculous deeds. 21. If then (these) should say of Him, that He
wrought no complete miracle, nor yet any of those wonderful works of which His disciples
bore testimony, but that His disciples have otherwise falsely stated them, and have lied
for the purpose of putting forth miraculous relations about Him ; let us see whether the
word of these is to be taken as satisfactory: there being no (earthly) cause that they can
assign, why they the Disciples, and He their master, went forth into the world. For He who
teaches, gives a promise of some doctrine: and they again, the Disciples, love both the
precepts and doctrines, as if (conveying) some (valuable) art, and give themselves up
(accordingly) to the Teacher. What ground therefore, can there be for any one to speak
against the disciples of our Saviour, on account of their conversation with Him ? And,
What could have pressed them to this care respecting Him, and that they should have
recorded Him (as) the teacher of such doctrines to themselves ? Or, Is (not) this clear ?
For the things which they learned of Him, they also declared fully to others: and these
were the appointments of this His philosophy. They were too, the first ambassadors of God
who is over all, of the providence of God, of the righteous judgment (of God,) of the
soul's being immortal, of the distinction between the life of the good and the bad, and of
other things of this kind, which are written in their Scripture.

It was also a precept pertaining to the life of this philosophy, which He laid down for
them when He said, "Possess ye neither gold nor silver in your purses, neither scrip for
the way,''? with other similar things: but (His great precept was), that they should give
up their souls, only to the providential care of the Governour of all, and not be anxious
on account of want. And He so instructed them, that they should consider (His precepts)
much better than those which Moses delivered to the Jews. For he laid down a law for them,
--as for men to whom murder would be easy,--that they should not kill. And in like manner,
that they should not commit adultery, as to men dissolute and adulterous. And again, that
they should not steal, as to men to whom slavery would be suitable; and, that they should
not injure, as to men who were fraudulent. But of these, He knew that it was desirable
they should stand in need of no such laws; but that this should above all things be
precious in their sight, (viz. that their soul should be subject to no (evil) passion; and
that they should root up and expel from the bottom of their heart, as from its root, the
germ of (every) vice; (and,) that they should be superior to wrath, and every base desire:
that is to say, that they should not even be angry, because of the superiority of their
soul, as being free from passion ;

that they should not look upon a woman with evil desire; that they should so labour
against theft, that they should give of their own to them that needed; and further, that
they should not glory in this, that they injured none, but (rather) in this, that those
who wished to injure them, they bore with without anger. But, What need is there that I
should collect together all the things which He, and they, taught ? He also counselled
them,--together, with all these things,--that they should be so confirmed in the truth, as
not to be under the necessity of giving even a true oath, much less a false one: but that
they should so form their character, that in it, apart from every sort of oath, they
should appear as true, and should proceed no farther than "yea" (yea), and should in their
conversation truly apply this. 22. We may ask therefore, whether there is any thing--
whatever it might be--against those who were the hearers of these things, and who
forthwith arose as teachers of them to other Disciples, (out) of which we may suppose they
fabricated all the things, which they attested their Master had done. And, What is there
in this leading us to suppose, that they all thoroughly lied ? They were, in number, the
Twelve who had been chosen, and the remaining Seventy of whom it is said, that He sent
them before Him, two and two, into every place and part to which He was about to go. But,
there is not so much as a word that can be said of this whole company, (shewing) that they
belied Him :--of men, who loved the life that was pure, and the worship of the (true) God
; who cared but little for all the children of their own families; and who instead of
their friends, their wives I say, their children and all belonging to them, took to the
life which had no possessions; and fully gave their testimony to their Lord, as from one
mouth, among all mankind.

23. This is therefore, the leading, primary, and true reason. Let us then, also
investigate that which is opposed (to it). Let Him therefore be (considered) the Teacher,
and them the Disciples ; and so, as it were in a relation of hypothesis that He taught
none of the things already mentioned, but those opposed to them (viz.); that they should
forthwith be transgressors of the Law; should act impiously, iniquitously, fraudulently,
and falsely; should swear falsely, and do (many) hateful things, and if there be any other
vice that can be named. Now, all these things are wholly foreign to the doctrines of our
Saviour; they are opposed (to them,) and would be the (offspring) of arrogance and
impudence. Nor, are they only opposed to His words and doctrines, but also to the mode of
life which has hitherto been delivered to all nations; that which is practised in all His
Churches. But, even if the matter be (wholly) false, then cannot its like be advanced;
(viz.) that we should have been a race so negligent, as not even to have examined the
things now before us!--Let Him then be (supposed to have been) the Teacher of every vice,
and iniquity; and that the chief care was, that they should after all these things remain
concealed. And such custom is most wisely concealed under the form of a doctrine which is
pure, and putting forth a new (mode) of worship. These then, were led by such things, and
by others still worse. For vice previously ensnares, and it constitutes the teaching of
itself. They would (then,) exalt their Master to a state of greatness by lying words, and
spare not even one expression of falsehood; and falsely ascribe to Him every sort of
miracle and wonderful work, that (men) might wonder at them and felicitate them, that they
were dignified by being the Disciples of such a Master.

24. Come then, let us now see,--if they really were such, --whether it was possible that
could have been established, which they endeavoured to do for Him. For they say, that
"Evil is friendly to evil, but not to good. Whence then, is this agreement in vice to be
discovered in the multitudes of all these men ? And, Whence this testimony respecting them
(viz.), that the object of them all was in unison ? And, Whence this doctrine about the
Divine appointments, and the teaching of the (true) Philosophy ? Whence also, the mind
(intent) on the life of virtue ? And, Whence the doctrine (inculcating) flight from every
vice ? Whence also, the knowledge and recording of precepts such as these ? And, Whence
the glory of the conduct and conversation which was delivered by them, throughout the
whole creation of man ? Whence too, all this power ? Whence this courage ? Whence this
confidence ? Whence this resignation even to death?--But, Who would at the first, even in
opinion, have had respect to the man who taught vice and bitterness,--as it is (here) said
of Him,-- and who promised such things ? They would surely say (such were the deeds) of a
Magician. But, the Disciples of this Leader were in nothing vicious. And, Must not they
have understood these things at the end of their Master ? and, by what sort of Death he
was affected ? Why then, after such an end of shame, did they continue in these things ?

and affirm of Him who was then among the dead, that He was God, unless they thought it a
thing of no moment, that they themselves should suffer similar things ? Now, Who is it
that has voluntarily and openly ever chosen punishment for the sake of nothing profitable
? For, had they been desirous of possessions, so would they also of profit: and, if they
had been abominable in character, they would have been lustful. We may then think of them
perhaps, that they had thus dealt with the matter for the sake of these things, and
intrepidly exposed themselves even to death ! But, if they preached what was adverse to
these, and fully proclaimed (it) in the hearing of all the congregations (of Christians);
and also, immediately instructed (men) in the doctrine of the Scriptures, (viz. that they
should flee from every vicious and base desire; should avoid every thing fraudulent;
should overcome every sort of lust, and the love of money; and that they did moreover, so
teach those who became their disciples; it will be likely that they carried on no
merchandize, collected no wealth, and took no part in a life either of ease, or of
pleasure. Since therefore, they were led by none of these things; How could they have been
induced to suffer, for no object, the worst of punishments and of vengeance, for the
testimony given of their Master, which, again, had no foundation in fact?

25. But let it be granted, that they honoured Him while He was yet with them, and had His
conversation among them, and led them astray by deception, as it has been affirmed; How
was it then, that even after His death, and then much more strenuously than before, they
went on calling Him God ? Because, while He was yet among men, it is said that they even
forsook and denied Him, at the time when His deceivers were ready (to take Him); but,
after His departure from among men, they joyfully chose death, rather than relinquish the
good testimony they had given respecting Him ! Those (Disciples) therefore, who formerly
knew no good thing of their Master, neither the life, deed, doctrine, nor work, that was
worthy of praise; and, who had received no advantage from Him, except indeed vice, and the
leading astray of men; How was it, that they so easily gave themselves up to death, not,
because they were in any respect guilty, but because they had attested things so glorious
and praise-worthy of Him; when behold, it was in the power of every one of them to live in
safety, and to lead a life of comfort at home with his friends? But, How could men, who
were themselves deceived and deceiving, submit willingly to death for another, who, as
they knew with certainty, (and) better than all others, had not been in any one thing the
cause of good to them, but--as men say,--the Teacher of every evil ?

A man endued with mind and virtue, may indeed for some noble conquest, or for some
excellent person, occasionally with propriety, and even with glory, submit to death. But
he, who is so base in character as to have been in pursuit only of the things of a
temporal life, and the enjoyment of lusts, has never chosen death rather than life; nor
has suffered severe punishment for the sake of his friends, much less for one convicted of
vice. How then, could the Disciples of the (Person) mentioned,--who could not have been
ignorant that He was a deceiver and magician, if He really had been such, and even
retaining in themselves every vice that was hateful,--have willingly undergone every
species of torment and of punishment from their countrymen, on account of the testimony
they had given of Him ? But this is by no means, the disposition of the vicious. For I
myself have seen many, who have faithfully kept society and oath with the living; but who,
as soon as these died, dissolved every compact of this sort entered into between them. And
we all know accurately how the Sophists,--brought together in the cities (generally), and
in glorious repute for their erudition and display of words,--load with praises the
governors, and those vested with great power and rule, just so long as they retain this;
but, as soon as any change (in this respect) happens to them, these also change their
words;

and no more will they willingly memorialize those whom they formerly did, purely from the
fear of those (now) in power. 26. If then, these Disciples of our Saviour were deceived
and deceiving, I would add this also: They were unlearned, and altogether illiterate; that
is, they were even barbarians, and understood no language except the Syriac. How then did
they, after the departure of their Lord from among men, go forth into the whole creation,
and give their testimony to His Godhead ? And, by What sort of advice were they prevailed
on to attempt this ? By What power too, did they effect that which they undertook? It
might have happened indeed, that some rustics at their own homes would be perverted and
led astray. But, that they (the Disciples) should be sent forth into foreign countries,
and should not relinquish their object through remissness, but should preach the name of
our Saviour to every man, together with His deeds of wonder; and not this only, but should
also teach His commandments both in the villages and cities;--some of them to the Roman
power (itself), and (so) apportion to themselves this city of the empire: others also, to
the Persians; others, to those among the Armenians; others, to the nation of the
Parthians; and again, to that also of the Scythians: (that) some of these should go forth,
even as far as the extremities of the creation, and arrive at the country of the Hindoos;
others pass over to the Islands beyond the ocean, and which are called Britain;--could
not, I think, have been the things of men; How much less, of those who were deficient and
illiterate? How much still less, of deceivers and magicians?

27. How then could those, whose experience of their Master was, that He was vicious and a
perverter,-- and who had with their own eyes witnessed His departure by death,--have used
such terms with each other, for this (viz.), that they should unanimously lie respecting
Him ? For they all attested as with one mouth, the cleansing of lepers, the casting out of
Demons, the raising of the dead, (the restoring of) sight to the blind, and many other
instances of cure, which were effected by Him :-- 28. And after these things, His
resurrection after the death which they had previously witnessed? For, to such things, not
happening, nor even being heard of in their times, How could they, with one mouth, have
given testimony, and convinced (themselves) that they came to pass ? and have continued to
place faith in (this) their testimony, even to death ? Was it, either that they were
brought together, and that they swore to do this ? and that they entered into compact with
one another, to fabricate, and falsely to put forth, things which never came to pass? And
shall we say, that they used terms to this effect as the pretence for such compact? or,
such as these? Men, our friends!--Him who was, (as it were) yesterday or the day before, a
Deceiver and Teacher of error,--who suffered extreme punishment before the eyes of us all,
--we know better and more accurately than any other, how far He excelled, because we were
the Disciples of His secret mysteries. He appeared as pure to the many, and thought that
He possessed something better than the many. But He possessed nothing great, nor yet any
thing worthy of (that) His resurrection ;

unless one might say, that He was cunning and impure in character, and that those were
perversions which He taught us, and the false boastings which was favourable to such
things;--come, let us give the right hand to one another, and let us all at once enter
into compact among ourselves, that we will unanimously put forth, among all mankind,
falsehood respecting Him, and will say, that we saw " Him give sight to the blind,'' a
thing which no one (of us) ever heard of; and that " He cleansed the lepers" and "Raised
the dead. And we will in a body affirm, that things were done by Him which we (indeed)
never saw; and were said (by Him) which we likewise never heard. Those things too which
were done, as it were in reality, we will contend for (as such). And, if this His last end
has been published, and He so openly received His death that no one can conceal it, we
will nevertheless, impudently make this of no effect; attesting pertinaciously that He
rose from the dead; was also with all of us, and accompanied us both in conversation and
in the usual meals. Let this then, be pertinaciously and shamelessly retained in all these
things, and so remain with us, that we persist in it even to death !--For, Why might we
(not) expose ourselves to death for nothing ? And, Why should it molest us, willingly to
receive stripes and torments in our persons, for nothing that is necessary ?

And, if it be required that we should suffer imprisonment, injury, and affliction, for
nothing that is true; should submit instantaneously to this; should all of us together lie
by consent, and put forth falsehood for no profit whatever, either to ourselves or to
those who may be deceived by us; or, to Him, of whom these lies have been told by us;
affirming that He was God: and that we should extend this falsehood, not only to our own
people, but should also go out among all mankind, and fill the whole creation with the
things we have (thus) laid down respecting Him; and should thence proceed forthwith, to
make laws for all nations, subversive of the opinions respecting the Gods of their
forefathers; those (I say), which had from ancient times been established among them :
and, that we should first of all lay our commands upon the Romans, not to worship those
whom their forefathers supposed to be Gods; that we should then also pass off to the
Greeks, and preach that which is also adverse to their wise men : that we should not
neglect the Egyptians, but contend also with their Deities, but should not draw out
against them the things of Moses, which were in former times adverse to them, but place
against them the Death of our Teacher as something terrific:

and should destroy that fame respecting the Gods, which formerly went out from among them
to all mankind, not by mere words, and stories, but by the power of our Lord, of Him who
was crucified; and, that we should again proceed even to the extremities of the land of
the Barbarians, and subvert the things (prevailing) with all men: and for this purpose not
one of us should be wanting : For the reward pertaining to the things which we (so)
attempted, would not be small, since the triumphsto which we should present ourselves,
would not be simple ones; but, as it is likely, (would be) punishments awarded by the laws
of every place; open bonds, torments, imprisonments, fire, sword, (death by) the cross and
(by) wild beasts: but, because we would acquire a likeness to our Teacher, we would
willingly rather, and with joyfulness one and all, continue (partaking) in these
calamities! For, What can there be better than this, that we should be found enemies to
both God and man, for no one thing profitable ? And also, that we should obtain nothing of
ease ? neither should see our friends, nor in any way increase our wealth ? nor even
possess the hope of any good to perfection ? but should, on the contrary, vainly and
without any object err ourselves, and lead others (also) astray ?

For this is the helpful thing (had in view), that we should both be opposed to all
nations, and also engaged in contention with those Gods, whom all men have from ancient
times confessed: and, that we should preach of Him who was our Teacher, and who died
before our eyes, that He was God, and the Son of God : and that we ourselves should be
ready to die for Him, having learned from him nothing true, and nothing advantageous! And
that we should particularly honour Him, because He aided us in nothing excellent: and
should moreover do every thing in order to glorify His name; suffer every sort of injury
and vengeance, and willingly receive every form of punishment for nothing that is true!
For, evil certainly is truth, and falsehood has that which is opposed to vice. On this
account we say, that "He even raised the dead, also cleansed the lepers, also cast out
Demons, and was the doer of other wonderful works," when we know of no such things done by
Him, but have fabricated all these things for ourselves; and (thus) led all astray, on
whom we could prevail to do so ! But, if any one would not be (so) persuaded, still we
ourselves should,-- for the sake of the things which we had (so) bargained upon among
ourselves,--have brought forth upon ourselves the things worthy of such a system of error.

29. And Do these things appear to you as convincing ? And, Can you so far persuade
yourself, that they (His Disciples) did falsely put forth such things as these ? And, that
men so deficient and unlettered, did actually make (such) compact among themselves, and
(triumphantly) walk over the power of the Romans ? Could human nature, possessed as it is
with the love of life, have ever submitted, for no object and of its own will, to death ?
Or, Could the Disciples of our Saviour have been carried on to such an excess of madness,
that they should at once,--when they had seen no act of a miraculous character performed
by Him, --have falsely put forth by compact such things as these? And again, Could they
have put together such lying statements respecting Him, and then have readily submitted to
death in support of them? 30. But they went not forth by compact, to this (work of)
preaching respecting Him; nor did they make (any compact) among themselves. Whence then,
had they this perfect agreement of testimony respecting His deeds ? Is it (not) likely,
from seeing the things which were done by Him ?--For one of (these) two things must be the
fact: (viz.) Either, they made compact among themselves, and lied; or else, they attested
(what) they had seen with their eyes. If then, they really saw (the things), and preached
(them) to all men; they were worthy of credit when they said of our Saviour, that He was
God; and, that He permitted them to see with their eyes, (the putting forth of) Divine
powers, Miracles, and wonderful Works. If however they really saw none of the things (so)
recorded, but put together false statements; and accordingly made oath, and sworn
covenant, on this, (viz.) that they would say nothing true, and (then) lied, and attested
of their Lord what was false; How could they in reality have submitted to death, for
nothing true ? and, that neither fire, nor sword, nor fierce beasts, nor the depth of the
sea, could make them falsify the accounts, which they had (thus) falsely put forth
respecting their Lord ?

31. But, How can you say that they neither expected nor hoped, that they should suffer any
calamity from this their testimony respecting Him; and, that they therefore went out, even
boldly, to the (work of) preaching about Him ? On the contrary, it was impossible they
should not have hoped, that they should suffer every sort of calamity: superinducing as
they did the destruction of the Gods, at once of the Romans, the Greeks, and the
Barbarians. Now the Book itself, which (speaks) of them, shews plainly, that after the
death of their Lord certain men, enemies of the word and who lay in wait for it, laid
hands on them; delivering them first to imprisonment, and then strictly commanding them,
that they should speak to none in the name of Jesus. And, when they found them afterwards
openly teaching the multitudes the things respecting Him, they violently seized, and
scourged (them), and forbade them (so) to teach ; Simon Peter answering said to them, "It
is right that we should rather hearken to God, and not to men. After these things too,
Stephen was stoned with stones, and died; because he had openly spoken (of Him) in the
assembly of the Jews. And there arose no small persecution against those, who were the
ambassadors of the name of Jesus. And again at another time, when Herod the king of the
Jews slew James the brother of John with the sword, he, the same, confined Simon Peter in
bonds, as it is written in the Acts of the Apostles.

And, while these suffered such things, the rest of the Disciples persevered, grew strong,
and remained in the doctrine of our Saviour ; and again preached to all men more
particularly respecting Him, and His wonderful works. After these things, James--whom
those who formerly resided at Jerusalem called "the Just" on account of his great
excellence,--was interrogated of the chief priests and doctors of the Jewish people, as to
what he thought of Jesus; and, when he returned answer to them, that " He was the Son of
God," he was also stoned with stones by them. Simon Peter too, was, after his Head (i.e.
Christ), crucified at Rome. Paul also was taken off (slain,) and John was committed to the
island (Patmos in banishment). And, while these suffered such things, not so much as one
of the rest forsook His (Christ's) doctrine; and (indeed) all of them prayed, that such
things might befall them, in order that they might, for the sake of the worship of God, be
like to those already mentioned. And, on this account again, they openly gave their
testimony of our Saviour, and of His wonderful works, the more abundantly.

32. And observe, If the things which they preached respecting Him were lies, and they had
fabricated them by compact; we ought to wonder how this whole company could have observed
this agreement, in what they had fabricated, even to death. And no one of them ever
betrayed any fear, on account of the things that had happened to those who had previously
been slain; or left their society; or preached that which opposed what his companion had;
or brought to light the things they had (so) agreed upon. But even he, who,--filled with
the love of money,--dared to deliver Him up to (His) enemies, did forthwith, and with his
own hands, inflict punishment on himself ! 33. Now, Is not this replete with wonder, that
men, who were deceivers and unlettered, knowing neither how to speak, or understand, any
language beyond that of their fathers, should not only undertake to go forth and to pass
into all nations, but should also (so) go forth and effect (their) purpose ? And, let this
also be considered, that not even one of them ever uttered a word adverse to the
marvellous deeds of their Lord ! If then, the agreement of witnesses is sufficient to
settle any of those things, about which there is doubt, and which is commonly brought into
dispute in the courts of law;--and the law of God has declared that "in the mouth of two
or three witnesses, every matter shall be established,"--Shall not the truth also be
established by these, who were the chosen twelve, and the Disciples seventy in number, and
thousands of others besides these, all of whom at once exhibited (so) wonderful an
agreement, and who have (so) given their testimony to the things done by our Saviour ?
This too they did, not without affliction; but in the suffering of torments, and of every
species of injury, of scourgings, imprisonment, and deaths! On this account they were
through God believed, in order that (He) might everywhere confirm the word preached, by
their means, throughout the whole habitable world, even to this day !

34. Let it be considered then, that we have granted these things, by connivance at an
unjust principle. For (in) this, that a man might imagine that which is adverse to the
Scripture, and, that we should say of the common Saviour of all that He was a Teacher, not
of righteous precepts, but of those of vice, fraud, and of every sort of abomination; and,
that these His Disciples learned the same from Him, and were all lustful and vicious in
every thing, beyond all men that ever existed; we allowed, by connivance, according to the
statement (supposed), that which is of all things the most improper. For this would be, as
if one should in a similar manner, injuriously accuse Moses who said in the law, "Thou
shalt, not kill; neither shalt thou commit adultery ; neither shalt thou steal; neither
shalt thou bear false witness; and should say, that he uttered these things by way of
irony and in hypocrisy; for, it was his wish (nevertheless) that his hearers should kill,
commit adultery, and act in direct opposition to the things, which he himself shewed the
Law laid down; and put forth (merely) the form of an approach to purity of life!--But
there is nothing so shameless as this ! In like manner also, might any one arraign the
positions of the Philosophers among the Greeks, whose lives were those of patience, as
were all their words, and might say, that they were in their conduct opposed to what they
wrote;

and so shewed themselves to have made a mere (hypocritical) approach to the life, which
belongs to philosophy. And thus, we affirm, might any one simply arraign all the writings
of the ancients, and shew cause against the truth which they contain; and might Himself
receive that, which is diametrically opposed to these! But, as it cannot be difficult to
any one possessed of common sense, to pronounce of this that it would be madness; so also,
of the precepts of our Saviour and of His Disciples, should any one pervert the truth
which is (found) in these, and then attempt to fix upon Him the things diametrically
opposed to His teaching.-- But, let that be granted which the statement itself requires.
How much more will it then appear, that the assertion of the opponent cannot stand, as
(being grounded) in a connivance (concession) which it is improper to (allow) ?

35. These things being then refuted, let us also consider the testimony of the Scriptures
of the Divinity, and the spotless and truth-loving manner of the Disciples, of our
Saviour. Any one therefore, who chooses (to exercise) a sound mind, may hence see, that
they were worthy of all dignity, since they confessed that they were mean and unlettered
in their discourse, and betook themselves to a love for the doctrine of the worship of
God, and of philosophy. They also desired the life, capable of submitting to sufferings,
and afflicted by fasting, (by) abstinence from wine and from flesh, and (by) many other
humiliating things of the body; by prayer and supplication to God, and more particularly
by temperance, and the chief holiness of body. and soul. And, Who is not astonished at
this, that they should, for the sake of the excellency of wisdom, have even separated
themselves from the wives that had been lawfully given to them ? and that they were led by
no natural desire, and subdued by no love of children; since they desired not the children
that were mortal, but those which were immortal ? And, How can any one fail to wonder at
this their character, that they desired no money ? or (How) imagine this, that they fled
not from, but loved, a Teacher who despised the possessions of gold and silver ? and the
Lawgiver, who laid it down that they should not enlarge their possessions even to two
coats?

which any one hearing, would doubtless seek excuse from its severe requirements; while
they were seen to act upon it, even to the letter ! For, upon a certain occasion a lame
man--one of those who begged, on account of the extreme doubt as to provision,--asked
(alms) of those who were about Simon Peter: and, when Simon Peter had nothing that he
could give, he confessed that he was destitute (lit. clean) of every sort of possession of
silver and gold, and said, "Silver and gold have I none. After this he brought forth the
precious name,--which is of all things the most precious,--and said, "This which I have
give I to thee. In the name of Jesus the Christ, arise and walk." 36. And, when they
attended to their Teacher, (Jesus) enjoined upon them the grievous things, (which should
happen to them) in these words which He said to them, (viz. "In the world ye shall have
tribulation; and again--" Ye shall weep and mourn, but the world shall rejoice," How
plainly did the firmness and deep (sincerity) of their character not appear, since they
fled not from these (severe) exercises of the soul, nor betook themselves to the things of
the desires ? nor did their Lord moreover allure them by way of deception, or make them
His by promising them the things which supply ease and comfort; but, truly and freely
foretold to them those which should happen to them; and enabled them to choose for
themselves the sort of conduct, which He had laid down for them. Of this sort were the
things, which He foretold and attested, respecting the persecutions that were to happen to
them, because of His name, (viz. "that they should come before governours, and even kings;
and, that they should suffer every sort of punishment and vengeance, not on account of any
thing hateful, nor for any other just cause ; but for this only, (viz.), for their
testimony respecting Him; which (indeed), we have seen with our own eyes, has happened
even to this time ? His prediction moreover, is worthy of our admiration ; for the
testimony (given) respecting the name of our Saviour, and the confessing of Him, had
usually the effect of inflaming the anger of the Rulers.

And, even if nothing hateful had been perpetrated by any one confessing Christ, they
punished and injuriously treated him, on account of His name, as evil, and more evil than
any other thing: but, if any one did not confess His name, but denied that he was a
Disciple of Christ, he was immediately set at liberty, even if he were implicated in many
things which were abominable! But, What necessity can there be, that I should collect and
endeavour to record, the many things relating to the lives of the Disciples of our
Saviour, when the things already advanced, will be sufficient proof of (all) that is
before us ? To these (however) we will again add the things (following), here in (their)
place; and with these we will conclude our discussion. 37. As to Matthew the Apostle his
former manner of life was not that which was excellent; on the contrary, he was one of
those whose business was tax-gathering and fraud. This however, not one of the rest of the
Apostles has laid open to us, neither John the Apostle who was with him, nor Luke, nor
Mark, the writers of the rest of the Gospels: but Matthew, recording his own manner of
life, has become his own accuser ! Hear then, how openly he has memorialized his own name
against himself in his own writing, and has thus spoken :--

38. "And, when Jesus passed from thence, He saw a man sitting among the Tax-gatherers,
whose name was Matthew; and He said to him, Follow me: and he arose (and) followed Him.
And it came to pass that when He was sitting in the house, Behold many Tax-gatherers and
Sinners were sitting with Jesus, and with His Disciples. And again, after these things,
when passing away, and reciting the number of the rest of the Disciples, He added
respecting Himself the name of Tax-gatherer, and spoke thus: "The names of the twelve
Apostles are these: The first, Simon who is called Cephas, and Andrew his brother, James
the son of Zebedee and John his brother, Philip and Bartholomew, and Thomas and Matthew
the Tax-gatherer. Thus therefore Matthew evinces, through the greatness of (his) humility,
his truth-loving character, calls himself a Tax-gatherer; conceals not his former mode of
life, and counts himself among sinners ! He also numbers himself second to the Apostle who
was with him; for he associated (himself) with Thomas, as (he did) Simon with Andrew,
James with John, and Philip with Bartholomew ; placing Thomas first, and honouring him as
the more excellent Apostle with himself; while the rest of the Evangelists have done the
reverse of this. Hear therefore how Luke bears record of Matthew, not giving him the
appellation of Tax-gatherer, nor placing him after Thomas; but, because he considered him
the more worthy, numbering him first, and placing Thomas after him, just as Mark has done:
His words then, are these:

"And, when it was day, He called His Disciples, and chose twelve out of them, those whom
He named Apostles: Simon, whom He named Cephas; and Andrew his brother, James and John,
and Philip and Bartholomew, and Matthew and Thomas. Thus therefore Luke honoured Matthew,
just as they, who had from the first been eye-witnesses and hearers of the word, had
delivered to him. And thus Matthew, through his humility, made little of himself,
confessed that he was a Tax-gatherer, and numbered himself the second (in order), after
the Apostle who was (named) with him. 39. You will also find that John is like Matthew (in
this respect) ; for in his Epistle he does not so much as make mention of himself, or call
himself Elder or Apostle, or Evangelist. In the Gospel too, which was written by him, he
says of himself that Jesus loved him, but he does not reveal his own name.

40. Simon Peter moreover, did not so much as attempt the writing of a Gospel, on account
of his great fear (of responsibility). But Mark, they say, who, being well known to him
and his Disciple, put on record the declarations of Simon respecting the deeds of our
Saviour. Who,--when he betook himself to the recording of these things, (viz. when Jesus
asked what men said of Him, and the Disciples themselves what they thought of Him; Simon
answered and said to Him, "Thou art the Christ;"--made the statement that Jesus did not
even answer him, or say any thing to him; but that He forbade their telling this to any
man. Now Mark committed these things to writing, although he was not present with Jesus
when He said them; but he had heard them from Peter, when he taught them. Peter however,
was unwilling to state the things which Jesus had said either to him, or about him, by way
of testimony (favourable) to himself. But, the things which were said of him are these,
(which) Matthew has put forth in these (words): "But you, Whom say ye that I am ? Simon
said to Him, Thou art the Christ the Son of the living God. And Jesus answered and said to
him; Blessed art thou Simon son of Jonas, since flesh and blood have not revealed (this)
to thee, but my Father who is in heaven.

And I also say to thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my Church,
and the gate-bars of hell shall not prevail against it. And I give to thee the keys of the
kingdom of heaven; and every one whom thou shalt bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven;
and every one whom thou shalt loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven" When (therefore),
all these things were said to Simon Peter by Jesus, Mark did not record so much as one of
them ; because, as it is probable, neither did Peter mention them in his teaching. These
things therefore, Simon Peter well kept silent, and thence Mark omitted them. But the
things of his denial (of Christ), he preached to all men; and (so) caused an accusation to
be recorded against himself! That he wept bitterly too, over this, you will find Mark to
have given the record in these (words): "And, when Peter was in the court, one of the
maid-servants of the High Priest came to him; and, when she saw that he was warming
(himself), she looked upon him and said to him, Thou also wast with Jesus the Nazarene.
But he denied and said, I know (him) not, nor do I perceive what thou sayest: and he went
out into the outer court; and the cock crew. And again a maid saw him, and began to say to
those who were standing (by) ; This (man) also is (one) of them. And he again denied.

And again a little after, those who were standing (by) said to Simon, Truly thou art (one)
of them; for thou art also a Galilean. But he began to curse and to say, I know not this
man of whom ye speak. And immediately, the cock crew the second time" These things Mark
wrote; and these, Simon Peter witnessed against himself. For all these things of Mark are,
they say, the memorials of the declarations of Peter himself. 41. Of those therefore, who
excused themselves from saying the things which would contribute to their own good fame,
and who recorded against themselves accusations which can never be forgotten, charging
themselves with their own foolishness, in things which none of those who came afterwards
could have known, had they not been recorded by themselves; How (shall we not assert) they
were free from every feeling of self-love, and lying statement ? and justly confess of
them, that they openly and clearly put forth the proof of an ardent love of truth? Those
therefore, who evinced such a character as this,--of whom men thought that they were the
authors of falsehood and of lying, and whom they endeavoured to malign as Deceivers ;--How
are these not (now) found to be a laughing-stock, lovers of hatred and envy, and enemies
to the truth ? For, How should not those be such, who (insisted) on the things which were
guileless, and of no hateful observance; these same (I say), whose characters were true
and pure, and who shewed forth their habitual dispositions by their words ?--(not) that
(men) should say of them, that they were cunning and wily Sophists, and fabricators of
things that had no existence, and laid upon their Lord, by way of favour, things which He
never did. It does appear to me, that we may well put the question to these, Whether it be
right we should give credence to the Disciples of our Saviour, or not ? And, if we are not
to give credence to these only, Whether we should to all those also, who have long ago
preached the memorial of their conduct and precepts, (both) among the Greeks and the
Barbarians; and have committed to writing time after time the victories attending this ?
And also, Whether it be just to extend credence to others; but to withhold it from them
only?--How clearly then, does not the malice of such (opponents) appear!

42. But, Why should these have lied respecting their Lord ? and have delivered down, in
their writings, things of Him which had no existence, as if they had really happened ? Why
too, should they have falsely stated of Him the sufferings, and (other) grievous things
(which He bore) ? His betrayal by one word of His Disciple (Judas) ? the accusation of
those who criminated Him ? the ridicule ? the contempt of the judgment (passed on Him) ?
the reproach ? the smitings on the face ? the scourges laid upon His loins ? the crown of
thorns which was placed upon Him in reproach ? the purple robe which they put upon Him
after the manner of a cloke ? and, at last, the bearing of His cross, the signal mark of
His victory ? that He was then affixed to this? that He was pierced both in His hands and
feet ? that they gave Him vinegar to drink ? that one struck Him on the head with a reed ?
that He was derided of those who looked on Him ? Is it right (I say), that we should
suppose His Disciples to have falsely stated even these, and many other similar things
that are written about Him ? Or, that we should believe they truly stated these
(disreputable) things ? but, that we should not give credence to those which are
honourable (to Him)? But, How can this system of contrariety be supported ?

For this, that (men) should affirm that these same persons were true; and again this, that
they were false, would be nothing else but to affirm of them, that which is in itself
contradictory ! Of What sort then, should the reprehension of these be ? For, if this
stigma is to be fixed upon them, (viz. that they propagated falsehood, and exalted their
Lord by lying statements, and adorned Him by means of (fabricated) miracles; they surely
never would have committed to writing the things already mentioned, which were adverse to
themselves; nor would they have made it known to those, who should come afterwards, that
He, whose ambassadors they were, was "oppressed and " exceedingly sorrowful" and was
perturbed in his soul: or, that they "forsook Him and fled-" or, that he, who was the
chosen of all the Apostles, and His Disciple, the same Simon Peter (I say),--who is
preached of,--did, without either pain (inflicted), or torment threatened, deny Him three
times! For these things, even if said by others, it was necessary they should deny; they
(I say), who betook themselves to nothing else, except the fabrication of false statements
favourable to Him, and magnifying both themselves and their Lord.

43. If then, they appear to be lovers of truth in those grievous accounts (which they
give) of Him ; much more are they so in those glorious ones. For those, who chose to lie
on any one occasion, would the more particularly avoid those things which brought
difficulty with them, either by silence or denial of them : because, those who should come
after, would not have it in their power to blame the things, which they had (so) kept
silent. Why then, did they not lie and say that Judas who betrayed Him, forthwith became a
stone, when he dared to give the kiss--the signal of betrayal? And, that he who dared to
strike Him on the cheek, had his right hand immediately withered ? And the High Priest of
the Jews, because he ran along with those who criminated Him, became blind in his eyes?
But, Why did not they all lie, (and say) that, in truth, no grievance (whatsoever)
happened to Him ? but, that He concealed Himself from men, and laughed at their judgment-
hall? and, that those who accused Him, were deceived by spectres sent from God ; thinking
that they were doing something adverse to one who was not near them ? And, Why should not
this have been (deemed) more glorious, than their falsely stating that "He raised the
dead," and was the doer of wonderful works ? This, that they should have recorded, that
nothing either human or mortal happened to him;

but, that He did every thing by the Divine power ?--That He made His ascension to heaven
in the Divine glory ? For those, who gave credence to their other accounts, could not have
with-holden their belief from these. How then, should those be (deemed) worthy of
exemption from every suspicion of vice, who concealed nothing of the truth, as to the
difficulties and calamities (so happening); and not also worthy of all credit, as to the
other miraculous deeds which they attested respecting Him ? The testimony therefore, of
these men respecting our Saviour, is sufficient. There is nevertheless, nothing to
prohibit our availing ourselves, even the more abundantly, of the Hebrew witness Josephus;
who, in the Eighteenth Book of his Antiquities of the Jews, writing the things that
belonged to the times of Pilate, commemorates our Saviour in these words: -- (The
testimony) of Josephus respecting the Christ. 44. " At this period then was Jesus, a wise
man, if it be right to call Him a man; for He was the doer of wonderful works, and the
Teacher of those men who, with pleasure, received Him in truth. And He brought together
many (both) of the Jews, and many of the profane (Gentiles). And this was the Messiah
(Christ). And, when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal ancient men among
ourselves, laid on Him the punishment of the Cross, those who formerly loved Him were not
reduced to silence. For He appeared again to them, on the third day, alive: things which,
with many others, the Prophets had said respecting Him : so that from thence, and even
until now, the race of the Christians has not been wanting to Him."

45. If therefore, as (this) author attests of Him, He was the doer of wonderful works, and
that He made His Disciples,--not only the twelve Apostles, or the seventy Disciples, but
also attached to Himself,--myriads of others both of the Jews and Gentiles; it is clear,
that He possessed something excellent beyond the rest of mankind. For, How could He have
otherwise attached to Himself the many, both of the Jews and Gentiles, unless He had made
use of miracles and astonishing deeds, and of doctrines (till then) unknown ? The Book of
the Acts of the Apostles also attests, that there were many thousands of the Jews, who
were persuaded that He was that Christ of God, who had been preached of by the Prophets.
It is also on record, that there was a great Church of Christ at Jerusalem; which had been
collected from among the Jews, even to the times of its reduction by Hadrian. The first
Bishops too who were there, are said to have been, one after another, fifteen (in number),
who were Jews; the names of whom are published to the men of that place, even until now.
So that by these, every accusation against the Disciples may be undone; since, what was
prior to them, and independent of their testimony, these attest of Him, (viz.), that He,
the Christ of God, did by means of these wondrous works which He performed, reduce many,
both of the Jews and of the Gentiles, beneath His power.

46. You will also be made acquainted with the Divinity of His power, if you will consider
of what nature He was; and how it was that all this superiority of the Divine power
(operated) in the overcoming of tilings exceeding all description. For let it be
considered, No one--who ever wished to disseminate his laws, or any strange doctrine among
all nations, and, who would shew himself to be a Teacher of the worship of the one supreme
God, to all races of men,--would be willing to make use of those as the ministers of his
will, who were of all men the most rustic and deficient. And it is likely, one might
think, he would attempt this with the greatest impropriety. For, How could they who could
scarcely opentheir lips, ever be the Teachers of any one man, much less of multitudes ?
And, How could they,--destitute of every sort of erudition,--address whole assemblies,
unless this were indeed a shewing forth of the will of God ? For He called them, as we
have already shewn, and said in the first place "Follow me, and I will make you Fishers of
men. And, because He thenceforth made them His own, and they adhered to Him, He breathed
into them the Divine power, and filled them both with strength and courage: and, as He was
THE WORD or GOD in truth, and the Doer of all these miracles, He made them the Fishermen
of intellectual and reasonable souls;

adding, at once to the word "Follow me, and I will make you" the Deed, making them both
the Doers, and Teachers, of the worship of His God. And thus He sent them forth into all
nations throughout the whole creation, and demonstrated that they were the Preachers of
His doctrine. And, Who is not astonished, and probably incredulous, as to this miracle,--
which could scarcely (indeed) have been imagined ? Since no one, of those who have been
eminent, has ever been commemorated as having had recourse to any such thing as this; or
has come up to any thing resembling it. For it has been the desire of each one of these,
to set up something promising to himself, in his own land only; or, to be able to
establish such laws as seemed to him good, among some one people of his own. But observe
of Him, who availed himself of nothing either human or mortal, how, in reality, He again
put forth the word of God in the precept, which He gave to these His powerless Disciples,
(viz. "Go ye and make Disciples of all nations! It is likely too, His Disciples would thus
address their Lord, by way of answer: How can we do this ? For, How can we preach to the
Romans ? And, How can we discourse with the Egyptians? What diction can we use against the
Greeks; being brought up in the Syrian language only ?

How can we persuade the Persians, the Armenians, the Chaldeans, the Scythians, the
Hindoos, and other nations called Barbarians, to desert the gods of their forefathers, and
to worship the one Creator of all things? And, upon What superiority of words can we rely,
that we shall succeed in this ? Or. How can we hope, that we shall prevail in the things
attempted ? (viz. that we shall legislate for all nations, in direct opposition to the
laws laid down from ancient times, (and this) against their gods ? And, What power have we
upon which to trust, that we shall succeed in this enterprise ? These things therefore,
the Disciples of our Saviour would either have thought, or said. But He who was their Lord
solved, by one additional word, the aggregate of the things of which they doubted, (and)
pledged them by saying, '' Ye shall conquer in my name. For it was not that He commanded
them, simply and indiscriminately, to go and make Disciples of all nations; but with this
excellent addition which He delivered, (viz): "In my name. Since it was by the power of
His name that all this came to pass ; as the Apostle has said, "God has given Him a name,
which is superior to every name: that, at the name of Jesus, every knee should bow which
is in heaven, and which is in earth, and which is beneath the earth.

It is likely therefore, that He would shew forth the excellency of the unseen power, which
was hidden from the many, by His name; and, (accordingly) He made the addition, "In my
name. He thus accurately foretold moreover, something which should come to pass, (when) He
said, "It is expedient that this my Gospel be preached in the whole world, for the
testimony of all nations. Now, this matter was then declared in a corner of the earth, so
that those only who were at hand could have heard it. But, How could they have believed
Him when He said this, unless they had taken experiment as to the truth of His words, from
the other Divine acts which were done by Him ? For this, you are compelled to confess when
it is considered, that they gave credence to what He said. For, when He gave them the
command, not so much as one sought to be excused; but they confided in what He had
intimated : and, just as His promises had been, so DID they make Disciples of the whole
race of men ! They did go forth from their own land into all nations ; and, in a short
time, His words were seen in effect! His Gospel was therefore shortly preached, throughout
the whole creation, for the testimony of all nations, so that the Barbarians and Greeks
received the Scriptures, respecting the common Saviour of all, in the handwriting of their
Progenitors, and in the words of their spiritual Fathers.

47. A man might therefore well stand in doubt, as to what the form of the doctrine of our
Saviour's Disciples was; how they passed on into the midst of cities, and so proclaimed
(it) in the middle of the streets; lifting up their voices, calling to those with whom
they met, and thence conversing with the people: also, of what sort the language was in
which they addressed them, so that we can imagine the hearers were persuaded thereby: and
(again), how (such) men, inexperienced in words and far removed from every sort of
erudition, could speak before the people ; and (this), if not in large assemblies, still
with the few with whom they met, and then addressed: and, of what, and of what sort of
terms, they made use for persuading (their) hearers. Nor was their effort small, since
they by no means denied the ignominious death of Him, whom they preached. But, even if
they concealed this, and did not confess before all, what, and how many, things He
suffered of the Jews, but put forth only those splendid and glorious things--I say indeed,
--His wondrous works, His miraculous operations, and His doctrines of the (true)
Philosophy; still, the matter will not thus be made easy, (viz.) how they could make those
who heard them, easily to give in to their declarations: because their diction would be
foreign. They would too, now be listening to declarations entirely new, (coming) from men,
who possessed nothing worthy of truth, in testimony of the things affirmed by them.

48. But, let it be supposed that the persuasives now put forth were these, (viz.) that
those who were His ambassadors, should at one time preach that He was God ; that, in body,
He was human ; and that, in his nature, He was no other than THE WORD OF GOD: on which
account also, He performed all these miracles, and (put forth these) powers: but, that at
another time, He suffered reproach and infamy, and at last the capital and shameful
punishment of the Cross; which is inflicted on those (only), who are in their deeds the
worst of all men. Who then, would not (now) properly treat them with ridicule, as
affirming things opposed to each other ? And, Who is he, whose intellect would (partake)
so much of stone, as readily to believe them, when they said that they saw Him after His
death ? that He rose from the dead?--Him (I say), who could not help Himself when among
the living? And (again), Who would ever be persuaded by men so illiterate and deficient as
these, when saying; You should despise the things of your own forefathers; charge as folly
those of the wise of ancient times; suffer yourselves to be persuaded by us alone, and to
be commanded by the precepts of Him who was crucified: for He only is the beloved, and
only (begotten) of that God alone, who is over all ?

49. I myself however, investigating for myself with effort, and in the love of truth, this
same thing (singly), should perceive not one virtue in it (making it) credible, nor even
any thing great, or worthy of faith, nor so persuasive, as adequate to the persuading of
even one illiterate person, much less men wise and intellectual. Nevertheless, when again
I view its power, and the result of its doings; how the many myriads have given their
assent to it, and how Churches of tens of thousands of men have been brought together, by
these very deficient and rustic persons; --nor that these were built in obscure places,
nor in those which are unknown, but rather in the greatest cities, I say in the Imperial
city of Rome itself, in Alexandria, in Antioch, in all Egypt, in Libya, in Europe, in
Asia, both in the villages and (other) places, and among all nations; I am again compelled
to recur to the question of (its) cause, and to confess, that they (the Disciples) could
not otherwise have undertaken this enterprise, than by a Divine power which exceeds that
of man, and by the assistance of Him who said to them, "Go, and make Disciples of all
nations in my name." And, when He had said this to them, He attached to it the promise, by
which they should be so encouraged, as readily to give themselves up to the things
commanded. For He said to them, "Behold I am with you always, even to the end of the
world." It is stated, moreover, that He breathed into them the Holy Ghost with the Divine
power; (thus) giving them the power to work miracles, saying at one time, "Receive ye the
Holy Ghost;" and at another, commanding them, to "Heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, and
cast out Demons:---freely ye have received, freely give."

50. Even you yourself see therefore, how this their word took effect; since even the Book
of their Acts attests things like to these, and which accord with them ; how,-- (for
example,) when writing also of those by whom miraculous deeds were done in the name of
Jesus,--those, who were present and saw, were astonished. They were astonished, as it
should seem, at those who had formerly seen (this power) by means of deeds ; and who then
made them (i. e. the chief Priests,) readily to ask, Who this was, by whose power and name
the miracle had been wrought ?--And thus, as they taught, they found that these had in
faith (even) run before their instruction. For, it was not by words that they were
persuaded; but it was by the deeds which preceded these, that they were readily prevailed
upon to accede to the things said. It is also said, that men suddenly brought to them
sacrifices and libations, as if they had been Gods ; thinking that one of them was
Mercury, the other Jupiter: and the whole of this astonishment was, to their minds, a
demonstration that the deeds done were miraculous. And, as all those which they preached
respecting our Saviour, were such as these, they were thenceforth quickly, and with
propriety, received. Nor did they give their testimony of His resurrection from the dead,
by mere words and without proofs; but, by their power and by deeds did they persuade, and
shew forth the works of the living (God).

51. If then, they preached that He was God, and the Son of God, and that He was with the
Father before He came among men ; Why should they not have especially added to this, that
they believed what was adverse to have been impossible and incredible ? For they must have
justly thought it impossible, that these acts could have been those of men ; but, on the
contrary, those of God, even the more though no one would say (this). 52. And this, and
nothing else, is indeed the thing required, (viz. by what power the Disciples of our
Saviour gained credit from those, who had from the first heard them: and how they
persuaded both Greeks and Barbarians to think of Him, as of THE WORD OF GOD: and how they
set up in the midst of the cities, and in all villages, Houses (appropriated to) the
Doctrine of the worship of the supreme God. And, Who is not also astonished at this, when
he considers with himself, and feels satisfied, that this could not have been of man ;
that never at any former time, were the many nations of the whole creation subject to the
one sovereign rule of the Romans, except only since the time of our Saviour? For it
happened, immediately upon His passing about among men, that the affairs of the Romans
became great;--that, at that time, Augustus was primarily the sole Sovereign of many
nations; and that in his time Cleopatra was inflamed with love; and the traditionary
(kingdom) of the Ptolemies in Egypt was dissolved. For, from that time, and until now,
that kingdom which was from ancient time; and of it, as one might say, the ancient germ of
men which was established in Egypt, have been rooted up. From that period too, have the
Jewish people been in subjection to the Romans; as has that, in like manner, of the
Syrians, the Cappadocians, the Macedonians, the Bithynians, and the Greeks;

and, to speak collectively, all the rest of those subject to the rule of the Romans; and,
that this did not come to pass without regard to the Divine teaching of our Saviour, Who
will not confess, when He has considered, that it would not have been easy for His
Disciples to be sent forth, and to pass into foreign parts, when all the nations were
divided one against another ? and when there was no one uniting element among them, on
account of the many Satraps (stationed) in every place, and in every city ? But, in the
extirpation of these, they immediately, fearlessly, and with pleasure, set about doing
that which had been placed before them; because God, who is over all, had previously made
their course peaceful, and had restrained the wrath of the worshippers of Demons in the
cities, by the fear of the great Empire. Consider then, If there had not been something to
restrain those who had been stupified with the error of a plurality of Gods, how they
would have contended with the Doctrine of Christ. For, you would doubtless have seen in
every city and village, commotions (stirred up) against each other, with persecutions and
wars of no mean description , had the worshippers of the Demons possessed the sovereign
rule over us. But now, this also is a work of the God who is over all, that He might
subdue the enemies of His word, by the greater fear of a superior kingdom.

For it was His will, that (His word) should daily increase and extend itself to all
mankind : and again, so, that it should not be thought, that, it was by the connivance of
the Rulers, and not by the superior power of God, it took effect.--When any one of the
tyrants was so elated by wickedness, as to set about resisting the word of Christ, the God
of all even allowed such at once to do his will; because he would afford proof to those
combatants for (establishing) the worship of God, and also that it might be seen clearly
by all men, that it was not by the will of man that the word was established, but by the
power of God himself. And, Who is not instantly amazed at the things which usually come to
pass in times such as these ? For, those ancient combatants from among men for the worship
of God, kept secret the nature of their superiority ; at that time they became known and
seen by all, when they were adorned with the victories which were from God : while those,
who were the enemies of the worship of God, received the punishments which were justly
their due: chastized (as they were) by strokes sent from God, and their entire bodies
wasted by grievous and incurable diseases, so as to have been speedily driven to confess
their wickedness in opposing our Saviour!

But these, the rest of all those who were worthy of the Divine name (Christian), and who
gloried in thinking of the things which belonged to Christ, did in a short time shew,--
being brought through trials,--the purity and refining of their minds, and that they had
thus also obtained freedom for their souls. And soon did God cause, that, by their means,
THE WORD, the Saviour, should arise (as the sun) on tens of thousands. The End of writing
the Five Books of Eusebius of Caesarea, which are called "The Divine Manifestation."
[Selected footnotes. Notes concerned only with points of the Syriac and large chunks of
Greek have been omitted]


THEOPHANIA
==========

THEOPHANIA continued

PREFACE

E U S E B I U S

1 BISHOP OF CAESAREA ON THE THEOPHANIA OR DIVINE MANIFESTATION OF OUR LORD AND SAVIOUR
JESUS CHRIST, TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH WITH NOTES, FROM AN ANCIENT SYRIAC VERSION OF THE
GREEK ORIGINAL NOW LOST ; TO WHICH IS PREFIXED A VINDICATION OF THE ORTHODOXY, AND
PROPHETICAL VIEWS, OF THAT DISTINGUISHED WRITER. INSCRIBED BY PERMISSION TO HIS GRACE THE
DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. BY SAMUEL LEE, D.D.
D.D. OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE; MEMBER OF THE SOCIÉTÉ ASIATIQUE OF PARIS; OF THE
HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF RHODE ISLAND, AMERICA; CANON OF BRISTOL, RECTOR OF BARLEY, HERTS.,
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, &c. CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED AT THE
UNIVERSITY PRESS DUNCAN AND MALCOLM, 37, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. M.DCCC.XLIII. TO HIS
GRACE HUGH DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, &c. &c. &c. CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE,
THIS ENDEAVOUR TO RESTORE TO THE Christian Church A LONG LOST WORK, AND TO VINDICATE THE
OPINIONS, OF ONE OF ITS MOST LEARNED AND LABORIOUS PRELATES, IS, IN TESTIMONY OF A DEEP
SENSE OF OBLIGATION FOR THE MANY MUNIFICENT FAVOURS CONFERRED ON THE UNIVERSITY, IN WHICH
HE HAS THE HONOUR OF BEARING OFFICE, BY HIS GRACE'S PERMISSION, MOST RESPECTFULLY
INSCRIBED, BY THE TRANSLATOR AND EDITOR.

PREFACE.

2 HAVING now to discharge the very agreeable duty of presenting to the Christian Church
(in a translation), a long lost work of one of its most learned and laborious Pastors, my
first duty will be, to give the best account I can of this Work ; my second, to describe
the Manuscript from which it has been taken ; my third, to lay down the principles by
which I have been guided, both in editing the Syriac text of this Manuscript, and in
making and illustrating my English Translation of it. When I shall have done these things,
I shall,--because some of the opinions of my author have been branded as heretical, and
some others will in all probability be considered as groundless and untenable, I mean
those which contain his views on Prophecy,--give as brief and candid a review of these
opinions as I can : leaving it to the reader to make the conclusions for himself, which he
shall deem right and just.

3 I am well aware of the responsibility attaching itself to an undertaking so perilous, as
that of offering to the learned of Europe, for the first time, a work coming from a man so
learned, so celebrated, and so often eulogized and condemned, as was the Bishop of
Caesarea and Father of Church History. But, for the purpose of satisfying this
responsibility to the best of my power, I now proceed, in the first place, to give all the
account I can of the Work which I have the honour and pleasure of presenting to the
public. The first, and probably the only, mention of this Work which occurs in any ancient
Father of the Church, is to be found in the catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers' by
Jerome. And in this, all that this Father says,--after speaking of some of Eusebius's
other works,--is, "θεοφανείας libri quinque," i. e. Of the Divine Manifestation, five
books. After him, Suidas says "θεοφανείας λόγοι έ," which is a mere echo of the words of
Jerome. Harles, in his edition of the Bibliotheca Graeca of Fabricius, speaks of it in
this manner. (Vol. vii. p. 408). "Εὐαγγελικὴ θεοφάνεια, bis citatur in catena in Lucam in
cod. Vindobon. caesareo xlii., teste Lambecio comment, tom. iii. p. 166. not. 4. conf.
supra nr. 8. Harl".--" Fragmentum ex Eusebii opere deperd. Theophania Evang. e cod.
Coislin. Gött. 1740. 4". And again, p. 395, nr. 8, speaking of the work of our author
against Marcellus, he says: " Hos quinque Libros adversus Marcellum Labbeus putat innui ab
Hieronymo in Catalogo cap. 81. et Suida, quando inter Eusebii Scripta memorat libros
quinque περὶ θεοφανείας. Videtur enim hoc idem illi esse quod θεοφανείας. Sed id tamquam
incertum omitto, quum Hebed Jesu quoque in catalogo Librorum Chaldaicorum memorat Eusebii
librum de ortu divino"

4 The Catalogue of Hebed Jesu, here referred to, will be found in the Bibliotheca
Orientalis of Asseman, tom. iii. pt. 1, and the place in p. 18 of this: where, after
speaking of the Ecclesiastical History of our author, Hebed Jesu says, [Syriac], i. e. and
the Book on the Divine Manifestation. Asseman refers us, in a note, to Cave's Historia
Literaria, p. 95, where mention is made of this work of Eusebius, entitled περὶ
θεοφανείας, libri quinque; but Cave tells us nothing more about it, than that it is a work
not now extant. But the thing most worthy of remark here, is Asseman's referring us to
Cave at all; when, if the work had existed in the Library of the Vatican, he would, in all
probability, as he has done in many other places, have given us a detailed description of
it. It may be added that, although Asseman has given us very extensive lists, in this
work, of Syriac books deposited in the Vatican, he has never once spoken of this as being
there. And the same might be said, with respect to the present very learned librarian of
the Vatican, who has, in his erudite and laborious work entitled, "Scriptorum Veterum nova
Collectio," said much, and edited some works, of Eusebius, and even given several
fragments from our Theophania; yet he has nowhere informed us, that either the Greek text,
or the Syriac version, of this Work is to be found there. I may perhaps conclude
therefore, that it is not known to exist in that library.

5 The Citations as noted above in Fabricius, will be found in the following Work, pages
216, 321-2. The Fragment printed at Göttingen in 1740, also mentioned by him, will be
either reprinted or noticed hereafter in this Work, if it can be obtained before the last
sheet goes to press. It must be evident, I think, from what has now been said, that the
work of our author entitled the Ecclesiastical Theology, noticed above, could not be the
same with that entitled the Theophania, or Evangelical Theophania,--for by this latter
title is our Work designated in the Catena of Vienna:--while it must be equally certain,
that a work by Eusebius bearing the title assigned to it by Jerome, did exist in the
Syrian Church : and, as no reason can perhaps be assigned why the Syrians should forge
such a work, it is probable, that this is the very work so described by Jerome.

6 Again, from the fragments of this Work hitherto brought to our notice, (see the places
referred to above,) it seems sufficiently certain, that this is the work of Eusebius so
described by Jerome. I would add, let the reader also examine in the following pages, the
very many places marked as corresponding word for word, with several in the undoubted
productions of our author. In our Second Book, for example, a very considerable number of
the Sections or Paragraphs, are found to be identically the same with many occurring in
the "Oratio de laudibus Constantini:" while in our Fifth Book, the far greater part is
also found word for word in the " Demonstratio Evangelica;" not to insist on several
others, found either in the "Praeparatio Evangelica," the Ecclesiastical History, or some
other work of our author, as shewn in the Notes. There are also certain peculiarities in
the writings of Eusebius which may be mentioned here; they are these: It is customary with
him, though not constantly, to commence a subsequent book with the matter, and
occasionally with the words, which closed the preceding one. The close and commencement of
the First and Second, and of the Second and Third books, respectively, of the "Praeparatio
Evangelica" will supply examples of this; as will the corresponding ones of our following
Work, and more particularly those of the Fourth and Fifth.

7 To this may be added the Style of Eusebius, which is universally allowed to be any thing
but simple and obvious. His periods are often long, and his style both inverted and
involved. He seems moreover, to have been studious to avoid the language in common use,
and often to have be-iaken himself to that peculiar to the poets. This latter
consideration could not have affected our original text, which is only a translation;
while the former has, to a very considerable extent. For our Translator, anxious to shew
himself faithful in the discharge of this his duty, has so closely followed his original
by endeavouring to render it word for word, that his translation may occasionally be
considered as obscurity personified ; the Syriac very ill admitting of either inversion,
or involution, of style. Several instances of this sort,--to which many more might have
been added,--will be found in the Notes attached to the English Translation. Another
consideration is, his Platonic manner of speaking of the Deity as a self-existing Being,
and with reference to which, no other can be said (properly) to exist, of which we shall
speak more particularly a little farther on. His manner of speaking of the Son has too its
peculiarities; His being God of God, begotten of God, proceeding from the Father; hence
complete, and in all respects like Him; His having ever been, and still being, with, and
in, the Father ; extending Himself nevertheless throughout all things, and meekly lowering
Himself to converse with men, and the like ;

8 which will be more particularly noticed hereafter. His occasional allusions moreover to
the things passing under his own eyes, as the sufferings of the Martyrs (p. 50) ; the
state of the Church of Caesarea over which he presided, may all be considered, I think, as
genuine evidences that Eusebius was the author of this Work ; and to these may be added
his reasoning generally after the manner of Plato, and in many instances, his adopting the
terms used by that philosopher. 9 From these considerations, I think it must be
sufficiently evident, that our Work is a copy of the genuine Greek work of Eusebius, so
long lost.--But if not, let it be supposed for a moment that it is a forgery, and that
some Syrian was the author of it, who, the better to secure its reception, attached the
name of Eusebius to it. I would now ask, Where are we to look for the man, among the
writers of the Syrian Church, equal to this task ? Philoxenus of Mabug, and Jacob of
Edessa, had, no doubt, ability sufficient to compose a work on the same subject; but
neither of them, nor yet any other Syrian writer, of which I have any knowledge, had any
thing like the vigour and learning evinced in this. Much less likely is it, that in such
an attempt the Syriac language would have been subjected to the unnatural contortions and
involutions so visible in this Work, or that it would be found to have copied Eusebius
word for word, to the extent noticed above.

10 Nor is it in any degree probable, that such an imposition could ever have been
practised upon the learned of the Syrian Church. Besides, the original of the Theophania
must have been in existence when this Syriac work first made its appearance, and indeed
for a long time after; which would have effectually given the lie to any attempt of this
sort had it been made. And to this, its unquestioned reception in the Syrian Church,
affords full and sufficient testimony. Having then disposed of this question, let us now
approach our second, which is to give some account of the Manuscript from which our Work
has been taken. Sometime in the year 1839, the Rev. Henry Tattam of Bedford, who is an
excellent Coptic scholar, formed the resolution of visiting Egypt for the purpose of
procuring Coptic manuscripts, in order to complete, if possible, an edition of the Coptic
Scriptures. At the suggestion of his friends a subscription was set on foot, for the
purpose of assisting in defraying the expense of this undertaking, and this subscription
was headed by a contribution of £300. by government. Individuals contributed to a small
extent: and Mr. Tattam accordingly set out for Egypt. In a short time he returned, having
procured some good Coptic manuscripts, of which a list has been printed and circulated;
and also about 50 volumes of Syriac manuscripts, some of which were of an extreme age, and
very valuable.

11 These manuscripts Mr. Tattam sent to me, with the request that I would give him some
account of their contents ; and, at the same time, say what I thought their value might
be: which I did as soon as my other engagements would allow. It was in looking over these
manuscripts that I had the extreme pleasure of discovering that of which the following
Work is a translation. Knowing then, as I did, the extreme rarity of this Work; in other
words, that no other copy of it was known to exist, I requested Mr. Tattam to allow me to
take a copy of it before it should leave my hands, in order that the Work might not be
lost, whatever might happen to this MS. Mr. Tattam, with the disinterestedness for which
he is so remarkable, instantly gave his consent, allowing me moreover to retain the MS. as
long as I might want it: and, although he soon after disposed of the collection generally
to the trustees of the British Museum, he was so obliging as to make this stipulation,
that I should be allowed to retain this MS. as long as I might deem it necessary.

12 My first business now was, to make a correct copy of this very rare and valuable Codex,
as far as our work was concerned ; and I accordingly copied it out myself with all the
expedition I could command. Soon after I had done this, I applied to the Society lately
established in the Metropolis for printing Oriental Texts, requesting they would print it,
and thus multiply the copies, so as to ensure the safety and permanency of the work. To
this request the Committee of that society very graciously acceded. The work was
accordingly put to press, and printed by Mr. Richard Watts, a tradesman long and well
known for his ability in printing Oriental works generally. In his hands it had moreover
the advantage of being printed in a Syriac type, which was made some years ago under my
own inspection, for the purpose of printing a Syriac Bible for the use of the Syrian
churches in Malabar. I will add here, that during the passing of the sheets through the
press, I collated every one of them with the MS., so that I do trust the Syriac text, now
some time completed, will be found as neatly and correctly printed, as the greatest care
on the part of both the editor and printer could be expected to insure.

13 The MS. containing our Work, is very neatly written in the Estrangelo, or old Church-
hand-writing of the Syrians, on very fine and well prepared skin. It is of the size of
large quarto, each folio measuring about 14½ inches by 11½, and containing three columns
each of the width of 2¾ inches, as may be seen in the fac simile prefixed to this Work.
The exterior margins average 2½ inches in width, the interior 1¼; and the space between
the several columns is about 5/8 of an inch. The MS. contains 245 folios; 71 of the first
of which contain a Syriac translation of the Recognitions of St. Clement, as they are
called. The 83 next following, the work of Titus Bishop of Bostra, (or Bozrah) against the
Manicheans ; the next 76 folios contain our Work of Eusebius ; the next 14, Eusebius's
account of the Martyrs of Palestine, as published in the 8th book of his Ecclesiastical
History ; and the last folio, Encomiums on their excellencies, entitled, [syriac]. This
last work is incomplete, some leaves having been lost from the end of the MS., and on this
account the original date of the MS. has not come down to us in its close, as is usually
the case.

14 We have nevertheless on the reverse of the fourth folio, after the conclusion of our
Work, written on the outside margin of one of the folios of the Tract on the Martyrs of
Palestine, the following Inscription in a bold, but rather unsightly hand, and in the
common Peschito character ; [Syriac] See, my brethren, if the latter part of this ancient
book has been cut off, and has perished together with that (with) which its writer closed
and completed it ; it was thus written at its end, viz. that "This book was written in the
city of Edessa of Mesopotamia, by the hands of a man named Jacob, in the year seven
hundred and twenty and three, (and) was completed in the month of the latter Teshrin."
(February). And, just as that which was written there, I have also written here without
addition. And the things which are here, I wrote in the year 1398, in the (aera) of the
Greeks (i. e. the Seleucidae).

15 If then we are to take the first of these dates, as given in the aera of the
Seleucidae, and this Note as containing a true statement respecting the age of our MS., A.
D. 411 will be its date, and its age 1432 years ! The date of this Note is, we are told,
that of the Greeks (or Seleucidae), that is, A. D. 1398, corresponding to A.D. 1086, just
757 years ago, when, as its author tells us, this manuscript was such as to merit the
appellation of ancient! I was once inclined to think that our MS. could not be so old as
this first date made it, and that the year 723, must be that of our common aera; which
would give 1120 years for its age; and that this, both from the appearance of the MS., and
from some other considerations, was nearer the truth. Yet I must confess, as I have never
seen, or heard of, a Syriac MS. bearing a date in our common aera; and, as all Syriac MSS.
said to be written at Edessa, do,--as far as I know,--always bear dates according to the
aera of the Seleucidae; I do not see how this date can be given in our common aera.

16 As to the appearance of the MS., although it certainly is in very perfect and clean
condition, yet as the climate of Egypt, in which it has been kept probably for many
centuries, is extremely dry, it is by no means impossible that the fresh appearance of the
MS. is anything more than the nature of the case requires. There certainly are MSS. in the
same collection bearing a date, making them but little short of 1300 years old, and yet
appearing in quite as sound a state of preservation as this does, but which, as written on
skins of a description greatly inferor to this, do not present so clean and bright an
appearance. Asseman too, gives us an account of a Syriac MS. of a gospel, preserved in the
library of the Vatican, which was written in the year of our Lord 78 : and this he affirms
was, in his day,--about 100 years ago,--as plain and perfect as ever it was.

17 From this it should seem, that it is impossible to say how long a MS. written on good
skin and well preserved may endure; and consequently, how unsafe it is to pronounce
positively on the age of any MS., merely from its appearance. The colour of the ink must
in all such MSS. as Montfaucon and others have well remarked, necessarily have faded ; but
to what precise extent, it must, as before, remain undefined for many reasons. The ink in
our MS. is so faded though not, I think, to so great an extent as is observable in the
Beza MS. at Cambridge. But this might have been occasioned by the place, or manner, in
which that MS. was preserved, which was apparently less favourable than that of ours. This
question therefore, I am disposed to leave in the state of uncertainty, in which I found
it. I said, in my Preface to the Syriac edition of our Work, that the MS. from which it
was taken was, probably not less than a thousand years old. I was not then aware that a
date was to be found in it. I am not sorry however to find, that I had greatly underrated
its age, as this must be a good evidence to my readers, that I had no disposition to
exaggerate.

18 It may be suggested however, that this very early date might be that of the MS. from
which it, or some other prior to it, was copied: it being no uncommon thing with copyists
to transcribe, with MSS. which they copy, their dates also; so that a MS. of very modern
date, may, in its epi-graphe, carry with it one of the highest antiquity. To this I would
answer: If we are to ascribe any credit to the Note given above, this MS. must have been
considered an ancient one 757 years ago: and to such a MS. we cannot, perhaps, ascribe an
age less than 600 or 700 years: if we take the least of these, the age of our Codes will
be 1357 years: if the greatest, 1457 : while the date, actually ascribed to it by the
Note, makes it 1432 years old, just twenty-five years less than this last computation
would make.

19 There are however some considerations, which would at first sight seem to prove the
contrary, and which indeed operated forcibly on my mind in this way, when the very early
date given to our MS. first occurred to me: they are these: First, Eusebius died about
A.D. 340. If then our MS. was written A. D. 411, this must have happened 71 years only
after the death of the author of the original Greek work. We shall now have therefore 71,
or a few more years, for the period within which our Syriac translation was made, and, as
it appears to me, must have been copied out several times before our MS. could have been
written; which might seem too little. I see no reason however, why this Work of Eusebius,
--which must have been a popular one,--could not have been translated into Syriac very
soon after it was published : and if so, the Syriac version might have been copied out
times innumerable, before the date of our MS.

20 When the school of Edessa was first founded, I have not been able to discover. It is
certain however that it was, and had been, a considerable time in vigorous operation
before A. D. 411, the date assigned to our MS. Our Work might therefore have been
translated into the Syriac at Edessa, even during the lifetime of its author, or at least
early enough to have allowed of our MS. being copied there in A.D. 411, after innumerable
copies had been taken from the autograph of the translator, and from one another. But
there are, I think, better reasons for supposing that our translation was not made at
Edessa at this early period, but rather in Palestine. We are told by Asseman (l. c. p.
CMXXV.), that there were, both at Caesarea and at Scythopolis, (the Bethshan of the Old
Testament) in Palestine, schools of sacred literature; and that at Scythopolis the
business of interpreting from the Greek into the Syriac language, was vigorously carried
on; and, that to this fact our author himself has given his testimony: as also have both
Socrates and Sozomen the historians.

21 If this may be relied on, it is not improbable that our translation was made during the
lifetime of Eusebius, and it might be under his inspection, and that of Patrophilus who
was then Bishop of Scythopolis. And I think there are certain peculiarities of language in
it, tending to shew that it was not made at Edessa, which are these: We never find the
form of the feminine plural in verbs, as we constantly do in the works of Ephrem, Jacob of
Edessa, and other writers of that school. The pronoun of the first person plural is rather
of the Hebrew, than the Syriac, form. The pronominal forms, [Syriac], never occur in the
language of Edessa; nor does the adverbial [Syriac], nor the impersonal [Syriac], nor the
combination [Syriac] in the sense of immediately, nor the occasional redundancy, and even
defect, of the relative pronoun [Syriac] , as far as my knowledge goes: all of which will
be found marked in the Notes. I am therefore inclined to believe, that our translation was
not made at Edessa, but in Palestine.

22 The language of this translation,--allowing for the instances just mentioned,--appears
to me to be the purest Syriac, and such as might be well expected in a work of so ancient
a date. I have already remarked, that its order is very greatly inverted, and its
collocation involved, from its having been made servilely to follow the Greek original. Of
this any one will satisfy himself, by comparing any of its sections with the places
pointed out, as found in Greek, in some of the still existing works of Eusebius : which,--
although it has had the effect of giving me a great deal of trouble, as it will any reader
of the Syriac text,--is nevertheless a circumstance of infinite value in other respects;
and particularly, as it has preserved to our times a most exact copy of an original Greek
work of our author, which has, no doubt, been long ago lost.

23 There is another advantage arising from the circumstance of so much of this work's
being still found in the Greek of its author, which is this; we are hence enabled to judge
of the extent of Greek learning possessed by the translator. And this, I am induced to
believe, was very considerable. I have pointed out in my notes, some instances in which I
think he has erred; I am nevertheless bound to say, that I believe his translation to be,
upon the whole, quite as accurate as are the best translations hitherto published of the
Greek works of Eusebius. 24 It has been stated above, that our MS. is written neatly and
correctly for the most part, and in the ancient character termed Estranghelo. I have now
to say that it is entirely without vowel marks, and that the interpunctuation is
frequently such, as to supply nothing whatever towards a just conception of the
construction of the text. That the Syrians had a system of interpunctuation answering, in
some respects, to that afforded by the accents of the Hebrew Bible, I have no doubt; yet I
must say, that hitherto this has not been satisfactorily developed. Mr. Ewald has indeed
endeavoured to do this, in a work published at Gottingen in 1832, entitled "Abhandlungen
zur Orientalischen und Biblischen Literatur; in which, at p. 103 and following, he has
treated on the "accentuationssystem" of the Syrians according to some MSS. found in the
Royal Library at Paris; and this, I have no doubt, he has done with all good fidelity. Yet
I must say, the system made out by him, receives but very little countenance from any
ancient MS. hitherto seen by me. The older writers seem to have adopted a system much more
simple, and less encumbered with marks ; the more modern ones, particularly the Maronites,
--to whom we owe the interpunctuation of the greater Polyglotts,--appear to me to be the
real authors of his system. However this may be, all I have done in printing our Syriac
text has been, to follow the MS. as closely as I possibly could;

25 I say this, because cases occur in which it is scarcely possible to say, whether the
Copyist intended the point to stand on the line of the text, above it, or below it. Some
remarks will be found, in my notes, on the use of Ribbui, ( [Syriac] ) the mark commonly
attending the plural number in nouns, and occasionally in verbs, in which our MS. seems to
be singular. In this case too, I have rigidly adhered to the MS. 26 The rules, under which
I have proceeded in making my translation from the Syriac, are the following. As I
professed to undertake the office of a translator, and not of a commentator, I thought it
right to confine myself as closely to my original, as the nature of the case and my best
endeavours would enable me. If therefore, I have followed my original as closely as I
could, I trust I have not done this to such a degree, as to have made my English either
harsh, or difficult of apprehension. Where I found the Syriac greatly obscure, I generally
added a note, and referred to the Greek, if accessible. And, for the better understanding
of the mind of my author, I have occasionally pointed out parallel passages occurring in
the Fathers, who were either prior to him, and therefore probably imitated by him, as
Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch, Tatian, Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus, and others;
or, who succeeded him, particularly Theodoret, who was evidently a great imitator of him.
I have also cited such passages from the classical, and other writers, as my author either
referred to, or commented upon, as Herodotus, Thucydides, Diogenes Laer-tius, Plato,
Aristotle, Josephus and others; which cost me much time and trouble. I did not however
deem it necessary to make a collation of all, or of any, of the Greek or Latin Fathers for
this purpose:

27 all I have done, or intended to do, was, to mark down such coincidences as occurred
generally in my reading, during the time in which I was engaged in this work. Many other
similar passages might doubtless be found in the writings of the Fathers of the Church,
and particularly in Justin Martyr, Tatian, Tertullian, Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus,
Arnobius, Lactantius, Chrysostom, and Theodoret, which I leave to the greater industry and
time of others, who may choose to follow out the enquiry. Such illustrations and notes as
are given on the Syriac text, were intended for the use of students who may be induced to
read that work. I trust I have, in this way, provided a very useful Chresto-mathy for the
advancement of Syriac literature. 28 The divisions, i. e. the paragraphs, or sections,
which I have made in my text, both of the Syriac Edition, and of my English Translation,
are in all respects exactly what I found them in the MS. I have however added numerals for
the purpose of facilitating reference, either from the Syriac Text to my Translation, or
from either of these to the original Syriac Manuscript. I might indeed have made a more
equal distribution of these paragraphs or sections, but I thought it would be best, for
the reasons just now given, to abide by the old one. I thought too, that, if the original
Greek should be discovered hereafter, it might be as well not to alter this division of
the text,-- particularly as it is one of a very ancient date,--for the purpose of
affording the fullest opportunity for seeing what its ancient state was, and thence the
more easily to verify the identity of such work, should it indeed ever be found.

29 I will now add a few remarks on the Work itself, and as to the period at which it was
probably written. I think I may say, that the Work itself is worthy of the piety and
learning of the deservedly celebrated Father of Church History. As a brief exposition of
Christianity, particularly of its Divine authority, and amazing influence, it has perhaps
never been surpassed. The work of Theodoret, entitled "Graecarum affectionum curatio"
lately reprinted by Dr. Gaisford, is certainly more full on the particular points which it
was intended to illustrate: but then it owes much to the industry and learning of our
author, and is less comprehensive in its context. The Stromateis of Clemens of Alexandria,
and the "Civitas Dei" of Augustine, are perhaps more abundant on particular questions;
while the work of Clemens is less orderly, and both of these take a less extensive range
of inquiry, and are not so well adapted for general reading. When we consider the very
extensive range of enquiry occupied by our author, the great variety both of argument and
information which it contains, and the small space which it occupies; we cannot, I think,
avoid coming to the conclusion, that it is a very extraordinary work, and one which is as
suitable to our own times, as it was to those for which it was written. Its chief
excellency is, that it is argumentative, and that its arguments are well grounded, and
logically conducted.

30 If it once or twice appeals to the power of Christianity in inducing many to devote
their lives to a state of virginity, and to some other things quite unessential to vital
religion ; we should bear in mind, that this was the foible of his day, and that, of the
thousands who may be found both able and willing to deprecate and blame this, not so much
as one perhaps will to follow his virtues, or give any thing like such evidences of real
learning, and of Christian piety and zeal. 31 As to the period at which it was written, I
think it must have been, after the general peace restored to the Church by Constantine,
and before either the "Praeparatio," or the "Demonstratio Evangelica," was written. My
reason for the first of these suppositions is: Our author speaks repeatedly of the peace
restored to the Church; of Churches and Schools restored, or then built for the first time
: of the nourishing state of the Church of Caesarea; of the extended, and then
successfully extending, state of Christianity : all of which could not have been said
during the times of the last, and most severe persecution. My reasons for the second of
these suppositions are, the considerations that whatever portions of this Work are found,
either in the "Praeparatio," the "Demonstratio Evangelica," or the " Oratio de laudibus
Constantini," they there occur in no regular sequence of argument as they do in this Work:
especially in the latter, into which they have been carried evidently for the purpose of
lengthening out a speech. Besides, many of these places are amplified in these works,
particularly in the two former as remarked in my notes; which seems to suggest, that such
additions were made either to accommodate these to the new soil, into which they had been
so transplanted, or, to supply some new matter, which had suggested itself to our author.

32 And again, as both the "Praeparatio" and "Demonstratio Evangelica," are works which
must have required very considerable time to complete them, and which would even then be
unfit for general circulation ; it appears probable to me, that this more popular, and
more useful work, was first composed and published, and that the other two,--illustrating
as they generally do, some particular points only,--argued in order in our Work,-- were
reserved for the reading and occasional writing of our author during a considerable number
of years, as well for the satisfaction of his own mind, as for the general reading of the
learned. It appears probable to me therefore, that this was one of the first productions
of Eusebius, if not the first after the persecutions ceased. 33 Of the authors cited in
the following pages, I have not always had it in my power to quote either the latest or
the best Editions. In many cases I could consult those only which happened to be in my own
possession, not only because it is not always in my power to be within the precincts of
the University, and to avail myself of its Libraries; but also, even when there, its
Libraries are neither large nor rich in this respect. I have in some instances written the
proper names as I found them in my Syriac original, which I could hardly avoid, both as it
appeared to be my duty to represent this rather than any other exemplar, and also because
the nature of the passage occasionally required this.

34 If I have in any instance failed to seize the sense of my author, I can only say, by
way of defence, that I have done the best in my power to ensure accuracy in this respect.
I have spared no pains, and have thought no inquiry too great, to do justice to him.
Still, as Syriac Literature is but in a state of infancy among us, whether as it respects
the character of the Grammars, Dictionaries, Authors, or other helps of this sort; if I
have any where failed, I may perhaps hope for the indulgence which the nature of the case
requires: and nothing beyond this do I wish. In all such cases, I shall be most happy in
receiving suggestions which may improve my Work, and shall be as ready both to adopt
these, and to be thankful for them. Of the Work itself I may say, If it has cost me much
labour and research, and crowded upon me an increase of labour, depriving me in many
instances even of necessary relaxation and exercise; it has nevertheless brought with it
pleasures, which I shall ever remember with the greatest thankfulness. To have had the
privilege of restoring to the Christian Church, a Work of one of its brightest ornaments
as a Scholar and Theologian in the best of its days, is indeed an honour of which few can
boast: while the satisfaction of hoping, that it may be instrumental for ages to come, in
bringing many to the knowledge of the truth, is more than sufficient to repay any labour
which its restoration might have cost.

35 I have now to express my thanks to the Syndics of the University Press, for their
liberality in taking upon themselves the principal part of the expense incurred in
printing this Work ; and to add, that I hope this will not have been thrown away on the
present occasion. Note on the electronic text: The preface given above is then followed in
the book by 5 'Preliminary Dissertations', taking up pp.xxiv-clix: over 130 pages! These
are somewhat diffuse, but not without interest. They deal with topics such as Eusebius'
opinions on various theological issues, but I believe most people will not find them
interesting, and it would take more time than I have to spare to transcribe them. If
anyone really wants them and is prepared to share in the labour of proofing them, by all
means contact me. Otherwise I will save myself the labour. RP. [Selected Footnotes: some
were omitted which required transcribing Syriac but were of no interest to the non-Syriac
speaker]


CHRONICON
=========

CHRONICON Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

BOOK 1 TRANSLATED FROM ARMENIAN

1 Eusebius of Caesarea, Chronicle, Book 1 (2008) [Translated by Robert Bedrosian]

Eusebius' Chronicle

2 [1] I have perused diverse histories of the past which the Chaldeans and Assyrians have
recorded, which the Egyptians [g1] have written in detail, and which the Greeks have
narrated as accurately as possible. [These works] contain [information about] the times of
kings and Olympiads (which translates "athletes"), about the brave deeds which were
performed by barbarians and Greeks, by Aryans and non-Aryans [i.e., by peoples inside and
outside the Iranian cultural world], and about the marvelous accomplishments of their
generals, sages, braves, poets, storytellers, and philosophers. I thought it would be
appropriate to write down everything in brief, especially the beneficial and important
things, and further to put adjacent to [these accounts] the history of the Hebrew
patriarchs as revealed in the Bible. And thus we might establish how long [g2] before the
life-giving revelation [of Christ] Moses and the Hebrew prophets who succeeded him lived
and what they, filled with the divine spirit, said before [the time of Christ]. In this
fashion it might be possible to recognize easily when the braves of each nation appeared
[compared with] when the celebrated Hebrew prophets lived and, one by one, who all their
leaders were [g3].

3 Permit me, right at the outset, to caution everyone against [believing that] there can
be complete accuracy with respect to chronology. Indeed, we would benefit by contemplating
what that wise Teacher told his acquaintances: "It is not for you to know times or seasons
which the Father has fixed by his own authority" [Acts 1:7]. It seems to me that [Jesus],
as God and Lord, delivered this succinct verdict not solely regarding the end of the world
but about all times, in order to discourage those who would dare attempt such a futile
undertaking [g4]. Let us also, in our own words, confirm the accuracy of the Teacher's
dictum, for it is not possible to know unerringly the chronology of the entire world, not
from the Greeks, not from the barbarians, not from other [peoples], not even the from the
Hebrews. We would be pleased if just two points were taken from our words. First, do not
be deceived into believing, as others do, that chronology [always] can be precisely
determined. Second, despite this, to the extent that it is possible, use clarity to
recognize the nature of the investigation which confronts you, and then proceed
resolutely.

4 It should come as no surprise that the Greeks are absent [from recording information
about events in antiquity] for a long period, since [during that time] they corrupted
themselves with diverse forms of iniquities; moreover, for a long period, until Cadmus'
generation, they were entirely unlettered since, they say, it was Cadmus who first brought
them an alphabet from the land of the Phoenicians. Quite justly did that Egyptian reproach
Solon in Plato's book [Timaeus 22b] when he remarked: "Oh, Solon, you Greeks are always
[like] children [g5]. Nothing resembling an old man may be found amongst you. [And thus]
it is impossible to study ancient history from you." On the other hand, the Egyptians
relate many fabulous accounts [about ancient times], as do the Chaldeans, since they
reckon their literacy embraces more than 400,000 years. The Egyptians have written
extensively about [false] gods and their offspring, about ghosts and spirits of the dead,
and of other [mortal] kings, in fable-like, delirious ravings [g6].

5 [2] Why should I, who reveres truth above all, pore over this type of material in such
detail? [And why should I] who so loves the Hebrews point out, in the appropriate places,
where I have found inconsistencies [in their accounts]? [I have done it] to reprove the
boasting of vainglorious chronographers. I shall approach the task before me with writings
which have come down from the past. First I shall present a chronology of the Chaldeans,
then [I shall present a list of] the kings of the Assyrians, then the Medes, then the
Lydians, followed by the Persians. In the next section [I shall present] the entire
chronology of the Hebrews in order. [This will be followed by] a third section
[describing] the period of the Egyptian dynasties [g7] including the Ptolemids who reigned
after Alexander of Macedon in Egypt and Alexandria. Next, one by one, I will introduce the
beginnings of other [nations], how the Greeks tell their own history. First, [I will tell]
about those ruling in Sicyon then in the land of the Argives, then in the city of Athens
itself, from first to last, those in Lacadaemon, those in Corinth, and whoever else ruled
over any other part of the sea.

6 I shall add to this a description of the Olympiads, which the Greeks wrote. Once all
these [parts] have been set forth, I shall record, one by one, the first kings of the
Macedonians, and the Thessalonians, followed by the those of the Assyrians and Asiatics
who ruled after Alexander [g8]. Next, each topic in a separate segment, I will describe
those descendants of Aeneas who, after the capture of Ilium, ruled over the Latins later
called Romans; then the descendants of Romulus who built the city of Rome; then the
successors of Julius Caesar and Augustus who became emperors and the consuls who ruled in
the intervening years. I will convert all the material collected about all these folk into
chronological tables. Including, from the beginning, who from each nation ruled as king
and for how long, I will put these [facts] into separate [chronological tables] together
with the number of years involved. In this way, if we need to know who ruled and for how
long [that information] will be easily and quickly accessible. Furthermore, the valiant
deeds of each kingdom, which all nations have transmitted, I will place in summary form
within [my account] of [these] kingdoms.

7 However, that [material] will be in the second part of this work. But at present, in the
next section, let us examine what the Chaldeans' ancestors have related about [their own]
chronology [g9].

[3] How the Chaldeans chronicled [their past], from Alexander Polyhistor; about their
writings and their first kingdom.

8 Here is what Berosus related in Book One, and in Book Two what he wrote about the kings,
one by one. He mentions the period when Nabonassarus was king, but merely records the
kings' names not saying anything precise about their deeds, perhaps because he did not
consider that they had done anything worth recalling--beyond [g10] [providing] a list of
their names. This is how he begins. Apollodorus says that Alorus was the first Chaldean
king to rule in Babylon, reigning for 10 sars. A sar consists of 3,600 years, and this
[figure may be] broken down into [units called] ners and soses. He says that one ner is
600 years, while one sos is 60 years. This is how the [Chaldean] ancients reckoned
[periods of] years. Having stated this, he proceeds to enumerate the kings of the
Assyrians, one by one. There were 10 kings from the first king, Alorus, to Xisuthrus. He
says that during [the latter's] time the first great flood occurred, which Moses also
mentions. He states that the reign of those kings consisted of a total of 120 sars, making
a total [in our denomination] of 2043 [Arm. sxd] myriad years. He describes them one by
one thusly [g11].

9 He says that on the death of Alorus, his son, Alaparus, [ruled for] 3 sars; after
Alaparus, the Chaldean Almelon, from the city of Pautibiblon [? Bad-tibira], ruled for 13
sars; after Almelon, Ammenon, from the city of Pautibiblon, ruled for 12 sars. Now in his
day a creature called Idotion, having the [composite] shape of a man and a fish, emerged
from the Red Sea. After [Ammenon], Amegalarus, from the city of Pautibiblon, ruled for 18
sars, and after him, the shepherd Daonus, from the city of Pautibiblon, ruled for 10 sars
[g12]. In his day, once again there emerged from the Red Sea four hybrid beings (Arm.
yushkaparik) of the same man-fish type [as Idotion]. Then Edovanchus, from the city of
Pautibiblon, ruled for 18 sars. During his reign once again another sort of man-fish being
emerged from the Red Sea, called Odacon. He says that all of them [g13] were from Oannes,
[and] he concisely describes them, one by one. Then the Chaldean Amenpsinus, from [the
city of] Lanchara ruled. His reign lasted for 10 sars. Then the Chaldean Otiartes from
Lanchara ruled. His reign lasted 8 sars. Upon the death of Otiartus, his son Xisuthrus
ruled for 18 sars. The great deluge occurred in his time. Altogether [this makes] 10
monarchs [ruling for a total of] 100 and 20 sars. [This material] may be presented as
follows [g14]:

10 Alorus sars Alaparus sars Almelon sars Ammenon sars Amegalarus sars Daonus sars
Edovanchus sars Amempsinus sars Otiartes sars Xisuthrus sars This makes a total of 10
kings [ruling for] [g15] a total of 120 sars. And they say that 120 sars equal 2043 myriad
years, assuming that a sar consists of 3,600 years. Such are the figures related in
Alexander Polyhistor's book. And if a person regards this as accurate history, and accepts
as valid [reigns lasting] for such myriads of years, then [that person] would have to
believe other incredible material found in the same book. Howbeit, I will relate what that
same Berosus relates in the aforementioned historical romance, and will resume their
previous [thread] which [Alexander] Polyhistor has put in his own book. One after the
other he recounts these types of things [g16].

[4] More apocryphal Chaldean history [taken] from the same book of Alexander Polyhistor
about the Chaldeans.

11 In the first of [his] Babylonian books, Berosus claims that he lived in the time of
Philip's [son] Alexander, and that he wrote based on numerous books which were kept
carefully in Babylon [describing a period of] 215 [g17] myriad years, [such as]
chronologies, historical accounts, the Creator's making of Heaven and Earth and the Seas,
and [information] about kings and their deeds. First, he says, the country of the
Babylonians was established on the Tigris [River] and the Euphrates passed through it. The
country brings forth of its own accord wild wheat and barley, lentils, peas, and sesame;
and in the tranquil, swampy rivers a type of edible tuber is found which they call gongk'
(Arm. "turnip"), having the [same] virtue as barley bread. Also found there are dates and
apples as well as various other fruits. There are fish and birds, wild fowl and marsh
fowl. There are sections by the Arab areas devoid of water and fruit, while opposite the
Arabs' land are areas which are mountainous and fruit-bearing. In Babylon dwell a
multitude of foreign peoples from the Chaldean land [g19], and they live wantonly like
beasts and wild animals.

12 Now it happened that in the first year, in the confines of Babylonia, there emerged
from the Red Sea an awesome creature which was named Oannes. As Apollodorus relates in his
book, [this being] had the complete body of a fish. Yet by the fish's head was another
appropriate [human] head, and by the tail were [a pair of] human feet, and it could speak
human language [g20]. A picture/likeness of [Oannes] has been preserved to this day. He
further states that this creature kept company with humans during the day, completely
abstaining from any kind of food, instructing people in letters and the techniques of
different arts [including] city and temple [building], knowledge of laws, the nature of
weights and measures, how to collect seeds and fruits; indeed, he taught humankind
everything necessary for domestic life on earth. From that time on no one [individual] has
discovered more. Now when the sun went down, the Oannes creature once again returned to
the sea, remaining until morning in the vast expanse of the waters. Thus it lived the life
of an amphibian [g21]. Subsequently other similar creatures came forth, as the book of the
kings makes clear. Furthermore it is said that Oannes wrote about deeds and virtues,
giving humankind words and wisdom.

13 [5] There was a time, he says, when all was dark and water. And there were other sorts
of creatures [on the earth]. Half of them could reproduce themselves [asexually], while
there were others which procreated and bore humans with two wings, others with four wings
and two faces, with one body and two heads, male and female, and [others] having both male
and female natures [combined]. Other humans had the legs of goats, horns on their heads,
others had horses' hooves. Others had the rear half of a horse and the front half of a
human. Some had the hybrid [Arm. yushkaparik] appearance of a horse and a bull. Also born
[g22] were bulls with human heads, dogs with quadripartite bodies having the flippers of a
fish and a fish's tail sprouting from the hindquarters. [There were] horses with dogs'
heads as well as humans and other creatures with horses' heads and/or human forms and the
extremities of fish. In addition there were diverse sorts of dragon-shaped creatures,
hybrid fish, reptiles, snakes, and many types of astonishing creatures of differing
appearance. The pictures of each of them are preserved at the temple of Belus. All of them
were ruled over by a woman named Markaye' who was called T'aghatt'ay in Chaldean. The
Greek translation of T'aladday is "sea" [g23]. Now while all of these mixed [creatures]
were arising, Belus attacked. He cut the woman [i.e. the sea] in two, making half the sky
and the other half the earth, and he killed the creatures in it. Thus [information] about
the natural world is expressed in the form of an allegorical fable which means that
initially there existed only water and moisture and the creatures in it. Then that deity
cut off its head and another deity took the blood which dripped from it, mixed it with
soil, and created humankind. Thus they became wise and partook of the thoughts of the gods
[g24].

14 As regards Belus, which translates into Greek as Dios and into Armenian as Aramazd, he
split the darkness in two, separating heaven and earth from each other, and then smoothed
and fashioned the world. [Those] creatures which could not endure the strength of the
light perished. Then Belus looked at the world, [both] the desert [parts] and the fruitful
[parts], and gave an order to one of the gods to take [some of] the blood which was
dripping down from his own severed head and to mix it with soil and to create humans,
other animals, and beasts which could withstand this air. Belus also established [g25] the
sun, the moon, and the five wandering stars. According to [Alexander] Polyhistor, this is
what Berosus relates in his first volume. In the second volume he provides [information]
about the reigns of the ten kings individually, which we have already treated. [This
portion, from Oannes to Belus,] extends [the account back] more than 40 myriads.

15 [6] Surely if anyone regards as veracious the Chaldean [account encompassing] such a
huge number of years, then that person will also accept [as true] other parts of their
fallacious history. [The Chaldean account] simply defies reason and is apocryphal, no
matter how it is interpreted. [Even] if someone should accept [the account], then [g26]
that [individual] should not accept [the Chaldean] calculation of time without
examination. If, according to their chronology, there were [really] so many thousands of
years amassed, and if the successors of these [early] peoples [performed] their acts and
deeds over a similar extended period, and if only 10 kings could have lived for so many
myriads of years, who would believe that there might be any truth in such things and
fables? Now it is possible that the sars we cited [earlier] represented a shorter interval
of time than what others have assigned to them. For example, the ancestors of the
Egyptians spoke of a lunar cycle, that is, a month contained 30 days [g27], which they
referred to as a "year." Others referred to three-month periods as "hours." I am saying
that they styled seasons of the year and three-month intervals as "years." Consequently it
could be the same sort of thing when the Chaldeans spoke of sars.

16 Accordingly, [the Chaldeans] considered that there were just 10 generations [g28] from
Alorus whom they considered their first king until Xisuthrus. They relate that the great
Flood occurred in the latter's day. Furthermore Moses, in the Hebrew books, says that
there were 10 generations before the Flood, and each generation before the Flood is
described, one by one. The Hebrew history reckons 2000 years for those 10 generations.
Assyrian histories also detail the same number of generations as the writings of Moses do,
though not embracing the same amount of time, since they reckon the 10 generations lasting
for 120 sars, equaling 2043 myriad years. Now for those of you seeking the truth in this
matter [g29] it is simple to accept that Xisuthrus is the same [individual] as the man the
Hebrews call Noah, during whose lifetime the great [g30] Flood occurred. The book of
[Alexander] Polyhistor describes [the Flood] in the following manner.

[7] Alexander Polyhistor on the Flood, from the same book we just mentioned.

17 He says that upon the death of Otiartes, his son Xisuthrus ruled for 18 sars, during
which time the great Flood occurred. His text relates the details as follows. He says that
Chronos--who is called the father of Aramazd [Jupiter] and, by others, Time--came [to
Xisuthrus] in his sleep and revealed to him that on the 15th [g31] of the month of Desios,
which is the [Armenian] month of Marer [December/January], humankind would perish in a
flood. [Chronos] commanded that the entire book [of Oannes?]--the beginning, middle, and
ending--be taken and buried [for safety] at Heliopolis ("the city of the sun"), in Sippar.
[He also commanded him] to fashion a ship and to go inside it with his family [g32] and
closest friends, and to put inside [the ship] provisions and drink, animals, birds, and
quadrupeds, and to be completely ready to set sail. Then [Xisuthrus] inquired where he
should sail the ship, and [Chronos] replied that he should [just] pray to the gods [and]
that all would be well for humanity. And so [Xisuthrus] saw to building the ship which
[measured] 15 stadia in length and two stadia in width [g33].

18 After doing all that he was bidden, [Xisuthrus] entered the vessel with his wife,
children, and closest friends. Then the deluge came. As soon as it had receded, Xisuthrus
released some birds. However, when they were unable to find anything to eat or any place
to perch, he took them back on board. A few days later he again released some birds, and
they too returned to the ship, [but this time] their claws were covered with mud. Finally
he released them a third time, and this time they did not return to the ship. By this
Xisuthrus realized that the ground had become visible. He opened a side of the ship's deck
and observed that the boat had landed on some mountain. He emerged with his wife, a
daughter, and the [g34] navigator, and worshipped ("kissed the ground"). He fashioned an
altar and made sacrifice to the gods. And thereafter he and those who descended with him
from the ship did not appear to anyone. Those [people] who had remained on board and had
not emerged with Xisuthrus subsequently descended and sought for him, circulating around
shouting out his name. But Xisuthrus never again appeared to them. However [his] voice
came to them from the air and commanded [g35] that they should worship the gods, and that
he, because of his worship of the gods, had gone to dwell where the gods dwelled. His
wife, daughter, and the ship's pilot shared in this honor. He also ordered them to return
to Babylon, for so the gods had commanded, and to excavate and remove the manuscripts
buried at the city of Sippar and give them [back] to humanity. As for the place where they
emerged [from the ship], it was the land of the Armenians.

19 Now when [the people] heard all this, they offered sacrifices to the gods, and then
went to Babylon on foot. As for that ship which landed in Armenia, they say that to the
present a small portion of it [g36] remains in the Korduats' Mountains [RB: south of Lake
Van] in the land of the Armenians. Some [folk] scrape off the naphtha which had been used
as a sealant for the ship and make amulets from it to treat pain. Now [those who
disembarked] went and arrived at Babylon, excavated in Sippar city and removed
[manuscripts of] the book. Then they constructed numerous cities, erected temples to the
gods and renewed Babylon once more. Along with this story, [Alexander] Polyhistor tells
the following story of the building of the tower [of Babel], similar to the account
[found] in the writings of Moses, [almost] to the syllable [g37].

[8] Alexander Polyhistor on the building of the Tower

20 Sibyl states that the people were united and commenced building the lofty [g38] Tower,
in order to ascend to the heavens. But Almighty God stirred up a wind which destroyed the
Tower, and [God] divided each [of the participants] with distinct languages. It is for
this reason that the city was called Babylon. It was after the Flood that the Titan
Prometheus lived, and stirred up a war with Cronos. This is sufficient about the building
of the Tower. Polyhistor supplements this [topic] by adding that after the Flood [g39],
Evexius ruled over the Chaldeans for four ners. After him his son, Comosbelus, held
authority for four ners and five soses. Polyhistor counts a total of 86 monarchs from the
time of Xisuthrus and the Flood until the Medes captured Babylon, and he provides the name
of each one from Berosus' book. The total for all of them comes to three myriad, three
thousand and ninety-one [33,091] years. Now after these generations, one after the other,
suddenly the Medes massed troops against Babylon and took it, and set up tyrants of their
own [nationality] there.

21 Then he enumerates the names of the Median tyrants, 8 of them, ruling for 224 years.
Then 11 kings for ...years; then Chaldeans again, 49 kings for 458 years; then 9 Arab
kings for 245 years. After this period he writes that Shamiram [Semiramis] ruled the
Assyrians. Then he briefly lists [g40] the names of 45 monarchs, giving them a total of
526 years. He says that after them, the kingship of the Chaldeans was held by a man named
Phulus [Tiglath-Pileser III], also recalled in Hebrew history as Phulos. They say that he
came against the country of the Jews. Polyhistor relates that following [Phulus]
Sennacherib became king. He is mentioned by the Hebrew books as ruling during the time of
King Hezekiah and the prophet Isaiah. Scripture mentions in order that "In the fourteenth
year of King Hezikiah, Sennacherib king of Assyria came up against all the fortified
cities of Judah and took them" [2 Kings 18:13]. After this entire narration he continues
with [the information that] [Sennacherib's] son Asordan [Esarhaddon] ruled after him. Then
he proceeds to relate that in that period Hezikiah became sick. Continuing on, [g41] he
states that the king of the Babylonians, Merodach Baldan [Marduk II], sent messengers,
letters, and gifts to Hezekiah. This is what the Hebrew books say.

22 Now the historian of the Chaldeans mentions Sennacherib, his son Asordan, Marodach
Baghdan, and with them Nebuchadnezzar as our passage has done. Here is his description.

[9] From the same Alexander [Polyhistor] on the deeds and valor of Sennecherib and
Nebuchadnezzar.

23 After Sennacherib's brother ruled, then Akises reigned over the Babylonians. He barely
held power for 30 days, before he was slain by Maradoch Baladanus [g42]. The latter
forcibly ruled for six months until a certain Elibus killed him and seized power. Now
Sennacherib king of the Assyrians, in the third year of his reign, massed an army, went
against the Babylonians, fought them, and triumphed. He arrested [Elibus] and his
associates and had them taken to the country of the Assyrians. So [Sennacherib] dominated
the Babylonians. He then enthroned his son Asordanios, and he himself returned to the
country of the Assyrians. Now soon thereafter he received word that the Greeks had come to
the land of Cilicia to wage war. [Sennacherib] went there and deployed his troops, brigade
by brigade. He triumphed over the enemy, despite the fact that many of his own troops were
killed. As a memorial to his conquest, he had a statue of himself erected on the spot and
ordered that an account of his bravery and power be inscribed in the Chaldean language as
a memorial for the future. [Polyhistor] says that [Sennacherib] built the city of Tarsus
in the likeness of Babylon, and named it Tarsin. And he relates that after all his other
accomplishments he went on to rule for 19 years, until he died as a result of a plot
hatched by his own son, Ardamusanus. This is from Polyhistor.

24 The account chronologically is in harmony with what is [g43] written in Scripture.
According to Polyhistor, Sennacherib ruled during the period of Hezekiah for 18 years; his
son succeeded him for 8 years; Sammuges followed, for 21 years; followed by his brother,
for 21 years. Then Nabupalasar ruled for 20 years, followed by Nebuchadnezzar, for 43
years. From Sennacherib up to Nebuchadnezzar the regnal years total 88. If one examines
Hebrew writings, nearly the same [information] will be found. For following Hezekiah, his
son Manasseh ruled over the remaining Hebrews for 55 years. Then Amos [ruled] for 12
years, followed by Josiah, followed by Jehoiakim. At the beginning of the latter's reign,
Nebuchadnezzar came and besieged Jerusalem and took the Jews captive to Babylon. From
Hezekiah to Nebuchadnezzar there are 88 years, just as Polyhistor calculated from the
Chaldean sources. After [describing] all this, Polyhistor again turns to the works and
deeds of Sennacherib. The Hebrew sources also refer to his son[s]. And he records them one
by one. They say that the philosopher Pythagoras lived in this period, during their time.
Now following Sammuges, Sardanapallus ruled the Chaldeans for 21 years. He sent an
auxiliary army to the patriarch and lord of the Medes, Azhdahak, [g44] to secure one of
his daughters, Amuhean, as a wife for his son Nebuchadnezzar. Then Nebuchadnezzar ruled
for 43 years. He massed troops and came and took captive the Jews, Phoenicians, and
Assyrians. Since the Hebrew sources are in harmony with Polyhistor here, there is no need
to elaborate.

25 Following Nebuchadnezzar, his son Amilmarudochus ruled for 12 years. In Hebrew history
he is called Ilmaroduchus. After him, Polyhistor says, Neglisarus ruled the Chaldeans for
4 years, followed by Nabodenus for 17 years. It was during his reign that Cambyses' son,
Cyrus, massed troops and came against the country of the Babylonians. Nabodenus resisted,
was defeated, and took to flight. Cyrus ruled Babylon for 9 years. However, he died in
another battle, in the plain of Daas. Subsequently Cambyses [II] ruled for 8 years,
followed by Darius for 36 years, followed by Xerxes and other Persian kings. Berosus
described the Chaldean kings briefly one by one, and so does Polyhistor. Now it is quite
clear that from the time when Nebuchadnezzar massed troops and took the Jews captive until
the time of Cyrus' rule over the Persians, 70 years had transpired. Hebrew history also
confirms this, considering that they had been in captivity for 70 years, reckoning [that
event] from the first year of Nebuchadnezzar until the time of Cyrus, king of the Persians
[g45].

26 Abydenus' Chaldean history confirms this. In agreement with Polyhistor, he relates it
as follows.

[10] Abydenus on the first Chaldean kings.

27 So much for an account of Chaldean wisdom. Now it is said that Alorus was the first to
rule over the land of the Chaldeans as king [g46]. He claimed that the most provident Lord
had designated him as shepherd of [his] people, and he ruled for 10 sars. A sar is 3,600
years, a ner is 600 years, and a sos is 60 years. Alaparus ruled after him, followed by
Almelon from the city of Pautibiblon. During his reign the second Anidostus emerged from
the sea. [He was a being] like Oannes, who had the appearance of a semi-divine hero.
[Almelon] was followed by Ammenon, then by Amegazarus. Next the shepherd was Daonus.
During his reign, four amphibious beings came on land, emerging from the sea: Iovdocos,
E'newgamos, E'newboghos, and Amenentos [g47]. Anodap'os [, another sea-creature, appeared]
during the reign of Edorescho who ruled after [Daonus]. Other [kings] ruled after him,
until Xisuthrus. These are also recalled by Polyhistor. Now here is what [Abydenus] wrote
about the Flood.

Abydenus on the Flood.

28 After him others ruled, including Xisuthrus. It was to him that Cronos gave advance
warning about a great deluge [g48] of rain [which would begin] on the 15th of the month of
Desios, which is [the Armenian month of] Marer. [Cronos] ordered that all books in the
city of Heliopolis, in Sippar, be concealed [i.e. protected]. Xisuthrus did all this, and
wanted to set sail for Armenia, when suddenly [the prophesy] of the god was realized on
the sailors. On the third day, after the rain had decreased, Xisuthrus released some of
the birds to determine whether land could be found in the midst of so much water. Now [the
birds] flew off [g49] over the limitless expanse of sea but, not finding any perch,
returned to Xisuthrus. [The latter] waited another three days and then released [some
birds] again. [This time] they returned with mud sticking to their claws. Soon the gods
removed [Xisuthrus] from the sight of humankind. The ship continued on and stopped in the
land of the Armenians. The inhabitants of that land were rewarded with a useful medicine
made from the wood [of the ship].

29 Now it seems to me that it should be evident to everyone that what Abydenus writes
about the Flood is confirmed by Hebrew history. Nor is it surprising if Greek and Chaldean
writers call Noah Xisuthrus or another name, or if they use their customary "gods" instead
of God, or if they are silent about the doves, replacing them with "birds" [g50]. Such is
Abydenus' account of the Flood [based on] Chaldean history. He also presents the following
account of the building of the Tower, which supports the Mosaic narrative. It is said that
people in early times had become so enamoured of their own power and size, that they even
mocked the gods and wrought foolishness. They began [g51] to construct an enormous tower
in the place now called Babylon. When they neared the gods in heaven, the winds aided the
gods by blowing and causing that gigantic, artful structure to collapse. The ruins were
called Babylon. [If] until that time, [everyone] spoke the same language, [afterwards] the
gods introduced many different languages among the multitudes [g52]. After this Cronos and
the Titans engaged each other in warfare. [Abydenus] also recalls Sennacherib in the
following manner.

[11] Abydenus on Sennacherib.

30 In this period Sennacherib became the 25th to rule [over the Assyrians]. He conquered
and subdued Babylon under his control, defeated the Greek naval fleet off the coast of
Cilicia, and constructed a temple of the Athenians erecting [there] a bronze monument and
inscribing on it [an account] of his valor. In addition, [Sennecharib] built Tarsus in
accordance with the style and plan of Babylon, for the Cydnus River flows through Tarsus,
just as the Euphrates flows through Babylon. After [Sennacherib] Nergilus became king, but
he was slain by his son Adramelus. The latter was slain by his brother Axerdis, who shared
the same father but not the same mother. He pursued troops to the city of Byzantium and
entered it. [Axerdis] was the first to muster mercenary troops, one of whom was [g53]
Pythagoras, who became a student of Chaldean wisdom. Axerdis conquered Egypt and parts of
inner Syria. He was succeeded by Sardanapallus.

31 Saracus was the next king of Assyria. Now when he learned that a motley force had
attacked by sea, he immediately sent [his] general Busalossorus to Babylon. [This
general], however, plotted rebellion and sought the marriage of Amuhean, daughter of
Azhdahak [Astyages], the patriarch of the Medes, to his son, Nebuchadnezzar. Then he
swiftly went against Ninea, that is, the city of Nineveh. King Saracus was informed of all
this and set fire to the palace [killing himself and] whoever was inside it. Then
Nebuchadnezzar took the reigns of kingship, and surrounded Babylon with a secure wall.
After relating this [material], Abydenus provides an account of Nebuchadnezzar, which
coincides with [what is found in] Hebrew writings [g54].

Abydenus on Nebuchadnezzar.

32 Now when Nebuchadnezzar took power, he built a wall and triple ramparts around Babylon
in the space of about 15 days. He then conducted the Armakalen River [away] from the
Euphrates and dug a reservoir on the highland above the city of Sippar which was 40
leagues (hrasax) around and 20 fathoms (girk) deep. And he constructed gates which could
open and always irrigate the plain. These gates were called E'k'e'tognomonas, to promote
[g55] support and enthusiasm for himself. He also built a wall on the shore of the Red Sea
[to protect it] from the pounding waves. He built the city of Terendos at the entrance to
the Arabs' land. He also decorated the royal court by planting sapling trees, calling this
the Hanging Garden. [Abydenus] presents a detailed description of this so-called Hanging
Garden. The Greeks, he says, regarded [the Hanging Garden] as [one] of the seven wonders
of the world.

33 In another place the same author has this to say [g56]. In the beginning, he says,
everything was water and it was called the sea. Then Belus lowered [? the waters] and
distributed the lands to each [nation]. He fortified Babylon by surrounding it with walls,
but after the passage of a long time, [the walls] weakened. So Nebuchadnezzar rebuilt
them, and they endured until the time of the rule of the Macedonians, together with their
bronze gates. Everything that Abydenus relates is confirmed by what Daniel says. [The book
of Daniel, 4:30] describes how Nebuchadnezzar boasted inordinately: "Is not this great
Babylon [g57], which I have built by my mighty power as a royal residence and for the
glory of my majesty?" This is how Nebuchadnezzar spoke in [the book of] the prophet
Daniel, since he regarded his power as proof of his goodness. Now listen to what Abydenus
says [about Nebuchadnezzar] being stronger than Heracles. Here is his account.

34 Megasthenes says that [g58] Nebuchadnezzar, who was stronger than Heracles, levied
troops and went to Libya and Iberia, which he conquered. He took and settled some of them
on the fore part of the Black Sea coast. He subsequently relates from the Chaldeans'
[accounts] that when he had returned to the royal court, some deity took control of his
mind and spoke [through him] in this manner: "Oh brave Babylonians, I, Nebuchadnezzar, I
predict that grief [g59] will befall you." He continues on in this vein for a while and
then the historian [tells us] that after this eloquent speech he suddenly disappeared from
sight. Then [Nebuchadnezzar's] son, Amilmardochus, ruled. The latter was slain by his son-
in-law, Niglissarus. [Amilmardochus] left a son named Labossoracus, who also met with a
violent [g60] end. Then Nabonedochus was invited to take the throne, although it was
certainly not his [by right]. When Cyrus captured Babylon, he granted [Nabonedochus] the
marzpanate of the land of Carmania. King Darius partly expelled him from that land. All
this coincides with Hebrew accounts.

35 For Daniel, in his account of Nebuchadnezzar, relates how he declined mentally. There
is really nothing peculiar about the fact that the Greeks or Chaldeans disguised his
madness by saying that the gods or a demon (Arm. dew) entered his body and took it over.
It is their custom to claim that such things are caused by gods whom they call demons. All
this is [from] Abydenus [g61]. Similarly Flavius Josephus, the Jewish author of
Antiquities provides the following confirmation of this [g61] [RB: the passage is in
Against Apion Book I, 19-21].

[12] From Josephus' Antiquities about Nebuchadnezzar

36 He says: I will now describe what is written and narrated about us in the Chaldean
histories one by one. These [accounts] have much in common with our own [Hebrew] writings.
Berosus will attest to these [remarks]. He was a Chaldean by nationality and known to
everyone interested in learning and wisdom, because he put into the Greek language books
on [g62] Chaldean astrology and learning. Berosus in his book of early times is in
agreement with Moses' account of the flood and the extermination of humankind because of
its corruption, and about the ark in which Noah, the forefather of our people, was spared,
and [about how the ark] rested on the summit of the mountains in the land of the
Armenians. One by one [Berosus] describes these folk and their times, from Noah to
Nabopolassar, who was king of the Babylon and the Chaldeans. After describing [the
latter's] acts and brave deeds, [Berosus] relates how [Nabopolassar] sent [g63] his son
Nebuchadnezzar to the country of the Egyptians and to our land with an enormous army,
since he had been informed that the inhabitants of the land had rebelled. [Nebuchadnezzar]
arrived and subdued everyone, burned and ruined the Temple in Jerusalem and deported all
of our people, settling them in the country of the Babylonians. Seventy years passed from
this catastrophe--the destruction of the city and the Temple--until the time of the
Persian king Cyrus the First. [Berosus] says that [Cyrus] ruled over the Babylonians, the
land of the Egyptians, the Syrians, Phoenicians, and Arabs surpassing in valor and bravery
all those who preceded him as kings of the Chaldeans and Babylonians. Here is how Berosus
described it.

37 Nebuchadnezzar's father Nabopolassar learned [g64] that the satrap whom he had set over
the lords of the land of the Egyptians, the regions of the Syrians and the Phoenician
districts had rebelled from him. Now because he himself was not able to supress [the
rebellion], he put part of the troops he had assembled under the control of his son,
Nebuchadnezzar, who had reached maturity [g65], and dispatched them. Nebuchadnezzar went
and defeated the rebel in battle, and then subdued the land as before. Now it happened
that his father Nabopolassar had become ill in Babylon and had died, after a reign of 21
years. 38 [13] When, after a long while, Nebuchadnezzar was informed of his father's death
[g66], he settled and arranged affairs in the country of the Egyptians and in other lands.
He entrusted the captives, Jews, Phoenicians, Syrians, and Egyptians, to some of his
friends and ordered them to procede to Babylon with the heavily-armed troops. Meanwhile he
himself [quickly] reached [the city] and found that his kingdom had been preserved by a
certain one of the nobles. And so, [Nebuchadnezzar] ruled over his entire patrimonial
state. He ordered that the captives be settled in goodly locales in the land of the
Babylonians. Then he took booty from the war and adorned the temples of Bel and the other
gods [g67] with great abundance. He increased [the flow of] water to the city proper and
to the suburbs and secured the place so that no besieger would be able to divert the river
into the city. He added three walls to the exterior of the city, in addition to the three
walls on the inside of the city building half of baked brick and bitumen and half solely
of brick. After enclosing the city with magnificent walls and splendidly decorating its
gates, he constructed yet another palace near his father's palace [g68] whose size,
beauty, and adornment one can hardly describe. Suffice it to say that it was a splendidly
rare accomplishment, completely finished in fifteen days.

39 The palace had a lofty turreted portion at the summit, constructed in such a manner as
to resemble mountains and planted with a great variety of trees. This was named the
Hanging Garden and it was created to satisfy the longing of his wife for the airy
mountainous places where she was [g69] raised, in the high mountains of Media. This is
what [Berosus] says about the king. He says a great deal more in the third book of his
Chaldean History. There he lambasts Greek writers for vainly believing that Babylon was
built by [Queen] Semiramis (Shamiram) and for attributing all the glorious wonders there
to her. 40 One must accept this account from the Chaldean History as trustworthy. There is
additional confirmation from Phoenician archival material which details [events from the
reign of] this Babylonian king. For [Nebuchadnezzar] conquered Syria and all Phoenicia.
The History of Philostratus supports this also where it describes the siege of Tyre.
[Confirmation is also found] in the fourth volume of Megasthenes' History of the Indians,
where he wants to demonstrate that the aforementioned king of the Babylonians surpassed
[g70] Heracles in valor and bravery, for he mentions that [Nebuchadnezzar] conquered the
greater part of Libya and Iberia. We mentioned earlier that the Temple in Jerusalem had
been set afire by the Babylonian troops sent against [the city]. When Cyrus took the
kingship of Asia, a start was made at rebuilding [the Temple]. Confirmation of this is
found in the writings of Berosus, for in the third book of [his History] he writes as
follows.

41 Nebuchadnezzar fell ill and died after beginning the construction of the aforementioned
wall. He had reigned for 43 years. His son Amel-Marduk took the kingship, but he governed
in a corrupt and impious manner [g71]. He was murdered by his sister's husband,
Neriglissar, after ruling for two years. Then that Neriglissar, who had committed the
murder, held power for four years. The latter's son Labesorachus ruled as a child for nine
months. However, he suffered a violent death at the hands of relatives because of his
wicked behavior. After his murder, the conspirators assembled and by general agreement
placed a certain Babylonian named Nabonidus on the throne. He had been a participant in
the conspiracy. [14] It was during [Nabonidus'] reign that the walls of Babylon by the
river were constructed of baked brick and bitumen. Now in the 17th year of his reign,
Cyrus [g72] came from Persia with an enormous army with which he conquered all the other
kingdoms. Then he turned upon Babylon. When Nabonidus was informed about his invasion, he
resisted him in battle with his troops. Defeated in battle, [Nabonidus] took to flight and
then fortified himself in the city of Borsippa with a few of his followers.

42 After Cyrus had taken Babylon, he ordered that the city's outer wall be razed to the
ground because of its [effective] fortification and the trouble it had presented [to him]
in capturing the city. Then he went to besiege Nabonidus in Borsippa. Nabonidus
surrendered right away since he could not endure a siege. Cyrus was merciful toward him
and settled him in the land of Carmania [g73]. Thus Nabonidus was removed from Babylon and
sent there, where he spent the remainder of his life, and died. This is all true and in
accord with our literature, which states that in the 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar our
temple was destroyed, and remained ruined for 50 years. In the second year of the kingship
of Cyrus the foundations were laid and in the sixth year of Darius' reign it was
completed. I will now add to this the Phoenician records, for it will not be superfluous
to add further supporting proofs. The following [citations] are for chronology.
Nebuchadnezzar [g74] besieged Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal, their king;
after him reigned Baal, ten years; after him these judges were appointed: Ecnibalus, the
son of Baslacus, two months; Chelbes, the son of Abdeus, ten months; Abbar, the high
priest, three months; Sipunostus and Gerastratus, the sons of Abdelemus, were judges six
years; after whom Balatorus reigned one year; after his death they sent and fetched
Merbalus from Babylon, who reigned four years; after his death they sent for his brother
Hirom, who reigned twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus the Persian flourished.

43 So that the whole interval is fifty-four years besides three months; for in the seventh
year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar he began to besiege Tyre, and Cyrus the Persian took
the kingdom in the [g75] fourteenth year of Hirom. So that the records of the Chaldeans
and Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple. The above is what Josephus has
related. Abydenus, after providing this account of the Chaldean kings, which is similar to
[Alexander] Polyhistor's [account] then separately describes the Assyrian kings, one by
one, as follows.

[15] Abydenus on the Assyrian Kingdom.

44 Here is the way the Chaldeans describe the kings of their land, from Alorus to [g76]
Alexander. There is no special attention given to Ninus or Semiramis. So saying,
[Abydenus] begins [g77] his account. He says that [the kings of the Assyrians] were Ninus,
son of Arbelus, son of Chaalus, son of Arbelus, son of Anebus, son of Babus, son of the
Assyrian king Belus [g78]. Then [Abydenus] describes [the rulers] one by one, from Ninus
and Semiramis to Sardanapallus, who was the last of them. From the latter until the first
[g79] Olympiad 67 years elapsed. Abydenus wrote about each of the Assyrian kings, one by
one [g80] in this fashion. He is not the sole [author to write about them]. Castor, too,
in the summary of his first Chronology describes the Assyrian kings in the same manner to
the refuge of Solomon.

From the Summary of Castor, on the kingdom of the Assyrians.

45 [Castor] says: "Belus was the king of the Assyrians. During his reign [g81], the
Cyclopes, using thunder and lightning, fought on Zeus' side in the battle Zeus (Aramazd)
fought against the Titans. The kings of the Titans were known at this time, one of them
being Ogygus. [Castor], after some brief words about him, states that the giants attacked
the gods and were defeated after Heracles and Dionysius--who were descended from the
Titans--came to the aid of the gods. Belus, about whom we spoke earlier, died and was
regarded as a god. After him Ninus ruled the Assyrians as king for 52 years. He married
Semiramis. After [Ninus], Semiramis was the monarch for 42 years. Then Zames, also called
Ninyas, ruled. Then [Castor continues] to mention each of the successive kings of the
Assyrians to Sardanapallus. Shortly we too will provide a list of the names and regnal
years of the monarchs. [Castor], in his Canons, also writes about who succeeded them [i.e.
the rulers after Sardanapallus].

46 [Castor states:] First we described the kings of the Assyrians starting with Belus, but
since the length of [g82] his reign has not been passed down with certainty, we have
merely recorded his name. We have begun the chronology with Ninus and ended it with the
other Ninus who held the kingship after Sardanapallus. In this fashion the entire duration
[of the kingdom] may be shown clearly, as well as each individual king's [reign]. Thus it
turns out that the [total] duration [of the Assyrian kingdom] was 1,280 years. This is
Castor's [account]. Diodorus Siculus collected the same [material] in his Library. Here is
what he wrote.

[16] From Diodorus' work on the kingdom of the Assyrians.

47 No testimony of the first kings of the Asian world [g83] has survived--neither about
their deeds nor [even] their names. Ninus was the first king of the Assyrians found to be
worthy of historical remembrance. [Ninus]' deeds and valor were great, and we shall
endeavor to describe them briefly. And [Diodorus] informs after narrating other things,
that Ninus had a son Ninyas from Semiramis, and that after [Ninus]' death, Semiramis
buried Ninus' body in the palace [out of sight] and stopped being queen [ruling instead as
king]. Then after a bit [Diodorus] says that Semiramis ruled over all the Asians except
the Indians. She died as we previously stated after living 62 years and [g84] reigning for
42 years. Separately [Castor] says that after [Semiramis'] death, Ninyas, son of Ninus and
Semiramis assumed power. He maintained peace, not emulating his mother's martial and
industrious manner. Again, further on, [Diodorus] says that in such a fashion royal power
was handed down from father to son, from generation to generation until [g85]
Sardanapallus. During his reign royal power passed from the Assyrians to the Medes, after
lasting more than 1,300 years as Ctesias of Cnidus observes in his second book. But [these
authors] did not bother to record the names of these kings or the lengths of their reigns,
since they accomplished nothing worthy of recall. The only event meriting recording
[during this interval] was the [military] assistance sent to the Trojans by the Assyrians
under general Memnon, Tithonus' son [g86].

48 While Teutamus--the 26th king from Semiramis' son, Ninyas--was the reigning king of the
Asian world the Greeks, under Agamemnon, mustered troops and went to the land of the
Trojans to fight. By this time the Assyrians had ruled over Asia for more than a thousand
years. Priam, king of Troy, in difficulty because of the war, beseechingly requested [g87]
military aid from the Assyrian king. [Teutamus acceded] and provided [Priam] with 10,000
[troops] from the land of the Ethiopians, an equal number from the Nusians, and two
hundred chariots, [all] under [the command of] Tithonus' son Memnon. [Diodorus] further
states that the barbarians said that Memnon had performed such feats of bravery that they
were recorded in the royal books. Sardanapallus, the 35th king from Ninus who [g88]
organized the state, became the final king of the Assyrians. He surpassed all his
predecessors in luxurious living and laziness. After a bit [Diodorus] informs that
[Sardanapallus] was so dissolute that not only did he ruin his own life, but he wreaked
the entire Assyrian state which had endured from time immemorial. Now it happened that
there was a certain Arbaces of Median nationality, a virtuous stout-hearted man who was a
general of the Medes who were sent each year to Ninus' city. In the course of his military
duties, he became friendly with the commander-in-chief of the Median army, who beseeched
him to overthrow the Assyrian government. This is what Diodorus relates in book two of the
Historical Library. Cephalion also mentions Assyrian rule. Here is what he says [g89].

[17] The historian Cephalion on the Assyrian kingdom.

49 Let me begin by writing about what others too have written. First Hellanicus [g90] of
Lesbos and Ctesias of Cnidus, followed by Herodotus of Halicarnassus [have written about
the Assyrians]. The first of the Assyrians to rule over the Asians was Belus' son, Ninus.
During his reign many valorous deeds were done. Then he continues to discuss the birth of
Semiramis, Zoroaster the Mage, war with the king of the Bactrians and the military defeat
by Semiramis. Ninus' reign lasted for 52 years, and then he died. After him [g91]
Semiramis ruled. It was she who built the walls around Babylon in the manner described by
many [writers such as] Ctesias, Zenon, Herodotus and others after him. Then he describes
how Semiramis mustered troops [and went] against India, her defeat and flight; how she
killed her own sons and then was killed by her son Ninyas, after a reign of 42 years. Then
Ninyas assumed power. Cephalion says that he did nothing worthy of recall. Then he and
others describe how for a thousand years power passed from father to son with none of them
[g92] ruling for less than 20 years. Disliking warfare and strife they were effeminate,
carefully keeping themselves fortified indoors, doing nothing, and seeing no one except
their concubines or effeminate men. It seems to me that Ctesias records the names of some
23 of these kings, should someone want to know about them in more detail. But what
pleasure or satisfaction would it bring to record the barbaric names [g93] of despicable,
weak savages who displayed neither valor nor brave deeds?

50 [Cephalion] says next that 640 years later, Belimus ruled over the Assyrians. Perseus,
[son] of Danae arrived in his land with 100 ships. He was escaping from Semele's son,
Dionysius. After describing the defeat of Perseus by Dionysius, [Cephalion] says that in
later times, when Pannyas [g94] ruled over the Assyrians, the fleet of the Argonauts
sailed up the Phasis River to Mende' in Colchis. Hercules had [previously] left the ship
out of his desire and longing for Hylas. As they say, he wandered about seeking [Hylas] in
Cappadocia. Furthermore [Cephalion] says that 1000 years had elapsed from Semiramis to
King Mitraeus. If one computes it, [the story of Medea and the period of King Mitreus]
join up. [It was then] that Medea left King Aegeus [?Aeetes] of Colchis out of lust [for
Jason]. Her son was Medus, whence Media, that is the [Armenian term] Mark' ("Medes").
Moreover that land is called Media, [g95] which is Marastan [in Armenian]. [Cephalion]
says that Teutamus succeeded Mitraeus. The former also lived according to the customs and
laws of the Assyrians. Nothing new occurred during his reign.

51 Agamemnon and Menelaeus, the Mycenaeans, mustered troops with the Argives and went
against the city of Ilium while Priam was general of Phrygia. He said: "The Greek troops
[g96] which have come against me have reached your own land. We have engaged them in
battle, sometimes winning, sometimes losing. But now, behold, my own son Hector has died
among many other brave sons. Send us auxiliary troops under a courageous general."
[Cephalion] then describes in detail how Teutamus sent assistance to him under the
generalship of Memnon, Tithonus' son. However, the Thessalians (T'eghaghats'ik)
treacherously killed him. In another passage [Cephalion] says that Sardanapallus became
king of the Assyrians in the 1,013 th year; and then he describes his destruction. After
the death of Sardanapallus, (V)Arbaces the Mede, destroyed the power of the Assyrians and
transferred rule to the Medes. All this is related by Cephalion. Here is a list of the
Assyrian kings, based on the most trustworthy writings [g97].

[18] Kings of the Assyrians.

52 Ninus years They say that he was the first king to reign over all the Asians, except
the Indians. Abraham, patriarch of the Hebrew people, lived during his time. Semiramis
years Zhames, also called Ninyas years Arius years Aralius, also called Amyrus years
Xerxes, also called Balaeus years Armamithres years Belochus years Balaeas years Aladas
years Mamithus years Machchalaeus years Sphaerus years Mamilus years Sparethus years
Ascatades years Moses, the law-giver of the Jews, lived during his reign. Amintas years
Belochus years His daughter Tratre's, who was also [g98] called Ak'urartist, ruled in her
own stead for 17 years. Dionysius and Perseus lived in this period. Balatores years
Lamprides years Sosmares years Lampares years Pannias years During his reign the fleet of
the Argonauts and Heracles appeared. Sosarmus years Mithraeus years Teutamus years During
his reign Ilium was captured. Teutaeus years Theneus years Derusus years Eupalmes years
During his reign David, the prominent king of the Hebrews, lived. It was his son [g99]
Solomon who built the temple in Jerusalem.

53 Laosthenes years Peritiades years Ophrataeus years Ophatanes years Acrazanes years
Sardanapallus years During his reign Lycurgus made laws for the Lacedaemonians. The kings
of the Assyrians were the rulers until this period, when Thespieus, Ariphron's son, was
king of the Athenians. According to reliable sources, the entire empire of the Assyrians
lasted for 1,240 years. Others say that it lasted for 1,300 years. Thonnus Concolerus, who
is called Sardanapallus in Greek, was defeated by Arbaces and Belesius and committed
suicide by fire. From [Sardanapallus] until the first Olympiad, 40 years elapsed. Once
Arbaces had destroyed Assyrian rule, he designated Belesius as king of the Babylonians.
[Arbaces] himself transferred the authority of the Assyrians to the Medes. Here is [a
table of] their [kings'] reigns [g100].

[19] Kings of the Medes.

54 Arbaces (Varbak) years Maudaces years Sosarmus years Articas years Deioces years
Phraortes years Ciaxares years Astyages (Azhdahak) years [g101]. During his reign Cyrus
the Persian ruled as king. He deposed Astyages and destroyed the rule of the Medes, which
had lasted 298 years. Other books, however, record the [list of] Median kings differently
[g102].

[20] Kings of the Lydians.

55 Ardys, son of Alyattes years Alyattes years Meles years Candaules years Gyges years
Ardys years Sadyattes years Odyartes years Croesus years Cyrus killed Croesus and
eliminated the Lydian empire [g103].

[21] Kings of the Persians.

56 Cyrus years Cambyses years Smerdis the Mage months Darius, son of Hystaspis years
During his reign the temple in Jerusalem was rebuilt after the first [temple] was burned
down by the Babylonians. Xerxes, son of Darius years Artaxerxes, who was called Longimanus
years During his reign Ezra and Nehemiah were recognized as leaders of the Hebrews [g104].
Darius years Artaxerxes years Ochus years Arses years Darius years [Darius] was slain by
Alexander, son of Philip, who ruled over both Persian and Assyrian states for 12 years.
After [Alexander] , Macedonians ruled for 295 years until the death of a certain woman
named Cleopatra, who ruled in the 187th Olympiad [32-29 B.C.]. During her reign, Augustus
ruled over the Romans. [Augustus] was called Sebastos which translates "adorable" [g105].
[Cleopatra died] in the 15th year of Augustus' reign. Fifty-two years elapsed from that
time until the 202nd Olympiad [29-32 A.D.], and the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar. From
then until the 20th anniversary of Constantine, there are 300 years. Thus far, this much.
Let us now turn to the chronology of the Hebrews.

[22] How the Hebrews transmitted [their] chronology.

57 We shall set out the chronology of the Hebrews, taken from the writings of Moses and
later Hebrew authors, from The Antiquities of the Jews by Flavius Josephus and the
chronologies of Africanus.

How the Hebrews chronicled [their history].

58 In the preceding sections we have recorded the events and kings of the Chaldeans,
Assyrians, Medes and Persians [g106]. The fact that the Hebrew people derived from the
Chaldeans was clearly demonstrated, since Abraham was Chaldean and his ancestors inhabited
that land. Moreover, the Mosaic writings confirm this [in the following passage [Genesis
11.31]]: "Terah took Abraham his son and Lot the son of Haran, his grandson, and Sarah his
daughter-in-law, his son Abraham's wife, and they went forth together from the land of the
Chaldeans." Thus it is fitting that the history of Hebrew antiquities follow our
exposition of Chaldean history. The story they relate about the flood is quite different
from the Greek legendary tale which places the flood during the time of Deucalion [g107],
[an event which occurred] long before Ogyges and the great flood which the Greeks say
occurred in his time. The flood [recounted in Genesis] took place some 1,200 years before
Ogyges' flood, which in turn preceded Deucalion's flood by 250 years.

59 There are not a few similarities between the Assyrian and Hebrew writings about the
flood. [For example] they [both] say that there were ten successive generations before the
flood. After the flood, the human race throughout the entire world was fathered by [only]
three men. All Europe [g108], from Mt. Amanus to the western ocean, descended from
Japheth. [The people of] Egypt, the land of Libya, and all points westward descended from
Ham. The third brother, Shem, fathered [the inhabitants of] Assyria and all points
eastward. Hebrew scriptures regard Nimrod as the first builder of Babylon, describing [the
matter] in this way [in Genesis 10.8-11]: "Cush became the father of Nimrod". Cush was an
Ethiopian who was considered the father of Nimrod, about whom scripture says: "He was a
mighty hunter before the Lord; therefore it is said, 'Like Nimrod a mighty hunter before
the Lord'. The beginning of his kingdom was Babel, Erech, and Accad, all of them in the
land of Shinar. From that land [g109] he went into Assyria and built Nineveh." Nineveh,
which is called Ninus [in Greek], was the first royal city of the Assyrians. It was built
by Asshur, one of the sons of Shem, who, as we said held all the eastern areas.

60 They say that the sons of Shem were Elam, Asshur, Arphaxad, Aram, and Lud. The
Elamites, the first nation of the Persians, descended from Elam, who also built the city
of Elymais. the Assyrians descended from Asshur who also built the Assyrian city, Ninus,
which was called Nineveh. The Arphaxadians descended from Arphaxad also called Chaldeans.
The Aramaeans, also called Syrians (Asorik'), descended from Aram. The Lydians descended
from Lud. Arphaxad was the father of Shelah, who was the father of Eber, from whom the
name and nation of the Hebrews derives. Abraham, the patriarch of the Hebrew nation, was
the sixth generation descendant of Eber, in the tenth generation after the flood. This
much should be sufficient to demonstrate in summary fashion that the ancestry of the
Chaldeans and Assyrians is mixed with that of the Hebrews. Consequently it is appropriate
to begin their [Hebrew] chronology close to those others.

61 [23] Their chronology commences with an account of the fall from grace of our human
race. This occurred [g110] during the time of Adam, the first patriarch, whose name is
synonymous with human kind, since in the Hebrew language "Adam" means, generally, "man."
The period of his life after his expulsion from Paradise has been recorded by Moses,
through the agency of the Holy Spirit. Moses then lists [Adam's] descendants and their
ages through successive generations [Genesis 5.1-32]. Because of this we can set down a
chronology of the Hebrews from him. But no one can determine when it was that [Adam]
dwelled in that Paradise described in the Bible. It seems to me that the marvelous Moses
alludes to a goodly, godly existence then in a world better than our own, a place called
Paradise where the first man dwelled. [Moses] refers to all of humanity when he describes
Adam's sweet and desirable existence in Paradise [g111].

62 Our chronicle will not provide accounts about that existence [in Paradise] nor about
how the Almighty established heaven and earth. This is how some [chroniclers] have thought
[to begin]. Rather, we shall begin from the time that our human race experienced mortality
and from [the time of] our first ancestor who set out on that path. [That ancestor] was
the man named Adam, whose dying, mortal span of years was calculated in Hebrew literature,
for it was from this point that Hebrew chronology began. Indeed, the Book of Moses
[Genesis 3.23] describes it as follows: "The Lord God sent him (that is, the first man)
forth from the garden of Eden, to till the ground from which he was taken. And he drove
Adam out and made him live outside the comforts of Paradise." Further on it says [Genesis
4.1]: "Now Adam knew Eve [g112] his wife and she conceived and bore Cain." Our present
chronology will begin at this point. The history of earlier, unknowable times will be set
aside here, because it should be kept distinct from subsequent [verifiable] history.

63 There is considerable disagreement among the Hebrews about their own chronology, so it
will be good to commence by examining their differing accounts. By evaluating and
comparing all of them, the truth will be arrived at. The five books of Moses describe the
creation of the world, life before the flood, the history of the ancients after the flood,
the generations of the Hebrews, and the passing of Moses. The Jews [g113] and the
Samaritans, who were foreigners who came to live among the Jews, have differing versions
of the books of the law. The characters of the Hebrew alphabet used by the Jews differ
from those used by the Samaritans. The correct and original [alphabet] is not the one used
by the [contemporary] Jews, because their descendants corrupted it. Yet there was no
conflict between them [the Hebrews and the Samaritans] until the alteration of the
letters. Furthermore there are numerous disagreements between the two with respect to
chronology, as will become clear in the comparison below.

64 The Greek translation [of the Bible] also differs from the Hebrew, though not so much
from the Samaritan [version]. There is disagreement [in chronology in the versions] up to
the flood, but thereafter, until the time of Abraham, the versions are in harmony. The
text we use was translated collectively by seventy Hebrew men [g114] from their language
into Greek during the reign of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. [Their translation] was placed in
the library in the city of Alexandria, where it was carefully preserved. Now we shall set
forth historical information from each of the versions, one after the other, so that it
will be easy to distinguish the discrepancies. We shall begin with the translation of the
seventy men [the Greek Septuagint] [g115] and see how it treats the chronology of the
period from Adam to the birth of Abraham.

[24] The Septuagint

65 1. Adam, the first man, was 230 years of age when he fathered Seth. He lived an
additional 700 years, until the 135th year of Mahalalel. 2. Seth fathered Enosh when he
was 205 years of age. He lived an additional 707 years, until the 20th year of Enoch
[g116]. 3. Enosh fathered Kenan when he was 190 years of age. He lived an additional 715
years, until the 53rd year of Methuselah. 4. Kenan fathered Mahalalel when he was 170
years of age. He lived an additional 740 years, until the 81st year of Lamech. 5.
Mahalalel fathered Jared when he was 165 years of age. He lived an additional 730 years,
until the 48th year of Noah. 6. Jared fathered Enoch when he was 162 years of age. He
lived an additional 800 years, until the 280th years of Noah. 7. Enoch fathered Methusaleh
when he was 165 years of age. He lived an additional 200 years, until he was translated in
the 33rd year of Lamech.

66 8. Methusaleh fathered Lamech [g117] when he was 167 years of age. He lived an
additional 802 years. Thus he would have survived the flood by 22 years. However, [g118]
in other versions he died before the flood having lived an additional 782 years [after
Lamech's birth] [g119]. 9. Lamech fathered Noah when he was 188 years of age. He lived an
additional 535 years. Lamech predeceased his father Methusaleh in the 535th year of Noah
[g120]. 10. Noah fathered Shem, Ham, and Japheth when he was 500 years of age. This was
100 years before the flood, which occurred in the 600th year of Noah. He lived an
additional 350 years after the flood, until the 83rd year of Eber. [Thus] according to the
Septuagint, the full total is 2,242 years [for the period from Adam to the death of Noah].
Now for the Hebrew version of the Jews.

[25] The Jewish [Hebrew Version]

67 1. Adam fathered Seth when he was 130 years of age. He lived an additional 800 years,
until the 56th year of Lamech [g121]. 2. Seth fathered Enosh when he was 105 years of age.
He lived an additional 807 years, until the 168th year of Lamech. 3. Enosh fathered Kenan
when he was 90 years of age. He lived an additional 815 years, until the 84th year of
Noah. 4. Kenan fathered Mahalalel when he was 70 years of age. He lived an additional 840
years, until the 179th year of Noah. 5. Mahalalel fathered Jared when he was 65 years of
age. He lived an additional 830 years, until the 234th year of Noah. 6. Jared fathered
Enoch when he was 162 years of age. He lived an additional 800 years, until the 366th year
of Noah. 7. Enoch fathered Methusaleh when he was 65 [g122] years of age. He lived an
additional 300 years until he was translated in the 113th year of Lamech.

68 8. Methusaleh fathered Lamech when he was 187 years of age. He lived an additional 782
years, until the [time of the] flood. 9. Lamech fathered Noah when he was 182 years of
age. He lived an additional 595 years, dying five years before the flood. 10. Noah
fathered Shem, Ham and Japheth when he was 500 years of age, 100 years before the flood.
The flood occurred in the 600th year of Noah. He lived an additional 350 years after the
flood, until the 58th year of Abraham. The total sum [for this version] is 1656 years. 69
There is a 586 year discrepancy between this version and the Septuagint. The difference
[g123] is in the number of years each man from Adam to Noah lived before fathering
children. [The versions agree] only for the times of Jared, Methusaleh, and Lamech. This
circumstance suggests to us that the text which we use [i.e. the Septuagint] is the best.
From the longer period assigned to Jared and his descendants [in the Hebrew version] it is
clear that the periods of their predecessors, similarly, should be the same as in the
Septuagint version. By adding one hundred years the discrepancy observed between the later
and more recent generations in the Hebrew and the Septuagint versions is eliminated. [We
might suggest] the possibility that the descendants [g124] lived longer than their
ancestors. Yet for each man's life, the number of years before his son was born, and the
number of year that he lived afterwards, added together, produces the same total in the
Hebrew version and the Septuagint. It is only the number of years before their sons were
born which is shorter in the Jewish copies. Therefore we suspect that this was something
which the Jews did. They made bold to shorten the time before the fathering of children to
encourage early marriages. For if these ancestors lived such long lives, marrying early
and fathering children early [g125] as their version clearly states, who would not want to
emulate them by marrying early?

70 The Hebrew version of the Samaritans.

[26] The Samaritan [Hebrew Version]

71 1. Adam fathered Seth when he was 130 years of age. He lived an additional 800 years,
until the 223rd year of Noah. 2. Seth fathered Enosh when he was 105 years of age. He
lived an additional 807 years, until the 335th year of Noah. 3. Enosh fathered Kenan when
he was 90 years of age. He lived an additional 815 years, until the 433rd year of Noah. 4.
Kenan fathered Mahalalel when he was 70 years of age. He lived an additional 840 years,
until the 528th year of Noah [g126]. 5. Mahalalel fathered Jared when he was 65 years of
age. He lived an additional 830 years, until the 583rd year of Noah. 6. Jared fathered
Enoch when he was 62 years of age. He lived an additional 785 years, until the time of the
flood. 7. Enoch fathered Methusaleh when he was 65 years of age. He lived an additional
300 years until he was translated in the 180th year of Noah.

72 8. Methusaleh fathered Lamech when he was 67 years of age. He lived [g127] an
additional 653 years, until the time of the flood. 9. Lamech fathered Noah when he was 53
years of age. He lived an additional 600 years, until the time of the flood. 10. Noah
fathered Shem when he was 500 years of age, 100 years prior to the flood. The flood
occurred in the 600th year of Noah. He lived an additional 350 years, until the 83rd year
of Eber. The total [for this edition] is 1,307 years. [The Samaritan Hebrew version]
differs from the Jewish Hebrew [version] by 349 years, and from the Septuagint [g128]
translation by 935 years. This much, then, on [the period] before the flood. Let us
advance to the period following this. But first we should mention [again] the similarity
between the Hebrew and the Chaldean sources in describing the flood and the ark built by
Noah. We consider it superfluous to repeat this account, since we already discussed it in
the section on Chaldean history.

73 As we are writing this chronicle we have received confirmation that the flood rose
above the highest mountains--a contemporary eyewitness account of the veracity of the
account. In our day, [the fossils of] fish were discovered high up Mt. Lebanon. It
happened that while rocks [g129] were being quarried there for construction in the valley,
[the fossils of] various types of ocean fish were uncovered, pressed into the mud. These
[fossils] had been preserved to the present, thus providing evidence that the old story
[of the flood] is credible. Those who hear this may believe it or not. But now we shall
advance [g130]. [Beginning with the second year] after the flood, according to the
Septuagint.

[27] The Septuagint

74 1. Noah's son Shem fathered Arphaxad [g131]. He lived an additional 500 years, until
the 101st year of Peleg [g132]. 2. Arphaxad fathered Shelah when he was 135 years of age.
He lived an additional 403 years, until the 9th year of Reu [g133]. 3. Shelah fathered
Eber when he was 130 years of age. He lived an additional [g134] 406 years, until the 7th
year of Serug [g135]. 4. Eber fathered Peleg when he was 134 years of age. He lived an
additional [g136] 433 years, until the 38th year of Nahor. 5. Peleg fathered Reu when he
was 130 years of age. He lived an additional 209 years, until the [g137] 75th year of
Serug. In his time the world was divided up, just as phaleg means "division" in Hebrew.
[Serug] predeceased [g138] his father. In his day, the tower [of Babel] was constructed,
and many languages sprang out of the one [which everyone had spoken], with each nation
speaking a different tongue. Holy Scripture recounts this [Genesis 11.5-9] as do secular
writings. [For example], Alexander Polyhistor in his writings on the Chaldeans and
Abydenus [in his writings], similarly, describe it. We too mentioned it in our earlier
narration of Chaldean history. Now after Peleg:

75 6. Reu fathered Serug when he was 135 [g139] years of age. He lived an additional 207
years, until the 77th year of Nahor. 7. Serug fathered Nahor when he was 130 years of age.
He lived an additional 200 years, until the 51th year of Abraham. 8. Nahor fathered Terah
when he was 79 years of age. He lived an additional 119 years, until the 49th year of
Serug. Terah fathered Abraham when he was 70 years of age. He lived an additional 135
years, until the 35th year of Isaac [g140]. 9. Year one of Abraham. He was the first
patriarch of the Jewish people. During his time Ninus and Semiramis ruled over Assyria and
all of Asia. [According to this version], 942 years transpired from the flood to the first
year of Abraham, 2,242 years transpired from Adam to the flood, for a total of 3,184
years.

76 Now for the Hebrew version of the Jews, starting with the second year after the flood.

[28] The Jewish [Hebrew Version]

77 1. Noah's son Shem fathered Arphaxad and lived an additional 500 years, until the 50th
year of Jacob [g141]. 2. Arphaxad fathered Shelah when he was 35 years of age. He lived an
additional 403 years, until the 48th year of Isaac. 3. Shelah fathered Eber when he was 30
years of age. He lived an additional 403 years, until the 18th year of Jacob. 4. Eber
fathered Peleg when he was 34 years of age. He lived an additional 430 years, until the
79th year of Jacob. 5. Peleg fathered Reu when he was 30 years of age. He lived an
additional 209 years, until the 48th year of Jacob. 6. Reu fathered Serug when he was 32
years of age. He lived an additional 207 years, until the 78th year of Abraham. 7. Serug
fathered Nahor when he was 30 years of age. He lived an additional 200 years, until the
first year of Isaac [g142].

78 8. Nahor fathered Terah when he was 29 years of age. He lived an additional 119 years,
until the 49th year of Abraham. 9. Terah fathered Abraham when he was 70 years of age. He
lived an additional 135 years, until the 35th year of Isaac. Year one of Abraham. From the
flood to the first year of Abraham, 292 years transpired. From Adam, a total of 1,948
years transpired. This [figure] differs from the [total for the] Septuagint translation by
1,235 years [g143]. Now for the Hebrew version of the Samaritans, starting with the second
year after the flood.

[29] The Samaritan [Hebrew Version]

79 1. Noah's son Shem fathered Arphaxad.. He lived an additional 500 years, until the
101th year of Peleg. 2. Arphaxad fathered Shelah when he was 135 years of age. He lived an
additional 303 years, until the 39th year of Peleg. 3. Shelah fathered Eber when he was
130 years of age. He lived an additional 303 years, until the 39th year of Reu [g144]. 4.
Eber fathered Peleg when he was 134 years of age. He lived an additional 270 years, until
the 140th year of Reu. 5. Peleg fathered Reu when he was 130 years of age. He lived an
additional 109 years, until the 109th year of Reu. 6. Reu fathered Serug when he was 132
years of age. He lived an additional 207 years, until the 77th year of Nahor [g145]. 7.
Serug fathered Nahor when he was 130 years of age. He lived an additional 100 years, until
the 21th year of Terah.

80 8. Nahor fathered Terah when he was 79 years of age. He lived an additional 69 years,
until the 69th year of Terah. 9. Terah fathered Abraham when he was 70 years of age. He
lived an additional 75 years, until the 75th year of Abraham. 10. Year one of Abraham.
From the flood to the first year [g146] of Abraham totals 942 years, the same figure that
the Septuagint provides. Our [Septuagint] text and this Samaritan Hebrew text are in
harmony regarding the number of years each man lived prior to fathering a son. They [both]
diverge from the Jewish Hebrew version by 650 years, because, according to the latter, 292
years transpired from the flood until the first year of Abraham. The most ancient Hebrew
text, which has been preserved in the Samaritan version, agrees with the Septuagint
translation that these men from [the time of the] flood until [the time of] Abraham
fathered sons when they were at least a hundred years of age. Then who would suggest that
their descendants, who lived longer, had fathered children any sooner than [g147] the
period provided in the Septuagint? Consequently, the rational conclusion is that the
[figures provided in the] Jewish version from Adam to Abraham are in error, except for the
three generations beginning with Jared, and that the Samaritan version is also in error,
but only from Adam to the flood, because from the flood to Abraham [the Samaritan version]
is in agreement with the Septuagint translation.

81 [30] Moreover it is obvious that the Hebrew Jewish version is incorrect from the fact
that by its calculations Adam and Noah were alive at the same time--something [g148] which
no other account proposes. If, according to the Jewish scriptures, there were 292 years
from the flood until Abraham, and Noah lived an additional 350 years after the flood, it
is clear that Noah was alive until the 58th year of Abraham. Furthermore it is possible to
show that the Jewish version is unreliable in another way, because it says that the
generations before Abraham were about 30 years old when they fathered sons, while it makes
the generations after Abraham considerably older when they fathered sons. Thus it is
patently clear that the Septuagint was translated from old and accurate Hebrew copies
[g149], and is the most appropriate text for us to use in our present Chronicle,
especially [g150] since the church of Christ, which has spread throughout the world,
supports only this version and since the apostles and disciples of Christ used and
transmitted this version. In the Septuagint [version], 2,242 years transpired from Adam
until the flood, and 942 years transpired from the flood until the first year of Abraham,
making a total of 3,184 years.

82 In the Jewish Hebrew [version], 1,656 years transpired from Adam until the flood, and
292 years transpired from the flood until the first year of Abraham, making a total of
1,948 years. In the Samaritan Hebrew [version], 1,307 years transpired from Adam until the
flood, and 942 years transpired from the flood until the [g151] first year of Abraham,
making a total of 2,249 years. All versions agree that 505 years transpired from Abraham
until Moses and the exodus of the Jews from Egypt. It is calculated as follows. When
Abraham was 75 years of age, God appeared to him and said that He would give the promised
land to his descendants. For it is written [in Genesis, 12.4-5]: "Abraham was seventy-five
years old when he departed from Haran. And Abraham took Sarah his wife, and Lot his
brother's son." In the same passage, further on [Genesis, 12. 7] it states: "Then the Lord
appeared to Abraham and said: 'To your descendants I will give this land.'" Thus [we
calculate] 75 years [in the life] of Abraham plus 430 years [from God's promise] until the
exodus of the Jews from Egypt. The Apostle Paul confirms this [in Galatians, 3.17-18]:
"The law, which came [g152] four hundred and thirty years afterward, does not annul a
covenant previously ratified by God, so as to make the promise void." Then he adds: "God
gave it to Abraham by a promise." When Abraham was 100 years of age his son Isaac was
born, 25 years after God's promise. Four hundred and five years transpired from that event
until the exodus from Egypt. Consequently, from the promise [until the exodus] 430 years
elapsed.

83 Now God appeared to Abraham a second time and said [Genesis, 15.13]: "Know of a surety
that your descendants will be sojourners in a land that is not theirs, and will be slaves
there, and they will be oppressed for four hundred years." The word descendants is used
deliberately so that we not allocate [g153] the entire period [solely] to Isaac. Moreover
the period of 430 years is mentioned again at the time of the exodus of the children of
Israel from Egypt, [Exodus, 12.40-41]: "They and their forefathers dwelled in Egypt and
the land of Canaan for 430 years. And at the end of four hundred and thirty years, all the
hosts of the Lord went out from the land of Egypt at night." Since the period from God's
God's promise in the 75th year of Abraham is 430 years, it is clear that 505 years elapsed
from the first year of Abraham to the time of Moses and the exodus from Egypt. Some
[authors] have presented [this material] in detail, [g154] as follows: Abraham fathered
Isaac at the age of 100. Isaac fathered Jacob at the age of 60. Jacob fathered Levi at the
age of 86. Levi fathered Kohath at the age of 46. Kohath fathered Amran at the age of 63.
Amran fathered Moses at the age of 70. Moses led his people out of Egypt when he was 80
years old. Thus from the first year of Abraham until the exodus from Egypt, a total of 505
years transpired. According to the Septuagint, [g155] the total from Adam to the exodus
from Egypt is 3,689 years; according to the Jewish [Hebrew version], 2,453 years; and
according to the Samaritan [Hebrew version], 2,753 years.

84 [31] [The chronology] from the death of Moses to the time of Solomon's construction of
the temple is described differently [by the available sources]. The book of Judges, as
well as the blessed Apostle Paul in Acts of the Apostles calculate it one way, while the
book of Kings and Hebrew tradition calculate it another way. It will be best to describe
both and then select [the account] which proves truest. First, however, we must pause to
criticize Africanus, who wrote a five-book Chronology. It seems to me that he is greatly
in error regarding the matter before us. From the exodus of Moses to [the time of] Solomon
and the building of the temple [Africanus], through his own unique calculations assigns
744 years, mostly without any citations, and not only contrary to what is recorded in
Scripture, but even audaciously [g156] adding an extra hundred years on his own.
[Africanus] inserts an additional 30 years after Joshua, for the elders. Then, after
Samson, he adds 40 years of anarchy and another 30 years of peace. By adding these
additional years without any proof, he [g157] creates an inflated total of more than 740
years for the period between Moses and the reign of Solomon.

85 To see the fanciful nature of his calculations, we have to observe the preceding
generations and their lengths. From Abraham to David there were 14 generations, and the
eleventh generation had already ended at the time of Moses, when Nahshon the son of
Aminadab was recognized as the prince of the nation of Judah. Nahshon died in the desert
after leaving Egypt, and he was present when the people were first counted. It is clear
that there were five generations from Nahshon to David: David was the son of Jesse, who
was the son of Obed, who was the son of Boaz, who was the son of Salmon, who was the son
of Nahshon. So on what grounds can it be claimed that the five generations after Moses
endured for more than 700 years? If the years for men of each generation are evenly
divided, we find that each one lived for 140 years before fathering a son, something that
no rational person would accept as probable. For Moses himself died at 120 years of age,
and his successor, Joshua, died at 110 years of age. Before them Joseph lived a total of
110 years, and earlier still Jacob, who was also called Israel, the patriarch of all the
Jews, lived [g158] for 147 years.

86 Consequently, how could anyone claim that in the period after Moses anyone could have
lived as long as we mentioned above? This is the error that Africanus made. Clemens,
however, calculated 574 years from Moses' successor Joshua until the building of the
temple, in his first book [Stromata 1.21]. The blessed Apostle Paul in his speech to the
Jews in the Acts of the Apostles [13.19-22] states: "Joshua destroyed seven nations in the
land of the Canaanites, and he gave them their land as an inheritance. And after 450 years
he gave them judges until the time of Samuel the prophet. Then they asked for a king, and
[God] gave them Saul the son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin, who reigned for 40 years.
Afterwards [God] removed Saul and gave them David in his place.[g159]" That is what the
Apostle says. He calculated 534 years after Joshua in addition to the 450 years for the
judges until Samuel. Add to this 40 years for Saul, another 40 years for David, and the
four years of Solomon's reign before the building of the temple, which makes a total of
534 years from Joshua the successor of Moses until Solomon. According to the Apostle by
adding the 40 years Moses spent in the wilderness, and the 27 years of Joshua the son of
Nun, the total for the entire period will be 600 years. The book of Judges is in agreement
with his account, and calculates 450 years to the judges until Samuel, which are divided
up as follows:

[32] From the Book of Judges

87 After Joshua, rule by foreigners, 8 years Othniel, 40 years [g160] foreigners, 18 years
Ehud and Shamgar, 80 years foreigners, 20 years Barak and Deborah, 40 years foreigners, 7
years Gideon, 40 years Abimelech, 3 years Tola, 23 years Jair, 22 years foreigners, 18
years Jephthah, 6 years Ibzan, 7 years Elon, 10 years Abdon, 8 years foreigners, 40 years
Samson, 20 years Eli, in whose time Samuel [was born], 40 years The total for all the
judges until Samuel is 450 years [g161]. This is in agreement with what the blessed
Apostle indicated, for it excludes the figures for Moses, Joshua, Moses' successor,
Samuel, or Saul. Currently the dates for Samuel, Saul, and Joshua are not certain. But as
the Apostle indicates, the 40 years of Saul should be added to the 450 year period of the
judges. Moreover, if the 40 years of David and the 4 years of Solomon are included, the
total reaches 534 years--exactly what the Apostle indicated. Add the 40 years that Moses
spent in the wilderness, the 27 years of Nun's son Joshua, according to the Hebrews, and
we arrive at a grand total of 600 years.

88 Earlier we mentioned that there were five generations between Nahson and David. Taking
the total [of 600 years] and dividing it equally among the generations, we find that the
men lived for more than 115 years before becoming fathers, an unbelievable proposition.
Since Moses lived for a total of 120 years, how could his descendants reach almost the
same age before becoming fathers? There is nothing left [to deduce from the book of
Judges] on this point, so let us turn to the book of Kings for [additional] evidence. [33]
The book of Kings confirms that from the exodus of the children of Israel from Egypt until
Solomon and the construction of the temple, 440 years elapsed. According to the Hebrew
version, it was 480 years [g162]. The third book of Kings [1 Kings, 6.1] states: "It
happened in the 440th year after the exodus from Egypt, that Solomon began building the
house of the Lord." The Hebrew version says: "It happened in the 480th year." This is
because the Jewish doctors [of the faith] calculated that the total figure was 480 years,
since they did not count the years that the foreigners ruled over the people separately.
They just counted the time that the judges ruled them and included the foreign domination
in that figure. This must have been the case, for it is the only way to arrive at a total
of 480 years. It seems to me that when the blessed Apostle stated the number of years as
mentioned earlier, he was not speaking as a chronographer, or someone trying to make a
precise calculation. He was delivering a sermon on salvation. It would have been
inappropriate [g163] to insert into it a treatise on chronological methodology, and so he
followed the popular interpretation of the book of Judges.

89 The book of Kings clearly states that [the period] from the exodus until [the time of]
Solomon embraced 440 or 480 years. However, if we examine the years for each of the judges
individually and also tally the years of foreign rule separately--as mentioned in the book
of Judges--we find 600 years total between Moses and Solomon: Moses was in the wilderness
for 40 years. Joshua [g164], 27 years. Judges and foreigners, 450 years. This is what the
Apostle states, according to the book of Judges. Samuel and Saul, 40 years. David, 40
years. Solomon 4 years, until the building of the temple. Accordingly, each of the men in
the five generations just mentioned must have lived 120 years before fathering a son, a
wholly preposterous proposition. If we follow the book of Kings, we get a total of 480
years, after subtracting the 120 years of the Hebrews' servitude. The Hebrews themselves
reckon it this way, combining their years of servitude to foreigners with the years of
their freedom. We shall do the same in our Chronicle, incorporating the period of foreign
servitude with the number of years assigned to each [of the judges] in the book of Kings.
[This method] is especially [persuasive] concerning the five generations [g165] from
Nahshon to David. By subtracting from the total of 480 years the 40 years Moses spent in
the wilderness and the four years of Solomon, 436 years remain to the death of David.
Dividing these years equally among the five generations, produces 87 years for each
generation. Should people investigate this, they will find a credible account beginning
with the birth of David. David was born when his father Jesse was an old man. David was
the eighth son born after his seven older brothers. Consequently we can assume that
something similar happened to his ancestors.

90 Thus, for our purposes, we will accept that 480 years elapsed from the exodus from
Egypt until Solomon and the construction of the temple. And we will include the years of
foreign rule within the reigns of each successive judge. Now it happens that this decision
is supported by a statement in the book of Judges made by Jephthah, one of the judges of
the people. When the Ammonites who lived on the far side of the Jordan River started a war
with him, [Jephthah] sent a messenger [g166] to the enemy with this import [Judges
11.25-26]: "Now are you any better than Balak the son of Zippor, king of Moab? Did he ever
strive against Israel, or did he ever go to war with them? While Israel dwelt in Heshbon
and its villages, and in Aroer and its villages, and in all the cities that are on the
banks of the Jordan, three hundred years, why did you not recover them within that time?"
Thus [Jephthah] informed them that Moses and Balak, son of Zippor, lived 300 years before
their period. The 300 year total can only be obtained by including the period of the rule
by foreigners [g167] within the reigns of the judges.

91 Should someone tally the years of servitude to foreigners separately, he will obtain a
figure which far exceeds the 300 years. Yet if only the years of the judges' rule are
counted, then he will discover 300 years between Moses and Jephthah, exactly as Jephthah's
message stated. Consequently we will adopt the following chronology in this work:

[34] From Moses to Solomon

92 Moses, 40 years Joshua, 27 years [g168] foreigners and Othniel the judge, 40 years
foreigners and Ehud the judge, 80 years foreigners and Deborah and Barak, 40 years
foreigners and Gideon, 40 years Abimelech, 3 years Tola, 23 years Jair, 22 years
foreigners and Jephthah the judge, 6 years Ibzan, 7 years Abdon, 8 years foreigners and
Samson, 20 years. In his time, the Trojan war was fought. Eli, 40 years Samuel and Saul,
40 years David, 40 years Solomon (until the building of the temple), 4 years [g169] From
Moses' exodus from Egypt until the building of the temple, a total of 480 years elapsed.
Concerning Joshua, Moses' successor, the book which bears his name mentions only that he
died at the age of 110. The Hebrews consider that he was their leader for 27 years, thus
he was 43 years old when Moses left Egypt. 93 [35] As regards Samuel, since the book
[which bears his name] says nothing about his duration, I consider that what the blessed
Apostle said concerning Saul should be taken to include both Saul and Samuel. For it
appears that Samuel was the leader of the people for many years, while Saul ruled for but
two years. The first book of Kings [1 Samuel 13.1] describes it this way: "Saul was the
son of a year in his reign; and he ruled over Israel for two years more." Symmachus
clarifies [g170] this in his translation: "Saul resembled a one-year-old child in his
reigning," which means that at the beginning of his reign Saul was sincere and good, and
stayed that way for two years. But then he became corrupted and was rejected by God and
was strangled by a demon in punishment. Thus the remaining years have been assigned to
Samuel and 40 years is the combined total for Samuel and Saul. It is clear that Saul ruled
for this period not solely based on the testimony of the Apostle, but through a careful
reading of Scripture.

94 It is written [in 2 Samuel 2.10] that following Saul's death, "Ish-bosheth, Saul's son,
was 40 years old when he began to reign over Israel, and he reigned two years. But the
house of Judah followed David." The Ish-bosheth mentioned here must have been born [g171]
after Saul became king, because when describing events from the beginning of Saul's reign
[1 Samuel 14.49], mention is made of three sons of Saul, but not this one. Thus we believe
that [Ish-bosheth] was born late, and that the length of Saul's reign was approximately
the same as the age of his son following his death. Thus, the third book of Kings [1 Kings
6.1] states that 480 years elapsed from the exodus out of Egypt until Solomon and the
building of the temple; 505 years elapsed from Abraham until Moses and the exodus; 942
years elapsed from the flood until the first year of Abraham; and 2,242 years elapsed from
Adam until the flood. Altogether 4,170 years elapsed from Adam until Solomon and the
building of the temple.

95 The historian Josephus in the first book of his Jewish Antiquities when describing the
time of Solomon and the construction of the temple includes the testimony of some
Phoenician men. The evidence of these men seems valuable to me. In that book [Against
Apion 1.17], [Josephus] writes [g172]:

[36] The evidence of the Phoenicians about the temple at Jerusalem, from Josephus

96 I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those that belong to the
Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall produce attestations to what I have said
out of them. There are then records among the Tyrians that take in the history of many
years, and these are public writings, and are kept with great exactness, and include
accounts of the facts done among them, and such as concern their transactions with other
nations also, those I mean which were worth remembering. Therein it was recorded that the
temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusalem, one hundred forty-three years and eight
months before the Tyrians built Carthage [g173]. 97 In their annals the building of our
temple is related; for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was the friend of Solomon our king, and
had such friendship transmitted down to him from his forefathers. He thereupon was
ambitious to contribute to the splendor of this edifice of Solomon, and made him a present
of one hundred and twenty talents of gold. He also cut down the most excellent timber out
of that mountain which is called Libanus, and sent it to him for adorning its roof.
Solomon also not only made him many other presents, by way of requital, but gave him a
country in Galilee also, that was called Chabulon. But there was another passion, a
philosophic inclination [g174] of theirs, which cemented the friendship that was betwixt
them; for they sent mutual problems to one another, with a desire to have them unriddled
by each other; wherein Solomon was superior to Hirom, as he was wiser than him in other
respects: and many of the epistles that passed between them are still preserved among the
Tyrians. Now, that this may not depend on my bare word, I will produce for a witness Dius,
one that is believed to have written the Phoenician History after an accurate manner. This
Dius, therefore, writes thus, in his Histories of the Phoenicians:

98 Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom. This king raised banks at
the eastern parts of the city, and enlarged it [g175]; he also joined the temple of
Jupiter Olympius (Aramazd), which stood before in an island by itself, to the city, by
raising a causeway between them, and adorned that temple with donations of gold. He
moreover went up to Libanus, and had timber cut down for the building of temples. They say
further, that Solomon, when he was king of Jerusalem, sent problems to Hirom to be solved,
and desired he would send others back for him to solve, and that he who could not solve
the problems proposed to him should pay money to him that solved them. And when Hirom had
agreed to the proposals, but was not able to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay a
great deal of money, as a penalty for the same [g176]. As also they relate, that one
Abdemon, a man of Tyre, did solve the problems, and proposed others which Solomon could
not solve, upon which he was obliged to repay a great deal of money to Hirom.

99 [37] These things are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we have said upon the same
subjects before. And now I shall add Menander the Ephesian, as an additional witness. This
Menander wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every one
of the Tyrian kings, and had taken much pains to learn their history out of their own
records. Now when he was writing about those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came to
Hirom, and says thus: Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom; he lived
fifty-three years [g177], and reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank on that called the
Broad Place, and dedicated that golden pillar which is in Jupiter's (Aramazd's) temple; he
also went and cut down timber from the mountain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar
for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled down the old temples, and built new ones;
besides this, he consecrated the temples of Hercules and of Astarte. He first built
Hercules's temple in the month Peritus, and that of Astarte when he made his expedition
against the Tityans, who would not pay him their tribute; and when he had subdued them to
himself [g178], he returned home. Under this king there was a younger son of Abdemon, who
mastered the problems which Solomon, king of Jerusalem, had recommended to be solved. Now
the time from this king to the building of Carthage is thus calculated:

100 Upon the death of Hirom, Baleazarus his son took the kingdom; he lived forty-three
years, and reigned seven years: after him succeeded his son Abdastartus; he lived twenty-
nine years, and reigned nine years. Now four sons of his nurse plotted against him and
slew him, the eldest of whom reigned [twelve years]: after them [g179] came Astartus, the
son of Deleastartus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned twelve years: after him came
his brother Aserymus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned nine years: he was slain by
his brother Pheles, who took the kingdom and reigned but eight months, though he lived
fifty years: he was slain by Ithobalus, the priest of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two
years, and lived sixty-eight years: he was succeeded by his son Badezorus, who lived
forty-five years, and reigned six years: he was succeeded by Matgenus his son; he lived
thirty-two years [g180], and reigned nine years: Pygmalion succeeded him; he lived fifty-
six years, and reigned forty-seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign, his sister
fled away from him, and built the city Carthage in Libya. So the whole time from the reign
of Hirom, till the building of Carthage, amounts to the sum of one hundred fifty-five
years and eight months. Since then the temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth year
of the reign of Hirom, there were from the building of the temple, until the building of
Carthage, one hundred forty-three years and eight months.

101 Wherefore, what occasion is there for alleging any more testimonies out of the
Phoenician histories [on the behalf of our nation], since what I have said is so
thoroughly confirmed already? and to be sure our ancestors came into this country long
before the building of the temple [g181]; for it was not till we had gotten possession of
the whole land by war that we built our temple. And this is the point that I have clearly
proved out of our sacred writings in my Antiquities. This is Josephus' account. [38] For
this Chronology, the following table shows [the rulers and their reigns] from the building
of the temple in the fourth year of Solomon to its destruction by the Babylonians 432
years later. Here are the figures: 1. Solomon, 37 years, including the additional three
years 2. Rehoboam, 16 years 3. Abijam, 3 years 4. Asa, 41 years 5. Jehoshaphat, 25 years
6. Jehoram, 8 years 7. Ahaziah, 1 year 8. Athaliah, his mother, 7 years 9. Jehoash, 40
years [g182] 10. Amaziah, 28 years 11. Uzziah, 52 years. In his reign the Greeks
established the first Olympic games [776 B.C.]. 12. Jotham, 16 years 13. Ahaz, 16 years
14. Hezekiah, 29 years 15. Manasseh, 55 years 16. Amon, 2 years 17. Josiah, 31 years 18.
Jehoahaz, 3 months 19. Jehoiakim, 11 years 20. Jehoiachin, his son, also called Jekhoniah,
3 months 21. Mattaniah, also called Zedekiah, 11 years

102 This makes a total of 432 years. After this, during [the next] 70 years, the
Babylonian captivity of the Jews occurred and the destruction of the [temple's] site.
According to the Bible, this ended in the second year of King Darius of Persia, which was
during the 65th Olympiad [B.C. 520-517]. Clement agrees with us on this [point] in the
first [book of his] Stromata [1.21] where he notes [g183]: The captivity lasted for
seventy years, and ended in the second year of Darius Hystaspes, who had become king of
the Persians, Assyrians, and Egyptians. As I said previously, it was during his reign that
Haggai and Zechariah, of the twelve, and Malachi [Angelus], whose name translates as
"angel", prophesied. The high priest at that time was Joshua the son of Josedech. Such is
the account of that credible man [Clement]. [39] Moreover, the prophet Zechariah as a
contemporary also testifies that there was a period of 70 years from the destruction of
the temple until the second year of Darius. For in the second year of Darius he wrote
[Zechariah 1.12]: "God Almighty, how long wilt thou have no mercy [g184] on Jerusalem and
the cities of Judah, against which thou hast had indignation these seventy years?"

103 At this point one might inquire: Why does it state in the beginning of the book of
Ezra [1.1]: "In the first year of Cyrus king of Persia, that the word of the Lord by the
mouth of Jeremiah might be accomplished, the Lord stirred up the spirit of Cyrus king of
Persia so that he made a proclamation throughout all his kingdom and also put it in
writing." Furthermore, subsequent [passages] indicate that freedom [was given] to the Jews
[at that point] and that it was Cyrus who ordered that the temple be rebuilt. From this
one would assume that it was during the time of Cyrus, rather than Darius, that the 70
years of captivity came to an end. To this I reply that the prophecies refer to two
[distinct] 70-year periods. The first began with the destruction of the temple and ended,
as Zechariah stated, in the second year of Darius [g185]. The second extends from the
enslavement of the Jews to the capture of Babylon and the destruction of the Chaldean
kingdom. This began in the time of the prophecy and ended with Cyrus, as Jeremiah
recorded. [Jeremiah] further predicted [Jeremiah 29.10]: "For thus says the Lord: When
seventy years are completed for Babylon, I will visit you, and I will fulfil to you my
promise and bring you back to this place." And he also prophesies [Jeremiah 25.11-12]:
"This whole land shall become a ruin and a waste, and these nations shall serve the king
of Babylon seventy years. Then, after seventy years are completed, I will punish the king
of Babylon and that nation, the land of the Chaldeans, for their iniquity, says the Lord,
making the land an everlasting waste. [g186]"

104 All this came to a head during the time of Cyrus. The period of the enslavement [of
the Jews] should not be reckoned from the [time of the] destruction of the temple, but
earlier--from the second year of [the reign of] Jehoiakim, king of the Jews, when
Nebuchadnezzar the king of the Babylonians enslaved them. [It could be reckoned] even
earlier, from the time when the prophet Jeremiah first began to prophesy. From that time
until the siege [of Jerusalem] and the burning of the temple 40 years elapsed, and 70
years until the first year of Cyrus. From the start of Jeremiah's prophesying until Cyrus'
reign, the first 70 years [period] elapsed. However, from the destruction of the temple
until Cyrus, 30 years elapsed, while it was in the second year of Darius that [the other]
70 years was completed. [The temple] was restored in the eighth year of Darius [g187].

105 [40] And from that time onward, the Jews remained without a king from their own [line
of] kings. Their chief-priests served as princes and leaders, and throughout the entire
period of the Persian kingdom they remained loyal to the Persian kings. Subsequently they
served the Macedonians who ruled after Alexander, until the time of Antiochus Epiphanes.
[The latter], ruling Syria, harassed the Jews to adopt paganism. During his time
Mattathias, a priest in Jerusalem [g188], son of Asamonaeus, his son Judas, who was called
Maccabaeus, and their descendants re-established the principality of the Jews, and held it
until the time of Augustus. It was during his reign that Herod, at the order of the
Romans, became the first foreign king of the Jews. Our Savior Jesus Christ was born during
his reign. This was the fulfillment of the prophecy of Moses [in Genesis, 49.10]: "The
scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor the ruler's staff from between his feet until he
comes to whom it belongs; he is the hope of the gentiles." And it happened in just such a
manner.

106 Five hundred and two years elapsed from the time of Solomon and the building of the
first temple to the restoration of the temple in the second year of King Darius. Four
hundred and eighty years elapsed from the time of Moses and the exodus from Egypt to
Solomon and the building of the temple. Five hundred and five years elapsed from the first
year of Abraham to the exodus. Nine hundred and forty-two years elapsed from the flood to
the first year of Abraham. Two thousand two hundred and forty-two years elapsed from Adam
to the flood. Thus the grand total, from Adam to the second year of Darius and the second
building of [the temple in] Jerusalem, is 4680 years [g189]. From the second year of
Darius which was the first year of the 65th Olympiad [520 B.C.] [until the time of
Christ], is 137 Olympiads and 548 years.

107 [41] This [material] can be shown in more detail [cross-referenced with the kings of
Persia] as follows: Cambyses took the crown following Cyrus, who was the first Persian
king. Then came Darius, who ruled for 36 years. In the second year of his reign, the
temple in Jerusalem was restored. Darius ruled for an additional 34 years. Darius' son,
Xerxes, ruled next for 20 years. During his reign the story of Esther took place.
Artaxerxes ruled for 41 years. During his time Ezra lived, who, it is said, knew all the
sacred Hebrew texts by heart including the entire Holy Bible, and transmitted it to the
Jews in the new Hebrew script, because the world was riven by warfare. Indeed, it was
during this time that Nehemiah, the chief cupbearer, lived. By order of the king, he went
to the country of the Jews and [re]built Jerusalem, surrounding the city with a wall. For
until then [g190] the city had been in ruins, except for the temple which had been
restored in Darius' time. After Artaxerxes the following kings ruled Persia:

108 Darius, 19 years. Artaxerxes Mnemon, 40 years. Ochus, 26 years. Arsaces, 4 years.
Darius, 6 years. After these [monarchs], Alexander of Macedon eliminated the Persian
kingdom and ruled for 6 years. He ruled an additional 6 years after slaying [the last
king] Darius. From the second year of Darius [the First] to the death of Alexander--which
occurred in the first year of the 114th Olympiad [324 B.C.]--197 years elapsed. After the
death of Alexander, the following monarchs ruled in Egypt and in the city of Alexandria:
1. Ptolemaeus, son of Lagus, 40 years. 2. Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, 28 years. During his
reign the Hebrew sacred books were translated into Greek and placed [g191] in the library
at Alexandria. 3. Ptolemaeus Euergetes, 24 years. 4. Ptolemaeus Philopator, 21 years. 5.
Ptolemaeus Epiphanes, 22 years. 6. Ptolemaeus Philometor, 34 years. During his reign,
Antiochus Epiphanes ruled in Syria. And it was during [Antiochus'] reign that the events
described in the book of Maccabees took place, including how [Antiochus] tried to force
the Jewish people into paganism, how he polluted the temple by placing idols in it, and
how he stole the temple's sacred vessels, in the 151st Olympiad [176-173 B.C.]. [To sum
up,] 150 years elapsed from the death of Alexander of Macedon to the first year of
Antiochus Epiphanes. And 347 years elapsed from the second year of Darius to Antiochus.

109 [42] It was during the reign of the aforementioned Antiochus that Mattathias, the son
of Asamonaeus, showed zeal for his patrimonial religion and became a general of the
people. After [Mattathias], his [g192] son Judas, called Maccabaeus, [led the people]; he
was followed by his brother Jonathan, who was followed by his brother Simon. It is with
him that the book of the Maccabees ends. It covers a period of 40 years, to the end of the
161st Olympiad [136-133 B.C.]. Eighty-eight years elapsed from that date to the Roman
emperor Augustus. According to Africanus and Josephus, after Simon [ruled] as general of
the Jews, Jonathan, also called Hyrcanus, [succeeded him] for 26 years. After him,
Aristobulus [ruled] for one year. [Aristobulus] was the first to put the royal crown on
his head, simultaneously being king and high priest of the Jewish people. This was 484
years after the Babylonian captivity. After him, Alexander, also called Jannaeus, was king
for 25 years. After him, his wife Alexandra, also called Mesalina, [ruled] for 9 years.
After her, Aristobulus [g193] and Hyrcanus [ruled]. In their reign, Pompeius the Roman
general put the Jews under Roman taxation. He established Hyrcanus as their king, but
bound Aristobulus and took him to Rome.

110 In his reign, in the 184th Olympiad [44 B.C.], Julius Caesar became king of the
Romans, ruling as an absolute monarch [emperor] for 4 years and 7 months. He was followed
by Augustus, also called Sebastos, who ruled for 56 years and 6 months. It was in his
reign that Herod, who was not fit [for the position] became the first foreign king of the
Jews, getting [the position] through the Romans. [Herod's] people were from Ascalon.
During his reign the Annointed of God [Christ] was born [g194] in Bethlehem, Judaea.
Following Augustus, Tiberius ruled the Romans. In the 15th year of his reign, which was
the fourth year of the 201st Olympiad [28 A.D.], our Savior and Lord Jesus Christ appeared
among humankind. Thus [the period] from Antiochus Epiphanes until the 15th year of
Tiberius contains 201 years. [The period] from Alexander of Macedon to the same [15th]
year of Tiberius contains 352 years. From the second year of Darius to [the 15th year] of
Tiberius is 548 years. From the 15th year of Tiberius to the very end of the siege of
Jerusalem--which occurred in the second year of Vespasian--is a total of 42 years. From
Adam until the second year of Darius, is 4680 years. From the second year of Darius until
the 15th year of Tiberius, is 548 years. Thus from Adam until the 15th year of Tiberius, a
total of 5228 years elapsed. From the 15th year of Tiberius [g195] until the 20th
anniversary of Constantinus Victor Augustus, is 300 years. The grand total is: 5518 years
according to the Hebrews in the [Greek] Septuagint version; 1237 years less according to
the Hebrew version of the Jews; and 935 years less according to the Hebrew Samaritan
version.

111 This is how [our] chronology [is constructed] according to the Hebrews' [sources].

[43] How the Egyptians chronicled [their past], and how Egyptian chronology includes that
of the Ethiopians and [the chronology of] the Ptolemies' rule in Egypt and Alexandria.

112 After discussing the chronologies of the Chaldeans, Assyrians, and Hebrews, it is time
to pass to the chronology of the Egyptians. Diodorus in the first book of the Bibliotheca
[1.44] wrote [g196]: Some of them relate fabulous stories claiming that initially gods and
heroes ruled Egypt for a period of somewhat less than 16,000 years. The last god to rule
there was Horus, Isis' son. Then humans ruled that land as kings, they say, during the
time of Myris. And this has continued for somewhat less than 5,000 years, through the
180th Olympiad [60-57 B.C.], when we visited Egypt. At that time, Ptolemy, called the New
Dionysus, was ruling [g197]. For most of this period, [the Egyptians'] own kings ruled the
land. However, for a small portion [of time], Ethiopians, Persians, and Macedonians
[ruled]. Only four Ethiopian [kings] ruled, and not contiguously at that, rather, [they
ruled] at separate times, and for a total of slightly less than 36 years. Persian
domination was established by Cambyses who forcibly subdued [the Egyptians]. [Persian
rule] lasted for 135 years and was ended by the rebellion of the Egyptians when they could
no longer bear the harshness of [Persian] rule and the insults to their country's gods.
After this the Macedonians and their descendants ruled for 276 years. For all the rest of
the time native kings ruled, [g198] 470 kings and 5 queens.

113 The priests kept records ahout all of them in their temple archives, which were
transmitted continuously from ancient times from generation to generation. They described
each one's bravery and valor, personality and triumphs, and whatever else they
accomplished in their periods. However it is unnecessary and even pointless for us to
write down what each one wrought, since some of them, even in their own day, were
considered useless. This according to Diodorus. It is fitting and proper to add to this
Manetho's account of the Egyptians, since his history seems quite reliable [g199].

[44] From the Egyptian records of Manetho, who wrote a three-volume work about the gods,
demi-gods, spirits, and the mortal kings who ruled over the Egyptians, to the time of the
Persian king Darius.

114 The first being among the Egyptians was Hephaestus, who discovered fire for them. He
was succeeded by the Sun (Arm. Aregakn), (who was succeeded by Agathodaemon, followed) by
Cronos, followed by Osiris. Then came Typhon, Osiris' brother, then Horus, who was the son
of Osiris and Isis. These [entities] were the first rulers of the Egyptians. After them,
one ruler succeeded the next until the time of Bidis, for a period of 13,900 years. This
[was calculated] as lunar years of 30 days each, for what we now call a month was called a
year in those days. After rule by the gods, a race descended from the gods ruled for 1,255
years. Then other kings ruled for 1,817 years. After them 30 kings from Memphis ruled for
1,790 years. Then 10 other kings, from Thinis, ruled for 350 years. Then, for 5,813 years,
the kings were spirits and demi-gods. This makes a total of 11,000 years--lunar years,
that is, months.

115 The Egyptians calculate a total of [g200] 24,900 lunar years--2,206 solar years--to
the [rule of the] gods, demi-gods, and spirits. If you compare this [calculation] with
[similar calculations of] Hebrew chronology you will get almost the same figure. For among
the Hebrews Aegyptus is called Mizraim, and he lived a long time after the flood. Because
it was after the flood that Noah's son Ham became the father of Aegyptus, or Mizraim; and
at the time of the dispersal of the peoples, he went to Egypt, as its first inhabitant.
According to the Hebrews 2,242 years elapsed from Adam to the flood. Be this as it may,
the Egyptians still boast of their great antiquity before the flood. They say that they
had gods, demi-gods, and spirits [as rulers in remote antiquity]. If we convert to months
the years calculated by the Hebrews, we get over 20,000 lunar years. So when we count the
"years" from the first man [Adam] until Mizraim, the Hebrew calculation is approximately
the same [as the Egyptian]. Mizraim was first among the Egyptians, and the first dynasty
is presumed to descend from him.

116 Despite this, if the number of years seems excessive, we must [g201] examine the
reasons for it. It is conceivable that there were many kings ruling in Egypt
simultaneously. For they say that [kings from] Thinis, Memphis, Sais, Ethiopia and
elsewhere ruled. It may be that these dynasties did not rule in succession to each other,
as is the norm, but in different places at the same time. As a consequence of this, the
total number [of kings] is very large. Let us leave this issue, however, and move on to
the details of Egyptian chronology. After the [period of] spirits and demi-gods [g202],
the First Dynasty appeared, consisting of 8 kings. The first and most noble of them was
Menes. Beginning with him, we shall list the succession of kings from each generation
[g203].

[45] 1st Dynasty

117 Menes of Thinis and his seven descendants. [Menes], whom Herodotus [in The Histories
2.4] calls Min, ruled for 30 (or 60?) years. He took the army beyond the borders of his
land seeking glory and renown. A hippopotamus made off with him. Athotis, his son, ruled
for 27 years. He built a palace in the city of Memphis. He was skilled in medicine, and
wrote about how to conduct autopsies. Chechenes, his son, [ruled for] 39 years. Venephes,
42 years. In his reign a famine gripped [g204] the land. He built the pyramids near
Cocome. Usaphais, 20 years. Niebais, 26 years. [Se]mempses, 18 years. During his reign
numerous abominations and corruptions occurred. Vbienthis, 26 years. Altogether [these
kings] reigned for 252 years.

2nd Dynasty

118 9 kings. First was Bochus. During his reign an enormous fissure opened up in Bubastis
and many people perished. Then Caechous, in whose reign Apis and Mnevis and [g205] the
goat of Mendes were honoured as gods. Then Biophis, during whose reign women got the right
to rule as monarchs. After [Biophis], three other kings ruled, but nothing noteworthy was
accomplished during their reigns. During the reign of the seventh king, it is fabulously
related that for eleven days the Nile ran with honey mixed with water. Then Sesochris
[ruled] for 48 years. He is said to have been 5 cubits and 3 palms tall. During [g206] the
reign of the ninth king, nothing noteworthy occurred. Altogether [these kings] reigned for
297 years.

[46] 3rd Dynasty

119 8 kings of Memphis. Necherochis. In his reign the Libyans revolted from the Egyptians,
but when the moon unexpectedly grew in size, they were moved by fear and went back into
service [to the Egyptians]. Sesorthus. He was called Asclepius by the Egyptians because of
his skill in medicine. He discovered methods of building with hewn stone, and also was
interested in writing. The other six kings achieved nothing worthy of mention. Altogether
[these kings] reigned for 197 years.

4th Dynasty

120 17 kings of Memphis, from another line. Suphis was the third monarch. He built the
largest pyramid, the one Herodotus [in The Histories 2. 124] [g207] claims was built by
Cheops. At one time [Suphis] had been hostile toward the gods, but he subsequently
regretted this and wrote a sacred book which the Egyptians hold in great esteem. Nothing
noteworthy has been recorded about any of the other kings [of this line]. Altogether
[these kings] reigned for 448 years.

5th Dynasty

121 31 kings of Elephantine. Othoes was the first king [of this group]. He was slain by
his attendants. Phiops, the fourth king, began his reign at the age of six and ruled until
he was one hundred. [RB--From this point Eusebius (or Manetho) does not consistently
provide dynasty totals.]

[47] 6th Dynasty

122 A woman by the name of Nitocris ruled next. It is said that she was braver than any
man of her day and more beautiful [g208] than any contemporary woman, fair haired and red
cheeked. The third pyramid is said to have been built by her. Altogether [these kings]
reigned for 203 years.

7th Dynasty

123 5 kings from Memphis. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 75 years.

8th Dynasty

124 5 kings from Memphis. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 100 years.

9th Dynasty

125 [g209] 4 kings from Heracleopolis, who ruled for 100 years. Achthoes was the first [of
this dynasty]. He was harsher than any of his predecessors, and worked crimes throughout
the entire country of Egypt. Subsequently he became mad and was killed by a crocodile.

10th Dynasty

126 19 kings from Heracleopolis, who ruled for 185 years.

11th Dynasty

127 6 kings from Diospolis, who ruled for 43 years. After them Ammenemes reigned for 16
years. Manetho's first book concludes here. One hundred ninety-two kings [were described],
reigning for a total of 2,300 years [g210].

[48] From the Second Book of Manetho. — 12th Dynasty

128 7 kings from Diospolis. Sesonchosis the son of Ammenemes, 46 years. Ammanemes, 38
years. He was killed by his own eunuchs. Sesostris, 48 years. Supposedly he was 4 cubits,
3 palms and 2 digits tall. He conquered all of Asia in nine years, as well as Europe as
far as Thrace. Everywhere he erected monuments to show his control over the nations; he
depicted men's genitals on the columns for brave nations, and women's genitals for
cowardly nations. Therefore the Egyptians [g211] evaluated him as coming after Osiris.
Lamares, 8 years. He built the maze at Arsinoite for his own tomb. His descendants ruled
for 42 years. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 245 years.

13th Dynasty

129 60 kings of Diospolis, who ruled for 453 years.

14th Dynasty

130 76 kings of Xois, who ruled for 484 years.

15th Dynasty

131 15 kings of Diospolis, who ruled for 250 years.

[49] 16th Dynasty

132 5 kings of Thebes, who ruled for 190 years [g212].

17th Dynasty

133 A dynasty of shepherds who were Phoenician brothers, foreign kings who took Memphis.
Saites was first, 19 years. The district of Saite was named after him. Then they
established a city in the district of Sethroite from which they advanced and conquered
[g213] the Egyptians. Bnon, second, 40 years. Archles, years. Apophis, 14 years,
Altogether [these kings] reigned for 103 years. Joseph seems to have appeared during the
time of these kings.

[50] 18th Dynasty

134 14 kings from Diospolis. Amosis, 25 years. Chebron, 13 years. Ammenophis, 21 years.
Misphres, 12 years. Misphragmuthosis, 26 years. Tuthmosis, 9 years. Amenophis, 31 years.
He [g214] is the one believed to be Memnon, the talking statue. Orus, 38 years.
Achencherses, 16 years. In his reign, Moses as general of the Jews, took them out of
Egypt. Acherres, 8 years. Cherres, 15 years. Armais, also called Danaus, 5 years.
Afterwards he was expelled from Egypt, and fled from his brother Aegyptus to Greece. He
captured Argos and became king of the Argives. Rhamesses, also called Aegyptus, 68 years.
Amenophis, 40 years. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 348 years [g215].

18th Dynasty

135 5 kings from Diospolis. Sethos, 55 years Rhampses, 66 years Amenephthis, (?) 40 years
Ammenemes, 26 years Thuoris, 7 years. Homer [Odyssey 4.126] calls him Polybus, the husband
of Alcandra. In his reign Troy was captured. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 194
years. In sum, the second book [g216] of Manetho contains 92 kings who reigned for a total
of 2,121 years.

[51] From the Third Book of Manetho. — 20th Dynasty

136 12 kings from Diospolis, who ruled for 172 years.

21th Dynasty

137 7 kings from Tanis. Smendis, 26 years. Psusennes, 41 years. Nephercheres, 4 years.
Amenophthis, 9 years. Osochor, 6 years. Psinaches, 9 years. Psusennes, 35 years.
Altogether [these kings] reigned for 130 years [g217].

22nd Dynasty

138 3 kings from Bubastis. Sesonchosis, 21 years. Osorthon, 15 years. Tacelothis, 13
years. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 49 years.

23rd Dynasty

139 3 kings from Tanis. Petubastis, 25 years. Osorthon, whom the Egyptians called
Heracles, 9 years. Psammu-s, 10 years. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 44 years.

24th Dynasty

140 Bocchoris from Sais, 44 years. In his reign, a lamb spoke..

[52] 25th Dynasty, Ethiopian

141 3 kings. Sabacon, who captured Bocchoris and burnt him alive, ruled for 12 years.
Sebichos, his son, [g218] 12 years. Taracus, 20 years. Altogether [these kings] reigned
for 44 years.

26th Dynasty

142 9 kings from Sais. Ammeres the Ethiopian, 12 years. Stephinathis, 7 years. Nechepsos,
6 years. Nechao, 8 years. Psammetichus, 44 years. Nechao II, 6 years. He captured
Jerusalem, and took king Jehoahaz back as a prisoner to Egypt. Psammuthes (Psammetichus)
II, 17 years. Vaphres, 25 years. The remaining Jews fled to him after Jerusalem had been
captured by the Assyrians. Amosis, 42 years. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 167
years [g219].

27th Dynasty

143 8 kings from Persia. Cambyses, in the 5th year of his reign, ruled the Egyptians for 3
years. the magi, 7 months. Darius, 36 years. Xerxes, the son of Darius, 21 years.
Artaxerxes, 40 years. Xerxes II, 2 months. Sogdianus, 7 months. Darius, the son of Xerxes,
19 years. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 120 years and 4 months.

[53] 28th Dynasty

144 Amyrtaeus of Sais, 6 years..

29th Dynasty

145 4 kings of Mendes. Nepheretes, 6 years. Achoris, 13 years. Psammuthes, 1 year. Muthes,
1 year. Nepherites, 4 months. Altogether [these kings] reigned for 21 years and 4 months
[g220].

30th Dynasty

146 3 kings from Sebennytus. Nectanebis, 10 years. Teos, 2 years. Nectanebus, 8 years.
Altogether [these kings] reigned for 20 years.

31st Dynasty

147 3 kings from Persia. Ochus in the 20th year of his reign ruled over Egypt, for 6
years. Arses, the son of Ochus, 4 years. Darius, who was killed by Alexander of Macedon, 6
years. All this is from the third book of Manetho. [54] From this point, the information
comes from Greek authors, because the kingdom of the Egyptians went into decline. Yet,
since we still possess further information from the books of Manetho contained in the
writings of Flavius Josephus, which he included when describing the ancestors of the
Hebrews, I think it will be good [g221] to include what he put down in his own words. The
following [passage] is from the first book of his Antiquities of the Jews. [RB: it is from
Josephus' Against Apion Book I.14-16. The translation below is from the Whiston edition.
The extant works of Flavius Josephus including Antiquities of the Jews, Against Apion, and
other writings are available on another page of this website.]

148 I shall begin with the writings of the Egyptians; not indeed of those that have
written in the Egyptian language, which it is impossible for me to do. But Manetho was a
man who was by birth an Egyptian, yet had he made himself master of the Greek learning, as
is very evident; for he wrote the history of his own country in the Greek tongue, by
translating it, as he saith himself, out of their sacred records [g222]; he also finds
great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and false narrations of Egyptian affairs. Now
this Manetho, in the first book of his Egyptian History, writes concerning us in the
following manner. 149 I will set down his very words, as if I were to bring the very man
himself into a court for a witness: "[There was a king of ours whose name was Timaus.
Under him] it came to pass, I know not how, that God was averse to us, and there came,
after a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had boldness
enough to make an expedition into our country [g223], and with ease subdued it by force,
yet without our hazarding a battle with them. So when they had gotten those that governed
us under their power, they afterwards burnt down our cities, and demolished the temples of
the gods, and used all the inhabitants after a most barbarous manner; nay, some they slew,
and led their children and their wives into slavery. At length they made one of themselves
king, whose name was Salatis; he also lived at Memphis, and made both the upper and lower
regions pay tribute, and left garrisons in places that were the most proper for them. He
chiefly aimed to secure the eastern parts, as foreseeing that the Assyrians, who had then
the greatest power, would be desirous of that kingdom, and [g224] invade them; and as he
found in the Saite Nomos, [Sethroite,] a city very proper for this purpose, and which lay
upon the Bubastic channel, but with regard to a certain theologic notion was called
Avaris, this he rebuilt, and made very strong by the walls he built about it, and by a
most numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men whom he put into it to
keep it. Thither Salatis came in summer time, partly to [gather his corn, and] pay his
soldiers their wages, and partly to exercise his armed men, and thereby to terrify
foreigners. This man reigned for fifteen and then died.

150 [55] After him reigned another [g225], whose name was Beon, for forty-four years;
after him reigned rgbanother, called Apachnas, thirty-six years and seven months; after
him Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then Janins fifty years and one month; after all
these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two months. And these six were the first rulers
among them, who were all along making war with the Egyptians, and were very desirous
gradually to destroy them to the very roots. This whole nation was styled Hykos, that is,
Shepherd-kings: for the first syllable Hyk, according to the sacred dialect, denotes a
king, as is sos a shepherd; but this according to the ordinary dialect; and of these is
compounded Hyksos: but some say that these people were Arabians [g226]. " Now in another
copy it is said that this word does not denote Kings, but, on the contrary, denotes
Captive Shepherds, and this on account of the particle Hyk; for that Hyk, with the
aspiration, in the Egyptian tongue again denotes Shepherds, and that expressly also; and
this to me seems the more probable opinion, and more agreeable to ancient history. [But
Manetho goes on]: "These people, whom we have before named kings, and called shepherds
also, and their descendants," as he says, "kept possession of Egypt five hundred and
eleven years."

151 After these, he says, "That the kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt made an
insurrection against the shepherds, and that there a terrible and long war was made
between them." He says further, "That under a king, whose [g227] name was
Alisphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued by him, and were indeed driven out of other
parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place that contained ten thousand acres; this place
was named Avaris." [56] Manetho says, "That the shepherds built a wall round all this
place, which was a large and a strong wall, and this in order to keep all their
possessions and their prey within a place of strength, but that Thummosis the son of
Alisphragmuthosis made an attempt to take them by force and by siege, with four hundred
and eighty thousand men to lie rotund about them, but that, upon his despair of taking the
place by that siege, they came to a composition with them, that they should leave Egypt
[g228], and go, without any harm to be done to them, whithersoever they would; and that,
after this composition was made, they went away with their whole families and effects, not
fewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand, and took their journey from Egypt,
through the wilderness, for Syria; but that as they were in fear of the Assyrians, who had
then the dominion over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judea,
and that large enough to contain this great number of men, and called it Jerusalem.

152 Now Manetho, in another book of his, says, "That this nation, thus called Shepherds,
were also called Captives, in their sacred books.[g229]" And this account of his is the
truth; for feeding of sheep was the employment of our forefathers in the most ancient ages
and as they led such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they were called Shepherds. Nor
was it without reason that they were called Captives by the Egyptians, since one of our
ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive, and afterward sent for
his brethren into Egypt by the king's permission. But as for these matters, I shall make a
more exact inquiry about them elsewhere. 153 But now I shall produce the Egyptians as
witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I shall therefore here bring in Manetho again,
and what he writes as to the order of the times in this case; and thus he speaks: "When
this people or shepherds were gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethtmosis the king of
Egypt, who drove them out, reigned afterward [g230] twenty-five years and four months, and
then died; after him his son Chebron took the kingdom for thirteen years; after whom came
Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months; then came his sister Amesses, for twenty-one
years and nine months; after her came Mephres, his son, for twelve years and nine months;
after him was Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five years and ten months; after him was Thmosis,
for nine years and eight months; after him came Amenophis, for thirty years and ten
months; after him came Orus, for thirty-six years and five months; then came his daughter
Acenchres, for twelve years and one month; then was her brother Rathotis, for nine years;
then was Acencheres, for twelve years and five months; then came another Acencheres, for
twelve years and three months; after him Armais, for four years and one month; after him
was Ramesses [g231], for one year and four months; after him came Armesses Miammoun, for
sixty-six years and two months; after him Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months;
after him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, who had an army of horse, and a naval force.

154 This king appointed his brother, Armais,, to be his deputy over Egypt. He also gave
him all the other authority of a king, but with these only injunctions, that he should not
wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the queen, the mother of his children, and that he
should not meddle with the other concubines of the king; while he made an expedition
against Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and besides against the Assyrians and the Medes. He then
subdued them all, some by his arms, some without fighting, and some by the terror of his
great army; and being puffed up by the great successes he had had [g232], he went on still
the more boldly, and overthrew the cities and countries that lay in the eastern parts. But
after some considerable time, Armais, who was left in Egypt, did all those very things, by
way of opposition, which his brother had forbid him to do, without fear; for he used
violence to the queen, and continued to make use of the rest of the concubines, without
sparing any of them; nay, at the persuasion of his friends he put on the diadem, and set
up to oppose his brother. But then he who was set over the priests of Egypt wrote letters
to Sethosis, and informed him of all that had happened, and how his brother had set up to
oppose him: he therefore returned back to Pelusium immediately, and recovered [g233] his
kingdom again. The country also was called from his name Egypt;

155 for Manetho says, that Sethosis was himself called Egyptus, as was his brother Armais
called Danaus." 156 [57] This is Manetho's account. And it is evident from the number of
years set down by him belonging to this interval, if they be summed up together, that
these shepherds, as they are here called, who were no other than our forefathers, were
delivered out of Egypt, and came thence, and inhabited this country, three hundred and
ninety-three years before Danaus came to Argos; although the Argives look upon him as
their most ancient king Manetho, therefore, bears this testimony to two points of the
greatest consequence to our purpose, and those from the Egyptian records themselves. In
the first place, that we came out of another country into Egypt; and that withal our
deliverance out of it was so ancient in time as to have preceded the siege of Troy by
almost a thousand years; but then, as to those things which Manetho adds, not from the
Egyptian records, but, [g234] as he confesses himself, from some stories of an uncertain
origin, I will disprove them hereafter particularly, and shall demonstrate that they are
no better than incredible fables.

157 This is what Josephus relates in his book. One by one he names the kings of Egypt and
their chonologies starting at the beginning and continuing until the period of the one
named Nectanebus. I have already mentioned Nectanebus previously in the list of kings.
After Nectanebus, Ochus the king of the Persians gained control of Egypt, and ruled for 6
years. Then Arses, Ochus' son, ruled for 4 years. After him, Darius ruled for 6 years.
Then Alexander of Macedon killed Darius the Persian, and ruled over both the Asians and
the Egyptians. Alexander founded the city of Alexandria in Egypt in the sixth year of his
reign. After the death of Alexander, his empire was divided between many different rulers,
and the Ptolemies became kings of Egypt and Alexandria. The dates of these kings are as
follows [g235].

[58] Concerning those who ruled Egypt and the city of Alexandria after Alexander of
Macedon. From the writings of Porphyry.

158 Alexander of Macedon [died] in the 114th Olympiad [324 B.C.]. He was succeeded by
Aridaeus, also called Philippus, Alexander's brother by a different mother. For [g236] he
was the son of Philippus and Philinna of Larissa. This Aridaeus ruled for 7 years. He was
killed in Macedonia by Polysperchon the son of Antipater. A year after Philippus took
power, Ptolemy (Ptolemy) the son of Arsinoe and Lagus was sent to be governor of Egypt. He
was governor for 17 years, and then he was king for 23 years. Thus he ruled for 40 years,
until his death. However, while still alive he abdicated in favour of his son Ptolemy,
called Philadelphus, and he lived for a further two years after his son had become king.
Consequently the reign of this first Ptolemy, called Soter, we take to be 38 rather than
40 years. He was succeeded by his son Ptolemy, who as we said was called Philadelphus. The
son reigned for two years while his father was still alive [g237], and then for an
additional 36 years, so we consider his reign to have lasted 38 years, the same as his
father's.

159 He was succeeded by the third Ptolemy, called Euergetes, who reigned for 25 years. He
was succeeded by the fourth Ptolemy, called Philopator, who reigned for 17 years. He was
succeeded by the fifth Ptolemy, called Epiphanes, who reigned for 24 years. The latter was
succeeded by his two sons. The elder was called Philometer and the younger [g238],
Euergetes the second. Their combined reigns totaled 61 years. We present their reigns as
one due to the confusion of the period, since they were perpetually at war with each, and
one was always seizing the throne from the other. First Philometor ruled for 11 years; but
when Antiochus invaded Egypt and removed him from the throne, the inhabitants of
Alexandria put the younger brother on the throne, forced Antiochus out of Egypt, and freed
Philometor. They called that the 12th year of Philometor, and the first year of Euergetes.
After that the two kings ruled jointly until the 17th year, but from the 18th year onwards
Philometor ruled on his own.

160 Then the elder brother, who had recently been deposed by the younger brother, was
restored [g239] by the Romans. So he ruled over Egypt, and gave the land of Libya to his
younger brother. [Philometor] ruled [Egypt] alone for 18 years. He died in Syria, which
was also under his rule. At that point Euergetes was called back from Cyrene and named
king. Euergetes counted his years from the time he first became king, so he seems to have
reigned for 25 years after his brother's death, but officially he reigned for 54 years.
The 36th year of Philometor should have been called the first year of his reign, but
instead he ordered it to be written as the 25th year of his reign. So the combined length
of both their reigns is 64 years, 35 years [g240] under Philometor and the rest under
Euergetes. Dividing it up into separate reigns would lead to confusion.

161 [59] Euergetes II Ptolemid had two sons by Cleopatra, the elder called Ptolemy Soter
and the younger called Ptolemy Alexander. First the elder son was brought to the throne by
his mother [g241]. She thought he would obey her, so favoured him for a time. But in the
sixth year of his reign he murdered his parents' friends. His mother removed him from
power because of his cruelty, and he fled to Cyprus. His mother summoned her younger son
from the city of Pelusium, and appointed him joint monarch with her. Thus the younger son
and his mother ruled together and the country was governed in both their names. This year
was called the 11th year of Cleopatra and the 8th year of Alexander Ptolemy, because
Alexander counted his years from the 4th [g242] year of his brother's reign, which was
when he started to rule over Cyprus. Thus matters continued until the death of Cleopatra.
After she died, Alexander ruled as the sole monarch, reigning for a total of 18 years
after he returned to Alexandria, though officially he reigned for 26 years. In the 19th
year, after a dispute with his soldiers, he went away to collect an army to bring to Egypt
against them. However they pursued him, and under the leadership of Tyrrus, who was a
relative of the kings, they defeated him in a naval battle. Alexander escaped by a
hairsbreadth and took refuge with his wife and daughter in Myra, a city of Lycia; from
there, he crossed over to Cyprus, where he was defeated by the admiral Chaereas, and died
[g243].

162 After [Alexander's] flight, the Alexandrians sent an emissary to his elder brother,
Ptolemy Soter, once more giving the throne to him, when he would sail back from Cyprus. He
lived another 7 years and 6 months after his return. The entire period after the death of
the brothers' father was counted in his name, which was a total of 35 years and 6 months.
But if we divide the period precisely , Ptolemy Soter ruled at two different times for a
total of 17 years and 6 months, and in between the younger brother, Ptolemy Alexander,
ruled for 18 years. The inhabitants of Alexandria were unable to completely delete
Alexander's reign from the records, but as far as was in their power they erased all
mention of it. This was due to the fact that Alexander with the help of some Jews had gone
against them. So they did not count the years of his reign, but instead attributed the
entire 36 year period to the elder brother. Similarly, they do not attribute the next 6
months after the death of the elder brother [g244], which make up the complete 36 years,
to Cleopatra, the daughter of the elder brother and wife of the younger brother, who took
over control of the kingdom after the death of her father. Nor do they formally attribute
to Alexander the 19 days in which he jointly reigned with her.

163 [60] This Alexander, who was living in the city of Rome, was the homonymous son of the
younger Ptolemy Alexander and the stepson of Cleopatra. Since there was a dearth of
military men in Egypt at the time, he was summoned [home]. He arrived at Alexandria,
married the aforementioned Cleopatra, took the kingdom from her against her will, and then
murdered her 19 days later. But he himself [g245] was killed for this loathsome deed by a
group of soldiers during a military review. This Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemy called
the new Dionysius. He was the son of Ptolemy Soter and the brother of the aforementioned
Cleopatra. He reigned for 29 years. His daughter Cleopatra was the last of the Ptolemid
dynasty. She reigned for 22 years. These reigns also were not continuous from beginning to
end, as is found in writings, but each had some interruptions in its course. In the reign
of the new Dionysus, his daughters Cleopatra Tryphaena and Berenice, had a three year
[g246] reign ascribed to them: one year as a joint reign and the following two years,
after the death of Cleopatra Tryphaena, as the reign of Berenice on her own. Because
Ptolemy had gone to Rome, and was spending a long time there, his daughters took over the
rule of the kingdom, as if he was not going to return, and Berenice had some some of her
male relatives as co-rulers. But when Ptolemy returned from Rome, he forget all affection
towards his daughter, and, full of rage for what she had done, put her to death.

164 In the first years of Cleopatra's reign, she shared power with her elder brother
Ptolemy and then with others, for the following reasons. When the new [g247] Dionysus
died, he left four children, two sons called Ptolemy and daughters called Cleopatra and
Arsinoe. He handed over power to the two eldest children, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, who
reigned jointly for 4 years. This arrangement would have continued if Ptolemy had not
wanted to seize sole power for himself, defying his father's orders. However he died
shortly, after being defeated in a naval battle by Julius Caesar, who came to the aid of
Cleopatra. After Ptolemy's death, Cleopatra's younger brother, who was also called
Ptolemy, became joint ruler with his sister, according to Caesar's wishes. The next year
was called the fifth year of Cleopatra and the first year of Ptolemy, and so it continued
[g248] for the following two years, until he died. He died in his 4th year, which was
Cleopatra's 8th year, due to Cleopatra's treachery. Thereafter Cleopatra ruled on her own,
untill her 15th year. However, her 16th year was also called the first year, because after
the death of Lysimachus the king of Chalcis in Syria, the Roman general Marcus Antonius
gave Chalcis and the surrounding regions to Cleopatra. And thenceforth for the remaining
years until the 22nd year, which was the last of Cleopatra's reign, the years were counted
in the same way, so that the 22nd year was also called the 7th year.

165 Octavius Caesar, also called Augustus, conquered Egypt [g249] in the battle of Actium,
and succeeded Cleopatra as ruler of Egypt in the second year of the 184th Olympiad [43
B.C.]. From the first year of the 111th Olympiad [336 B.C.], when Aridaeus Philippus
became king, until the second year of the 184th Olympiad [43 B.C.], is 73 Olympiads and
one additional year. Thus the total duration of the rule of all the kings of Alexandria,
to the death of Cleopatra, is 293 years [g250].

[61] The Ptolemids and the Lengths of Their Reigns.

166 Alexander of Macedon began his reign in the first year of the 111th Olympiad [336
B.C.]. He founded the city of Alexandria in Egypt, and ruled for 12 years and 7 months.
After him, the kings of the city of Alexandria and all of Egypt were: Ptolemy the son of
Lagus, 40 years. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 38 years. Ptolemy Euergetes, 24 years. Ptolemy
Philopator, 21 years. Ptolemy Epiphanes, 24 years. Ptolemy Philometor, 21 years [g251].
Ptolemy the second Euergetes, 29 years. Ptolemy Physcon, or Soter, 17 years and 6 months.
Ptolemy Alexander, who was expelled by his mother's father, 3 years. Ptolemy Philadelphus,
returning from exile after the expulsion of Alexander, 8 years. Ptolemy Dionysus, called
Philadelphus, 30 years. Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolemy, 22 years. In her reign, Gaius
Julius Caesar became the first Roman emperor. The next emperor, Octavius Caesar Augustus,
called Sebastos in Greek, killed [g252] Cleopatra and put an end to the dynasty of the
Ptolemids, who had ruled for 295 years [g253].

[62] How the Greeks Calculate Their Ancient History.

167 [We shall list:] The kings of the Athenians. The kings of the Argives. The kings of
the Sicyonians. The kings of the Lacedaemonians. The kings of the Corinthians. Who ruled
the sea, and for how long. How the Greeks reckon each of the Olympiads. The first
Macedonian kings. The Thessalian, Syrian and Asian kings after Alexander of Macedon.

Greek Chronology.

168 The Greeks regard the Sicyonians as the most ancient [Greeks]. Their kings [g253]
resided at Sicyon. The first king to rule Sicyon was Aegialeus, at the same time as Ninus
and Belus, who are the first remembered kings of the Assyrians and of Asia. The
Peloponnese was originally called Aegialeia, after this Aegialeus. Inachus is said to have
been the first king of the Argives, 235 years after the start of the Sicyonian kingdom.
Cecrops, called Diphyes, was the first king of the Athenians, [ruling] about 300 years
after the start of the Argive kingdom, and 533 years after the start of the Sicyonian
kingdom. This chronicle will start with the earliest rulers, and will begin with a list of
the kings of the Sicyonians [g254]. There is considerable disagreement among the ancients
who composed chronicles of Greek history. As far as possible, we will select [material] on
which there is consensus. The chronographer Castor lists the dates of the Sicyonian kings
in his chronicle and then provides a summary of them, as follows:

169 "We will provide a list of the kings of Sicyon, starting with Aegialeus, the first
king, and ending with Zeuxippus. These kings reigned for a total of 959 years. After the
kings, [g255] six priests of [Apollo] Carneius were appointed; this priesthood lasted for
33 years. Then Charidemus was appointed priest; but he could not bear the expense, and
went into exile." This according to Castor. Below we present the full list of the
Sicyonian kings.

[63] The Kings of the Sicyonians.

170 1. Aegialeus, 52 years. The Peloponnese was originally called Aegialeia, after this
Aegialeus. He is said to have started to rule Sicyon in the 15th year of Belus, the first
king of the Assyrians. According to legend, [Belus] was the son of Poseidon and Libya
[g256]. 2. Europs, 45 years. He reigned at the same time as Ninus, the son of Belus. 3.
Telchin, 20 years. He reigned at the same time as Semiramis. 4. Apis, 25 years. The
Peloponnese was then called Apia, after this Apis. 5. Thelxion, 52 years. 6. Aegydrus, 34
years. 7. Thurimachus, 45 years. During his reign, Inachus became the first king of the
Argives. 8. Leucippus, 53 years. 9. Messapus, 47 years. During his reign Egypt was ruled
by Joseph, as the Hebrews record [g257]. 10. Eratus, 46 years. 11. Plemnaeus, 48 years.
12. Orthopolis, 63 years. 13. Marathonius, 30 years. During his reign, Cecrops Diphyes
became the first king of Attica.

171 14. Marathus, 20 years. During his reign, Moses led the Hebrews out of Egypt, as will
be shown in due course. 15. Echyreus, 55 years. During his reign, Danaus became king of
the Argives [g258]. 16. Corax, 30 years. 17. Epopeus, 35 years. 18. Laomedon, 40 years.
19. Sicyon, 45 years. During his reign, the kingdom of the Argives came to an end, after
lasting for 540 years. 20. Polybus, 40 years. 21. Inachus, 40 years. 22. Phaestus, 8
years. 23. Adrastus, 4 years. 24. Polypheides, 31 years. During his reign, Troy was
captured [g259]. 25. Pelasgus, 20 years. During his reign, Aeneias was king of the Latins.
26. Zeuxippus, 31 years. There were a total of 26 kings of Sicyon, who reigned for 959
years. After [Zeuxippus], there were no more kings. Instead the priests of [Apollo]
Carneius [ruled]. 1. The first [of these] priest[s] was Archelaus [who ruled] one year. 2.
Automedon, one year. 3. Theoclytus, four years. 4. Euneus, six years. 5. Theonomus, nine
years [g260]. 6. Amphigyes, twelve years. 7. Finally, Charidemus one year. He could not
bear the expense, and went into exile. He was priest 352 years before the first Olympiad
[i.e. 1128 B.C.].

172 The total for the Sicyonian kings and priests is 998 years. Following this list of the
Sicyonian rulers it is appropriate to list the kings of the Argives as they are accurately
recorded in ancient histories. Here is how Castor desribed them [g261].

[64] Castor on the Kings of the Argives.

173 Now we will list the kings of the Argives, begining with Inachus and ending with
Sthenelus the son of Crotopus. These kings reigned for a total of 382 years, until
Sthenelus was expelled by Danaus, who seized control of Argos. The descendants of Danaus
ruled Argos, ending with Eurysthenes, the son of Sthenelus, the son of Perseus. After
Eurysthenes, the descendants of Pelops ruled Argos. The duration of the reign of the kings
of the Danaidae was 162 years. The duration of the reign of the Pelopidae was 105 years,
starting with Atreus, and ending with Penthilus, Tisamenus and Cometes the son of Orestes,
in whose time the invasion of the Heracleidae occurred. The dates of each of the Argive
kings are as follows.

The Kings of the Argives.

174 1. Inachus, 50 years. The country was called Inachia, after this Inachus. He began to
rule [g262] the Argives at the time of Thurimachus, who was the seventh king of the
Sicyonians. 2. Phoroneus, 60 years. In his reign, Ogygus founded Eleusis. 3. Apis, 35
years. The country was then called Apia, after this Apis. During his reign, Joseph
governed the Egyptians, as recorded by the Hebrews. 4. Argus, the son of Zeus and Niobe,
for 70 years. The name of the country was changed to Argeia, after this Argus. 5. Criasus,
54 years. 6. Phorbas, 35 years. During his reign, Cecrops Diphyes became king of the
Athenians. 7. Triopas, 46 years. During his reign, Moses led the Hebrews out of Egypt. 8.
Crotopus, 21 years. 9. Sthenelus, 11 years. Altogether these kings reigned for 382 years
[g263]. Danaus expelled Sthenelus, and ruled Argos, as did his descendants. The succession
of kings, and their dates, are as follows.

175 10. Danaus, 50 years. 11. Lynceus, 41 years. 12. Abas, 23 years. 13. Proetus, 17
years. 14. Acrisius, 31 years. Altogether they ruled Argos for 545 years, until the end of
the Danaidae. After Acrisius, rule of the Argives passed to Mycenaae, when the descendants
of Pelops took power, in the time of Eurysthenes the son of Sthenelus [g264]. Pelops was
the first ruler of the Peloponnese, and he encouraged the Olympic games. After Acrisius,
when the Argives were ruled from Mycenae: Eurysthenes ruled as king for 45 years. Then the
Pelopidae, Atreus and Thyestes, 65 years. Then Agamemnon, 30 years. In the 18th year of
his reign, Troy was captured. Aegisthus, 17 years. Orestes, Tisamenus, Penthilus and
Cometes 58 years, until the invasion of the Heracleidae, who then conquered the
Peloponnese. From the return of the Heracleidae until the migration of the Ionians [g265],
60 years elapsed. From the migration of the Ionians until the first Olympiad [776 B.C.],
267 years elapsed.

176 It is appropriate to follow this with a list of the kings of the Athenians,
summarizing accurate accounts from ancient writers. Ogygus is said to have been the first
[king] of the Athenians. The Greeks relate that their great ancient flood took place
during his reign. Phoroneus the son of Inachus, king of the Argives, is considered to have
lived at this time. Plato mentions this in the Timaeus [22], as follows: "When he wished
to acquaint [g266] them with ancient history, so they could discuss the antiquity of this
city, he began his account with the old stories about Phoroneus and Niobe, and then what
happened after the flood." Ogygus lived in the time of Messapus, the ninth king of Sicyon,
and Belochus, the eighth king of the Assyrians. After Ogygus and until the time of
Cecrops, it is said that there was no king in Attica for 190 years, because of the great
destruction caused by the flood. The number of years is calculated from the kings of the
Argives, who reigned before Ogygus. From the end of the reign of Phoroneus, king of the
Argives, in whose time Ogygus' flood is said to have occurred, until Phorbas, in whose
time Cecrops became king of Attica, 190 years elapsed. From Cecrops until the first
Olympiad [g267], seventeen kings, and twelve archons for life are listed; in this period
too, the amazing fables of the Greeks are said to have unfolded. The Greeks count the
kings of Attica from [Cecrops], because they do not know for certain the dates of any
earlier kings. Castor explained this briefly in his history, as follows.

[65] Castor on The Kings of the Athenians.

177 Now we will list the kings of the Athenians, beginning with Cecrops, called Diphyes,
and ending with Thymoetes. The total duration of the reigns of all these kings, called
Erechtheidae, was 450 years. After them, Melanthus of Pylus, son of Andropompus, took over
the kingdom, followed by his son Codrus. The total duration of their two reigns was 52 (or
58) years. [lacuna]... [archons] starting with Medon (?) son of Codrus, and ending with
Alcmaeon son of Aeschylus. The total duration of the rule of the archons for life was 209
years. The next archons held power for 10 years each; there were seven such archons, who
ruled for 70 years [g268]. Then the archons started to hold power for one year each,
starting with Creon and ending with Theophemus, in whose time the valorous deeds of our
land ceased. This is how Castor put it. Let us now provide a list of all these kings.

[66] The Kings of the Athenians.

178 1. Cecrops Diphyes, 50 years. In his reign Prometheus, Epimetheus and Atlas lived. He
began ruling the Athenians in the time of Triopas, the seventh king of the Argives, and
Marathonius, the thirteenth king of Sicyon. At this time, Moses had become recognized
amongst the Hebrews, as we will show in due course. Also at this time, the flood of
Deucalion is said to have occurred in Thessaly [g269], and fire devastated the land of
Ethiopia in the time of Phaethon. 2. Cranaus, a native, 9 years. 3. Amphictyon, the son of
Deucalion and son-in-law of Cranaus, 10 years. The deeds narrated about the Danaidae are
said to have occurred in his reign. 4. Erichthonius, the son of Hephaestus, who is called
Erechtheus by Homer, 50 years. The Idaean Dactyls lived in his reign. 5. Pandion, the son
of Erichthonius, 40 years. The kidnaping of the girl [Persephone], and what is narrated
about Triptolemus, occurred in his reign.

179 6. Erechtheus the son of Pandion, 50 years. The deeds narrated about Perseus occurred
in his reign. 7. Cecrops, the brother of Erechtheus, 40 years. The deeds narrated about
Dionysus occurred in his reign [g270]. 8. Pandion, the son of Erechtheus, 25 years.
Afterwards Pandion went into exile, and became king of Megara. The deeds narrated about
Europa, Cadmus and the Sparti occurred in his reign. 9. Aegeus, the son of Pandion, 48
years. The deeds narrated about the Argonauts and the Centaurs occurred in his reign; and
Heracles held the wrestling competitions. 10. Theseus, the son of Aegeus, 30 years. In his
reign, Minos became recognized as a legislator. 11. Menestheus, the son of Peteus, son of
Orneus son of Erechtheus, 23 years. In his reign, Troy was captured. 12. Demophon, the son
of Theseus, 33 years. The deeds narrated about Odysseus and Orestes occurred in his reign;
and Aeneias was king of Lavinium.

180 13. Oxyntes [g271], the son of Demophon, 12 years. In his reign, the Amazons burned
down the temple at Ephesus. 14. Apheidas, the son of Oxyntes, one year. 15. Thymoetes, the
brother of Apheidas, 8 years. 16. Melanthus of Pylus, the son of Andropompus, 37 years. In
his reign the Heracleidae returned and occupied the Peloponnese. 17. Codrus, the son of
Melanthus, 21 years. In his reign, the Ionians were expelled from Achaea, and took refuge
in Athens.

[67] The Athenian Princes [Archons] Who Ruled for Life.

181 18. Medon, the son of Codrus, 20 years. 19. Acastus, the son of Medon [g272], 36
years. In his reign occurred the migration of the Ionians, including Homer, so they say.
At the same time, Solomon built the temple at Jerusalem, as we will show at the
appropriate time. 20. Archippus, the son of Acastus, 19 years. 21. Thersippus, the son of
Archippus, 41 years. 22. Phorbas, the son of Thersippus, 30 years. 23. Megacles, the son
of Phorbas, 30 years. 24. Diognetus, the son of Megacles, 28 years. At this time, Lycurgus
had become prominent. 25. Pherecles, the son of Diognetus, 19 years. 26. Ariphron, the son
of Pherecles, 20 years. At this time, the kingdom of the Assyrians came to an end, and
Sardanapalus was killed [g273]. 27. Thespieus, the son of Ariphron, 27 years. At this
time, Lycurgus created laws for the Spartans. 28. Agamestor, the son of Thespieus, 17
years. 29. Aeschylus, the son of Agamestor, 23 years. In his twelfth year, the first
Olympiad was held, in which Coroebus won the stadion contest.

182 Adding together the reigns of all the Athenian kings, from the time of Cecrops to the
first Olympiad [776 B.C.] the total is 780 years. And 970 years elapsed from Ogygus until
the first Olympiad. Henceforth it is appropriate to provide dating according to the
Olympiads [g274]. After Aeschylus, Alcmaeon ruled the Athenians, for 2 years. After him it
was decided to appoint archons for ten years each: Charops, for ten years. Aesimides, for
ten years. Cleidicus, for ten years. Hippomenes, for ten years. Leocrates, for ten years.
Apsander, for ten years. Eryxias, for ten years. During [Eryxias' reign], it was decided
to appoint archons for one year each. The first yearly archon was Creon, in the 24th
Olympiad [684-681 B.C.]. Thereafter an archon was appointed each year. There is no need to
list their names. We have provided the dates of the ancient rulers of the Athenians
[g275], as related by old and especially reliable historians. We have set down the dates
and events before the capture of Troy--which are not regarded as particularly accurate--as
well as we could from the many accounts. Similarly, events from the capture of Troy until
the first Olympiad are not accurately recorded. However Porphyry, in the first book of his
Philosophical History, gives the following summary:

[68] Porphyry from the first book of his Philosophical History [g276].

183 Apollodorus says that there are 80 years from the capture of Troy [1183 B.C.] until
the Heracleidae invasion of the Peloponnese [1103 B.C.]; 60 years from the return of the
Heracleidae until the settling of Ionia [1043 B.C.]; 159 years from that point until
Lycurgus [884 B.C.]; ... and there are 108 years from Lycurgus until the first Olympiad
[776 B.C.]. Altogether, 407 years elapsed from the capture of Troy to the first Olympiad.
I believe that it would be appropriate next to discuss the Greek Olympiads [g277]. [69]
From the time of the first Olympiad, in which Coroebus of Elis won the stadion race, Greek
chronology appears to have been accurately [g277] recorded. Before that time, however, the
dates are provided according to the views of each writer.

About the Institution of the Olympics, which are Athletic Competitions.

184 It is necessary to discuss briefly [the origins of] the Olympics. There are some who
place its beginning in remote antiquity, before the time of Heracles. [This group
attributes the founding of the Olympics] to one of the Idaean Dactyls. Subsequently
Aethlius [used the concept] as a means of challenging his sons. And it was from his name
that the adversaries are called athletes. After [Aethlius] his sons Epeius and then
Endymion, Alexinus and Oenomaus were each in charge of the sacrifices [connected with the]
festival. Next Pelops [conducted an athletic competition] in honor of [g278] his father,
Zeus (Aramazd). And then Heracles, son of Alcmene and Zeus (Aramazd) [held an athlethic
competition]. Now it was 10 generations--though some say only 3--from the time of Heracles
to the time of Iphitus. [Iphitus] was from Elis and was the steward for the entire
Peloponnesus. He wanted to reduce the fighting among the cities. To this end he had sent
men throughout the Peloponnesus to observe [conditions and] to learn how to lessen the
military irritants. Then the gods gave the following commands to the Peloponnesians:

185 Enter the temples and make sacrifice, And obey what the soothsayers command. This
additional prophesy was given to the Eleians [g279]: Eleians, hold firm to the laws of
your forefathers And preserve your land, And put an end to warfare. Stay in complete
friendship with the [other] Greeks Until the arrival of a joyous celebration. As a
consequence of this, Iphitus ordered that they stop fighting, and that each [party ]begin
to experience peace under confederation. He implemented Heracles' command that they not
attack one another. And he initiated the [Olympic] games with Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian,
who like himself was a descendant of Heracles [g280]. At this time the stadion race was
the sole competition; however, subsequently, one by one, other contests were added [to the
games]. Aristodemus of Elis relates that in the 27th Olympiad after Iphitus the names of
the winners in the athletic contests began to be recorded. Before then the athletes' names
were not recorded. In the twenty[-eighth] Olympiad, Coroebus of Elis won the stadion race,
and he was the first [winner] to be recorded. Thus were the Olympiads initiated, by which
the Greeks reckon their chronology. Polybius supports Aristodemus' information; but
Callimachus says that thirteen Olympiads passed after Iphitus without victors being
recorded, and that Coroebus was the victor in the 14th Olympiad. Many [g281] writers state
that 459 years elapsed between the institution of the games by Heracles the son of Alcmene
and what is [commonly] regarded as the first Olympiad. The Eleians hold the games every
fifth year, with a four year interval separating them.

[70] The Greek Olympiads — [A list] from the first Olympiad to the 247th, when Antoninus
the son of Severus was emperor of the Romans.

186 1st [776 B.C.] Coroebus of Elis was the victor in the stadion race [g282]. The stadion
race was the sole contest until the thirteen Olympiad. 2nd [772 B.C.] Antimachus of Elis,
stadion race. Romulus and Remus [the legendary founders of Rome] were born. 3rd [768 B.C.]
Androclus of Messenia, stadion race. 4th [764 B.C.] Polychares of Messenia, stadion race.
5th [760 B.C.] Aeschines of Elis, stadion race. 6th [756 B.C.] Oebotas of Dyme, stadion
race. 7th [752 B.C.] Diocles of Messenia, stadion race. Romulus built Rome. 8th [748 B.C.]
Anticles of Messenia, stadion race. 9th [744 B.C.] Xenocles of Messenia, stadion race.
10th [740 B.C.] Dotades of Messenia, stadion race. 11th [736 B.C.] Leochares of Messenia,
stadion race. 12th [732 B.C.] Oxythemis of Coroneia, stadion race. 13th [728 B.C.] Diocles
of Corinth, stadion race. 14th [724 B.C.] Desmon of Corinth, stadion race [g283]. A double
race was added, which was won by Hypenus of Elis.

187 [71] 15th [720 B.C.] Orsippus of Megara, stadion race. A long race was added, and the
runners were naked; the winner was Acanthus of Laconia. 16th [716 B.C.] Pythagoras of
Laconia, stadion race. 17th [712 B.C.] Polus of Epidaurus, stadion race. 18th [708 B.C.]
Tellis of Sicyon, stadion race. A wrestling contest was added, and the winner was
Eurybatus of Laconia. A pentathlon contest was also added, and the winner was Lampis of
Laconia. 19th [704 B.C.] Menus of Megara, stadion race. 20th [700 B.C.] Atheradas of
Laconia, stadion race. 21st [696 B.C.] Pantacles of Athens, stadion race. 22nd [692 B.C.]
Pantacles for a second time. 23rd [688 B.C.] Icarius of Hyperesia, stadion race [g284]. A
boxing contest was added, and the winner was Onomastus of Smyrna. It was Onomastus who
established the rules of boxing. 24th [684 B.C.] Cleoptolemus of Laconia, stadion race.
25th [680 B.C.] Thalpis of Laconia, stadion race. A race was added for chariots drawn by
four horses, and the winner was Pagon of Thebes.

188 26th [676 B.C.] Callisthenes of Laconia, stadion race. Philombrotus of Laconia won the
pentathlon at three Olympic games. The Carneia, a contest for citharodes, was held for the
first time. 27th [672 B.C.] Eurybus of Athens, stadion race. 28th [668 B.C.] Charmis of
Laconia, stadion race. Charmis trained on a diet of dried figs. These games were held
[g285] by the inhabitants of Pisa, because Elis was preoccupied by a war in the west. 29th
[664 B.C.] Chionis of Laconia, stadion race. Chionis could leap a distance of 22 feet.
30th [660 B.C.] Chionis for a second time. The inhabitants of Pisa rebelled from Elis, and
[so the Pisans] supervised these and the following 22 games. [72] 31st [656 B.C.] Chionis
of Laconia for a third time, stadion race. [g286] 32nd [652 B.C.] Cratinus of Megara,
stadion race. At these games, Comaeus was the third of his brothers to win the boxing
contest.

189 33rd [648 B.C.] Gygis of Laconia, stadion race. At these games, a pancratium contest
was added, and the winner was the enormous Lygdamis of Syracuse. He was able to measure
out the stadion with his feet, in only six hundred paces. A horse race was added, and the
winner was Craxilas of Thessaly. 34th [644 B.C.] Stomas of Athens, stadion race. 35th [640
B.C.] Sphaerus of Laconia, stadion race. The double race was won by Cylon of [g287]
Athens, who later attempted to set himself up as tyrant. 36th [636 B.C.] Phrynon of
Athens, stadion race. On the island of Coo, Phrynon was killed in single combat. 37th [632
B.C.] Eurycleidas of Laconia, stadion race. A stadion race for boys was added, and the
winner was Polynices of Elis. A wrestling contest for boys was added, and the winner was
Hipposthenes of Laconia, who won the men's wrestling contest five times in a row, starting
from the next-but-one Olympic games.

190 38th [628 B.C.] Olyntheus of Laconia, stadion race. A pancratium contest for boys was
added, but only on this one occasion. The winner was Deutelidas of Laconia. 39th [624
B.C.] Rhipsolaus of Laconia, stadion race [g288]. 40th [620 B.C.] Olyntheus of Laconia for
a second time, stadion race. 41st [616 B.C.] Cleondas of Thebes, stadion race. A boxing
contest for boys was added, and the winner was Philotas of Sybaris. 42nd [612 B.C.]
Lycotas of Laconia, stadion race. 43rd [608 B.C.] Cleon of Epidaurus, stadion race. 44th
[604 B.C.] Gelon of Laconia, stadion race. 45th [600 B.C.] Anticrates of Epidaurus,
stadion race. 46th [596 B.C.] Chrysamaxus of Laconia, stadion race. The boys' stadion race
was won by Polymnestor of Miletus, who chased and caught a rabit while he was shepherding.
[73] 47th [592 B.C.] Eurycles of Laconia, stadion race. 48th [588 B.C.] Glycon of Croton,
stadion race [g289]. Pythagoras of Samos was excluded from the boys' boxing contest and
was mocked for being effeminate, but he went on to the men's contest and defeated all his
opponents.

191 49th [584 B.C.] Lycinus of Croton, stadion race. 50th [580 B.C.] Epitelidas of
Laconia, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] the seven wise men were named. 51st [576
B.C.] Eratosthenes of Croton, stadion race. 52nd [572 B.C.] Agis of Elis, stadion race.
53rd [568 B.C.] Hagnon of Peparethus, stadion race. 54th [564 B.C.] Hippostratus of
Croton, stadion race. Arichion of Phigaleia died after winning the pancratium contest for
the third time. Though dead he was crowned as victor, because his opponent had already
conceded defeat, after his leg was broken by Arichion. 55th [560 B.C.] Hippostratus for a
second time. [During this Olympiad] Cyrus was king of the Persians [g290]. 56th [556 B.C.]
Phaedrus of Pharsalus, stadion race. 57th [552 B.C.] Ladromus of Laconia, stadion race.
58th [548 B.C.] Diognetus of Croton, stadion race. 59th [544 B.C.] Archilochus of Corcyra,
stadion race. 60th [540 B.C.] Apellaeus of Elis, stadion race. 61st [536 B.C.] -
Agatharchus of Corcyra, stadion race.

192 62nd [532 B.C.] - Eryxias of Chalcis, stadion race. Milon of Croton won the wrestling
contest. He won six times at the Olympic games, six times at the Pythian games, ten times
at the Isthmian games, and nine times at the Nemean games. 63rd [528 B.C.] - Parmenides of
Camarina, stadion race. 64th [524 B.C.] - Menander of Thessaly, stadion race. [74] 65th
[520 B.C.] - Anochas of Tarentum, stadion race. A race as hoplites (wearing armour) was
added, and the winner was Damaretus of Heraea [g291]. 66th [516 B.C.] - Ischyrus of
Himera, stadion race. 67th [512 B.C.] - Phanas of Pellene, stadion race. Phanas was the
first to win all three races, the stadion race, the double race and the race wearing
armour. 68th [508 B.C.] - Isomachus of Croton, stadion race. 69th [504 B.C.] - Isomachus
for a second time. 70th [500 B.C.] - Nicasias of Opus, stadion race.

193 71st [496 B.C.] - Tisicrates of Croton, stadion race. 72nd [492 B.C.] - Tisicrates for
a second time. 73rd [488 B.C.] - Astyalus of Croton, stadion race. 74th [484 B.C.] -
Astyalus for a second time. 75th [480 B.C.] - Astyalus for a third time. 76th [476 B.C.] -
Scamander of Mytilene, stadion race. 77th [472 B.C.] - Dandes of Argos, stadion race
[g292]. 78th [468 B.C.] - Parmenides of Poseidonia, stadion race. 79th [464 B.C.] -
Xenophon of Corinth, stadion race. 80th [460 B.C.] - Torymmas of Thessaly, stadion race.
The wrestling contest was won by Amesinas of Barce, who trained by wrestling with a bull
while he was tending cattle. He even brought the bull to Pisa for his training. 81st [456
B.C.] - Polymnastus of Cyrene, stadion race. 82nd [452 B.C.] - Lycus of Larissa, stadion
race. 83rd [448 B.C.] - Crisson of Himera, stadion race. 84th [444 B.C.] - Crisson for a
second time. 85th [440 B.C.] - Crisson for a third time.

194 86th [436 B.C.] - Theopompus of Thessaly, stadion race. 87th [432 B.C.] - Sophron of
Ambracia, stadion race. After this [Olympiad], the Peloponnesian war began. 88th [428
B.C.] - Symmachus of Messenia, stadion race [g293]. 89th [424 B.C.] - Symmachus for a
second time. 90th [420 B.C.] - Hyperbius of Syracuse, stadion race. [75] 91st [416 B.C.] -
Exagentus of Acragas, stadion race. 92nd [412 B.C.] - Exagentus for a second time. 93rd
[408 B.C.] - Eubatus of Cyrene, stadion race. The pancratium contest was won by the
enormous Polydamas of Scotussa, who killed lions and fought without weapons against armed
men, when he was with Ochus among the Persians. He was able to bring chariots charging at
full speed to a halt. A race was added for chariots drawn by a pair of horses (Synoris),
and the winner was Euagoras of Elis. 94th [404 B.C.] - Crocinas of Larissa, stadion race.
95th [400 B.C.] - Minon of Athens, stadion race.

195 96th [396 B.C.] - Eupolemus of Elis, stadion race. A contest for trumpeters was added,
and the winner was Timaeus of Elis [g294]. A contest for heralds was added, and the winner
was Crates of Elis. 97th [392 B.C.] - Terinaeus [...], stadion race. 98th [388 B.C.] -
Sosippus of Delphi, stadion race. The wrestling contest was won by Aristodemus of Elis,
whom no one could grasp round the middle. 99th [384 B.C.] - Dicon of Syracuse, stadion
race. A race was added for chariots drawn by four colts, and the winner was Eurybatus of
Laconia. 100th [380 B.C.] - Dionysodorus of Tarentum, stadion race. 101st [376 B.C.] -
Damon of Thurii, stadion race. 102nd [372 B.C.] - Damon for a second time [g295]. 103rd
[368 B.C.] - Pythostratus of Ephesus, stadion race. 104th [364 B.C.] - Phocides of Athens,
stadion race. These games were held by the Pisans. 105th [360 B.C.] - Porus of Cyrene,
stadion race. 106th [356 B.C.] - Porus for a second time. 107th [352 B.C.] - Micrinas of
Tarentum, stadion race. 108th [348 B.C.] - Polycles of Cyrene, stadion race. 109th [344
B.C.] - Aristolochus of Athens, stadion race. 110th [340 B.C.] - Anticles of Athens,
stadion race.

196 111th [336 B.C.] - Cleomantis of Cleitor, stadion race. 112th [332 B.C.] - Eurylas of
Chalcis, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] Alexander captured Babylon, and killed
Darius. [76] 113th [328 B.C.] - Cliton of Macedonia, stadion race [g296]. Ageus of Argos,
won the long race. He returned to Argos and announced his own victory on the same day.
114th [324 B.C.] - Micinas of Rhodes, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] Alexander died,
and his empire was split into many parts; Ptolemy became king of Egypt and Alexandria.
115th [320 B.C.] - Damasias of Amphipolis, stadion race. 116th [316 B.C.] - Demosthenes of
Laconia, stadion race. 117th [312 B.C.] - Parmenides of Mytilene, stadion race. 118th [308
B.C.] - Andromenes of Corinth, stadion race. Antenor of Athens or Miletus, undisputed
winner of the pancratium, was crowned in all the major competitions, [g297] and was
undefeated in each of three age groups.

197 119th [304 B.C.] - Andromenes of Corinth, stadion race. 120th [300 B.C.] - Pythagoras
of Magnesia-on-Maeander, stadion race. Ceras of Argos, [victor in] wrestling, tore the
hooves off an ox. 121st [296 B.C.] - Pythagoras for a second time. 122nd [292 B.C.] -
Antigonus of Macedonia, stadion race. 123rd [288 B.C.] - Antigonus for a second time.
124th [284 B.C.] - Philomelus of Pharsalus, stadion race. 125th [280 B.C.] - Ladas of
Aegium, stadion race. 126th [276 B.C.] - Idaeus or Nicator of Cyrene, stadion race. 127th
[272 B.C.] - Perigenes of Alexandria, stadion race. 128th [268 B.C.] - Seleucus of
Macedonia, stadion race. 129th [264 B.C.] - Philinus of Cos, stadion race [g298]. A new
race for two-colt chariots was added, and the first winner was Philistiachus [son] of
Macedonia. 130th [260 B.C.] - Philinus for a second time. 131st [256 B.C.] - Ammonius of
Alexandria, stadion race. A one-colt race was introduced, and the first winner was
Hippocrates [son] of Thessaly.

198 132nd [252 B.C.] - Xenophanes of Amphissa in Aetolia, stadion race. [77] 133rd [248
B.C.] - Simylus of Neapolis, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] the Parthians revolted
against the Macedonians. Arsaces was their first king, whence the [dynastic] name Arsacid.
134th [244 B.C.] - Alcides of Laconia, stadion race. 135th [240 B.C.] - Eraton of Aetolia,
stadion race. Cleoxenus of Alexandria, winner in boxing, won without injury at all the
major games. 136th [236 B.C.] - Pythocles of Sicyon, stadion race. 137th [232 B.C.] -
Menestheus of [? son of] Barcyla, stadion race [g299]. 138th [228 B.C.] - Demetrius of
Alexandria, stadion race. 139th [224 B.C.] - Iolaidas of Argos, stadion race. 140th [220
B.C.] - Zopyrus of Syracuse, stadion race. 141st [216 B.C.] - Dorotheus of Rhodes, stadion
race. 142nd [212 B.C.] - Crates of Alexandria, stadion race. Caprus of Elis won both the
wrestling and the pancratium competitions, like Heracles. Thus he was recorded as "second
after Heracles".

199 143rd [208 B.C.] - Heracleitus of Samos, stadion race. 144th [204 B.C.] - Heracleides
of Salamis in Cyprus, stadion race. 145th [200 B.C.] - Pyrrhias of Aetolia, stadion race.
Moschus of Colophon, [victor in] boys' boxing, was the only boy to have won the boxing
competition at all the major games. A boys' pancratium competition was added, and the
first winner was Phaedimus of Alexandria [g300]. 146th [196 B.C.] - Micion of Boeotia,
stadion race. 147th [192 B.C.] - Agemachus of Cyzicus, stadion race. Cleitostratus of
Rhodes, [victor in] wrestling, defeated his opponents by grasping their necks. 148th [188
B.C.] - Arcesilaus of Megalopolis, stadion race. 149th [184 B.C.] - Hippostratus of
Seleucia in Pieria, stadion race. 150th [180 B.C.] - Onesicritus of Salamis, stadion race.
[78] 151st [176 B.C.] - Thymilus of Aspendus, stadion race. 152nd [172 B.C.] - Democritus
of Megara, stadion race. 153rd [168 B.C.] - Aristander of Antissa in Lesbos, stadion race.
154th [164 B.C.] - Leonidas of Rhodes, three times victor in the stadion race. 155th [160
B.C.] - Leonidas for a second time.

200 156th [156 B.C.] - Leonidas for a third time. Aristomenes of Rhodes [g301] was the
third after Heracles to win both the wrestling and the pancratium competitions. 157th [152
B.C.] - Leonidas, victor in the stadion race for a fourth time, was the first and only man
to win 12 Olympic crowns over four Olympiads. 158th [148 B.C.] - Othon of Syracuse,
stadion race. 159th [144 B.C.] - Alcimus of Cyzicus, stadion race. 160th [140 B.C.] -
Agnodorus of Cyzicus, stadion race. 161st [136 B.C.] - Antipater of Epirus, stadion race.
162nd [132 B.C.] - Damon of Delphi, stadion race. 163rd [128 B.C.] - Timotheus of Tralles,
stadion race. 164th [124 B.C.] - Boeotus of Sicyon, stadion race. 165th [120 B.C.] -
Acusilaus of Cyrene, stadion race. 166th [116 B.C.] - Chrysogonus of Nicaea, stadion race.
167th [112 B.C.] - Chrysogonus for a second time [g302]. 168th [108 B.C.] - Nicomachus of
Philadelphia, stadion race. 169th [104 B.C.] - Nicodemus of Lacedaemon, stadion race.
170th [100 B.C.] - Simmias of Seleuceia-on-Tigris, stadion race.

201 171st [96 B.C.] - Parmeniscus of Corcyra, stadion race. 172nd [92 B.C.] - Eudamus of
Cos, stadion race. Protophanes of Magnesia-on-Maeander was the fourth after Heracles to
win both the wrestling and the pancratium competitions. 173rd [88 B.C.] - Parmeniscus of
Corcyra again, stadion race. 174th [84 B.C.] - Demostratus of Larissa, stadion race. 175th
[80 B.C.] - Epaenetus of Argos, boys' stadion race. There was no stadion race for men this
year, because Sulla had summoned all the athletes to Rome. 176th [76 B.C.] - Dion of
Cyparissus, stadion race. 177th [72 B.C.] - Hecatomnos of Elis, stadion race [g303]. 178th
[68 B.C.] - Diocles [? son of] Hypopenus, stadion race. Stratonicus of Alexandria, son of
Corragus, was the fifth after Heracles to win both the wrestling and the pancratium
competitions. At the Nemean games, he won four crowns on the same day in the boys' and
youths' competitions, competing naked. He attended without a horse. He won through the
favour of his friends or the kings, and therefore he was considered disqualified.

202 [79] 179th [64 B.C.] - Andreas of Lacedaemon, stadion race. 180th [60 B.C.] -
Andromachus of Ambracia, stadion race. 181st [56 B.C.] - Lamachus of Tauromenium, stadion
race. 182nd [52 B.C.] - Anthestion of Argos, stadion race. [g304] Marion of Alexandria,
son of Marion, was the sixth after Heracles to win both the wrestling and the pancratium
competitions. 183rd [48 B.C.] - Theodorus of Messene, stadion race. [During this Olympiad]
Julius Caesar was emperor of the Romans. 184th [44 B.C.] - Theodorus for a second time.
[During this Olympiad] Augustus became emperor of the Romans. 185th [40 B.C.] - Ariston of
Thurii, stadion race. 186th [36 B.C.] - Scamander of Alexandria Troas, stadion race. 187th
[32 B.C.] - Ariston of Thurii again, stadion race. 188th [28 B.C.] - Sopater of Argos,
stadion race. 189th [24 B.C.] - Asclepiades of Sidon, stadion race. 190th [20 B.C.] -
Auphidius of Patrae, stadion race [g305].

203 191st [16 B.C.] - Diodotus of Tyana, stadion race. 192nd [12 B.C.] - Diophanes of
Aeolis, stadion race. 193rd [8 B.C.] - Artemidorus of Thyateira, stadion race. 194th [4
B.C.] - Demaratus of Ephesus, stadion race. 195th [1 A.D.] - Demaratus for a second time.
196th [5 A.D.] - Pammenes of Magnesia-on-Maeander, stadion race. 197th [9 A.D.] -
Asiaticus of Halicarnassus, stadion race. 198th [13 A.D.] - Diophanes of Prusa [near] Mt.
Olympus, stadion race. Aristeas of Stratoniceia or Maeander was the seventh after Heracles
to win both the wrestling and the pancratium competitions. [During this Olympiad] Tiberius
became emperor of the Romans. [80] 199th [17 A.D.] - Aeschines Glaucias of Miletus,
stadion race. The four-horse race was reinstated, and the winner was Tiberius Caesar.
200th [21 A.D.] - Polemon of Petra, stadion race. 201st [25 A.D.] - Damasias of Cydonia,
stadion race [g306]. 202nd [29 A.D.] - Hermogenes of Pergamum, stadion race. 203rd [33
A.D.] - Apollonius of Epidaurus, stadion race.

204 204th [37 A.D.] - Sarapion of Alexandria, stadion race. Neicostratus of Aegae was the
eighth and last after Heracles to win both the wrestling and the pancratium competitions.
Only eight men between Heracles and our times have achieved this, because after these
games the inhabitants of Elis would not award the crown even to those who were capable of
it. [During this Olympiad] Gaius became emperor of the Romans. 205th [41 A.D.] - Eubulidas
of Laodiceia, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] Claudius became emperor of the Romans.
206th [45 A.D.] - Valerius of Mytilene, stadion race [g307]. 207th [49 A.D.] - Athenodorus
of Aegium, stadion race. 208th [53 A.D.] - Athenodorus for a second time. [During this
Olympiad] Nero became emperor of the Romans. 209th [57 A.D.] - Callicles of Sidon, stadion
race. 210th [61 A.D.] - Athenodorus of Aegium, stadion race. 211th [65 A.D.] - These games
were not held [at the usual time] because Nero postponed them until his visit to Greece.
They were held two years later, and Tryphon of Philadelphia won the stadion race. Nero was
awarded the crown in the contests for heralds, performers of tragedy and citharodes; and
also in the races for chariots drawn by colts, mature horses and ten colts.

205 212th [69 A.D.] - Polites of Ceramus, stadion race [g308]. [During this Olympiad]
Vespasianus became emperor of the Romans. 213th [73 A.D.] - Rhodon of Cyme, or Theodotus,
stadion race. 214th [77 A.D.] - Straton of Alexandria, stadion race. [During this
Olympiad] Titus became emperor of the Romans. [81] 215th [81 A.D.] - Hermogenes of
Xanthus, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] Domitian became emperor of the Romans. 216th
[85 A.D.] - Apollophanes Papis of Tarsus, stadion race. 217th [89 A.D.] - Hermogenes of
Xanthus for a second time, stadion race. 218th [93 A.D.] - Apollonius of Alexandria, or
Heliodorus, stadion race. 219th [97 A.D.] - Stephanus of Cappadocia, stadion race. [During
this Olympiad] Nerva became emperor of the Romans, followed by Trajan [g309]. 220th [101
A.D.] - Achilleus of Alexandria, stadion race. 221st [105 A.D.] - Theonas Smaragdus of
Alexandria, stadion race. 222nd [109 A.D.] - Callistus of Side, stadion race. Horse races
were reintroduced.

206 223rd [113 A.D.] - Eustolus of Side, stadion race. 224th [117 A.D.] - Isarion of
Alexandria, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] Hadrian became emperor of the Romans.
225th [121 A.D.] - Aristeas of Miletus, stadion race. 226th [125 A.D.] - Dionysius
Sameumys of Alexandria, stadion race. 227th [129 A.D.] - Dionysius for a second time 228th
[133 A.D.] - Lucas of Alexandria, stadion race. 229th [137 A.D.] - Epidaurus Ammonius of
Alexandria, stadion race. [During this Olympiad] Antoninus Pius became emperor of the
Romans. 230th [141 A.D.] - Didymus Clydeus of Alexandria, stadion race [g310]. 231st [145
A.D.] - Cranaus of Sicyon, stadion race. 232nd [149 A.D.] - Atticus of Sardis, stadion
race. [Socrates] entered both the wrestling and the citharode competitions, but was
rejected by the inhabitants of Elis, in favour of Dionysius of Seleuceia. 233rd [153 A.D.]
- Demetrius of Chios, stadion race. 234th [157 A.D.] - Eras of Chios, stadion race.

207 [82] 235th [161 A.D.] - Mnasibulus of Elateia, stadion race. [During this Olympiad
Marcus] Antoninus [Pius] and [Lucius] Verus became emperors of the Romans. 236th [165
A.D.] - Aeithales of Alexandria, stadion race. 237th [169 A.D.] - Eudaemon of Alexandria,
stadion race. 238th [173 A.D.] - Agathopus of Aegina, stadion race. 239th [177 A.D.] -
Agathopus for a second time [g311]. [During this Olympiad] Commodus became emperor of the
Romans. 240th [181 A.D.] - Anubion Pheidus of Alexandria, stadion race. 241st [185 A.D.] -
Heron of Alexandria, stadion race. 242nd [189 A.D.] - Magnus [Libycus] of Cyrene, stadion
race. 243rd [193 A.D.] - Isidorus [Artemidorus] of Alexandria, stadion race. [During this
Olympiad] Pertinax, and then Severus, became emperors of the Romans. 244th [197 A.D.] -
Isidorus for a second time 245th [201 A.D.] - Alexander of Alexandria, stadion race. 246th
[205 A.D.] - Epinicus, called Cynas, of Cyzicus, stadion race.

208 247th [209 A.D.] - Satornilus of Gortyn in Crete, stadion race. [During this Olympiad]
Antoninus, called Caracalla, became emperor of the Romans [g312]. 248th [213 A.D.] -
Heliodorus Trosidamas of Alexandria, stadion race. 249th [217 A.D.] - Heliodorus for a
second time The record the Olympiads which we have found goes [only] this far. Now it will
be appropriate to add lists of the kings of the Corinthians, kings of the Spartans [g313],
rulers of the sea and the early kings of the Macedonians. I will list their names and
dates, taking them from the Historical Library of Diodorus, who gives the most accurate
account of them.

[83] The Kings of the Corinthians from the Books of Diodorus.

209 After this investigaton, it remains to tell how Corinth and Sicyon were settled by the
Dorians. Almost all the peoples of the Peloponnese, except the Arcadians, were devastated
by the invasion of the Heracleidae. The Heracleidae [g314], when dividing up the land,
selected Corinth and the surrounding area as the best and most choice. They sent for
Aletes, and gave the territory to him to rule over. Aletes was a venerable man who and
increased the power of Corinth. He reigned as king for 38 years. Following his death, the
firstborn son reigned as king [successively] until the [time of the] tyrant Cypselus, some
447 after the invasion of the Heracleidae. The first to reign [after Aletes] was Ixion, 38
years. Then Agelas, 37 years. Then Prymnis, 35 years. Then Bacchis, also 35 years. Bacchis
was more distinguished than the kings preceding him. Consequently, the kings after him
called themselves Bacchidae instead of Heracleidae.

210 Then Agelas, [g315] 30 years. Eudemus, 25 years. Aristomedes, 35 years. When
Aristomedes died, his son Telestes was still a child; and so his uncle and guardian Agemon
[ruled] for 16 years. Then Alexander was king, 25 years. Telestes, who had been deprived
of power, killed Alexander, and ruled 12 years. Automenes ruled for one year, after
Telestes was killed by his relatives. The Bacchidae, descendants of Heracles who were more
than 200 in number, seized power and jointly governed the city; each year they chose one
of their number to be leader, in place of the king. They governed the city for 90 years,
until the the tyranny of Cypselus, after which they died out [g316].

List of the Kings of the Corinthians.

211 1. Aletes, 35 years. 2. Ixion, 37 years. 3. Agelas, 37 years. 4. Prymnis, 35 years. 5.
Bacchis, 35 years. 6. Agelas, 30 years. 7. Eudemus, 25 years. 8. Aristomedes, 35 years
[g317]. 9. Agemon, 16 years. 10. Alexander, 25 years. 11. Teletes, 12 years. 12.
Automenes, one year. After this there were annual leaders.

[84] The Kings of the Spartans from the Books of Diodorus.

212 It is difficult to establish the dates between the Trojan war and the first Olympiad,
because there were no [lists of] annual rulers at that time either in Athens or in any
other city. We will take the kings of the Spartans as an example. According to Apollodorus
of Athens, 308 years elapsed from the destruction of Troy [1183 B.C.] to the first [g318]
Olympiad [776 B.C.]. Eighty of those years passed before the invasion of the Heracleidae
[1103 B.C.]; the rest are covered by the reigns of the kings of the Spartans - Procles,
Eurysthenes and their descendants. We will now set down the order of each of the monarchs
to the first Olympiad. Eurysthenes began his reign in the 80th year after the Trojan war,
and he was king for 42 years. After him, Agis reigned for one year. Echestratus, 31 years.
After him, Labotas, 37 years. Dorystus, 29 years. They were followed by Agesilaus, 44
years. Archelaus, 60 years. Teleclus, 40 years.

213 Alcamenes, 38 years. In the tenth year of his reign, the first Olympiad was
established, in which Coroebus of Elis won the stadion race. Procles was the first king of
the other house, 49 years. After him, Prytanis, 49 years. Eunomius, 45 years. And then
Chariclus, 60 years. Nicander, 38 years. Theopompus, 47 years. The first Olympiad occurred
in the tenth year of this reign. In summary, there were 80 years from the capture of Troy
until the invasion of the Heracleidae [g319].

[85] Next [we list] the Kings of the Spartans.

214 1. Eurysthenes, 42 years 2. Agis, one year 3. Echestrates, 37 years 4. Labotas, 37
years 5. Dorystus, 29 years 6. Agesilaus, 44 years. 7. Archelaus, 60 years 8. Teleclus, 40
years 9. Alcamenes, 37 years. In his tenth year, the first Olympiad was established. In
total, 325 years [g320]. The kings from the other house were: 1. Procles, 51 years 2.
Prytanis, 49 years 3. Eunomius, 45 years 4. Charicles, 60 years 5. Nicander, 38 years 6.
Theopompus, 47 years. In his tenth year, the first Olympiad was established. In total, 290
years.

A Summary from the Writings of Diodorus Regarding the Sea Powers, the Thalassocracies, Who
Ruled the Seas after the Trojan War.

215 1. The Lydians and Maeones, 92 years 2. The Pelasgians, 85 years 3. The Thracians, 79
years 4. The Rhodians, 23 years 5. The Phrygians, 25 years 6. The Cypriots, 33 years 7.
The Phoenicians, 45 years 8. The Egyptians, [..] years 9. The Milesians, [..] years 10.
[The Carians, .. years] 11. The Lesbians, [..] years 12. The Phocaeans, 44 years 13. The
Samians for [..] years 14. The Spartans, 2 years 15. The Naxians, 10 years 16. The
Eretrians, 15 years 17. The Aeginetans, 10 years [The above ruled] until Alexander crossed
over the sea. It is appropriate following this to turn to the kingdom of the Macedonians
[g321].

[86] The Kings of the Macedonians.

216 Tthe Macedonian period followed the end of the Assyrian empire. This came after the
death of Sardanapallus the last king of the Assyrians. Before the first Olympiad, Caranus
assembled troops from the Argives and the rest of the Peloponnese, and lead this army into
the territory of the Macedonians. At that time the king of the Orestae was warring with
his neighbours, the Eordaei, and he called on Caranus to help him, promising half of his
territory in return, if the Orestae were successful. The king kept his promise, and
Caranus took possession of the territory. He reigned there for 30 years, until he died in
old age [g322]. He was succeeded by his son Coenus, who was king for 28 years. After him,
Tyrimias reigned for 43 years. Then Perdiccas for 42 years. He wanted to expand his
kingdom; so he sent [a mission] to Delphi. A little further on, [Diodorus] says:

217 Perdiccas reigned for 48 years, and left his kingdom to Argaeus, who reigned for 31
years. The next king was Philippus, who reigned for 33 years. Aeropus, 20 years. Alcetas,
18 years. Amyntas, 49 years. He was followed by Alexander, who reigned 44 years. Then
Perdiccas was king, 22 years. Archelaus, 17 years. Aeropus, 6 years. Then Pausanias was
king, one year. Ptolemy, 3 years. Perdiccas, 5 years. Philippus, 24 years. Alexander,
[who] fought against the Persians, for more than 12 years. Thus the most reliable
historians derive the Macedonian kings from [g323] Heracles. From Caranus, who was the
first to rule all the Macedonians, until Alexander, who conquered Asia, 24 kings reigned
for a total of 453 years.

[87] [Here is a List] of Each of these Kings.

218 1. Caranus reigned 30 years. 2. Coenus, 28 years. 3. Tyrimias, 43 years. 4. Perdiccas,
48 years. 5. Argaeus, 38 years. 6. Philippus, 33 years. 7. Aeropus, 20 years. 8. Alcetas,
18 years. In his time, Cyrus was king of the Persians. 9. Amyntas, 42 years. 10.
Alexander, 44 years. 11. Perdiccas, 23 years. 12. Archelaus, 24 years. 13. Orestes, 3
years. 14. Archelaus, 4 years. 15. Amyntas, one year. 16. Pausanias, one year. 17.
Amyntas, 6 years [g324]. 18. Argaeus, 2 years. 19. Amyntas, 18 years. 20. Alexander, one
year. 21. Ptolemy of Alorus, 3 years. 22. Perdiccas, 6 years. 23. Philippus, 27 years. 24.
Alexander the son of Philippus, 12 years .

[88] From [the Writings of] Porphyry the Philosopher, Our Adversary.

219 After Alexander the son of Philippus, the following kings [g325] ruled Macedonia and
Greece until the Macedonian kingdom was taken over by the Romans. After Alexander the
Macedonians made Aridaeus king. He was the son of Philippus and Philinna of Thessaly, king
[and was appointed] because they liked Philippus' family, despite the fact that Aridaeus
was the son a courtesan and he was weak-minded. He began to reign, as we said, in the
second year of the 114th Olympiad [323 B.C.]. He is considered to have reigned for 7
years, because he lived until the fourth year of the 115th Olympiad [317 B.C.]. Now
Alexander [the Great] left two sons, Heracles the son of Barsine the daughter of
Pharnabazus, and Alexander the son of Roxane the daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian; this
Alexander was born about the time of his father's death [g326], at the start of Philippus'
reign. Olympias, Alexander's mother, killed Aridaeus, but then Cassander the son of
Antipater killed her and Alexander's two sons. One he killed by himself and the other he
eliminated by ordering Polysperchon to do it. Cassander left Olympias' body where it fell,
and forcibly declared himself king of the Macedonians. From that time forth, all the other
lords ruled as kings. When the family of Alexander had been eliminated, [Cassander]
married Thessalonice the daughter of Philippus. He reigned as king for another 19 years
and then died of a wasting disease. His reign, including the year in which Olympias ruled
after the death of Aridaeus, lasted from the first year of the 116th Olympiad [316 B.C.]
until the third year of the 120th Olympiad [298 B.C.].

220 [Cassander] was succeeded by his sons, Philippus and Alexander and Antipater, who
reigned for 3 years and 6 months [g327] after the death of their father. Philippus, who
died at Elateia, ruled first. Then Antipater murdered his mother Thessalonice, who
favoured her other son Alexander, and fled to Lysimachus. But Lysimachus put him to death,
even though he had married one of Lysimachus' daughters. Alexander married Lysandra, the
daughter of Ptolemy. In a war against his younger brother he sought aid from Demetrius the
son of Antigonus, who was called Poliorcetes. But Demetrius killed Alexander, and made
himself the king of the Macedonians. The sons of Cassander are considered to have reigned
from the fourth year of the 120th Olympiad [297 B.C.] until the third year of the 121st
Olympiad [294 B.C.] [g328]. Pyrrhus the king of Epirus--the 23rd in line from Achilleus
the son of Thetis--deposed [Demetrius] who had reigned for 6 years, from the [fourth year
of the] 121st Olympiad [293 B.C.] until the first year of the 123rd Olympiad [288 B.C.].
Pyrrhus claimed the rule devolvded to him after the end of Philippus' family, because
Olympias the mother of Alexander, was also a descendant of Pyrrhus the son of Neoptolemus.
[Pyrrhus] ruled the Macedonians for seven months in the second year of the 123rd Olympiad
[287 B.C.]. In the eighth month, he was replaced by Lysimachus the son of son of
Agathocles, a Thessalian from Crannon who had been an attendant of Alexander. However,
Lysimachus was king not only of Thrace and the Chersonese, for he now invaded the
neighbouring country of Macedonia and took it.

221 [89] Urged on by his wife Arsinoe, Lysimachus killed his own son. He ruled Macedonia
for 5 years and 6 months, from the second year of the 123rd [g329] Olympiad [287 B.C.]
until the third year of the 124th Olympiad [282 B.C.]. He was defeated by Seleucus
Nicator, the king of Asia, at the battle of Corupedium, and lost his life in the battle.
However immediately after this victory, Seleucus was murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, the son
of Lagus and Eurydice the daughter of Antipater,despite the fact that Seleucus was his
benefactor and had received him [earlier ]when he was in flight. Now [Ptolemy] ruled over
the Macedonians, until he was killed in battle against the Galatians. He reigned for one
year and five months, which lasted from the fourth year of the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.]
until the fifth month of the first year of the 125th Olympiad [280 B.C.].

222 Ptolemy was succeeded by his brother Meleager. The Macedonians quickly deposed
Meleager after only two months [g330] however, considering him unworthy. Because no one
could be found from the royal line, they appointed as king Antipater, who was the nephew
of Cassander and the son of Philippus. After ruling for 45 days he was put to flight by a
certain Sosthenes, who did not consider him to be enough of a general to face the invasion
that Brennus the Galatian threatened. The Macedonians gave Antipater the name Etesias,
because the Etesian winds blow for about as long a time as he was king. Sosthenes also
drove off Brennus, and died after ruling for two complete years. After Sosthenes,
Macedonia was without a ruler, because the followers of Antipater and Ptolemy and Aridaeus
were competing for control of the state, and no one was completely in charge. From the
time [g331] of Ptolemy to the end of the anarchy, that is from the fourth year of the
124th Olympiad [281 B.C.] until the [first year of the] 126th Olympiad [276 B.C.], Ptolemy
Ceraunus reigned for one year and five months, Meleager for two months, Antipater for 45
days, and Sosthenes for two years. The remainder is considered a period without rulers.

223 While Antipater was plotting, Antigonus took power. He was the son of Demetrius
Poliorcetes and Phila the daughter of Antipater, and was called Gonatas because he had
been born and brought up at Gonni in Thessaly. Antigonus reigned in total for 44 years.
Prior to taking control of Macedonia, he had been king for a total of 10 years. He was
declared king in the second year [g332] of the 123rd Olympiad [287 B.C.], and became king
of the Macedonians in the first year of the 126th Olympiad [276 B.C.]. [Antigonus]
conquered the Greek world with extreme force; he lived for 83 years in all, and died in
the first year of the 135th Olympiad [240 B.C.]. [Antigonus] was succeeded by his son
Demetrius, who conquered all of Libya and Cyrene. He ruled over all of his father's
holdings as sole ruler for 10 years. He took to wife a captive whom he called
Aureola/Chryseis, and by her he had a son Philippus, who was the first of the kings to
fight against the Romans, causing the Macedonians much woe. After [Demetrius], Philippus
succeeded under the superintendecy of a member of the royal line [g333], named Phuscus.
[The Macedonians] subsequently made this Phuscus king when they saw that he honorably
served as guardian. And they gave him Chryseis as a wife. The sons she bore him he did not
raise [to the throne] because he was holding the kingdom in trust for Philippus. And
indeed he was succeeded by Philippus, when he died.

224 [90] Demetrius, called the Handsome, died in the second year of the 130th Olympiad.
Philippus then became king, with the aforementioned Antigonus as his guardian. [Antigonus]
died in the fourth year of the 139th Olympiad [221 B.C.]; he had been guardian for 12
years, and lived for 42 years in all. Philippus began to rule without a guardian in the
140th Olympiad [220 B.C.][g334].He reigned for 42 complete years, and died in the second
year of the 150th Olympiad [179 B.C.], aged 58 years. Perseus the son of Philippus killed
his brother Demetrius and ruled for 10 years and 8 months, until the fourth years of the
152nd Olympiad [169 B.C.]. Then Lucius Aemilius conquered the Macedonians at Pydna.
Perseus fled to Samothrace, but then voluntarily surrendered to the combattants. They
transferred him to Alba, where he was kept in custody. He died five years later, and with
his death the Macedonians' [independent] rule ended.

225 At that time the Romans allowed the Macedonians to keep their autonomy, [g335] out of
respect for their glorious reputation and their former greatness. But 19 years later, in
the third year of the 157th Olympiad [150 B.C.], a certain Andriscus falsely claimed to be
the son of Perseus, and styled himself Philippus. Thus he was known as the false
Philippus. With the help of the Thracians he conquered Macedonia. After ruling for a year
he was defeated and fled to the Thracians, who surrendered him, and sent him bound to
Rome. Because the Macedonians had been ungrateful, and had aided the false Philippus, the
Romans made them tributary in the fourth year of the 157th Olympiad [149 B.C.]. Thus from
[the time of] Alexander until [g336] the end, when they became tributary to the Romans,
that is from the second year of 114th Olympiad [323 B.C.] until the fourth year of the
157th Olympiad [149 B.C.], the kingdom of the Macedonians endured 43 Olympiads plus two
years, for a total of 174 years.

[91] Listing of the Macedonian Kings Following Alexander, Son of Philippus.

226 1. Aridaeus, also called Philippus, 7 years. 2. Cassander, 19 years. 3. The sons of
Cassander, 3 years and 6 months. 4. Demetrius Poliorcetes, 6 years. 5. Pyrrhus, 7 months.
6. Lysimachus, 5 years and 5 months [g337]. 7. Ptolemy Ceraunus, 1 year and 5 months. 8.
Meleager, 2 months. 9. Antipater son of Lysimachus, 45 days. 10. Sosthenes, 2 years. 11.
No Ruler/Anarchy, 2 years. 12. Antigonus Gonatas, 34 years. 13. Demetrius the Fair, 10
years. 14. Antigonus Phuscus, 12 years. 15. Philippus, 42 years. 16. Perseus, 10 years and
8 months. 17. Self Rule/Autonomy, 19 years. 18. The false Philippus, 1 year. After this
the Romans ruled them [g338].

The Kings of the Thessalians.

227 The Thessalians and Epirus had the same rulers as the Macedonians for a long period.
The Romans made them autonomous after the Roman general Titus defeated Phillipus in
Thessaly. But they too became tributary to the Romans, and for the same reasons. They too
were ruled by Aridaeus, also called Philippus, for seven years after the death of
Alexander. Then his successor Cassander ruled over Epirus and the Thessalians for 19
years. After him, his son Philippus for 4 months. Then his brothers Antipater and
Alexander, for 2 years and 6 months. And then Demetrius the son of [Antigonus] for 6 years
and 6 months. After him, Pyrrhus for 4 years and 4 months. Then Lysimachus the son of
Agathocles for 6 years. And Ptolemaeus, who was called Ceraunus, for one year and 5
months. Then Meleager for 2 months. After him, Antipater the son of Lysimachus for 45
days. After him, Sosthenes for one year. Then there was anarchy for 2 years and 2 months,
after which Antigonus the son of Demetrius [ruled] for 34 years and 2 months.

228 [92] During these years, Pyrrhus took over Antigonus' army and ruled a few regions,
but he lost control of them when he was defeated [g339] by Demetrius the son of Antigonus
in a battle at Derdia. Soon after this Antigonus died, and his son Demetrius reigned for
10 years. After him, Antigonus, the son of Demetrius who went off to Cyrene and of
Olympias the daughter of Pauliclitus of Larisa, [ruled] for 9 years. Antigonus came to the
aid of the Achaeans, defeated Cleomenes the king of the Spartans in battle, and liberated
Sparta. Therefore the Achaean people honoured him like a god. After him, Philippus the son
of Demetrius reigned for 23 years and 9 months, until he was defeated in a battle in
Thessaly by Titus the Roman general. Then the Romans allowed the Thessalians to be
autonomous, along with the rest of the Greeks who had been subject to Philippus. For the
first year there was anarchy in Thessaly, but then they started to elect annual generals,
chosen from the masses.

229 The first to be elected was Pausanias the son of Echecrates, from Pherae. Then Amyntas
the son of Crates, from Pieria; in his year, Titus returned to Rome. Then Aeacides the son
of Callas, from Metropolis. Then Epidromas the son of Andromachus, from Larisa, for 8
months only; for the remaining 4 months of the year, the leader was Eunomus the son of
Polyclitus, from Larisa. Eunomus was leader again for one year [g340]. Then Aeacides the
son of Callas, from Metropolis, for a second time. Then Pravilus the son of Phaxas, from
Scotussa. Then Eunomus the son of Polyclitus, from Larisa, for a second time. Then
Androsthenes the son of Italas, from Gortona. Then Thrasymachus the son of Alexander, from
Atrax. Then Laontomenes the son of Damothon, from Pherae. Then Pausanias the son of
Damothon. Then Theodorus the son of Alexander, from Argos. Then Nicocrates the son of
Paxinas, from Scotussa. Then Hippolochus the son of Alexippus, from Larisa. Then
Cleomachides the son of Aeneus, from Larisa. Then Phyrinus the son of Aristomenes, from
Gomphi. In his year, Philippus the king of Macedonia died, and was succeeded by his son
Perseus. As we said, Philippus reigned over the Thessalians for 3 years and 9 months, but
in all he reigned over the Macedonians for 42 years and 9 months. From the start of the
reign of Philippus [Aridaeus] until the death of Philippus the son of Demetrius, that is
from the second year of the 114th Olympiad [323 B.C.] until the fifth month of the second
year of the 150th Olympiad [179 B.C.], is a total of 144 years and five months.

[93] All the Thessalian Kings.

230 1. Aridaeus, also called Philippus, 7 years. 2. Cassander, 19 years [g341]. 3.
Philippus, 4 months. 4. Antigonus and Alexander, 2 years and 6 months. 5. Demetrius, 6
years and 6 months. 6. Pyrrhus, 3 years and 6 months. 7. Lysimachus, 6 years. 8.
Ptolemaeus, also called Ceraunus, 1 year and 5 months. 9. Meleager, 2 months. 10.
Antipater, 45 days. 11. Sosthenes, 1 year. 12. (Anarchy), 2 years and 2 months. 13.
Antigonus, 33 years and 2 months. 14. Demetrius, 10 years. 15. Antigonus, 9 years. 16.
Philippus, 23 years and 9 months. And then the following generals: Pausanias, Amyntas,
Aeacides, Epidromus, Eunomus, Aeacides again, Praviles, Eunomus again, Androsthenes,
Thrasymachus, Laontomenes, Pausanias, Theodorus, Nicocrates, Hippolochus, Cleomachides,
Phyrinus, and Philippus [g342].

[94][The Kings of Asia Minor after Alexander the Great's Death.]

231 In the 6th year of Philippus [son of] Aridaeus, which was the third year of the 115th
Olympiad [318 B.C.], Antigonus became the first king of Asia [Minor]. He reigned for 18
years, and lived in all for 86 years. He was the most formidable of the kings of that
period, and died in Phrygia. All the other rulers had attacked him out of fear of him, in
the fourth year of the 119th Olympiad [301 B.C.]. His son Demetrius saved himself by
escaping to Ephesus. However he lost control of all of Asia. [Demetrius] was considered
the most violent of kings.He was particularly [skilled] in siege warfare, and so was
nicknamed "the besieger" [Poliorcetes]. Demetrius reigned for 17 years, and lived a total
of [g343] 54 years. Starting from the first year of the 120th Olympiad [300 B.C.], he
ruled jointly with his father for 2 years, which were included in the 17 years of his
reign. In the fourth year of the [123rd] Olympiad [285 B.C.] he was captured by Seleucus
and sent to Cilicia, and was kept in custody by Seleucus in a manner appropriate to a
king. He died in the fourth year of the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.]. Such were the reigns of
Antigonus and Demetrius.

232 At this time Lysimachus was ruling in Lydia opposite Thrace, and Seleucus was ruling
in the upper (eastern) regions and Syria. Both of them started to reign in the first year
of the 114th Olympiad [324 B.C.]. We shall not describe Lysimachus' reign, but we shall
describe what took place during Seleucus' reign. Now Ptolemy, the first [post-Alexandrian]
king of the Egyptians, went to Old Gaza and defeated Demetrius the son of Antigonus in
battle. After this he appointed Seleucus as king of Syria and the eastern regions.
Seleucus went to Babylonia and defeated the barbarians there; so he was given the name
Nicanor, which means "victor". He reigned for 32 years, from the first year of the 117th
Olympiad [312 B.C.] until the fourth year of the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.], and lived for
a total of [g344] 75 years. Eventually, he was deceived and killed by his friend Ptolemy,
called Ceraunus.

233 [Seleucus] was succeeded by his son Antiochus, from Apame the Persian. Antiochus was
called Soter which means "Savior", and died in the [third] year of the 129th Olympiad [262
B.C.] after he had lived for a total of 54 years and had reigned for 19 years, from the
first year of the 125th Olympiad [280 B.C.] until the third year of the 129th Olympiad
[262 B.C.]. [95]Antiochus Soter's children by Stratonice the daughter of Demetrius were a
son Antiochus, and two daughters Stratonice and Apame. Apame became the wife of [?] while
Stratonice was married to Demetrius the king of the Macedonians. When he died, he was
succeeded by Antiochus called Theos, in the fourth year of the 129th Olympiad [261 B.C.].
After 19 years, Antiochus Theos fell ill, and died at Ephesus in the third year of the
[133rd] Olympiad [246 B.C.], after living for a total of 40 years. He had two sons,
Seleucus called Callinicus and Antigonus, and two daughters by Laodice the daughter of
Achaeus, of whom one was married to Mithridates and the other to Ariathes. The elder son
[g345] Seleucus, who as we said was called Callinicus, succeeded Antiochus and reigned for
21 years, from the third year of the 133rd Olympiad [246 B.C.] until the second year of
the 138th Olympiad [227 B.C.].

234 Later on when he died, Seleucus was succeeded by his son, Seleucus called Ceraunus.
However during his lifetime it happened that his younger brother Antigonus refused to
accept the state of affairs and tried to take power. Antigonus had help and assistance
from [Alexander], the brother of his mother Laodice, who controlled the city of Sardis. He
also was allied to the Galatians in two battles. Seleucus won a battle in Lydia, but he
was unable to capture Sardis or Ephesus, which was held by Ptolemey. Then Seleucus fought
a second battle against Mithridates in Cappadocia, where 20,000 of his men were killed by
the barbarians, and he himself lost his life. Meanwhile Ptolemey called Tryphon seized
part of Syria, but his siege of Damascus and Orthosia was stopped in the third year of the
134th Olympiad [242 B.C.], [g346] when Seleucus advanced to that region. Antigonus the
brother of Callinicus circulated around in greater Phrygia and placed the inhabitants
under taxation. Then he dispatched his generals with an army against Seleucus. But he was
betrayed by his own volunteers to the barbarians. But he escaped with a few men and went
to Magnesia. The next day he fought again and won, with auxilliary military assistance
from Ptolemy. He then married the daughter of Zielas. However, in the fourth year of the
137th Olympiad [229 B.C.] he fought twice in the country of Lydia and was defeated, and he
warred with Attalus in the region of Lake Coloe. In the first year of the 138th Olympiad
[228 B.C.], after a battle in Caria he was forced by Attalus to flee to Thrace, where he
died.

235 Now it happened that Seleucus Callinicus, the brother of Antigonus, died the next
year. He was succeeded by his son Alexander, who adopted the name Seleucus, and was called
Ceraunus by his troops. Seleucus had a brother called Antiochus. After reigning for three
years, Seleucus was treacherously attacked and killed in Phrygia by a Galatian called
Nicanor, in about the first year of the 139th Olympiad [224 B.C.]. He was succeeded by his
brother Antiochus, whom the army recalled from Babylon. Antiochus was called [the Great]
and reigned for 36 years, from the second year of the 139th Olympiad [223 B.C.] until the
second year of the 148th Olympiad [187 B.C.] when he [g347] made an expedition to Susa and
the eastern provinces, but was killed with all of his nobles in battle with the Elymaeans.
He was survived by two sons, Seleucus and Antiochus. 236 [96]Seleucus succeeded his father
in the third year of the 148th Olympiad [186 B.C.], and reigned for 12 years, until the
first year of the 151st Olympiad [176 B.C.]. He lived for a total of 60 years. When
Seleucus died, he was succeeded by his brother Antiochus called Epiphanes, who reigned for
11 years, from the third year of the 151st Olympiad [174 B.C.] until the first year of the
154th Olympiad [164 B.C.]. While Antiochus Epiphanes was still alive, his son Antiochus
called Eupator was made king, when he was only twelve years old, after which his father
lived for an additional one year and six months. Then Demetrius, who had been given to the
Romans by his father Seleucus as a hostage, escaped from Rome to Phoenicia, and came to
the city of Tripolis. Demetrius killed the young Antiochus along with his guardian Lysias,
and made himself king in the fourth year of the 154th Olympiad [161 B.C.]; he was called
Soter, and reigned for 12 years, until the fourth year of the 157th Olympiad [149 B.C.]
when he was slain. He was forced to fight for his kingdom against Alexander, who brought
in mercenaries from Ptolemy and other troops from Attalus. But he was killed in battle.

237 Alexander gained control of Syria [g348] in the third year of the 157th Olympiad [150
B.C.], and ruled for 5 years. He died in the fourth year of the 158th Olympiad [145 B.C.],
in a battle near the city of Antioch against Ptolemy, who had come to the aid of Demetrius
the son of Demetrius. Ptolemy also was wounded and died in the same battle. The war was
continued by the aforementioned Demetrius, the son of Demetrius. Arriving from Seleuceia,
he defeated Antiochus the son of Alexander, who was based in Syria and the city of
Antioch, and started to reign in the first year of the 160th Olympiad [140 B.C.]. The next
year, he gathered troops and set off for Babylon and the eastern regions, to fight against
Arsaces. But the next year, which was the third year of the 160th Olympiad [138 B.C.], he
was captured by Arsaces, who sent him to be held prisoner in Parthia; so he was called
Nicanor, "victor", because he had defeated Antiochus the son of Alexander. He was also
called Seripides because he was kept in prison in chains. When the younger brother of
Demetrius--who was called Antiochus Sidetes since he was brought up in the city of Side--
heard that Demetrius had been defeated and made a prisoner, he left Side and in the fourth
year [g349] of the 160th Olympiad [137 B.C.] gained control of Syria, which he ruled for
nine years. In the third year of the 162nd Olympiad [130 B.C.] he conquered the Jews,
after a siege [of Jerusalem] and put their most select leaders to death.

238 Arsaces came with 120,000 troops the fourth year of the 162nd Olympiad [129 B.C.],and
attacked. Moreover, he tried to make mischief by sending [Antiochus'] brother Demetrius,
who had been kept as a prisoner, back to Syria. Now winter was coming on and Antiochus
attacked the barbarians in a narrow place. But as the battle grew fiercer he was injured
and killed at 35 years of age. [Antiochus'] son Seleucus, who was a lad, had accompanied
him. He was captured and taken off by king Arsaces though kept in royal style.
[97]Antiochus the fifth had three sons and two daughters; the first two, the daughters,
were both called Laodice. The third, called Antiochus, fell ill and died, like his
sisters. The fourth was Seleucus, who was captured by Arsaces. The fifth was another
Antiochus, who was raised by Craterus the [g350] eunuch at Cyzicus, where he had fled with
Craterus and the rest of Antiochus' servants, through fear of Demetrius. One [of the
brothers] had already died, along with his sister, so only Antiochus was left, the
youngest of the brothers. He was called Cyzicenus because he lived in Cyzicus. In the
second year of the 163rd Olympiad [127 B.C.], Demetrius returned [to Syria]. Thus began
his second reign after having been held captive for 10 years. As soon as he returned from
captivity, he turned his attention to Egypt. He marched as far as Pelusium, but when
Ptolemy Physcon opposed him Demetrius had to retreat, because his soldiers challenged his
command and loathed him.

239 Ptolemy was enraged by this [development] and set up Alexander, the so-called son of
Alexander, to be king of Asia. The Syrians called Alexander "Zabinas" [g351] because they
thought that he had been bought by Ptolemy to collaborate. Demetrius was defeated in a
battle at Damascus, and fled to Tyre, but was refused entry into the city. While trying to
escape by boat, he was seized and killed, in the first year of the 164th Olympiad [124
B.C.]. Prior to his captivity he had reigned for 3 years, and after his release he reigned
an additional 4 years. Demetrius was succeeded by his son Seleucus, who died immediately
afterwards as a result of his mother's slander. His younger brother Antiochus took charge
in the second year of the 164th Olympiad [123 B.C.], and in the third year he defeated
Zabinas, who committed suicide with poison because he could not endure the defeat.
Antiochus reigned for 11 years, until the fourth year of the 166th Olympiad [113 B.C.];
the one year of his brother Seleucus' reign is also included in this total [g352]. He was
called Grypus, which means "hook-nosed", and Philometor. However, he ceded power to the
aforementioned Antiochus Cyzicenus--who was his half-brother by the same mother as well as
his nephew on his father's side--who attacked him. Thus Grypus gave up his kingdom and
took refuge in Aspendus. Thus he was called Aspendius, as well as Grypus and Philometor.

240 Antiochus Cyzicenus began to rule in the first year of the 167th Olympiad [112 B.C.],
after Antiochus [Grypus] fled to Aspendus. But in the second year of the same Olympiad
[111 B.C.], Antiochus returned from Aspendus, and seized Syria, while Cyzicenus ruled in
another part [Coele Syria]. After the kingdom had been split between them in this way,
Grypus remained as king until the fourth year of the 170th Olympiad [97 B.C.] [g353]. He
lived for an additional 15 years after his return, so that his reign lasted for a total of
26 years: 11 years on his own, and 15 years after the kingdom had been divided Cyzicenus
ruled from the first year of the 167th Olympiad [112 B.C.], and died in the first year of
the 171st Olympiad [96 B.C.], after reigning for 18 years and living for a total of 50
years. Here is how he died. After Antiochus Grypus died at the time which was stated
above, his son Seleucus circulated around with an army and seized many cities. Antiochus
Cyzicenus brought an army from Antioch, but was defeated in battle. Now his horse carried
him into the midst of the enemy. When they were about to capture him, he drew his sword
and comitted suicide. Thus Seleucus gained control of the entire kingdom, and captured
Antioch.

241 [98]But the surviving son of Cyzicenus began a war [against Seleucus] [g354]. When
their armies clashed at the city called Mopsuestia in Cilicia, Antiochus was the victor.
Seleucus fled into the city, but when he realized that the inhabitants had recognized him
and were planning to burn him alive, he quickly commited suicide. His two brothers
Antiochus and Philippus who were called the twins [Didymi], appeared with an army and
captured the city by force. They then destroyed the city to avenge their brother's death.
But then the son of Cyzicenus came and defeated them in a battle. While fleeing from the
battle Antiochus, Seleucus' brother, rode his horse carelessly and fell into the Orontes
River, where he was caught by the current and perished. Then two others began dueling for
the kingdom: Philippus, the brother of Seleucus and son of Antiochus Grypus, and
Antiochus, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus [g355]. Beginning in the third year of the 171st
Olympiad [94 B.C.], they fought against each other for control of Syria with select
armies, each controlling part of the country. Antiochus was defeated and fled to the
Parthians. Later he surrendered to Pompey, hoping to get Syria back. But Pompey, who had
received a gift of money from the inhabitants of Antioch, did nothing for Antiochus and
allowed to city to be autonomous.

242 Then the inhabitants of Alexandria sent Menelaus and Lampon and Callimander to ask
Antiochus to come and rule in Egypt together with the daughters of Ptolemy, after Ptolemy
Dionysus had been driven out of Alexandria. But Antiochus fell ill, and died. Philippus
whom we mentioned before, the son of Grypus and of Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemy VIII,
was also deposed. He wanted to go to Egypt, because he too had been invited [g356] by the
inhabitants of Alexandria to rule there, but Gabinius, an officer of Pompeius who was the
Roman governor of Syria, prevented this. Thus the royal dynasty in Syria came to an end
with Antiochus and Philippus.

[99]These are the Kings of Asia and Syria.

243 1. Antigonus was king of Asia, 18 years. 2. Demetrius Poliorcetes, king of Syria and
the east, 17 years. 3. Seleucus Nicator [or "Nicanor"], 32 years. 4. Antiochus Soter, 19
years. 5. Antiochus Theos, 15 years. 6. Seleucus Callinicus, 21 years. 7. Seleucus
Ceraunus, 3 years. 8. Antiochus the Great, 36 years. 9. Seleucus [Philopator], 12 years
[g357]. 10. Antiochus Epiphanes, 11 years. 11. Antiochus [Eupator] his son, 1 year and 6
months. 12. Demetrius Soter, 12 years. 13. Alexander, 15 years. 14. Demetrius the son of
Demetrius, 3 years. 15. Antiochus Sidetes, 9 years. 16. Demetrius again, 4 years. 17.
Antiochus Grypus, 26 years. 18. Antiochus Cyzicenus, 17 years. 19. Philippus the son of
Grypus [2 years] [g358]. And with the latter the rule of the kings of Syria ended. [100]
[We shall now present information about] the kings of the Romans, beginning with Romulus
[and about the Romans'] consuls and emperors from Julius Caesar to our own time, based on
all the historical sources which we have thus far relied upon.

244 [These sources are:] Alexander Polyhistor, Abydenus, who wrote books about the
Assyrians and Medes, the three books of Manetho, about the history of Egypt, Cephalion's
nine books of the Muses, the forty books of Diodorus' [Historical] Library, containing a
summary of events to [the time of] Gaius Caesar, the eighteen books of Cassius Longinus,
containing a summary of 228 Olympiads, the fourteen books of Phlegon, the freedman of
[Hadrianus] Caesar, containing a summary of 229 Olympiads, the six books of Castor,
containing an account of history from Ninus to the 181st Olympiad, the three books of
Thallus, containing an account of events from the capture of Troy until the 167th Olympiad
[112 B.C.], [the writings of] Porphyry, the philosopher who is our contemporary
[containing events] from the capture of Troy until the reign of Claudius [g359].

[101] The Chronology of the Romans.

245 Let us now present the chronology of the kings of the Romans. Their rulers first took
the title [of king] in the seventh Olympiad [752-749 B.C.], when Romulus founded the city
of the Romans, and gave his name to the city, and to all the people who were ruled by its
kings. Before this time they had been called sometimes Latins, and sometimes Aborigines,
having different names at different times. Aeneas the son of Anchises, and his successors
ruled over [these folk] after the fall of Troy and prior to the foundation of the city.
The history of these kings has been related by many different writers, not only native
Romans but also Greeks. It will be sufficient to quote just two of them, as reliable
witnesses to the events which we are considering. First I will quote Dionysius [of
Halicarnassus, d. ca. 7 B.C.], who provides a summary of the history of the Romans. In
addition to books, he wrote an Ancient History of the Romans. In the first book, he gives
an account of Aeneas and the kings after him following the capture of Troy. I shall now
summarize the relevant portions from Book One [DionHal 1.9] [g360] which concern the
matter at hand.

The History of the Romans from Book One of Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

246 From this city, which the Romans now inhabit, the whole earth and sea is ruled. Its
earliest inhabitants, it is said, were a native people, the barbarian Sicels. No one knows
for sure what the condition of the place was before [the Sicels], whether it was occupied
by others or uninhabited . But some time later the Aborigines gained possession of it,
after a long war with its inhabitants. These people had previously lived on the mountains
in unwalled villages scattered around here and there [g361]. They say that after them, the
Pelasgians and some of the Greeks took the country. At first they were called Aborigines;
but under Latinus, their king, who reigned at the time of the Trojan war, they began to be
called Latins. Sixteen generations later, Romulus founded the city, and expanded it, and
brought great prosperity to it. Subsequently returning to the topic, Dionysius
[DionHal.1.10] adds:

247 Some claim that the Aborigines, from whom the Romans are originally descended, were
natives of Italy, a people which came into being spontaneously (Italy I designate as the
entire peninsula which is bounded by the Ionian Gulf and the Tyrrhenian Sea and by the
region where the Latins live). The Aborigines were called "clan heads" or "ancestors".
Others claim that they were called [g362] nomads/wanderers, coming together out of many
places. Still others relate that they were foreigners who came there from Libya. But some
of the Roman historians say that they were Greeks, who once inhabited Achaea, and that
some of them migrated there many generations before the Trojan war. [Dionysius] adds:
[102] It is doubtful that this is accurate. In my opinion, the Aborigines belong to the
same people now called Arcadians. They were the first Greeks to cross the Ionian Sea and
to settle in Italy. They were led there by Lycaon's son Oenotrus [g363], the fifth from
Aezeius and Phoroneus, seventeen generations before the Trojan war. Oenotrus settled in
the mountains, and called the region Oenotria, and its inhabitants Oenotrians. Later they
were called Italians after king Italus, who also gave the name of Italy to the whole
country. Italus was succeeded by Morges, from whose name they were called Morgetes. And at
the same time as Oenotrus, his brother Peucetius came as a colonist from Arcadia, and
settled by the Junian bay, and the people were called Peucetii after him.

248 All this is [Dionysius'] speculation. Then he writes: The Pelasgians left Greece and
came [g364] and settled in the Italian areas among the Aborigines. The Pelasgians were
also called Tyrrheni [Etruscans] and the entire land was called Tyrrhenia, after one of
their rulers, who was called Tyrrhenus. Later, Euander arrived with a fleet from Greece,
from the city of Pallantium in Arcadia, and he settled in the region of Italy where the
city of Rome would later be built. [Dionysius] says that they brought the Greek alphabet
to Italy, along with the lyre, a musical instrument, and that they introduced [their]
laws. Subsequently Heracles arrived with another Greek fleet and settled in the same area.
At first, he was called Saturnius, and from his name the whole region was called Saturnia.
Heracles had a son named Latinus, and he too ruled over the land of the Aborigines [g365].
[These people] were called Latins after him. When Latinus died without any sons, Aeneas
the son of Anchises succeeded him as king.

249 Later [Dionysius] summarizes all of this as follows [DionHal 1.60]: The Romans derived
from the people who congregated there and mingled with the native population of the land.
They were: first, the Aborigines, who expelled the Sicels from the area. [The Aborigines]
were Greeks, originally from the Peloponnese, who came as colonists with Oenotrus, from
the region which is now called Arcadia, I believe. The second [group of colonists], the
Thessalians, migrated there from the country which used to be called Haemonia, and is now
called Thessaly [g366]. The third [group], the Pelasgians, arrived with Euander from the
city of Pallantium in Arcadia. Then another group arrived, who were part of the
Peloponnesian army commanded by Heracles. Finally the Trojans who escaped with Aeneas from
Ilium, Dardanus and the other Trojan cities [came to Italy].

[103] From the Same Book, Concerning when Aeneas Arrived in Italy.

250 [Dionysius, in 1.63] says: Ilium was captured at the end of the summer, seventeen days
before the winter solstice [g367], in the month of Elaphebolion, according to the calendar
of the Athenians. There still remained five days after the solstice before the end of that
year. I believe that the Achaeans spent the thirty-seven days that followed the taking of
the city regulating the affairs of the city, receiving embassies from those who had
withdrawn themselves, and creating a treaty with them. The next year, the first after
capturing the city, the Trojans set sail after the autumnal equinox, [g368] crossed the
Hellespont, and landed in Thrace. They spent the winter there with others who had fled
with them, and prepared for their next voyage. When spring arrived, they took ship and
sailed from Thrace. They reached Sicily at the end of that year, and passed the winter
there living mixed in with the Elymians in their cities.

251 Now as soon as it was possible to sail, they left the island [of Sicily], crossed the
Tyrrhenian Sea, and arrived at Laurentum on the coast of the Aborigines [g369] in the
middle of the summer. After capturing the region, they founded Lavinium. Thus ended the
second year from the taking of Troy. I have explained these matters as they seem to me.
Next, Aeneas ornamented many sites with temples and other structures which exist to my own
day. The following year, the third since the departure from Troy, he ruled as king over
Trojans only. However, in the fourth year, after Latinus died, [Aeneas] took over his
kingdom as well. This was due to family ties through marriage and the inheritance through
Lavinia, after Latinus' death. A bit later [Dionysius] adds that in a fierce battle over
these [?] matters [g370], Latinus, Turnus, and many others had died. Nonetheless Aeneas
those with him triumphed. Aeneas took power due to his marriage ties. But after ruling as
king for three years after the death of Latinus he lost his life in battle, in the fourth
year.

252 Shortly after this [Dionysius] writes: Aeneas died some the seven years after the
taking of Troy. Euryleon, who had been renamed Ascanius during the escape [from Troy],
took over rule of the Latin state. Then [Dionysius] adds [DionHal 1.70]: After the death
of the Ascanius in the thirty-eighth year of his reign, his brother Silvius took over the
kingship. He was had been born of Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, after Aeneas' death.
[104] Then [Dionysius] adds: Silvius, after holding the sovereignty twenty-nine years, was
succeeded by Aeneas, his son, who reigned one less than thirty years [g371]. After him,
Latinus reigned fifty-one, then Alba, thirty-nine; after Alba, Capetus reigned twenty-six,
then Capys twenty-eight, and after Capys, Capetus held the rule for thirteen years. Then
Tiberinus reigned for a period of eight years. This king, it is said, perished in a battle
that was fought by a river. After being thrown by his horse into the stream, the river,
which had previously been called the Albula, came to be called after his name. Tiberinus'
successor, Agrippa, reigned forty-one years. After Agrippa the tyrant Amulius, who was
loathed by the gods, reigned nineteen years. Disrespecting divine powers, he had created
imitations of lightning and sounds resembling thunder [g372], with which he hoped to
terrify people into thinking that he was a god. But rain and lightning descended upon his
house. The house was next to a lake which swelled to an unaccuctomed level, so that
[Amulius] drowned with his entire household. To the present, in fact, when that lake is
clear in a certain part, which happens whenever the level drops and the depths are
undisturbed, the ruins of porticoes and other traces of a house can be seen.

253 [Amulius] was succeeded by Aventius, after whom was named one of the seven hills that
are joined to make the city of Rome, and he reigned thirty-seven years. He was followed by
Procas for twenty-eight years. Then Numitor, [Amulius'] elder brother, having been
unjustly deprived of the kingdom by Amulius [g373], reigned forty-two years. When Amulius
had been slain by Romulus and Remus, the sons of a noble maiden, as shall presently be
related, Numitor, the maternal grandfather of the youths, after his brother's death
resumed the sovereignty which by law belonged to him. In the next year of Numitor's reign,
which was the three hundred and thirty-second after the taking of Troy, the Albans sent
out a colony, under the leadership of Romulus and Remus, and founded Rome, in that year,
which was the seventh Olympiad, when Daicles of Messene was victor in the foot race [752
B.C.], and at Athens Charops was in the first year of his ten-year term as archon.

254 The same writer adds yet more [information] when relating the different accounts of
the history of the city of Rome [DionHal 1.72] [g374].

[105] Regarding the Construction of the City of Rome.

255 There are many problems concerning the construction of the city, its time and
founders. In my opinion none of them [the previous accounts] is accurate. Thus, because
[the details] are not universally agreed on, we shall present a brief review. Cephalon of
Gergis, a very ancient writer, says that the city was built in the second generation after
the Trojan war by those who had escaped from Troy [g375] with Aeneas. [Cephalon] names
Romus as its founder. [Romus] had been leader of the colony and one of Aeneas' sons. He
says that Aeneas had four sons, Ascanius, Euryleon, Romulus and Remus. Demagoras,
Agathymus and many other [authors] agree with [Cephalon] regarding both the time and the
leader of the colony. But the author of the history of the priestesses at Argos and of
what happened in the days of each of them says that Aeneas came into Italy from the land
of the Molossians with Odysseus and became the founder of the city, which he named Rome--
after one of the Trojan women. He says that this woman stirred up the other citizens (or
women) [g376] and together with them set fire to the ships, since they had grown weary of
wandering. Damastes of Sigeum and some others agree with this [account].

256 But Aristotle, the philosopher, relates that some of the Achaeans were overtaken by a
violent storm while they were navigating Cape Malea on their return from Troy. Since they
were driven out of their course by the winds, they wandered over many parts of the sea
finally arriving at this place in the land of the Opicans which is called Latium, by the
Tyrrhenian sea. Being pleased with the sight of land, they hauled up their ships, and
passed the winter there. They were preparing to sail at the beginning of spring, but their
ships [g377] were set ablaze one night. Thus they could not depart and were, unwillingly,
forced to live in the land where they had landed. He says this was effected by the captive
women they were carrying with them from Troy. They burned the ships because they feared
that the Achaeans in returning home would make slaves out of them. Callias, who wrote
about the deeds of Agathocles, says that one of the Trojan women who came into Italy with
the other Trojans, [who was named] Rome, married Latinus, the king of the Aborigines. She
bore him two sons, Romus and Romulus, who built a city, and named it after their mother.

257 Xenagoras, the historian [g378], wrote that Odysseus and Circe had three sons, Romus,
Antias and Ardeias, who built three cities and named them after themselves. Dionysius of
Chalcis names Romus as the founder of the city, but says that according to some this man
was the son of Ascanius, and according to others the son of Emathion. Now there are also
other [writers] who claim that Rome was built by Romus, the son of Italus and Leuce, the
daughter of Latinus, while many other Greek historians describe different founders for the
city. But so that I will not be considered wordy, let me come to the Roman historians. The
Romans lack even one historian or chronicler who can be considered ancient. But each of
their [g379] historians has taken something out of ancient accounts that are preserved on
tablets in their temples. Some of these say that Romulus and Remus, the founders of Rome,
were the sons of Aeneas. According to others they were the sons of a daughter of Aeneas,
without mentioning who their father was. Some say that they were presented as hostages by
Aeneas to Latinus, the king of the Aborigines, when the treaty was made between the
inhabitants and the immigrants. [According to this version], Latinus gave them a friendly
welcome and not only looked after them carefully, but, upon dying without a male heir,
willed part of his kingdom to them.

258 [106] Others say that after the death of Aeneas Ascanius, having succeeded to the
entire kingdom of Latinus, divided both the country and the forces of the Latins into
three parts, two of which he gave to his brothers, Romulus and Remus. He himself, they
say, built Alba and some other towns [g380]. Remus built cities which he named Capua,
after Capys, his great-grandfather, Anchisa, after his grandfather Anchises, Aeneia (which
was afterwards called Janiculum), after his father, and Rome, after himself. This city was
for some time deserted (or ruined), but upon the arrival of another colony, which the
Albans sent out under the leadership of Romulus and Remus, Rome again flourished. Thus
there were two settlements of Rome, one shortly after the Trojan war, and the other
fifteen generations after the first. And if anyone wants to look more carefully into the
distant past, even a third [g381] foundation of Rome will be found. This [foundation]
occurred before Aeneias and the Trojans came into Italy.

259 This is related by Antiochus of Syracuse, whom I have mentioned before, hardly a
commonplace historian. He says that when Morges reigned in the land of the Latins--which
then included all of Italy from Tarentum to the coast of Poseidonia--a man came to him who
had fled from Rome. His words are: "When Italus was growing old, Morges reigned. In his
reign there came a man from Rome named Sicelus." Thus according to the Syracusan author,
an ancient Rome existed even before the Trojan war [g382]. However he left it unsaid
whether [Rome] was situated in the same region that the present city stands or whether
some other place happened to be called by this name. Consequently I, too, cannot say for
sure. I believe that enough has been said about the ancient foundations [of the city of
Rome]. As regards the last settlement or founding of the city, or whatever it should be
styled, Timaeus of Sicily, based on some unknown calculation, places it at the same time
as the founding of Carthage, that is, in the thirty-eighth year before the first Olympiad
[814 B.C.]. Lucius Cincius, a member of the senate, places it about the fourth year of the
twelfth Olympiad [729 B.C.]. Quintus Fabius places it in the first year of the eighth
Olympiad [748 B.C.]. Porcius Cato does not give the date according to Greek reckoning
[g383], but being as careful as any [historian] in gathering material about ancient
history, he places [Rome's] foundation four hundred and thirty-two years after the Trojan
war; and this date, when compared with the Chronicles of Eratosthenes, corresponds to the
first year of the seventh Olympiad [752 B.C.]. In another work I have demonstrated the
reliability of the canons of Eratosthenes. In that same work I have also shown how to
synchronize Roman and Greek chronology.

260 Dionysius, in the first book of his Ancient History of Rome, describes all the events
which transpired following the capture of Troy in this order: the escape of Aeneias from
Troy, and his arrival in Italy; his descendants and successors, who were kings of the
Latins, until the time of Romulus and the foundation of Rome; the various accounts of the
ancient [historians] about the foundation of the city of Rome. However, some say that
Picus the son of Cronus [g384] was the first king in the territory of Laurentium, where
Rome is now situated, and that he reigned for 37 years. After him Faunus the son of Picus
[ruled] for 44 years. In his reign, Heracles traveled from Spain and erected an altar in
the Forum Boarium, to commemorate his killing of Cacus, Vulcanus' son. Then Latinus was
king for 36 years. The Latins were named after him. Troy was captured in the 33rd year of
his reign. Then Aeneas fought against the Rutuli, and killed Turnus. He married Lavinia,
Latinus' daughter, and founded the city of Lavinium. After this he was king for 3 years.
This summarizes what we have found in the books of other writers.

261 Let us continue with yet another author, namely Diodorus [Siculus], who produced in
one collection a complete repository of [historical] writing. [Diodorus] recorded the
history of the Romans in his seventh book, as follows [g385].

[107] On the Ancient History of the Romans, from the Seventh Book of Diodorus.

262 Some historians have incorrectly suggested that Romulus [and Remus], who founded the
city of Rome, were the sons of the daughter of Aeneas. But this is not the case, for a
lengthy period intervened between Aeneas and Romulus [filled with] many kings. Rome was
founded in the second year of the 7th Olympiad [751 B.C.], which was [g386] 433 years
after the Trojan War. Aeneas became king of the Latins three years after the capture of
Troy. He ruled for three years and then vanished from sight, to be honoured [thereafter]
as an immortal. He was succeeded as king by his son Ascanius, who founded the city today
called [Alba] Longa. It was named after the river which was then called Alba, but is now
called Tiber. Now the historian Fabius, who wrote about things Roman, tells a different
tale about the name of this city. He says that it was foretold to Aeneas, that a four-
footed animal would lead him to the place where he would must build a city. When he was
preparing to sacrifice a pregnant white sow, the sow escaped from his grasp and was chased
up a hill, where she gave birth to thirty piglets. Aeneas was astounded by this, and being
desirous of fulfilling the prophecy, he commenced building on that site [g387]. But he was
warned in a dream, that he should not found the city until thirty years had passed, the
same number as the piglets which were born to the sow. And so he abandoned his plan.

263 After the death of Aeneas, his son Ascanius became king and after thirty years he
founded a settlement on the hill, which he called Alba, after the colour of the sow; for
the Latin word for 'white' is alba. [Ascanius] also added another name, Longa, which
translates 'long', because the city was narrow in width and of great length. [Diodorus]
adds that Ascanius made Alba the capital of his kingdom and conquered no small number of
the inhabitants round about. [Ascanius] became a noteworthy man and died after a ruling
for thirty-eight years. After his death, there arose a division among the masses, since
two men who were contending with each other for the kingship. Julius claimed that since he
was Ascanius' son, his father's kingdom belonged to him. But Silvius, the brother of
Ascanius and, furthermore, a son of Aeneas by his first wife ,[g388] who was a Trojan
woman, maintained that the kingdom belonged to him. Now it happened that after the death
of Aeneas, Ascanius had plotted against the life of Silvius. It was while the child
[Silvius] was being reared by some herdsmen on a mountain, to avoid this plot, that he
came to be called Silvius, after the name of that mountain, which the Latins call Silva.
After a struggle between the two sides, Silvius finally took the throne with the support
of the people. Julius, though he did not take power, was established as supreme priest
(pontifex maximus) thereby becoming like a second king. They say that the Julian family,
which survives in Rome even to this day, descends from him.

264 [108] During his reign, Silvius achieved nothing worthy record, and died after ruling
for 49 years. He was succeeded as king by his son Aeneas Silvius, who ruled for more than
30 years. He was a strong ruler, in government and in war. He subdued the neighbouring
regions, and founded the eighteen cities known as the oldest of the Latins. They are:
Tibur, Praeneste, Gabii, Tusculum, Cora, Cometia, Lanuvium, Labicum, Scaptia, Satricum,
Aricia, Tellenae, Crustumerium, Caenina, Fregellae, Cameria, Medullia, and Boilum. Some
call this Bola. When Latinus died, his son Albas Silvius was selected as king. He ruled
for 38 years. The next king was Epitus Silvius, for 26 years. When his death Capis
succeeded as king, ruling [g389] for 28 years. His son Calpetus was the next king, ruling
for 13 years. Then Tiberius Silvius ruling for 8 years. [Tiberius] went off to fight
against the Etruscans with an army, but while he was crossing the river Alba he fell into
a whirlpool and died. As a result, the name of the river was changed to Tiber. After his
death Agrippa became king of the Latins, for 41 years. The next king was Arramulius
Silvius, who reigned for 19 years.

265 The next king was Arramulius Silvius, who reigned for 19 years. It is related that
Arramulius was arrogant throughout his life, and became so proud that he claimed to rival
the power of Aramazd (Zeus/Jupiter). When there was steady and severe thunder during the
heat [of autumn], he ordered all the men in his army at a given command to strike their
swords against their shields, supposing that by this noise he could surpass even thunder.
Consequently the gods exacted vengeance and killed him with a bolt of lightning and
submerged his house in the Alban lake. The Romans who live near the lake today still point
out some columns which can be seen deep beneath the surface of the water, which are the
remains of the royal palace under the lake. Aventius, who was chosen to be the next king,
ruled for 37 years. During a battle against the people who lived around the city, he was
trapped in a narrow space and killed near a hill, which was named the Aventine hill after
him. After he died, his son Procas Silvius was appointed to be the next king, and he ruled
[g390] for 23 years. After his death, his younger son Amulius forcibly seized power,
because his elder brother Numitor was in a foreign country. Amulius reigned for a little
over 43 years, and was killed by Remus and Romulus, who founded the city of Rome.

[109] Here is a Listing of the Roman Kings.

266 Aeneias became king of the Latins, in the fourth year after the capture of Troy, 3
years. Ascanius, 38 years. Silvius, the son of Aeneias, 28 years. Aeneias Silvius, 31
years. Latinus Silvius, 50 years. Albas Silvius, 39 years. Epitus Silvius, 26 years. Capis
Silvius, 28 years. Calpetus Silvas, 13 years. Tiberius Silvius, 8 years. Agrippa Silvius,
35 years. [Arramulius Silvius, 19 years]. [Aventius, 37 years]. [p291] Procas Silvius, 23
years. Amulius Silvius, 42 years [g391]. Romulus founded Rome and became king in the
seventh Olympiad [752-749 B.C.]. From Aeneas up until Romulus, 427 years elapsed. From the
capture of Troy [up until Romulus], 431 years elapsed.

Kings Beginning with Romulus, Founder of Rome.

267 Romulus, 38 years. Numa Pompilius, 41 years. Tullus Hostilius, 33 years. Ancius
Marcus, 33 years. Tarquinius, 37 years. Servilius, 44 years. Tarquinius Superbus, 24
years. There were seven kings of the Romans, starting with Romulus, and [the kingship]
ceased after a period of 244 years. From the capture of Troy until Romulus, 431 years
elapsed. Altogether 675 years elapsed. Dionysius of Halicarnassus gives a brief account of
the dates of these kings, from Romulus to Tarquinius, around the time of the first
Olympiad, as follows [Dion Hal 1.75] [g392].

[110] Dionysius of Halicarnassus Regarding the Kings in Rome after Romulus.

268 From Romulus, first ruler of the city, to the time of the expulsion of the kings two
hundred and forty-four years elapsed. This is known both from the order of the kings'
succession and the number of years each of them ruled. Following Romulus' death the city
was kingless for one year. Then Numa Pompilius, who was chosen by the army, reigned for
forty-three years. After Numa, Tullus Hostilius ruled for thirty-three years [g393]. Ancus
Marcius, his successor, ruled for twenty-four years. He was followed by Lucius Tarquinius,
called Priscus, for thirty-eight years. Servius Tullius succeeded him, reigning for forty-
four years. The murderer of Servius, the tyrant Lucius Tarquinius, extended his reign to
the twenty-fifth year. Because of his contempt of justice, he was called Superbus.
Romulus, the first ruler of the city, must have begun to rule in the first year of the
seventh Olympiad [752 B.C.], when Charops at Athens was in the first year of his ten-year
term as archon. [We calculate this] because the reigns of the kings [g394] amount to two
hundred and forty-four years or sixty-one Olympiads. Thus the count of the [monarchs']
years requires this [determination of the placing of Romulus' rule]; and the number of
years that each king reigned is known from writings. Such is the account given by those
who lived before me and adopted by me concerning the time of the settlement of the city
which now rules supreme.

269 This is Dionysius' account. Now after the death of Tarquinius and the collapse of
unified [royal] rule, the Romans no longer had kings. Instead, they appointed consuls
[starting with] Brutus; then [they appointed] tribunes of the plebs; then dictators, who
were orators; and then consuls again. I think it would be superfluous to list the
magistrates of each year here, because there would be a huge mass of names. Moreover, if I
described their achievements in detail, my account would become greatly enlarged and stray
from its intended purpose. Consequently I think it is appropriate [g395] to leave these
magistrates, and everything connected with them, to another chronicle: that is, the
consuls who followed Tarquinius, the tribunes of the plebs and the dictators who governed
the city of Rome during the years preceding the advent of Caesar. After these remarks, we
will return to the reign of the first emperor. From the death of Tarquinius until the time
of Julius Caesar, 115 Olympiads--the equivalent of 460 years--elapsed.

270 [111] Tarquinius died at the end of the 67th Olympiad [509 B.C.]. Caesar became
emperor at the start of the 183rd Olympiad [48 B.C.]. Between these [two termini] an
interval of 460 years exists. From the 7th Olympiad [752 B.C.], when the city of Rome was
founded, [until the death of Tarquinius] 244 years elapsed. Thus, a total of 704 years--
which is the equivalent of 176 Olympiads--elapsed from the foundation of Rome until the
time of Julius Caesar. This [schema] is confirmed by the chronicler Castor who writes as
follows in a passage summarizing the [relevant] dates [g396]:

Castor on the Kingdom of the Romans.

271 We have listed the kings of the Romans one by one, beginning with Aeneas son of
Anchises, when he became king of the Latins, and concluding with Amulius Silvius, who was
killed by Romulus, the son of his niece Rhea. Now we will add Romulus and the others who
ruled Rome after him up until Tarquinius Superbus, for a period of 244 years. After these
kings, we will give a separate list of the consuls, starting from Lucius Junius Brutus,
and ending with Marcus Valerius Messalla and Marcus Piso, who were consuls when Theophemus
was archon at Athens [61 B.C.]. Altogether [they ruled] for 460 years. That is what Castor
says. Now it is appropriate for us to append a list of the emperors of the Romans,
starting from Julius Caesar. We shall mention the consuls for each year, equating [these
dates] with the Olympiads. [The Armenian manuscript of book 1 of Eusebius' Chronicle
breaks off here]

272 This text was translated and placed online by Robert Bedrosian, and reformatted by
Roger Pearse, 2009.


CHRONICON
=========

CHRONICON continued

BOOK 1 TRANSLATED FROM LATIN

1 [Translated by Andrew Smith] [p1] I have searched through the various books of ancient
history; [I have read] what the Chaldaeans and Assyrians have recorded, what the Egyptians
have written in detail, and what the Greek have related as accurately as possible. They
include the dates of their kings and the Olympiads, which are athletic contests, and they
contain the outstanding exploits of both the Greeks and the barbarians, of both the brave
and the decadent. They also mention the remarkable victories of these nations, their
generals, scholars, heroes, poets, historians and philosophers. I think it is fitting, or
rather a useful and necessary task, to summarise all this, and to write down the ancient
history and chronology of the Hebrews, taken from the Holy Scriptures, alongside the
things which I have just mentioned. From that we can tell how long Moses, and the prophets
who came after him, lived before the appearance on earth of our saviour, about which they
prophesied through the holy spirit; and we can easily recognise in which [reigns] of Greek
or barbarian [rulers] the famous men of each race were alive; and at what time, from the
beginning, the outstanding prophets existed amongst the Hebrews, together with all their
rulers, one after another.

2 I warn and advise everyone from the start, that no-one should ever pretend that he can
be completely certain about matters of chronology. It will help if first we remember the
advice of our true master, [p3] who told his companions [Acts, 1:7]: "It is not for you to
know the hours and seasons whicih the Father has set under his own authority." He, as our
Lord and God, uttered this saying not only about the end of the world, but also, in my
opinion, about all dates, to dissuade men from such pointless investigations. Indeed, my
own words here will confirm this saying of our master, [by showing] that it is not
possible to gain an accurate knowledge of the whole chronology of the world from the
Greeks, or from any others, not even from the Hebrews themselves. But it is possible to
hope for this only: that what is said by us in this present treatise will help us to
recognise two things. Firstly, no-one, like some have done, should believe that he is
calculating dates with full accuracy, and be deceived in that way. But he should realise
that this has been brought up for discussion, only so that he can know the means and
manner of the proposed investigation, and so that he should not remain in doubt.

3 There is no reason to be surprised that the Greeks do not appear in the most ancient
times. They have fallen into various fatal errors, and for a long time before the
generation of Cadmus they were completely ignorant of writing. They say that Cadmus was
the first to bring them the alphabet, from the land of the Phoenicians. And so the
Egyptian in Plato's book [ Timaeus, 22'B ] rightly despises Solon; "O Solon," he says,
"you Greeks are always children. An old Greek man is never to be found, and no-one can
learn from you about ancient times." But many improbable stories have been told by the
Egyptians and Chaldaeans. For instance, the Chaldaeans calculate that their recorded
history has lasted for more than 400,000 years. [p5] The Egyptians make up myths about
gods and demi-gods, and also about some shades; and they tell many crazy myths about other
mortal kings.

4 Yet what forces me to examine such matters in detail now, when I value the truth above
all else? Even amongst my beloved Hebrews one can find inconsistencies, which I will
mention at the appropriate time. But I have said this much in reproach of those
chroniclers who are eager for such hollow glory. In accordance with these objectives, I
will scrutinise the books of the ancient writers. 5 First I will put in writing the
chronology of the Chaldaeans; and then the chronology of the Assyrians; next the kings of
the Medes; and then the kings of the Lydians and Persians. Then I will go on to a
different topic, and set out all the chronology of the Hebrews in sequence. After the
Hebrews, in the third section [I will set out] the dates of the Egyptian dynasties. I will
add to them the dynasty of the Ptolemaei, who reigned after Alexander the Macedonian in
Egypt and Alexandria. Then I will start on another [topic], and describe one after another
what the Greeks have told about their history: first the rulers of Sicyon, and then [the
rulers] of the land of the Argives, and of the city of the Athenians, from the first to
the last; next, the kings of Lacedaemon and Corinth; and lastly, those who in any region
held control of the sea. To these I will add a list of the Olympiads, which are recorded
by the Greeks. After I have set out all the Olympiads in sequence, I will write down the
first kings of the Macedonians and Thessalians, and then the leaders of the Syrians and
Asians, who came after Alexander, one by one. Next I will set out in their turn all the
individual rulers of the Latins, who were later called Romans, starting from Aeneias after
the capture of Troy. Then [I will set out] in sequence [the kings], starting from Romulus,
who founded the city of Rome; the succession of emperors, starting from Julius Caesar and
Augustus; and the consuls for each year.

6 After collecting material from all these sources, I will move on to the chronological
canons of time. Resuming from the beginning with those who ruled in each nation, I will
divide their dates into separate series; [p7] and next to them I will place in sequence
the numbers of their [regnal] years, so that it can easily and quickly be seen, at which
time each of them lived. I will briefly mention the outstanding events of each reign, as
recorded by every nation, in the context of that reign. But the second book is a task for
the future. Now, in the following section, let us investigate the chronology of the
Chaldaeans, and what they have recorded about their ancestors. [THE CHALDAEANS] How the
Chaldaeans record their chronology, from [the writings of] Alexander Polyhistor; about the
books of the Chaldaeans, and their first kings That is what Berossus relates in his first
book, and in the second book he lists the kings, one after another. He says that
Nabonassar was king at that time. He merely lists the names of the kings, and says very
little about their achievements; or perhaps he thinks that they are not worth mentioning,
when he has already stated the number of kings. He begins to write as follows:
"Apollodorus says that the first king was Alorus, who was a Chaldaean from Babylon, and he
reigned for 10 sars." He divides a sar into 3,600 years, and adds two other [measures of
time]: a ner and a soss. He says that a ner is 600 years, and a soss is 60 years. He
counts the years in this way, following some ancient form of calculation. After saying
this, he proceeds to list ten kings of the Assyrians, one after the other in
[chronological] order; from Alorus, the first king, until Xisuthrus, in whose reign the
first great flood occurred, the flood which Moses mentions.

7 He says that the total length of the reigns of the [ten] kings was 120 sars, which is
the equivalent of 432,000 years. He writes about the individual kings as follows: [p9]
When Alorus died, his son Alaparus became king for 3 sars. After Alaparus, Amelon, a
Chaldaean from the city of Pautibiblon, became king for 13 sars. After Amelon, Ammenon, a
Chaldaean from (?) Parmibiblon, became king for 12 sars. - In his reign, the monster
Annedotus, whose form was a mixture between a man and a fish, appeared out of the Red Sea.
Megalarus, from the city of Pautibiblon, reigned for 18 sars. The shepherd Daonus, from
the city of Pautibiblon, reigned for 10 sars. - In this reign, again four monsters
appeared out of the Red Sea, who [like Annedotus] were a mixture between a man and a fish.
Euedorachus, from the city of Pautibiblon, reigned for 18 sars. - In this reign, another
monster appeared out of the Red Sea, which also was a mixture between a man and a fish,
and its name was Odacon. All these [monsters] explained in detail what Oannes had stated
briefly.

8 Amempsinus, a Chaldaean from Larancha, reigned for 10 sars. Otiartes, a Chaldaean from
Larancha, reigned for 8 sars. When Otiartes died, his son Xisuthrus became king, for 18
sars. - In his reign, the great flood occurred. The reigns of all these kings, added
together, make 120 sars. They are calculated in this way: Alorus, for 10 sars Alaparus,
for 3 sars Amelon, for 13 sars Ammenon, for 12 sars Megalarus, for 18 sars Daonus, for 10
sars Euedorachus, for 18 sars Amempsinus, for 10 sars Otiartes, for 8 sars Xisuthrus, for
18 sars In total, 10 kings and 120 sars. [p11] And they say that 120 sars are the
equivalent of 432,000 years, because one sar is the equivalent of 3,600 years. That is
what Alexander Polyhistor says in his book. But if anyone thinks that what is contained in
that book is a true history, and that [those kings] really ruled for so many myriads of
years, then he should also believe in all the other similar things in that book, which are
equally incredible. Now will tell what Berossus wrote in the first book of his history,
and first I will add another quotation from the same book of Polyhistor, as follows.

9 Another unreliable account of Chaldaean history, from the same book of Alexander
Polyhistor about the Chaldaeans Berossus, in the first book of his Babylonian History,
says that he lived at the time of Alexander the son of Philippus, and that he transcribed
the writings of many authors, which had been carefully preserved at Babylon, containing
the records of (?) over 150,000 years. These writings contain the history of heaven and
the sea, of creation, and of the kings and their deeds. Firstly, he says that the land of
Babylonia lies between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates. Wild wheat, barley, lentils and
sesame grow on the land; and the marshes produce roots, called gonges, which are as
nutritious as barley. There are dates, apples, [p13] and other fruits and fish, as well as
birds in the woods and marshes. The parts lying towards Arabia are dry and barren, but the
parts on the opposite side from Arabia are mountainous and fertile. A large number of
foreigners dwell in Chaldaea; they live in Babylon in a disorderly way, like wild animals.

10 In the first year, a horrible beast appeared out of the Red Sea in the region near
Babylonia. Its name was Oannes, according to Apollodorus. It had the complete body of a
fish, but underneath its head there grew another head, beneath the fish's head; and in the
same way the feet of a man grew of the tail of the fish. It had the voice of a man, and
its likeness has been preserved even down to the present day. He says that this beast
spent the day with men, taking no food, but instructing them about writing and science and
all kinds of crafts. It taught them about founding cities and establishing temples, about
introducing laws and about geometry. It showed them how to sow seed and gather fruit; and
in general it gave men all the skills they needed for a civilised life. Since that time,
nothing additional has been discovered.

11 But when the sun set, this beast called Oannes went back into the sea, and spent the
night in the water, because it was amphibious. Afterwards other similar beasts appeared,
which he says he will mention in the list of kings. But he says that Oannes wrote about
creation and about the government of states, and he passed on this message on to mankind.
There was once a time, in which everything was darkness and water. [p15] In those times,
monstrous beasts were born, with strange appearances. There were men with two wings, and
some with four wings and two faces. They had one body, but two heads, of a man and a
woman, and two sets of genitals, male and female. Other men had the legs and horns of a
goat, or the hooves of a horse, or the rear end of a horse and the front of a man, like
centaurs. Other beasts were born, such as bulls with human heads; dogs with four bodies
and fish tails protruding from their rear end; horses with dogs' heads; humans and other
animals with the head and body of a horse, but the tail of a fish; and other beasts with
the form of all kinds of wild animals. As well as these [beasts], there were fish and
reptiles and snakes and many other strange creatures, each of which had a different
appearance. Representations of them were set up in the temple of Belus. A woman called
Omorca ruled over all these [creatures]; she is called Thalatth in the Chaldaean language,
which is translated into Greek as thalassa ("the sea").

12 When everything was joined together in this way, Belus came along and split the woman
in half. Half of her he made the heavens, and the other half he made the earth; and he
destroyed all the creatures on her. He says that this story is an allegory about nature;
for when everything was wet and creatures were born in it, this god cut off his own head.
The other gods took the blood that flowed from him and by mixing it with earth they
created men. Therefore men are intelligent and have a share of divine reason. [p17] Belus,
which is translated as Zeus in Greek, cut the darkness in half. He separated the earth and
the heavens from each other, and he arranged the universe. But because the creatures could
not bear the power of the light, they were destroyed. When Belus saw that the land was
empty and fertile, he ordered one of the gods to cut off his own head, and by mixing the
blood which flowed from him with earth, to create men and wild beasts who could endure the
air. Belus created the stars, the sun, the moon and the five planets.

13 That, according to Alexander Polyhistor, is what Berossus says in his first book. In
the second book he lists the kings, one after another, and he says that the time of the
ten kings, which we mentioned above, lasted for longer than 400,000 years. Anyone who
believes that these writers are telling the truth about such a huge number of years should
believe all the other improbable stories that they tell. Such a length of time is clearly
supernatural, and is not worthy of belief, even if it is explained in a different way. And
even if someone thinks that this number of years is possible, they still should not accept
the statement about the dates without some further questions. If the number of rulers was
sufficient to explain all these thousands of years, which are produced by their
chronology, or if the writers reported the events and actions which would be expected to
occur over such a length of time, then one might perhaps agree that there is some
likelihood of their account being true. But as they claim that so many myriads of years
were taken up by the rule of only ten men, who can doubt that these stories are merely
ravings and myths?

14 Perhaps these so-called sars were originally measured not in years, but in some very
small period of time. For instance, the ancient Egyptians talked about lunar years, [p19]
that is a month of days or years containing 30 days. Other people consider the seasons to
be periods of three months; in other words, they reckon each changing period of three
months as a single year, and count the years in that way. Similarly, it is likely that the
so-called sar of the Chaldaeans indicated some such [period of time]. So they count only
ten generations from Alorus, who was the first to be called king [of the Chaldaeans], up
until Xisuthrus, in whose reign the great flood occurred. In the Hebrew scriptures also,
Moses declares that there were ten generations before the flood; for the Hebrews mention
that number of generations, one by one, from the first man in their account up until the
flood. But Hebrew history assigns about 2,000 years to these ten generations. Assyrian
[history] lists the same number of generations as the book of Moses, but produces a very
different total of years. It says that the ten generations lasted for 120 sars, which is
the equivalent of (?) 430,000 years.

15 The reader who is keen to know the truth can easily understand, from what we have
already said, that Xisuthrus is the same as the man who is called Noah by the Hebrews, in
whose time the great flood occurred. The book of Polyhistor also mentions him, and writes
about him as follows. From the same book of Alexander Polyhistor, about the flood When
Otiartes died, his son Xisuthrus became king, for 18 sars. In his reign, the great flood
occurred. This is how the story is told. Cronus (whom they call the father of Zeus, while
others call him Chronus ["time"]) approached him in his sleep, and said that on the 15th
day of the month of Daesius the human race would be destroyed by a flood. [p21] Cronos
ordered him to bury the beginnings, the middles and the ends of all writings in
Heliopolis, the city of the Sippareni; to build a boat and embark on it with his close
friends; to load the boat with food and drink, and to put on board every kind of bird and
four-footed creature; and then, when all the preparations were complete, to sail away.
When he asked where he should sail, Cronus replied, "To the gods, to pray that good things
may happen to men." Xisuthrus did as he had been told. He built a boat which was 15 stades
long, and 2 stades wide. After completing everything as instructed, he sent his wife, his
children and his close friends onto the boat.

16 When the flood had come, and soon afterwards stopped, Xisuthrus sent out some of the
birds. But they could not find any food or anywhere to rest, and so they returned to the
boat. A few days later, Xisuthrus sent out the birds again, and this time they returned to
the boat with mud on their feet. The third time that he sent out the birds, they no longer
returned to the boat. Xisuthrus realised that some land had appeared. He removed part of
the sides of the boat, and saw that it had come to rest on a mountain. He disembarked with
his wife and daughter and the helmsman, and kissed the ground. After he had set up an
altar and had sacrificed to the gods, he disappeared from sight, along with the others who
had left the boat with him. When Xisuthrus and his companions did not return, the
remainder of those who were on the boat disembarked and searched for him, calling out his
name. They could not see Xisuthrus anywhere, but a voice came out of the sky telling them
that they should honour the gods, and that Xisuthrus had gone to live with the gods,
because of the honour he showed them; his wife, his daughter and the helmsman had received
the same reward. The voice told them to return to Babylon; they were destined to dig up
the writings which had been hidden in the city of the Sippareni, [p23] and distribute them
amongst men. They were told that they were now in the land of Armenia.

17 When they heard all of this, they sacrificed to the gods and went by foot to Babylon. A
small part of the boat, which came to rest in Armenia, can still be found in the mountains
of the Cordyaei in Armenia. Some people scrape off the asphalt, which covers the boat, and
use it to ward off diseases, like an amulet. When they arrived back in Babylon, they dug
up the writings in the city of the Sippareni. They founded many cities, and re-founded
Babylon, constructing many temples. Afterwards Polyhistor gives an account of the building
of the tower, which agrees with the books of Moses, in exactly these words. [From the
writings] of Alexander Polyhistor, about the building of the tower The Sibyl says: "When
men all spoke the same language, they built a very tall tower, so that they could climb up
to heaven. However god blew a wind at them and overturned the tower. Then he gave each of
them their own language, and so the city was called Babylon. After the flood there came
Titan and Prometheus, in whose time Titan made war against Cronus."

18 That is what Polyhistor says about the building of the tower. He continues with the
following details. After the flood, (?) Euechius ruled the land of the Chaldaeans, for 4
ners Then his son Chomasbelus became king, for 4 ners and 5 sosses From Xisuthrus and the
flood until the capture of Babylon by the Medes, [p25] Polyhistor lists 86 kings in all,
and names each of them, copying their names from the book of Berossus. These kings reigned
in total for 33,091 years. But when the city had become so firmly established, the Medes
unexpectedly led their forces against Babylon and captured it. Then they set up their own
kings as rulers there. He names 8 kings of the Medes, who reigned for 224 years Then again
11 kings, for [28] years Then 49 kings of the Chaldaeans, for 458 years Then 9 kings of
the Arabs, for 245 years

19 After that time (he says) Semiramis was ruler of the Assyrians Then he lists
individually the names of 45 kings, and allocates 526 years to them After them, Phulus
became king of the Chaldaeans - The Hebrew scriptures [2 Kings 15:19 ] call this king Pul,
and say that he invaded the land of the Hebrews. After him, Polyhistor says that
Sennacherib became king The Hebrew scriptures say that Sennacherib was king at the time of
king Hezekiah and the prophet Isaiah. To be exact, Holy Scripture says [2 Kings 18:13]:
"It happened in the fourteenth year of king Hezekiah that Sennacherib the king of the
Assyrians marched against the fortified cities of Judah, and captured them." And after
telling the whole story, it continues [2 Kings 19:37]: "And his son Esarhaddon reigned in
his place." Later on again, it adds [2 Kings 20:1]: "It happened at that time that
Hezekiah fell ill", and [2 Kings 20:12] " at that time Merodach Baladan sent envoys with
letters and gifts to Hezekiah.". That is what the Hebrew scriptures say.

20 But Sennacherib and his son Esarhaddon [Asordanus] and Merodach Baladan, along with
Nebuchadnezzar, are mentioned by the historian of the Chaldaeans, who speaks about them as
follows. [p27] [From the writings] of the same Alexander, about Sennacherib and
Nebuchadnezzar, their exploits and their virtues After the reign of the brother of
Sennacherib, when Achises had been king for less than thirty days, he was killed by
Merodach Baladan. Merodach Baladan seized the throne, but after ruling for six months he
was killed by someone called Elibus, who became king in his place. In the third year of
his reign, Sennacherib the king of the Assyrians led an army against the Babylonians and
defeated them in battle. He captured Elibus, and ordered him to be taken with his friends
to the land of the Assyrians. After bringing the Babylonians under his control, he
appointed his son Asordanus to be their king. Then he returned to the land of the
Assyrians.

21 When Sennacherib heard that the Greeks had arrived in Cilicia with the intention of
fighting, he set out for Cilicia and met them in battle. Although many men from his own
army were killed, he defeated the enemy, and as a monument of his victory he set up a
statue of himself in that place. He ordered it to be inscribed with Chaldaean letters,
which recorded his bravery and greatness for future generations. And he founded the city
of Tarsus, on the same model as Babylon, and gave it the name of Tharsis. Then, after
relating the other achievements of Sennacherib, he adds: "After remaining [in power] for
18 years, he died as a result of a plot which was formed against him by his son
Ardumuzan." That is what Polyhistor says [about Sennacherib]. These dates agree with what
is said in Holy Scripture. For in the time of Hezekiah, as Polyhistor states:

22 Sennacherib was king, for 18 years Then his son, for 8 years Then Sammuges, for 21
years His brother, for 21 years Then Nabopolassar for 20 years Then Nebuchadnezzar for 43
years In total, from Sennacherib until Nebuchadnezzar, there are 88 years. A careful
investigation of the Hebrew scriptures will come to a similar conclusion. [p29] After
Hezekiah, the kings who reigned over the remaining Jews were: Manasseh, the son of
Hezekiah, for 55 years Then Amon, for (?) 2 years Then Josiah, for 31 years Then (?)
Jehoiachin - At the beginning of his reign, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem and took
Jewish captives back to Babylon. In total, from Hezekiah until Nebuchadnezzar, there are
88 years, which is the same number of years as was calculated by Polyhistor in his history
of the Chaldaeans. After this, Polyhistor relates some other deeds and exploits of
Sennacherib. He speaks about his son in the same way as the Hebrew scriptures, and gives a
detailed account of all that happened. He says that the philosopher Pythagoras lived at
the same time as these kings. After Sammuges, Sardanapallus was king of the Chaldaeans for
21 years.

23 Sardanapallus sent an army to the assistance of Astyages, the satrap of the Medes, and
accepted Amyïtis, the daughter of Astyages, as the bride of his son Nebuchadnezzar. Then
Nebuchadnezzar became king for 43 years. After gathering an army, he attacked the Jews,
Phoenicians and Syrians, whom he took away as captives. I do not need to give a long
explanation to prove that Polyhistor agrees with the Hebrew scriptures in this matter
also. After Nebuchadnezzar, his son Amilmarudoch became king for 12 years. He is called
Evilmerodach in the Hebrew histories. Polyhistor says that after him, Neglissar ruled the
Chaldaeans for 4 years, and then Nabonidus for 17 years. In his reign, Cyrus the son of
Cambyses led an army against the land of the Babylonians. Nabonidus met him [in battle],
but was defeated and put to flight. Then Cyrus became king of Babylon, for 9 years After
Cyrus died in another battle on the (?) plain of the Dahae, Cambyses became king, for 8
years

24 Then Dareius, for 36 years After Dareius came Xerxes and the other Persian kings Just
as Berossus gives a brief account of each of the Chaldaean kings, so Polyhistor describes
them in the same manner. From what he says, it is clear that Nebuchadnezzar led an army
against the Jews and conquered them. From Nebuchadnezzar until Cyrus the king of the
Persians, there is period of 70 years. [p31] The Hebrew histories agree with this, and
state that the Jews were in captivity for 70 years, calculating from the first year of the
reign of Nebuchadnezzar up until Cyrus the king of the Persians. Abydenus, whose account
is similar to Polyhistor (?) in most respects, writes as follows in his History of the
Chaldaeans. [From the writings] of Abydenus, about the first kings of the Chaldaeans So
much about the wisdom of the Chaldaeans. The first king of the region, so they say, was
Alorus. - He spread a report about himself that he had been chosen by god to be the
shepherd of the people, and he reigned [over them] for ten sars (a sar is 3,600 years; a
ner is 600 years; and a soss is 60 years).

25 Next, Alaparus Amillarus, from the city of Pautibiblon - In his reign, a second
Annedotus, a kind of demi-god, similar in appearance to Oannes, rose out of the sea.
Ammenon Magalanus The shepherd Daōs - In his reign, bi-formed creatures came out of the
sea onto the land, and their names were: Euedocus, Eneugamus, Eneubulus and Anementus.
Euedoreschus - In his reign, Anodaphus [came out of the sea]. After him, there were other
rulers, and finally Sisuthrus After agreeing with Polyhistor in such matters, this
historian then writes about the flood in the same way. [From the writings] of Abydenus,
about the flood After him, there were other kings, including Sisuthrus, to whom Cronus
foretold that there would be a great torrent of rain on the fifteenth day of the month of
Daesius. Cronus ordered him to conceal all the books which were kept in Heliopolis, the
city of the Sippareni. Sisuthrus did as instructed, and then he sailed away to Armenia.
Immediately it began to happen as the god had foretold. [p33] On the third day, when the
rain eased, Sisuthrus sent out some birds, to test if they could see any land rising up
out of the sea. But they found nothing except a gaping wide sea, and, having nowhere to
rest, they flew back to Sisuthrus. The same thing happened when [he sent] some other
birds. But he achieved success with the third set of birds, who came back with mud
splattered on the bottom of their feet, and then the gods removed him from the sight of
men. The inhabitants of Armenia made wooden amulets out of his ship, as a protection
against poisons.

26 I think that it will be obvious to everyone that what Abydenus says about the flood is
similar to the story of the Hebrews, and uses the same form of words. That these
historians, whether they are Greeks or Chaldaeans, give Noah a different name, and call
him Sisuthrus, is hardly surprising. Nor is it surprising that, as is their custom, they
refer to gods rather than God, and talk about birds in general without mentioning a dove.
That then is what Abydenus says about the flood in this History of the Chaldaeans. He also
writes about the building of the tower, in a way which is similar to the account of Moses,
as follows. [From the writings] of Abydenus, about the building of the tower They say that
the first men at that time were puffed up with pride because of their strength and height,
and in their arrogance they thought that they were better than the gods. They built a huge
tower where Babylon now is, and it was already close up to heaven. But the winds came to
the aid of the gods, and threw down the structure around them. The remains of the tower
were called Babylon. Up to that time they had shared a common language but then they
received a great variety of different speech from the gods. Afterwards a war arose between
Cronus and Titan.

27 [p35] The same author writes about Sennacherib, as follows. [From the writings] of
Abydenus, about Sennacherib At this time, Sennacherib became the 25th of the [Assyrian]
kings. He conquered Babylon and brought it under his control. He defeated a fleet of Greek
ships in a naval battle off the coast of Cilicia. He established a temple of the
Athenians, and erected bronze columns on which he inscribed in writing his mighty
achievements. He built Tarsus with a design which was similar to Babylon, so that the
river Cydnus flows through the middle of Tarsus, just as the Euphrates flows through the
middle of Babylon. After him Nergilus became king, but he was killed by his son Adramelus.
Then Adramelus was killed by Axerdis, his half-brother (by the same father, but a
different mother). Axerdis gathered an army and sent it against the city of Byzantium. He
was the first king to seek help from mercenaries, and one of these was Pythagoras, who
became a student of Chaldaean wisdom. Axerdis conquered Egypt and parts of lower Syria.
Then Sardanapallus was [king].

28 Then Saracus became king of the Assyrians, [p37] and when he was informed that an army
like a swarm of locusts had invaded by sea, he immediately sent his general Nabopolassar
[Busalossorus] to Babylon. But this general started to plot rebellion, and betrothed his
son Nebuchadnezzar [Nabuchodonosor] to Amytis the daughter of Astyages, the king of the
Medes. And then he immediately set off to attack the city of Nineveh. When king Saracus
learned of the attack, he burnt down the palace with himself inside it. Nebuchadnezzar
took over power as king, and put up a strong wall around Babylon. After saying this,
Abydenus gives an account of Nebuchadnezzar, which agrees with the writings of the
Hebrews, as follows. [From the writings] of Abydenus, about Nebuchadnezzar When
Nebuchadnezzar came to power, he fortified Babylon with a three-fold circuit of walls in
about fifteen days. He made a channel for the river Narmalacis, a branch of the Euphrates,
[(?) and the Acracanus]. [p39] He dug a reservoir above the city of the Sippareni, which
was 40 parasangs in circumference, and 20 fathoms deep; and he constructed gates, which
could be opened to irrigate the whole plain. They call these gates ochetognomones. He
protected [the shore] against flooding by the Red Sea, and he built the city of Teredon
[to guard] against the raids of the Arabs. He adorned the palace with new kinds of plants,
and called it "The Hanging Gardens".

29 Then he gives a detailed description of this Hanging Garden. He says that the Greeks
regard it as one of the so-called seven wonders of the world. And in another place the
same author writes as follows: "It is said that in the beginning everything was water,
which was called the sea. But Belus restrained [the sea] and assigned a region to each
person. He surrounded Babylon with a wall, and at the appointed time he disappeared from
sight. Later Nebuchadnezzar gave Babylon new walls, with gates of bronze, which lasted
until the time of the Macedonians." The words of Daniel are in accordance with everything
that Abydenus says. In his book [Dan. 4:30] he relates how Nebuchadnezzar, becoming
arrogant and puffed up with pride, declared; "Is this not the great Babylon I have built
as the royal residence, by my mighty power and for the glory of my majesty?"

30 That Nebuchadnezzar regarded his power as proof of his good fortune, is made clear the
words of the prophet Daniel. And Abydenus declares that he was "mightier than Heracles",
when he writes as follows: [p41] "Megasthenes says that Nebuchadnezzar, who was mightier
than Heracles, let his armies as far as Libya and Iberia. He conquered these countries,
and settled some of their inhabitants on the right-hand shore of the Euxine Sea. But the
Chaldaeans say that afterwards, when he went up to the palace, he was possessed by some
god, and uttered these words: 'O Babylonians, I Nebuchadnezzar predict that a great
disaster will befall you.' " After adding some more details about this, the historian
continues: "When he had (?) uttered this prediction, he immediately vanished from sight,
and his son Amilmarudocus became king in his place. But Amilmarudocus was killed by his
kinsman Niglisares, leaving a son called Labassoarascus. When he too died a violent death,
they proclaimed Nabannidochus as king, although he had no right to assume royal power.
When Cyrus captured Babylon, he made Nabannidochus the governor of Carmania; but king
Dareius took some of the territory away from him.

31 All this is in accordance with what is said in the Hebrew scriptures. [p43] The book of
Daniel tells how and in what way Nebuchadnezzar was afflicted in his mind. The Greek
historians and the Chaldaeans turn his suffering to good account, by calling the madness a
god who entered into him, or some demon which came to him. But this is not surprising,
because it is their custom to attribute all such occurrences to a god, and to call the
demons gods. All this is related by Abydenus. Flavius Josephus, the Jewish historian,
gives a similar account in the first book of his Antiquities [ Ap_1'128-160 ], as follows:
From the first book of the Antiquities of Josephus, about Nebuchadnezzar 32 I will now
relate what has been written about us in the Chaldaean histories, which closely agree with
our scriptures on various points. Berossus shall be witness to what I say: he was by birth
a Chaldaean, well known by the learned, on account of his publication for Greek readers of
books on Chaldaean astronomy and philosophy. This Berossus, therefore, following the most
ancient records of that nation, describes in the same way as Moses the flood, and the
destruction of mankind which it caused. He also gives us an account of the ark in which
Noah, the forefather of our race, was preserved, when it was brought to the highest part
of the Armenian mountains. Then he gives us a list of the descendants of Noah, with their
dates; and at length comes down to Nabopolassar, who was king of Babylon, and of the
Chaldaeans. And in his narrative of the acts of this king, he describes how he sent his
son Nebuchadnezzar against Egypt, and against our land, with a great army, when he was
informed that they had revolted from him. [p45] After he had subdued them all, and
destroyed our temple at Jerusalem by fire, he removed our people entirely out of their own
country, and transported them to Babylon. Then our city was deserted for a period of
seventy years, until the days of Cyrus king of Persia. He adds that this Babylonian king
conquered Egypt, and Syria, and Phoenicia, and Arabia, and exceeded in his exploits all
the kings who had reigned before him in Babylon and Chaldaea.

33 I will set down Berossus' own words, which are as follows: "Nabopolassar, father of
Nebuchadnezzar, heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and over the regions
of Coele Syria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him. Because he was not able to bear the
hardships of a campaign, he committed part of his army to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was
then a young man, and sent him against the rebel. Nebuchadnezzar joined battle with the
rebel, and conquered him, and forced the country to submit to him again. Meanwhile it
happened that his father Nabopolassar fell ill, and died in the city of Babylon, after he
had reigned twenty-one years. When Nebuchadnezzar heard, soon afterwards, that his father
Nabopolassar was dead, he set the affairs of Egypt and the other countries in order. He
committed the captives he had taken from the Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and
inhabitants of Egypt, [p47] to some of his friends, that they might conduct them with his
heavy-armed forces troops, and the rest of his baggage, to Babylonia. He himself went in
haste, having only a few companions with him, over the desert to Babylon. When he arrived
there, he found that the public affairs were being managed by the Chaldaeans, and that the
principal person among them had preserved the kingdom for him. Accordingly, he then took
over complete control of his father's dominions.

34 "He ordered the captives to be placed in colonies in the most suitable places of
Babylonia; but as for himself, he adorned the temple of Belus, and the other temples, in a
magnificent manner, out of the spoils he had taken in this war. He also rebuilt the old
city, and added another to it on the outside. He restored Babylon in such a way, that no-
one who should besiege it afterwards might be able to divert the course of river, in order
to force an entrance into it. He achieved this by building three walls about the inner
city, and three about the outer city. Some of these walls he built of burnt brick and
bitumen, and some of brick only. So when he had fortified the city on this grand scale,
and had adorned the gates magnificently, he added a new palace to the one which his father
had dwelt in. It was close by it, but was superior in its height, and also in its great
splendour. It would require too long a narration, to describe it all in detail. However,
as prodigiously large and magnificent as the palace was, it was finished in only fifteen
days. In this palace he erected very high walks, supported by stone pillars, and by
planting what was called a Hanging Garden, and adorning it with all sorts of trees, he
gave it the appearance of a mountainous country. This he did to please his queen, because
she had been brought up in Media, and was fond of mountainous scenery."

35 This is what Berossus says about Nebuchadnezzar, and he relates many other things about
him in the third book of his Chaldaean History, in which he censures the Greek writers
because they suppose, without any foundation, that Babylon was built by Semiramis, queen
of Assyria, and they wrongly claim that those wonderful buildings were created by her.
[p49] On this subject, the account in the Chaldaean History must surely be accepted.
Moreover, we find confirmation of what Berossus says in the archives of the Phoenicians,
concerning this king Nebuchadnezzar, that he conquered all of Syria and Phoenicia.
Philostratus is in agreement on these matters in his History, where he mentions the siege
of Tyre; as is Megasthenes, in the fourth book of his Indian History, in which he tries to
prove that this king of the Babylonians was superior to Heracles in strength and the
greatness of his exploits; for he says that he conquered most of Libya and Iberia.

36 I have said before that the temple at Jerusalem was attacked by the Babylonians, and
burnt down by them, but it was restored after Cyrus had taken control of Asia. This is
proved by what Berossus adds on the subject; for in his third book he says as follows:
"Nebuchadnezzar, after he had begun to build the wall which I mentioned, fell sick and
died, when he had reigned forty-three years. His son Evilmerodach became king, but he
governed public affairs in an illegal and dishonest manner, and after he had reigned for
only two years, Neriglissar, his sister's husband, plotted against him and killed him.
After his death, Neriglissar, the man who had plotted against him, succeeded him in the
kingdom, and reigned for four years; his son Laborosoarchod obtained the kingdom, though
he was but a child, and kept it for nine months; but because of the depraved disposition
which he showed, a plot was laid against him also, and he was beaten to death by his
friends.

37 After his death, the conspirators met together, and by common consent entrusted the
kingdom to Nabonidus [Nabonnedus], a Babylonian who had joined in the plot. In his reign
the walls of the city of Babylon were built magnificently with burnt brick and bitumen;
but when he had reached the seventeenth year of his reign, Cyrus advanced from Persia with
a great army; and having already conquered all the rest of Asia, he marched against
Babylonia. [p51] When Nabonidus heard that Cyrus was coming to attack him, he met him with
his forces, but was defeated in battle. He fled away with a few of his troops, and was
shut up in the city of Borsippa. Cyrus captured Babylon, and gave orders that the outer
walls of the city should be demolished, because the city had proved very formidable, and
was difficult to capture. He then marched away to Borsippa, to besiege Nabonidus, who
immediately surrendered without waiting for a siege. Nabonidus was at first kindly treated
by Cyrus, who sent him away from Babylonia and gave him Carmania, as a place to inhabit.
Accordingly Nabonidus spent the rest of his time in that country, and there he died."

38 This account is true, and agrees with our scriptures; for in them it is written that
Nebuchadnezzar, in the eighteenth year of his reign, destroyed our temple, and so it lay
in ruins for fifty years; but in the second year of the reign of Cyrus its foundations
were laid, and it was completed again in the second year of Dareius. I will now add the
records of the Phoenicians, because I ought to give the reader abundant proof on this
occasion. These records list the lengths of the reigns of their kings as follows: Ithobal
- During his reign, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Tyre for thirteen years. Baal, ten years After
him judges were appointed, and held office: Ecnibalus, the son of Baslechus, two months
Chelbes, the son of Abdaeus, ten months Abbar, the high priest, three months Myttynus and
Gerastratus, the sons of Abdelimus, six years After them, Balatorus was king for one year

39 After his death they summoned Merbalus from Babylon, who reigned four years After his
death they sent for his brother Hirom, [p53] who reigned twenty years - In his reign Cyrus
became king of Persia. So the whole period is fifty-four years and three months; for
Nebuchadnezzar began to besiege Tyre in the seventh year of his reign , and Cyrus the
Persian came to power in the fourteenth year of Hirom. Therefore the records of the
Chaldaeans and the Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple. That is what
Josephus says about these matters. Later on, Abydenus includes another account of the
kings of the Chaldaeans, which is similar to Polyhistor. Then he lists the kings of the
Assyrians in [chronological] order, as follows. [ THE ASSYRIANS ] [From the writings] of
Abydenus, about the kingdom of the Assyrians "That is the account which the Chaldaeans
give of the kings of their country, but they do not mention Ninus or Semiramis." After
saying this, he immediately begins the history [of the Assyrians]: "Ninus was the son of
Arbelus, the son of Anebus, the son of Babus, the son of Belus, king of the Assyrians."

40 Then he lists [the kings of the Assyrians] from Ninus and Semiramis up until
Sardanapallus, who was the last of all the kings; and from Sardanapallus until the first
Olympiad, there are 67 years. That is the account which Abydenus gives about each of the
Assyrian kings. But he is not the only writer [to mention them]: Castor, in the first book
of the Summary of his Chronicle, speaks about the kingdom of the Assyrians in the
following words. From the Summary of Castor, about the kingdom of the Assyrians "Belus was
the king of the Assyrians. During his reign, the Cyclopes brought lightning and thunder to
assist Zeus during his battle against the Titans. At the same time, the kings of the
Titans were in their prime - including king Ogygus." And shortly afterwards he says: "The
giants attacked the gods, [p55] and were killed, after Heracles and Dionysus, who were
descended from the Titans, came to the aid of the gods. Belus, whom we mentioned before,
came to the end of his life, and was regarded as a god. After him, Ninus ruled the
Assyrians for 52 years. His wife was Semiramis. After Ninus, Semiramis ruled the Assyrians
for 42 years. Then Zames, who was also called Ninyas, [was king]."

41 Then he lists each of the subsequent kings of the Assyrians in order, up until
Sardanapallus. He mentions all of them by name; and we also will write down their names,
together with the length of each of their reigns, a little later on. Castor writes about
the Assyrians again in his Canons, in these words: " First we have listed the kings of the
Assyrians, starting with Belus; but because the length of his reign is not stated for
certain, we have only mentioned his name. We have started the list in this chronicle with
Ninus, and ended with another Ninus, who succeeded Sardanapallus as king. In this way, the
total duration of the kingdom can be clearly shown, as well as the length of each of the
individual reigns. And it shows that the kingdom lasted for 1,280 years." That is what
Castor says. And Diodorus Siculus, who wrote the [Historical] Library, gives a similar
account, in the following words.

42 From the writings of Diodorus, about the kingdom of the Assyrians "No noteworthy deeds
or even names have been recorded of the native kings who ruled in Asia in the most ancient
times. Ninus of Assyria is the first king who is recorded in history. His achievements
were great, and we will give a detailed account of him." And then a little later he says:
"[Ninus] had a son by Semiramis, who was called Ninyas. But when Ninus died, Semiramis
became queen, and she buried Ninus in the palace." And again, a little later he says:
"[Semiramis] ruled over all of Asia, except for the Indians; [p57] and she died in the
manner which we have described, when she had lived for 62 years and had reigned for 42
years." And he states separately that: "After she died, Ninyas the son of Ninus and
Semiramis became king, and he remained at peace. He did not attempt to imitate the
exploits of his mother, who had been eager for war and struggle."

43 And again, a little later he says: "And in a similar way the other kings ruled for 35
generations, handing down the kingdom from father to son, until the time of Sardanapallus.
When he was king, the empire of the Assyrians was destroyed by the Medes, after lasting
for over 1,300 years, as Ctesias of Cnidus says in his second book. There is no need to
write down the names of these kings, or the lengths of their reigns, because they achieved
nothing worthy of mention. The only event which is recorded is that the Trojans received
assistance from the Assyrians, led by Memnon the son of Tithonus. They say that when the
Greeks sailed with Agamemnon against Troy, Asia was ruled by Teutamus, who was the twenty-
sixth king from Ninyas the son of Semiramis; and the empire of the Assyrians in Asia had
already lasted for over a thousand years. Priamus the king of the Trojans, worn out by the
pressure of war, submitted to the king of the Assyrians, and sent an embassy to ask the
Assyrians to send aid and reinforcements. The king of the Assyrians gave him ten thousand
men from the land of the Ethiopians, and a similar number of Susians, with two hundred
chariots; and he sent Memnon the son of Tithonus to be their leader." And again he says:
"The barbarians say that the splendid achievements of Memnon are reported in the royal
books."

44 "Sardanapallus was the 35th king from Ninus, who established their empire. He was the
last king of the Assyrians, and he outstripped all his predecessors in luxury and
indolence." And a little later he says: "He was so shameless, that he not only ruined his
own life by his perversions, but also destroyed the entire empire of the Assyrians, which
had lasted for longer than any other recorded empire. [p59] Arbaces, one of the Medes who
was renowned for his bravery and his outstanding spirit, was the leader of the Medes who
were sent every year to the city of Ninus [Nineveh]. While leading his army, he became
acquainted with the general of the Babylonians, who urged him to overthrow the empire of
the Assyrians." This is what Diodorus says in the second book of his Historical Library
[chapters 1-24]. Cephalion is another writer who mentions the empire of the Assyrians, and
this is what he says.

45 [From the writings] of the historian Cephalion, about the kingdom of the Assyrians "I
begin my account with what the other writers have mentioned: firstly Hellanicus of Lesbos
and Ctesias of Cnidus, and then Herodotus of Halicarnassus. In ancient times, the
Assyrians ruled over Asia, and Ninus the son of Belus was their king. In his reign, many
great events occurred." Then he writes about the birth of Semiramis, Zoroaster the magus,
the war with the king of the Bactrians and the disaster [suffered] by Semiramis; and about
the death of Ninus, after a reign of 52 years. After Ninus, Semiramis became queen. She
built the walls around Babylon, in the manner which has been described by many writers,
such as Ctesias, Zenon [(?) or Dinon], Herodotus, and later authors. Then he tells of her
expedition into the land of the Indians, how she was defeated and fled; and how she killed
her own sons, but was herself put to death by Ninyas, another of her sons, when she had
reigned for 42 years. After her, Ninyas became king, but Cephalion says that he achieved
nothing worthy of mention. [p61] Then he passes over all the other [kings]; "they ruled in
total for a thousand years, handing down the kingdom from father to son; and none of them
reigned for less than twenty years. Their unwarlike, unadventurous and effeminate
character kept them safe. Because they were inactive and remained indoors, no-one had
access to them except for their concubines and effeminate men. If anyone wishes to know, I
think that Ctesias lists the names of 23 of these kings. But what pleasure or benefit
would I provide, if I wrote down the names of barbarian kings, who achieved nothing, but
were cowardly, weak and degenerate?"

46 And again he adds: "After about 640 years had passed, Belimus was king of the
Assyrians; and in his reign, Perseus the son of Danaë, who was escaping from Dionysus the
son of Semele, arrived in the country with 100 ships." Then, after describing the defeat
of Perseus by Dionysus, he adds: "In a later generation, when Pannyas was king of the
Assyrians, the expedition of the Argonauts sailed to the river Phasis, and to (?) Medeia
of Colchis. They say that Heracles left the ship because of his love for Hylas, and
wandered amongst the Cappadocians." And again he says; "A thousand years after Semiramis,
when Mitraeus was king [of the Assyrians], Medeia of Colchis left king Aegeus; her son was
Medus, [p63] who gave his name to the Medes and the country of Media." Then he says:
"Teutamus became king after Mitraeus, and he too lived according to the customs and laws
of the Assyrians. Nothing else happened in his reign, but [at this time] Agamemnon and
Menelaus the Mycenaeans sailed with the Argives and other Achaeans against the city of
Troy, when Priamus governed Phrygia. [Priamus wrote to Teutamus:] 'The Greeks have invaded
your territory and attacked me; we have met them in battle, and sometimes we have been
victorious, but sometimes we have been defeated. Now even my son Hector has been killed,
along with many others of my brave children. Therefore send a force to come to our relief,
and appoint a valiant general to lead them.' " Then [Cephalion] describes in detail, how
Teutamus sent assistance to him, and appointed Memnon the son of Tithonus to be the leader
of the army; but the Thessalians killed Memnon in an ambush.

47 Then in another place, he says: "In the 1,013th year, Sardanapallus became king of the
Assyrians." Later, he describes the downfall of Sardanapallus. "After the death of
Sardanapallus, Arbaces the Mede destroyed the kingdom of the Assyrians and transferred
their empire to the Medes." All this is what Cephalion says. The kings of the Assyrians,
as recorded by the most reliable of the writers, are as follows. The kings of the
Assyrians Ninus, for 52 years. They say that Ninus was the first to rule over all the
inhabitants of Asia, except for the Indians. It can be shown that Abraham, the patriarch
of the Hebrew nation, lived during his reign. Semiramis, for 42 years. Zames, also called
Ninyas, for 38 years. Arius, for 30 years. Aralius, also called Amyrus, for 40 years.
Xerxes, also called Balaeus, for 30 years. Armamithres, for 38 years. Belochus, for 35
years. Balaeas, for 12 years.

48 Aladas, for 32 years. [p65] Mamythus, for 30 years. Machchalaeus, for 30 years.
Spherus, for 22 years. Mamylus, for 30 years. Sparethus, for 40 years. Ascatades, for 40
years. Moses, the law-giver of the Jews, lived during his reign. Amyntas, for 45 years.
Belochus, for 45 years. His daughter Tratres, who was also called (?) Achurard, ruled for
17 years. Dionysus and Perseus lived at this time. Balatores, for 30 years. Lamprides, for
32 years. Sosmares, for 8 years. Lampares, for 30 years. Pannias, for 42 years. The
expedition of the Argonauts and Heracles happened during his reign. Sosarmus, for 19
years. Mithraeus, for 27 years. Teutamus, for 32 years. Troy was captured during his
reign. Teutaeus, for 40 years. Theneus, for 30 years. Derusus, for 40 years. Eupalmes, for
38 years. [David], the famous king of the Hebrews, lived during his reign. Solomon, the
son [of David], built the temple at Jerusalem.

49 Laosthenes, for 45 years. Peritiades, for 30 years. Ophrataeus, for 21 years.
Ophatanes, for 50 years. [p67] Acrazanes, for 42 years Sardanapallus, for 20 years. In his
reign, Lycurgus established laws for the Lacedaemonians. The empire of the kings of the
Assyrians lasted until this time, when Thespieus the son of Ariphron was archon of the
Athenians. According to some writers, the whole empire of the Assyrians lasted for 1,240
years; according to others, it lasted for 1,300 years. Thonnos Konkoleros, who is called
Sardanapallus in Greek, was defeated by Arbaces and Belesius, and burnt himself to death.
From Sardanapallus until the first Olympiad, there are 40 years. After destroying the
empire of Sardanapallus and the Assyrians, Arbaces appointed Belesius to be governor of
Babylon. He transferred the empire of the Assyrians to the Medes, and the duration of
their empire was as follows. THE MEDES The kings of the Medes

50 Arbaces, for 28 years. Maudaces, for 20 years. Sosarmus, for 30 years. Artycas, for 30
years. Deioces, for 54 years. Phraortes, for 24 years. Cyaxares, for 32 years. Ashdahak
[Astyages], for 38 years. In his time, Cyrus was king of the Persians. He deposed Ashdahak
and destroyed the empire of the Medes, which had lasted for 298 years. Others writers have
given a different list of the kings of the Medes. THE LYDIANS The kings of the Lydians
Ardys the son of Alyattes, for 36 years. Alyattes, for 14 years. [p69] Meles, for 12
years. Candaules, for 17 years. Gyges, for 35 years. Ardys, for 37 years. Sadyattes, for 5
years. Odyartes, for 49 years. Croesus, for 15 years. Cyrus killed Croesus, and destroyed
the empire of the Lydians. THE PERSIANS The kings of the Persians Cyrus, for 31 years.
Cambyses, for 8 years. Smerdes the magus, for 7 months.

51 Dareius the son of Hystaspes, for 36 years. In his reign, the temple at Jerusalem was
rebuilt, after the first [temple] had been burnt down by the Babylonians. Xerxes the son
of Dareius, for 20 years. Artaxerxes, who was called Longimanus [Macrocheir], for 41
years. In his reign, Ezra and Nehemiah were the leaders of the Hebrews. Dareius, for 7
years. Artaxerxes, for 40 years. Ochus, for 26 years. Arses, for 4 years. Dareius, for 6
years. Alexander the son of Philippus killed Dareius, and ruled over the empire of the
Persians and Assyrians for 12 years. After Alexander, there were Macedonian kings for 295
years, until the death of queen Cleopatra, who reigned in about the 187th Olympiad [32-29
B.C.]. In her time, Augustus was emperor of the Romans, who was called Sebastos in Greek.
[p71] [Cleopatra died] in the 15th year of Augustus' reign. From then until the 202nd
Olympiad [29-32 A.D.], and the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar, there are 52 years. And from
then until the 20th anniversary of Constantinus, there are 300 years.

52 We will now proceed to the chronology of the Hebrews. [p71] THE HEBREWS How the Hebrews
have recorded their chronology We will set down here the chronology of the Hebrews, taken
from the writings of Moses and later Hebrew writers; from the Jewish Antiquities of
Flavius Josephus; and from the chronicle of Africanus. How the Hebrews describe the [most
ancient] times The dates and kings of the Chaldaeans and Assyrians, and of the Medes and
Persians, have been described in the previous section. And it is clearly shown that the
ancestors of the Hebrew race were Chaldaeans, because Abraham was a Chaldaean and his
forefathers are said to have lived in the land of the Chaldaeans, as Moses says in these
words [Genesis, 11:31]: "Terah took his son Abraham, his grandson Lot son of Haran, and
his daughter-in-law Sarah, the wife of his son Abraham, and he led them out of the land of
the Chaldaeans."

53 Therefore it is fitting, after our account of the Chaldaeans, next to relate the
history of the ancient Hebrews. The description of the flood, which is recorded by the
Hebrews, is very different from the stories of the Greeks, which they tell about the flood
at the time of Deucalion. [The Hebrew flood] happened a long time before Ogyges and the
equally large flood, which is said by the Greeks to have happened in the time of Ogyges.
In all, the flood which is described by the Hebrews happened 1,200 years before the time
of Ogyges, which in its turn happened 250 years before Deucalion's flood. But three is
considerable agreement between the Hebrew scriptures and the accounts of the Assyrians,
and the story which is told by them about the flood. They relate that before the flood,
there were [p73] ten successive generations. After the flood, the human race throughout
the whole world was derived from three men. Japheth was the ancestor of the inhabitants of
Europe, from Mount Amanus to the western ocean. Ham was [the ancestor of the inhabitants]
of Egypt, Libya and all the regions to the west in that direction. And Shem, who was the
eldest brother, [was the ancestor] of the Assyrians, and all the peoples of the east.

54 The Hebrew scriptures state that Nimrod was the first man to build the city of Babylon.
These are the words of the scriptures [Genesis, 10:8-11]: "Cush was the father of Nimrod"
(Cush was an Ethiopian, who they believe was the father of Nimrod). Then Scripture says
about Nimrod: "He grew to be a mighty [warrior] on the earth. He was a mighty hunter
before the Lord, that is why it is said, 'Like Nimrod, a mighty [hunter] before the Lord.'
The first centres of his kingdom were Babylon, Erech, Akkad and Calneh, in the land of
Shinar. From that land he went to [Assyria], where he built Nineveh." Nineveh is the city
which is called Ninus [by the Greeks]; it was the first royal city of the Assyrians, which
was founded by Asshur. Asshur was one of the sons of Shem, who, as we said, took
possession of all the regions of the east.

55 They say that the sons of Shem were Elam, Asshur, Arphaxad, Aram and Lud. Elam was the
ancestor of the Elymaeans, the most ancient tribe of the Persians, who founded the city of
Elymais. Asshur was the ancestor of the Assyrians; he founded the city of Nineveh, which
was later restored by Ninus the king of the Assyrians, who renamed it Ninus after his own
name. Arphaxad was the ancestor of the Arphaxaeans, who were also called Chaldaeans. Aram
was the ancestor of the Aramaeans, who were also called Syrians. Lud was the ancestor of
the Lydians. Arphaxad was the father of Shelah, and Shelah was the father of Eber, from
whom the name and nation of the Hebrews was derived. The sixth in succession from Eber was
Abraham, the patriarch of the Jewish nation, in the tenth generation after the flood. That
is sufficient to show in brief the close relationship between the Hebrews and the
Chaldaeans and Assyrians. [p75] Therefore it is fitting after [the Assyrians] to start on
the chronology of the Hebrews.

56 At the very start of their account of history, [the Hebrews] tell the ancient story of
the fall of the human race from their blissful state, and the first patriarch Adam, who
was the forefather of the whole human race (Adam in the Hebrew language means all men in
general). The rest of the life [of Adam] after he was cast out of paradise is described by
the Holy Spirit, through Moses. And then [Genesis, 5:1-32] he lists the names of Adam's
descendants and successors, and the length of each of their lives, so that from this point
onwards we can calculate the chronology of the Hebrews, and write it down in order. No-one
could calculate the length of their stay in the so-called paradise of God. The admirable
Moses, inspired by the Holy Spirit, seems to be suggesting another kind of era, greater
than our own, a thrice-blessed and god-loving way of life, which he calls paradise - the
dwelling place of the first race of men. When Moses describes the blissful life of Adam in
paradise, he is referring to the whole race [of men].

57 But this present chronicle will not include an account of that stay [in paradise], nor
[will it start] from the creation of heaven, the earth and the universe, as some have
done, but [it will start] from the establishment of our human race, and our era, beginning
with the forefather of our race, called Adam, who was the one who fell from paradise and
was case out from the blissful life. Taking the information from the scriptures of the
Hebrews, as the book of Moses relates, I will set down the number of the years of the
doomed and mortal life [of Adam], [p77] and what follows; which is where the historical
accounts of the Hebrews begin. At this point, the book of Moses says [Genesis 3:23]: "The
Lord banished him" (that is, the first man) "from paradise to work the ground from which
he had been taken. And he drove Adam out, and made him dwell outside the region of
paradise." Then it adds [Genesis 4:1]: "Adam lay with his wife Eve, and she conceived and
gave birth to Cain." Our present chronicle will start from this point; but it will not
include the first part of history, which cannot be calculated and must be left separate
from the subsequent times.

58 There is much disagreement amongst the Hebrews about the dates which they have
recorded. Therefore it is best to look at the different accounts which they have given,
and by comparing and considering them all, to decide where the truth lies. The five books
of Moses tell the story of the creation of the world, and of life before the flood, and
the history of the most ancient men after the flood, and the successive generations after
the flood, and Moses' departure from this life. But the books of the law are written down
differently by the Jews, and by the Samaritans, who were foreigners who came to live among
the Jews. The characters, which are used by the Jews to represent the Hebrew letters, are
different from those used by the Samaritans; and even the descendants of the Jews agree
that the Samaritans use the original and true forms of the characters. The two races had
no disagreement [about the texts] until the characters were changed. But now there is a
great difference between them on matters of chronology, which will become immediately
obvious when we compare them in the discussion which follows.

59 The Greek translation also differs significantly from the Jewish version in some
respects, but it does not differ much from the Hebrew version of the Samaritans. There are
some differences in the period up to the flood; but from then onwards until the time of
Abraham, the two versions are in agreement. The text which we use was translated by
seventy Hebrew men, out of their native language into Greek. [p79] They produced the
translation in complete harmony during the reign of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, and placed it
in the library at Alexandria. Now we will down write each version of Scripture in turn, so
that it will be easy to spot the differences between them. First of all, we will see how
the Septuagint [the translation of the seventy men] records the chronology of the period
from Adam until the birth of Abraham. The Septuagint Adam, the first man, became the
father of Seth when he was 230 years old, and lived for another 700 years, until the 135th
year of Mahalalel.

60 Seth became the father of Enosh when he was 205 years old, and lived for another 707
years, until the 20th year of Enoch. Enosh became the father of Kenan when he was 190
years old, and lived for another 715 years, until the 53rd year of Methuselah. Kenan
became the father of Mahalalel when he was 170 years old, and lived for another 740 years,
until the 81st year of Lamech. Mahalalel became the father of Jared when he was 165 years
old, and lived for another 730 years, until the 48th year of Noah. Jared became the father
of Enoch when he was 162 years old, and lived for another 800 years, until the 280th year
of Noah. Enoch became the father of Methuselah when he was 165 years old, and lived for
another 200 years, until he was taken away in the 33rd year of Lamech. Methuselah became
the father of Lamech when he was 167 years old, and lived for another 802 years. The
number of years assigned to Methuselah [by the Septuagint] suggests that he survived for
(?) 22 years after the time of the flood; but we know that in some copies of the text, it
is stated that he lived for another 782 years [after the birth of Lamech], and died at the
time of the flood.

61 [p81] Lamech became the father of Noah when he was 188 years old, and lived for another
535 years. Lamech died before his father Methuselah, in the 535th year of Noah. Noah
became the father of Shem, Ham and Japheth when he was 500 years old, 100 years before the
time of the flood. The flood occurred in the 600th year of Noah, and he lived for another
350 years after the flood, until the 83rd year of Eber. In total, 2,242 years, according
to the Septuagint version. The Hebrew version, of the Jews Adam became the father of Seth
when he was 130 years old, and lived for another 800 years, until the 56th year of Lamech.
Seth became the father of Enosh when he was 105 years old, and lived for another 807
years, until the 168th year of Lamech. Enosh became the father of Kenan when he was 90
years old, and lived for another 815 years, until the 84th year of Noah.

62 Kenan became the father of Mahalalel when he was 70 years old, and lived for another
840 years, until the 179th year of Noah. Mahalalel became the father of Jared when he was
65 years old, and lived for another 830 years, until the 234th year of Noah. Jared became
the father of Enoch when he was 162 years old, and lived for another 800 years, until the
366th year of Noah. Enoch became the father of Methuselah when he was 65 years old, and
lived for another 300 years, until he was taken away in the 113th year of Lamech.
Methuselah became the father of Lamech when he was 187 years old, and lived for another
782 years, up until the time of the flood. Lamech became the father of Noah when he was
182 years old, and lived for another 595 years. He died five years before the flood.

63 [p83] Noah became the father of Shem, Ham and Japheth when he was 500 years old, 100
years before the time of the flood. The flood occurred in the 600th year of Noah, and he
lived for another 350 years after the flood, until the 58th year of Abraham. In total,
1,656 years. 64 This version differs from the Septuagint by a total of 586 years. This is
the difference from the Septuagint in the number of years for which each of them lived
before their sons were born; apart from Jared, Methuselah and Lamech, who are given the
same number of years in both versions. From the agreement with respect to these three, we
can deduce that the version which we use is more reliable, because the longer length of
years which is assigned to Jared and his descendants in the Hebrew version makes it clear
that the years of their predecessors should also be the same as in the Septuagint version.
If the later and more recent generations are found, with the addition of the hundred
years, to be assigned the same number of years in both the Hebrew and the Septuagint
versions, how much likely is it that the previous generations, their forefathers, lived to
be older than their descendants? For in the summary of each man's life, the number of
years before his son was born, and the number of year that he lived afterwards, added
together gives the same total of years in the Hebrew version and the Septuagint
translation. It is only the numbers of years before their sons were born which are shorter
in the account preserved in the Jewish copies. Therefore we suspect that this was
something which the Jews did: that they ventured to compress and shorten the time before
these sons were born, in order to encourage early marriages. For if these most ancient of
men, who lived such long lives, came quite soon to marriage and fatherhood, as their
account declares, who would not want to imitate them and marry early?

65 The Hebrew version, of the Samaritans Adam, the first man, became the father of Seth
when he was 130 years old, and lived for another 800 years, until the 223rd year of Noah.
[p85] Seth became the father of Enosh when he was 105 years old, and lived for another 807
years, until the 335th year of Noah. Enosh became the father of Kenan when he was 90 years
old, and lived for another 815 years, until the 433rd year of Noah. Kenan became the
father of Mahalalel when he was 70 years old, and lived for another 840 years, until the
528th year of Noah. Mahalalel became the father of Jared when he was 65 years old, and
lived for another 830 years, until the 583rd year of Noah. Jared became the father of
Enoch when he was 62 years old, and lived for another 785 years, up until the time of the
flood.

66 Enoch became the father of Methuselah when he was 65 years old, and lived for another
300 years, until he was taken away in the 180th year of Noah. Methuselah became the father
of Lamech when he was 67 years old, and lived for another 653 years, up until the time of
the flood. Lamech became the father of Noah when he was 53 years old, and lived for
another 600 years, up until the time of the flood. Noah became the father of Shem when he
was 500 years old, 100 years before the time of the flood. The flood occurred in the 600th
year of Noah, and he lived for another 350 years after the flood, until the 83rd year of
Eber. In total, 1,307 years. [The Samaritan version] differs from the Jewish version by
349 years; and it differs from the Septuagint translation by 935 years. That is the end of
our discussion of the period before the flood.

67 Let us now proceed to the times after the flood. First, let us note that the books of
the Chaldaeans contain a very similar account to what is told by the Hebrews about the
flood and about the ark which was built by Noah. But because I have already written down
the account which was recorded by the Chaldaeans in the appropriate place, I think it is
pointless to repeat the same words here. [p87] Some proof that the flood rose above the
highest mountains was given a long time afterwards to us, as we wrote this [chronicle]. We
observed that, in our own times, fish had been found on top of the highest peaks of the
Libanus mountains. Some men, who had gone there to cut out stones from the mountains for
building, found various kinds of sea-fish, compacted into the mud in the hollows of the
mountains. The fish had survived until the present time, as if they had been artificially
preserved, and the sight of them provided evidence to us that the ancient story was true.
Let our readers believe this as they wish - but we will now proceed to the following
period of time.

68 After the flood, according to the Septuagint translation In the second year [after the
flood], Shem the son of Noah became the father of Arphaxad, and lived for another 500
years, until the 101st year of Peleg. Arphaxad became the father of Shelah when he was 135
years old, and lived for another 403 years, until the 9th year of Reu. Shelah became the
father of Eber when he was 130 years old, and lived for another 406 years, until the 7th
year of Serug. Eber became the father of Peleg when he was 134 years old, and lived for
another 433 years, until the 38th year of Nahor. Peleg became the father of Reu when he
was 130 years old, and lived for another 209 years, until the 75th year of Serug. In the
days of Peleg, the land was divided up, and therefore the name Peleg means "division" in
the Hebrew language. Peleg [was the second man who] died before his father. In his time,
the tower [of Babel] was built; men began to speak many different languages, instead of
the common language which they had used before; and each nation had its own language, as
the Holy Scriptures say [Genesis 11:5-9]. [p89] Gentile writers also tell the same story;
Alexander Polyhistor mentions it in his book about the Chaldaeans, and Abydenus also gives
a similar account. I have already recorded what they say in my account of the Chaldaeans.

69 After Peleg, Reu became the father of Serug when he was 135 years old, and lived for
another 207 years, until the 77th year of Nahor. Serug became the father of Nahor when he
was 130 years old, and lived for another 200 years, until the 51st year of Abraham. Nahor
became the father of Terah when he was 79 years old, and lived for another 119 years,
until the 49th year of Serug. Terah became the father of Abraham when he was 70 years old,
and lived for another 135 years, until the 35th year of Isaac. The first year of Abraham,
who was the forefather of the Jewish nation. In his time, Ninus and Semiramis ruled over
Assyria and the whole of Asia. From the flood up until the first year of Abraham, there
are 942 years. From Adam up until the flood, 2,242 years. In total, 3,184 years.

70 After the flood, according to the Hebrew version of the Jews In the second year after
the flood, Shem the son of Noah became the father of Arphaxad, and lived for another 500
years, until the 50th year of Jacob. Arphaxad became the father of Shelah when he was 35
years old, and lived for another 403 years, until the 48th year of Isaac. Shelah became
the father of Eber when he was 30 years old, and lived for another 403 years, until the
18th year of Jacob. Eber became the father of Peleg when he was 34 years old, and lived
for another 430 years, until the 79th year of Jacob. Peleg became the father of Reu when
he was 30 years old, and lived for another 209 years, until the 48th year of Jacob. Reu
became the father of Serug when he was 32 years old, and lived for another 207 years,
until the 78th year of Abraham.

71 [p91] Serug became the father of Nahor when he was 30 years old, and lived for another
200 years, until the first year of Isaac. Nahor became the father of Terah when he was 29
years old, and lived for another 119 years, until the 49th year of Abraham. Terah became
the father of Abraham when he was 70 years old, and lived for another 135 years, until the
35th year of Isaac. The first year of Abraham. From the flood up until the first year of
Abraham, there are 292 years. In total, 1,948 years from Adam. This differs from the
Septuagint translation by 1,235 years. After the flood, according to the Hebrew version of
the Samaritans In the second year after the flood, Shem the son of Noah became the father
of Arphaxad, and lived for another 500 years, until the 101st year of Peleg. Arphaxad
became the father of Shelah when he was 135 years old, and lived for another 303 years,
until the 39th year of Peleg.

72 Shelah became the father of Eber when he was 130 years old, and lived for another 303
years, until the 39th year of Reu. Eber became the father of Peleg when he was 134 years
old, and lived for another 270 years, until the 140th year of Reu. Peleg became the father
of Reu when he was 130 years old, and lived for another 109 years, until the 109th year of
Reu. Reu became the father of Serug when he was 132 years old, and lived for another 207
years, until the 77th year of Nahor. Serug became the father of Nahor when he was 130
years old, and lived for another 100 years, until the 21st year of Terah. Nahor became the
father of Terah when he was 79 years old, and lived for another 69 years, until the 69th
year of Terah. Terah became the father of Abraham when he was 70 years old, and lived for
another 75 years, until the 75th year of Abraham.

73 [p93] The first year of Abraham, who was the forefather of the Jewish nation. From the
flood up until the first year of Abraham, there are 942 years. This is the same total as
in the Septuagint translation. Therefore, the Hebrew version of the Samaritans agrees with
our version in the number of years which it assigns to each of these men, before his son
was born; but it differs from the Hebrew version of the Jews by 650 years. For according
to the Jewish version, there were 292 years from the flood up until the first year of
Abraham. It is clear from the oldest version of the Hebrew scriptures, which is preserved
by the Samaritans, and which is in agreement with the Septuagint translation, that these
men, from the flood down to Abraham, did not have sons until they were over a hundred
years old. So who could suppose that their ancestors, who lived for much longer, had
fathered children more quickly, rather than after the length of time which is recorded in
the Septuagint [translation]? That is what any rational study would suggest; and so we
must agree that [the numbers of years in] the Jewish version are incorrect for the whole
period from Adam until Abraham, except for the three generations starting with Jared; and
the Samaritan version is also incorrect, but only in the period from Adam until the flood,
because in the period from the flood until Abraham, it records the same numbers of years
as the Septuagint translation.

74 Indeed, it is absolutely clear that [the dates in] the Hebrew version of the Jews are
incorrect. It even suggests that Noah and Abraham were alive at the same time - which is
something that is not mentioned in any history. For if, according to the Jewish
scriptures, there were 292 years from the flood until Abraham, and Noah lived for another
350 years after the flood, it is obvious that Noah was alive until the 58th year of
Abraham. And it is possible to show that the Jewish version is untrustworthy in another
way: because it says that the generations before Abraham were about 30 years old when
their sons were born, but the generations after Abraham are said to have been much older
when they fathered their children. [p95] Therefore, because it has been definitely
established that the Septuagint version was translated from the original, unadulterated
Hebrew scriptures, it is reasonable for us to use that version for this chronicle -
especially since it is the only version that is approved by the church of Christ, which
has spread throughout the whole world, and it is the version that was handed down to us
from the beginning by the apostles and disciples of Christ.

75 According to the Septuagint [version], from Adam until the flood, there are 2,242
years. From the flood until the first year of Abraham, 942 years. In total, 3,184 years.
According to the Hebrew [version] of the Jews, from Adam until the flood, there are 1,656
years. From the flood until the first year of Abraham, 292 years. In total, 1,948 years.
According to the Hebrew [version] of the Samaritans, from Adam until the flood, there are
1,307 years. From the flood until the first year of Abraham, 942 years. In total, 2,249
years. 76 All the versions agree that from Abraham up until Moses and the exodus of the
Jews from Egypt, there are 505 years, which are calculated in the following way. In the
75th year of Abraham, God appeared to him and said that he would give the promised land to
his offspring. It is written [Genesis, 12:4-7]: "Abraham was seventy-five years old when
he set out from Haran. He took his wife Sarah, and his nephew Lot." And a little later,
Scripture adds: "The Lord appeared to Abraham, and said, 'To your offspring I give this
land.' " So from the first year of Abraham [until this promise made by God], there are 75
years; and from the 75th year of Abraham until the exodus of the Jews from Egypt, there
are 430 years. The Apostle Paul bears witness to this, when he says [Galatians, 3:17-18]:
"The law, introduced 430 years later, does not set aside the covenant previously
established by God and thus do away with the promise." And shortly afterwards, he adds:
"God in his grace gave it to Abraham through a promise." Abraham's son Isaac was born in
Abraham's 100th year, 25 years after the promise which God made to him. From then until
the exodus from Egypt there are 405 years, so that the total time from the promise until
[the exodus] is 430 years.

77 [p97] But God, who had appeared to Abraham, appeared to him again and said [Genesis
15:13]: "Know for certain that your descendants will be strangers in a country not their
own, and they will be enslaved and ill-treated for four hundred years." The word
"descendants" is used deliberately; and to show that we should not allocate the [whole]
time to Isaac, the period of 430 years is mentioned at the time of the exodus of the
children of Israel from the land of the Egyptians. Scripture says [Exodus 12:40-41]: "Now
the length of time which they and their forefathers lived in Egypt and the land of Canaan,
was 430 years. At the end of the 430 years, all the Lord's divisions left Egypt by night."
Because the length of time, from when the promise was made by God (in the 75th year of
Abraham), is 430 years, it is clear that from the first year of Abraham until Moses and
the exodus from Egypt, there are 505 years.

78 Some writers calculate the years in detail, as follows: Abraham became the father of
Isaac, when he was 100 years old Isaac became the father of Jacob, when he was 60 years
old Jacob became the father of Levi, when he was 86 years old Levi became the father of
Kohath, when he was 46 years old Kohath became the father of Amram, when he was 63 years
old Amram became the father of Moses, when he was 70 years old Moses led the people out of
Egypt, when he was 80 years old So the total length of time, from the first year of
Abraham until the exodus from Egypt, is 505 years. In total, from Adam until the exodus
from Egypt, according to the Septuagint version, there are 3,689 years; according to the
Jews, 2,453 years; according to the Samaritans, 2,753 years. The period from the death of
Moses until Solomon and the building of the temple is described in one way by the book of
Judges, with which the holy Apostle agrees in the Acts of the Apostles; but in a different
way by the book of Kings and the Hebrew tradition. It will be best to report both
accounts, and then to choose the one which is more truthful.

79 Firstly, it must be mentioned that Africanus, who compiled a Chronography in five
books, seems to me to have been greatly mistaken in these matters. [p99] By his reckoning,
there were 741 years from the exodus of Moses until Solomon and the building of the temple
at Jerusalem, but he provides no evidence for most of this. He is wrong, not only because
what he says is contrary to the account of the Holy Scriptures, but also because he
audaciously adds a total of 100 years on his own authority. He assigns an additional 30
years to the elders after Joshua; and then after Samson, he places 40 years of anarchy,
and another 30 years of peace. By inserting these additional years without any proof, he
carelessly produces an inflated total of over 740 years in his calculation of the time
between Moses and king Solomon. 80 By observing how many generations had elapsed, we can
see that his account is improbable. There were 14 generations from Abraham until David,
and the ninth generation had already come to an end at the time of Moses, when Nahshon the
son of Aminadab was leader of the tribe of Judah. Nahshon died in the desert after leaving
Egypt, and he was present when the people were first numbered. It is clear that there were
five generations after Nahshon until David: David was the son of Jesse, who was the son of
Obed, who was the son of Boaz, who was the son of Salmon, who was the son of Nahshon. So
how can it be claimed that these five generations after Moses lasted for a total of more
than 700 years? If the years are evenly distributed between the men in each generation, we
will find that each of them lived for over 140 years before his son was born; and no-one
in their senses would consider that possible. Moses himself died at the age of 120 years,
and his successor Joshua died at the age of 110 years. Before their time, Joseph lived in
all for 110 years, and earlier still Jacob, who was also called Israel, the patriarch of
all the Jews, lived for 147 years.

81 [p101] So how can it be supposed that in later times, after Moses, anyone could have
lived for as long as we have said? Africanus is clearly wrong in this matter. However,
Clemens reckoned that there were 674 years from Joshua the successor of Moses until the
building of the temple, as can be found in the first book of his Miscellany [ Stromata,
1'21 ]. The holy Apostle Paul, in his speech to the Jews in the Acts of the Apostles, says
as follows [Acts 13:19-22]: "Joshua destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan, and he
divided the land [amongst the Jews] for 450 years, and after that he gave them judges
until the time of Samuel the prophet. Then they asked for a king, and God gave them Saul
the son of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin, who reigned for 40 years. After that, God
removed Saul and gave them David in his place."

82 That is what the Apostle says. According to him, there were 534 years after Joshua. As
well as the 450 years, which he assigns to the judges until Samuel, there must be added 40
years for Saul, another 40 years for David, and the four years of Solomon's reign before
the building of the temple, which makes a total of 534 years from Joshua the successor of
Moses until Solomon. If you add the 40 years of Moses in the wilderness, and the 27 years
of Joshua the son of Nun, then the total for the whole period will be 600 years, according
to the Apostle. The book of Judges is in agreement with his account, and assigns 450 years
to the judges until Samuel, which are divided up as follows: According to the book of
Judges After Joshua, rule by foreigners - 8 years Othniel - 40 years foreigners - 18 years

83 Ehud and Shamgar - 80 years foreigners - 20 years Barak and Deborah - 40 years [p103]
foreigners - 7 years Gideon - 40 years Abimelech - 3 years Tola - 23 years Jair - 22 years
foreigners - 18 years Jephthah - 6 years Ibzan - 7 years Elon - 10 years Abdon - 8 years
foreigners - 40 years Samson - 20 years Eli, in whose time Samuel was born - 40 years The
total for all the judges until Samuel is 450 years. The total is consistent with the words
of the holy Apostle, but it does not include the years of Moses, or of Joshua the
successor of Moses, or of Samuel, or of Saul. The number of years for Samuel and Saul, and
also for Joshua, may be uncertain; but as the Apostle suggests, the 40 years of Saul
should be added to the 450 years of the judges, and if the 40 years of David and the 4
years of Solomon are joined to this, they make a total of 534 years, the same as in the
account of the Apostle. If we also add the 40 years of Moses in the wilderness, and the 27
years of Joshua the son of Nun, according to the tradition of the Hebrews, the total for
the whole period is 600 years.

84 If this total is compared with the five generations between Nahshon and David, which
were mentioned previously, and the years are divided equally between the generations, it
follows that the men in each generation lived for more than 115 years before their sons
were born. It is scarcely credible that, when Moses lived in all for 120 years, his
descendants should reach almost the same age, before their sons were born. Therefore there
is nothing left but to move on at this point to the account in the book of Kings. 85 The
book of Kings clearly states that, from the exodus of the children of Israel until Solomon
and the building of the temple, there was a total of 440 years; according to the Hebrew
version, it was 480 years. [p105] The third book of Kings says as follows [1 Kings 6:1]:
"It happened in the 440th year after the exodus out of Egypt, that Solomon began to build
the house of the Lord." In the Hebrew version, it says "It happened in the 480th year"
because the Jewish teachers, by a careful calculation, decided that the total came to 480
years. They did not count separately the years in which the foreigners are said to have
ruled over the people [of Israel], but counted just the time that the judges ruled them,
and included within this the periods of foreign domination. And this must be how it is
done, because it is the only way that the total can be made to be 480 years. I believe
that when the holy Apostle stated the number of years, which was mentioned before, he was
not speaking in the manner of a chronographer, or of someone who was making an exact
calculation. It would have been superfluous to introduce a discussion of chronology into
his declaration of the message of salvation, and so he followed the common interpretation
of the book of Judges.

86 The book of Kings expressly states that there were 440 (or 480) years from the exodus
until Solomon. But if we look at the dates of each of the judges, and also count
separately the times of foreign rule which are mentioned in the book of Judges, there is a
total of 600 years between Moses and Solomon. This total of 600 years is divided up as
follows: Moses in the wilderness - 40 years Joshua - 27 years Judges and foreigners - 450
years (as the Apostle states, in accordance with the book of Judges) Samuel and Saul - 40
years David - 40 years Solomon (until the building of the temple) - 4 years Therefore the
men in each of the five generations, which we mentioned previously, must have lived for
120 years before their sons were born; which is wholly incredible. 87 However, if we
follow the account in the book of Kings, we will have a total of 480 years, because the
120 years, during which the Hebrews were ruled by foreigners, have been removed. [p107]
Instead, the years of their enslavement will have been combined with the years of their
freedom in a single total, which is how the Hebrews themselves count it. That is how we
will calculate the dates here, by assuming that the times of foreign rule are included in
the number of years assigned to each of the judges. We have been particularly persuaded to
use this method of calculation, by considering how long is allowed for the five
generations from Nahshon to David. If we subtract the 40 years of Moses in the wilderness
and the four years of Solomon from the total of 480 years, there are 436 years left, up
until the death of David. If these years are divided equally between the five generations,
there are 87 years for each generation. If anyone investigates this, he will find that it
is a plausible account, starting from the birth of David. David was the eighth son of
Jesse, and was born after his seven elder brothers when his father was an old man; and so
we can reckon that something similar may have happened to his ancestors.

88 Therefore we will follow here the account in the book of Kings, that there were 480
years from the exodus out of Egypt until Solomon and the building of the temple. We will
include the periods of foreign rule in the number of years assigned to each of the judges
who ruled in succession. The book of Judges supports this decision in another way, by the
words of Jephthah, who was one of the judges of the people. When the Ammonites, who lived
on the other side of the river Jordan, made war on Jephthah, he sent an embassy to the
enemy, with this message [Judges 11:25-26]: "Are you better than Balak son of Zippor, king
of Moab? Did he ever quarrel with Israel, or fight with them? For three hundred years
Israel occupied Heshbon, Aroer, the surrounding settlements and all the towns along the
Jordan. Why did he not retake them during that time?" His message tells them that Moses
and Balaam the son of Beor lived 300 years before their own time. [p109] The only way to
produce this total of 300 years is to reckon that the periods when foreigners ruled [the
people of Israel] are included in the number of years assigned to the judges who ruled
them. If anyone counts the periods of the people's enslavement, when they were ruled by
foreigners, separately [from the judges], he will produce a total which far exceeds the
300 years. But if he counts only the years which are assigned to the judges who ruled the
people, he will find that there are 300 years from Moses until Jephthah, as Jepththah's
message stated.

89 Therefore, the chronology which we use for this period will be as follows: From Moses
to Solomon Moses - 40 years Joshua - 27 years foreigners and Othniel the judge - 40 years
foreigners and Ehud the judge - 80 years foreigners and Deborah and Barak - 40 years
foreigners and Gideon - 40 years Abimelech - 3 years Tola - 23 years Jair - 22 years
foreigners and Jephthah the judge - 6 years Ibzan - 7 years Abdon - 8 years foreigners and
Samson - 20 years In his time, the Trojan war was fought. Eli - 40 years Samuel and Saul -
40 years David - 40 years Solomon (until the building of the temple) - 4 years In total,
from Moses and the exodus out of Egypt until the building of the temple, 480 years. About
Joshua, the book which bears his name tells us nothing more than that [p111] he died at
the age of 110 years. But the Hebrews say that he was leader for 27 years; and so he was
43 years old when Moses went out of Egypt.

90 About Samuel, because Scripture does not explicitly assign a number of years to him, I
think that the length of Saul's reign which is mentioned by the holy Apostle should belong
jointly to Saul and to Samuel. It is clear that Samuel was leader of the people for many
years; but Scripture states that Saul reigned for just two years. In the first book of
Kings, it says [1 Samuel 13:1]: "Saul was the son of a year in his reigning; and he ruled
over Israel for two years". Symmachus makes this clearer in his translation: "Saul was
like a year-old child in his reigning", meaning that Saul was pure and faultless at the
beginning of his reign. He kept that nature for two years, but when he turned to evil
ways, he was rejected by God and suffered divine punishment. Therefore the remaining years
have been assigned to Samuel, and 40 years is the joint total for Saul and Samuel. It is
clear that Saul [or Samuel] ruled for this length of time, not only from the evidence of
the Apostle, but also from a careful investigation of Scripture, which says [2 Samuel,
2:10] that after the death of Saul, "Ish-Bostheth son of Saul was 40 years old when he
became king over Israel, and he reigned two years. The house of Judah, however, followed
David." Ish-Bostheth must have been born after Saul became king, because Scripture [1
Samuel, 14:49], when talking of the beginning of Saul's reign, mentions three sons of
Saul, but not this one. Therefore we think that Ish-Bosheth was born later, and the length
of Saul's reign was about the same as the age of his son after his death.

91 In summary, the third book of Kings [1 Kings, 6:1] says that there were 480 years from
the exodus out of Egypt until Solomon and the building of the temple; there were 505 years
from Abraham until Moses and the exodus; [p113] there were 942 years from the flood until
the first year of Abraham; and there were 2,242 years from Adam until the flood.
Altogether there were 4,170 years from Adam until Solomon and the building of the temple.
The historian Josephus, in the first book of his Jewish Antiquities, produced some
Phoenicians as witnesses to the date of Solomon and to his building of the temple, and the
evidence of the men whom he mentions seems useful to me. In that book, he writes as
follows [Against Apion, 1:106(17)]: The evidence of the Phoenicians about the temple at
Jerusalem, from Josephus I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those
that belong to the Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall produce proof of what I
have said out of them. There are then records among the Tyrians that take in the history
of many years, and these are public writings, and are kept with great exactness, and
include accounts of the facts done among them, and such as concern their transactions with
other nations also, those I mean which were worth remembering. Therein it was recorded
that the temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusalem, one hundred forty-three years and
eight months before the Tyrians built Carthage.

92 In their annals the building of our temple is related; for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was
the friend of Solomon our king, and had such friendship transmitted down to him from his
forefathers. He thereupon was ambitious to contribute to the splendour of this edifice of
Solomon, and made him a present of one hundred and twenty talent talents of gold. [p115]
He also cut down the most excellent timber out of that mountain which is called Libanus,
and sent it to him for adorning its roof. Solomon also not only made him many other
presents, by way of requital, but gave him a country in Galilee also, that was called
Chabulon. But there was another passion, a philosophic inclination of theirs, which
cemented the friendship that was between them; for they sent mutual problems to one
another, with a desire to have them resolved by each other; wherein Solomon was superior
to Hirom, as he was wiser than he in other respects: and many of the letters that passed
between them are still preserved among the Tyrians. Now, that this may not depend on my
bare word, I will produce for a witness Dius, one that is believed to have written the
Phoenician History after an accurate manner. This Dius, therefore, writes thus, in his
Histories of the Phoenicians:

93 "Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom. This king raised banks at
the eastern parts of the city, and enlarged it; he also joined the temple of Olympian
Zeus, which stood before in an island by itself, to the city, by raising a causeway
between them, and adorned that temple with donations of gold. He moreover went up to
Libanus, and had timber cut down for the building of temples. They say further, that
Solomon, when he was king of Jerusalem, sent problems to Hirom to be solved, and desired
he would send others back for him to solve, and that he who could not solve the problems
proposed to him should pay money to him that solved them. And when Hirom had agreed to the
proposals, but was not able to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay a great deal of
money, as a penalty for the same. As also they relate, that one Abdemon, a man of Tyre,
did solve the problems, and propose others which Solomon could not solve, upon which he
was obliged to repay a great deal of money to Hirom."

94 These things are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we have said upon the same
subjects before. [p117] And now I shall add Menander the Ephesian, as an additional
witness. This Menander wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians,
under every one of the Tyrian kings, and had taken much pains to learn their history out
of their own records. Now when he was writing about those kings that had reigned at Tyre,
he came to Hirom, and says thus: "Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the
kingdom; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank on that
called the Broad Place, and dedicated that golden pillar which is in Zeus' temple; he also
went and cut down timber from the mountain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar for the
roofs of the temples. He also pulled down the old temples, and built new ones; besides
this, he consecrated the temples of Heracles and of Astarte. He first built Heracles'
temple in the month Peritius, and that of Astarte when he made his expedition against the
Tityans [(?) inhabitants of Utica], who would not pay him their tribute; and when he had
brought them under his control, he returned home. Under this king there was a younger son
of Abdemon, who mastered the problems which Solomon king of Jerusalem had recommended to
be solved." Now the time from this king to the building of Carthage is thus calculated.

95 "Upon the death of Hirom, Baalbazerus his son took the kingdom; he lived forty-three
years, and reigned seventeen years: after him succeeded his son Abdastartus; he lived
thirty-nine years, and reigned nine years. Now four sons of his nurse plotted against him
and slew him, the eldest of whom reigned twelve years: after them came Astartus, the son
of Eleastartus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned twelve years: after him came his
brother Astharymus; he lived fifty-eight years, and reigned nine years: he was slain by
his brother Phelles, who took the kingdom and reigned but eight months, though he lived
fifty years: he was slain by Eithobalus, the (?) son of king Astartus, who reigned thirty-
two years, and lived forty-eight years: [p119] he was succeeded by his son Balezorus, who
lived forty-five years, and reigned eight years: he was succeeded by Metenus his son; he
lived thirty-two years, and reigned twenty-nine years: Physmalion succeeded him; he lived
fifty-eight years, and reigned forty-seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign,
his sister fled away from him, and built the city Carthage in Libya. So the whole time
from the reign of Hirom, till the building of Carthage, amounts to the sum of one hundred
fifty-five years and eight months."

96 Since then the temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth year of the reign of Hirom,
there were from the building of the temple, until the building of Carthage, one hundred
forty-three years and eight months. Therefore, what occasion is there for quoting any more
evidence out of the Phoenician histories [on the behalf of our nation], since what I have
said is so thoroughly confirmed already? To be sure, our ancestors came into this country
long before the building of the temple; for it was not till we had gained possession of
the whole land by war that we built our temple. And this is the point that I have clearly
proved out of our sacred writings in my Antiquities. That is what Josephus says. The list
of times [of reigns] which is shown here covers 432 years, from the building of the
temple, in the fourth year of Solomon, until the destruction [of the temple] by the
Babylonians. They are reckoned as follows:

97 Solomon - for 37 years (The rest of his reign except for the first three years)
Rehoboam - for 16 years Abijah - for 3 years Asaph - for 41 years Jehoshaphat - for 25
years Jehoram - for 8 years Ahaziah - for 1 year Athaliah his mother - for 7 years Joash -
for 40 years [p121] Amaziah - for 28 years Uzziah - for 52 years In his reign the Greeks
established the first Olympic games [776 B.C.]. Jotham - for 16 years Ahaz - for 16 years
Hezekiah - for 29 years Manasseh - for 55 years Amon - for 2 years Josiah - for 31 years
Jehoahaz - for 3 months Jehoiakim - for 11 years Jehoiachin, also called Jekhoniah, his
son - for 3 months Mattaniah, also called Zedekiah - for 11 years In total, 432 years.
After this, the Babylonian captivity of the Jews and the abandonment of their country
lasted for 70 years, which came to an end in the 65th Olympiad [520-517 B.C.], in the
second year of Dareius the king of the Persians, as the Holy Scriptures say.

98 Clemens agrees with our account, when he writes in the first book of his Miscellany as
follows [ Stromata, 1'21 ]: "The captivity lasted for seventy years, and ended in the
second year of Darius Hystaspes, who had become king of the Persians, Assyrians, and
Egyptians; in whose reign, as I said above, Haggai and Zechariah and the angel of the
twelve [Malachi] prophesied. And the high priest was Joshua the son of Josedec." That is
what Clemens says. More evidence that there was a period of 70 years from the destruction
of the temple until the second year of Dareius is provided by the prophet Zechariah, who
said in the second year of Dareius [Zechariah 1:12] : "Almighty Lord, how long will you
not pity Jerusalem and the cities of Judah, which you have despised? This is the
seventieth year." But the acute observer may say: "But why is it said at the beginning of
the book of Ezra [Ezra 1:1], that in the first year of Cyrus the king of the Persians, to
fulfil the word of God which was spoken through the prophet Jeremiah, the Lord aroused the
spirit of Cyrus the king of the Persians, and he gave an order throughout his kingdom in a
written decree." And then, adding what follows in that book, [p123] he will show that it
refers to the release of the Jews, and how Cyrus ordered the temple to be rebuilt. From
this you would assume that the 70 years of the captivity came to an end in the reign of
Cyrus, and not in the reign of Dareius.

99 To this I reply, that the words of the prophets refer to two different periods of 70
years. The one is reckoned from the destruction of the temple, and came to an end in the
second year of Dareius, as the statement of Zechariah makes clear. The second is from the
enslavement of the Jews, up until the capture of Babylon and the destruction of the
kingdom of the Chaldaeans. This is reckoned from the time of the prophecy, and came to an
end in the reign of Cyrus, and not in the reign of the Dareius, in accordance with the
word of Jeremiah, in which he foretells what will happen [Jeremiah 29:10]: "Thus says the
Lord. When the 70th year has been completed, I will come to you, and I will fulfil my
promise to you, that I will lead you back to this place." And again, he prophesies as
follows [Jeremiah 25:11-12]: "All this land will be deserted and ruined, and they will
serve the king of the Babylonians amongst the foreigners; and the Lord says about that
nation, and about the land of the Chaldaeans, that I will bring them to ruin."

100 All this was fulfilled in the reign of Cyrus, by counting the years, not from the
destruction of the temple, but earlier, from the second year of Jehoiakim, king of the
Jews, because it was in this year that Nebuchadnezzar the king of the Babylonians first
enslaved the Jews; or even earlier, from when the prophet Jeremiah first began to
prophesy. From that time, there were 40 years until the siege of Jerusalem and the burning
of the temple, and 70 years until the first year of the reign of Cyrus. The one period of
70 years lasted from the beginning of Jeremiah's prophecy until the reign of Cyrus; but
there were 30 years from the destruction of the temple until the reign of Cyrus, and [the
other period of] 70 years was completed in the second year of the reign of Dareius. The
temple was restored in the eighth year of Dareius.

101 From that time onwards, the Jews remained without their own kings. They had their own
high priests as leaders, but were subject first to the kings of the Assyrians, then to the
kings of the Persians, and after them to the Macedonians who ruled after Alexander, up
until the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, who as king of Syria forced the Jews to adopt Greek
customs. At that time, Mattathias the son of Asamonaeus, who was a priest at Jerusalem,
his son Judas, who [p125] was surnamed Maccabaeus, and their successors re-established the
Jewish state, and ruled it continuously until the time of Augustus. In Augustus' time,
Herodes was the first foreigner to become king of the Jews, with the support of the
Romans; during his reign, our Saviour Jesus Christ was born. This was the fulfilment of
the prophecy spoken by Moses [Genesis 49:10]: "The sceptre will not depart from Judah, nor
the ruler's staff from between his feet, until he comes to whom it belongs and the
obedience of the nations is his". These are the words of the prophecy.

102 But the total length of time, from Solomon and the first building of the temple until
the second year of Dareius and the rebuilding of the temple, is 502 years. And from Moses
and the exodus from Egypt until Solomon and the first building of the temple, is 480
years. And from the first year of Abraham until the exodus, is 505 years. And from the
flood until the first year of Abraham, is 942 years. And from Adam to the flood, is 2242
years. So the overall total, from Adam until the second year of Dareius and the second
building of [the temple in] Jerusalem, is 4680 years. And from the second year of Dareius
which was the first year of the 65th Olympiad [520 B.C.] [until the ministry of Christ],
is 137 Olympiads and 548 years. To show this in more detail, the kings of the Persians are
listed here, along with the lengths of their reigns:

103 Cyrus reigned for 30 years Then Cambyses - for 6 years Dareius reigned for 36 years In
Dareius' second year, the temple in Jerusalem was restored. Dareius reigned for a further
34 years. Then Xerxes the son of Dareius - for 20 years In his reign, the story of Esther
took place. Artabanus - for 6 months Artaxerxes "Macrocheir" - for 41 years In his reign
lived Ezra, the sacred scribe of the Hebrews, who is said to have memorised the whole of
Holy Scripture, and who transmitted it to the Jews in the new Hebrew script, because they
were living in enemy lands. Nehemiah the head cupbearer also lived at this time; with the
approval of the king, he returned to Judaea [p127] and rebuilt Jerusalem, and surrounded
the city with a wall; for up until then the city had been deserted, except for the temple
which was rebuilt under Dareius. After Artaxerxes there were the following kings of the
Persians:

104 Xerxes the second - for 2 months Sogdianus - for 6 months Dareius "Nothus" - for 19
years Artaxerxes "Mnemon" - for 40 years Artaxerxes, also called Ochus - for 26 years
Arses the son of Ochus - for 4 years Dareius the son of Arsames - for 6 years Alexander,
the king of the Macedonians, killed Dareius and ruled over the Persian empire for 6 years;
he had ruled over the land for 6 years before killing Dareius. The empire of the Persians
lasted for 234 years. Beginning in the 55th Olympiad [560-557 B.C.], it ended in the 113th
Olympiad [328-325 B.C.]. And from the second year of Dareius until the death of Alexander,
who died in the first year of the 114th Olympiad [324 B.C.], is 197 years. After the death
of Alexander, there were the following kings of Egypt and Alexandria: 1. Ptolemaeus the
son of Lagus - for 40 years

105 2. Ptolemaeus Philadelphus - for 38 years 3. Ptolemaeus Euergetes - for 24 years 4.
Ptolemaeus Philopator - for 21 years 5. Ptolemaeus Epiphanes - for 22 years 6. Ptolemaeus
Philometor - for 34 years In his time, Antiochus Epiphanes was king of Syria; and in
Antiochus' reign occurred the events which [are related] in the books of Maccabees. These
books tell how Antiochus tried to convert the Jews to Greek customs; he defiled the temple
by putting up sacred images there, and carried off the sacred vessels of the temple in the
151st Olympiad [176-173 B.C.]. So from the death of Alexander of Macedonia to the first
year of Antiochus Epiphanes, is 150 years. And from the second year of Dareius until
Antiochus, is 347 years. In the reign of Antiochus, Mattathias the son of Asamonaeus
[p129] showed great devotion to his country's religion, and became leader of the Jews.
After his death, his son Judas Maccabaeus [became leader]; and after him, his brother
Jonathan [was leader]; and after him, his brother Simon [was leader].

106 The account of the book of Maccabees ends in the reign of Simon; it covers a period of
40 years, up until the end of the 161st Olympiad [136-133 B.C.]. And from this time until
Augustus the Roman emperor, is 88 years. After Simon, according to Africanus and Josephus,
Jonathan, also called Hyrcanus, was leader of the Jews for 26 years. After him,
Aristobulus [was leader] for one year. Aristobulus was the first to wear the royal diadem,
acting as king and high priest of the Jewish race; this was 484 years after the Babylonian
captivity. After him, Alexander, also called Jannaeus, was king for 25 years. After him,
his widow Alexandra, also called Sallina, [was queen] for 9 years. And after her,
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus [were kings]. In their reign, Pompeius the Roman general forced
the Jews to pay tribute to the Romans. He set up Hyrcanus as their king, but led off
Aristobulus as a prisoner to Rome.

107 In Hyrcanus' reign, in the (?) 184th Olympiad [44 B.C.], Julius Caesar became emperor
of the Romans, for 4 years and 7 months. And after him, Augustus (Sebastos in Greek) was
emperor for 56 years and 6 months. In his reign, Herodes was the first foreigner to be
made king of the Jews by the Romans; his family came from Ascalon, and he had no right to
the throne. In Herodes' reign, Christ the Son of God was born in Bethlehem of Judaea.
After Augustus, Tiberius became emperor. In his 15th year, the fourth year of the 201st
Olympiad [28 A.D.], our Saviour and Lord, Jesus Christ the Son of God, appeared amongst
men. So from Antiochus Epiphanes until the 15th year of Tiberius, is 201 years. And from
Alexander of Macedonia until the same year of Tiberius, is 352 years. And from the second
year of Dareius [until the same year of Tiberius], is 548 years. [p131] And from the 15th
year of Tiberius until the final siege of Jerusalem in the second year of Vespasianus, is
42 years.

108 From Adam until the second year of Dareius, is 4680 years. And from the second year of
Dareius until the 15th year of Tiberius, is 548 years. So the total, from Adam until the
15th year of Tiberius, is 5228 years. From the 15th year of Tiberius until the 20th
anniversary of Constantinus Victor Augustus, is 300 years. So the overall total, according
to the Hebrews in the Septuagint version, is (?) 5518 years. According to the Jews' Hebrew
text, it is 1237 years less; and according to the Samaritans' Hebrew text, it is 935 years
less. This is the way in which the numbers of years are calculated, according to the
Hebrews. [p131] THE EGYPTIANS How [the history of] the Ethiopians is included in the
chronology of the Egyptians, and [the times when] the Ptolemaei ruled over Egypt and
Alexandria. How the Egyptians have kept records of their dates.

109 After the chronology of the Chaldaeans, the Assyrians and the Hebrews, it it time to
move on to the records of the Egyptians. Diodorus, in the first book of his historical
library [ 1.44 ], writes as follows: "Some of them tell the story that the first rulers in
Egypt were gods and heroes, who ruled for slightly less than sixteen thousand years; the
last of the gods who ruled there was Horus the son of Isis. Then men became kings of the
country, in the time of Myris, and have continued for slightly less than five thousand
years, until the 180th Olympiad [60-57 B.C.], when I visited Egypt, in the reign of
Ptolemaeus, who was called the New Dionysus. [p133] "For the great majority of that time,
the country has been ruled by native kings; but for short periods it was ruled by
Ethiopians, by Persians and by Macedonians. There were only four Ethiopian kings, and they
did not rule in a single sequence, but at separate times; in total, they ruled for
slightly less than 36 years. During the supremacy of the Persians, which was established
when Cambyses conquered the [Egyptian] people by force, and which lasted for 135 years,
the Egyptians rose in revolt, because they could not endure the harsh government and the
impiety [of the Persians] towards the native gods. Then the Macedonians and their
descendants became kings, for 276 years. For the whole of the rest of the time, [Egypt]
was governed by native rulers, who consisted of 470 kings and 5 queens.

110 "Records about all of these rulers have been kept by the priests in their sacred
books, which have been continuously handed down from one [generation] to another, since
the most ancient times. These books tell about the character of each king, their virtue
and their bravery, their spirit and their nobility, as well as the achievements of each of
them in their reigns. However it is unnecessary, and moreover worthless, for us to write
down the deeds of each of them; especially since many of them were judged to be
insignificant even in their own times." That is what Diodorus says. And now it is right
and fitting for us to add to this Manetho's account of the Egyptians, which seems to be a
reliable history. From the Egyptian records of Manetho, who composed in three books
commentaries about the gods, demi-gods, spirits, and the mortal kings who ruled over the
Egyptians, up until the time of Dareius the king of the Persians.

111 The first man amongst the Egyptians was Hephaestus, who discovered fire for them; he
was the father of Sol [the Sun]. After him came [(?)Agathodaemon; then] Cronus; then
Osiris; then Typhon the brother of Osiris; and then Horus the son of Osiris and Isis.
These were the first rulers of the Egyptians. [p135] After them, one king succeeded
another until the time of Bidis, for a total of 13,900 years - calculated by lunar years,
which lasted for 30 days. That is the period which we now call a month, but the men of
that time called it a year. After the gods, a race of demi-gods ruled for 1,255 years.
After them, other kings ruled [the country] for 1,817 years. After them, 30 kings from
Memphis [ruled] for 1,790 years; and then another ten kings from Thinis ruled for 350
years. And then the shades and demi-gods were kings, for 5,813 years. The total for all of
these is 11,000 years - which are lunar years, or months.

112 The total time, which the Egyptians assign to the gods and demi-gods and spirits is
24,900 lunar years - which is the equivalent of 2,206 solar years. If you compare this
figure with the chronology of the Hebrews, you will find almost the same number of years.
For Aegyptus is called Mizraim by the Hebrews; and he was born many years after the time
of the flood. It was after the time of the flood that Ham the son of Noah became the
father of Mizraim, who was also called Aegyptus; and when the nations were scattered
around the earth, Mizraim set off for Egypt to live there. According to the Hebrews, there
were 2,242 years in all from Adam until the flood. So let the Egyptians boast of their
antiquity, in the ancient times which preceded the flood. They say that they had some
gods, demi-gods and shades. If the years which are recorded by the Hebrews are converted
to months, the total is over 20,000 lunar years, so that there are about the same number
of months as are contained in the years recorded by the Hebrews, when we count the years
from the first-born man up until Mizraim. Mizraim was the patriarch of the Egyptians, and
the first dynasty of the Egyptians was descended from him.

113 But if, even so, the number of years is found to be too large, then we must
investigate the reason for this. Perhaps it happened that there were many kings in Egypt
at the same time. They say that some of them were kings of Thinis, some of Memphis, some
of Sais, and some of Ethiopia; and there were yet others in other places. [p137] And as it
seems that these dynasties ruled each in its own (?) nome, it is very unlikely that they
ruled in succession to each other. Rather, some of them ruled in one place, and others in
another place. Therefore the increase in the number of years can be explained in that way.
But we will leave this matter, and proceed to the details of the chronology of the
Egyptians. After the demi-gods and spirits, they reckon that the first dynasty consisted
of 8 kings. The first of these kings was Menes, who was an outstanding ruler. Starting
from him, we will list the rulers of each generation. The succession of rulers was as
follows.

114 1st Dynasty. Menes and his seven descendants: Menes of Thinis, whom Herodotus [ 2.4 ]
calls Min, ruled for (?) 60 years. - He led his armies beyond the borders of his kingdom,
and he was held in high esteem. He was seized by a hippopotamus. His son Athotis ruled for
27 years. - He built a palace in the city of Memphis. He was skilled in medicine, and
wrote books about anatomy. His son Cenchenes, 39 years Venephes, 42 years - In his reign
there was a severe famine. He built the pyramids near Cocome. Usaphais, 20 years Niebais,
26 years Semempses, 18 years - In his reign there were many prodigies, and a great
pestilence. Ubienthis, 26 years. In total: 252 years 2nd Dynasty. 9 kings: Firstly,
Bochus, in whose reign a chasm appeared in the ground at Bubastis, and many were killed.
Then Caechōus, in whose reign Apis and Mnevis and the goat of Mendes were honoured as
gods.

115 [p139] Biophis, in whose reign it was decided that women too could reign as monarchs.
After him, there were three other kings, but nothing significant happened in their reigns.
In the reign of the seventh king, there is a legend that the river Nile flowed for eleven
days with honey mixed in its water. Then Sesochris [ruled] for 48 years. He is said to
have been 5 cubits and 3 palms tall. Nothing worthy of mention happened in the reign of
the ninth king. In total: 297 years 3rd Dynasty. 8 kings of Memphis: Necherochis - In his
reign the Libyans revolted from the Egyptians, but when the moon unexpectedly grew in
size, they were moved by fear and surrendered again. Sesorthus - He was called Asclepius
by the Egyptians because of his skill in medicine. He discovered how to make buildings out
of hewn stone, and also gave some attention to writing.

116 The other six kings achieved nothing worthy of mention. In total: 197 years 4th
Dynasty. 17 kings of Memphis, from another family: The third king was Suphis - He built
the largest pyramid, which Herodotus [ 2.124 ] says was built by Cheops. He was disdainful
towards the gods, but later he repented and wrote the sacred book, which the Egyptians
hold in the highest regard. Nothing worthy of mention is recorded about the other kings.
In total: 448 years 5th Dynasty. 31 kings of Elephantine: The first king was Othoēs, who
was assassinated by his bodyguards. The fourth king was Phiops, who became king at the age
of six, and reigned until 100 years [old]. [Eusebius does not give a total number of years
for this dynasty] 6th Dynasty. Queen Nitocris, who was the noblest and most beautiful
woman of her time, with a fair complexion. She is said to have built the third pyramid. In
total: [they ruled for] 203 years

117 [p141] 7th Dynasty. 5 kings of Memphis, who ruled for 75 (?) days. 8th Dynasty. 5
kings of Memphis, who ruled for 100 years. 9th Dynasty. 4 kings of Heracleopolis, who
ruled for 100 years. The first king was Achthoēs, who was the most terrible of all the
kings up to his time. He cruelly maltreated the inhabitants throughout Egypt, but later he
fell into madness and was killed by a crocodile. 10th Dynasty. 19 kings of Heracleopolis,
who ruled for 185 years. 11th Dynasty. 16 kings of Diospolis, who ruled for 43 years.
After them, Ammenemes reigned for 16 years. At this point, Manetho finishes his first
book, which contains 192 kings who reigned in total for 2,300 years [and 75 days]. From
the second book of Manetho: 12th Dynasty. 7 kings of Diospolis: Firstly, Sesonchosis the
son of Ammenemes, for 46 years Ammanemes, for 38 years - He was killed by his own eunuchs.

118 Sesostris, for 48 years - He is said to have been 4 cubits, 3 palms and 2 digits tall.
He conquered the whole of Asia in nine years, as well as Europe as far as Thrace.
Everywhere he erected monuments to show his control over the nations; he depicted men's
genitals on the columns for brave nations, and women's genitals for cowardly nations.
Therefore the Egyptians gave him the first place of honour after Osiris. Lamares, for 8
years - He built the labyrinth in the Arsinoite [nome], as his own tomb. [p143] His
successors ruled for 42 years. In total: they ruled for 245 years 13th Dynasty. 60 kings
of Diospolis, who ruled for 453 years. 14th Dynasty. 76 kings of Xois, who ruled for 484
years. 15th Dynasty. [? 17] kings of Diospolis, who ruled for 250 years. 16th Dynasty. 5
kings of Thebes, who ruled for 190 years.

119 17th Dynasty. Shepherds. Phoenician brothers and foreign kings, who captured Memphis:
Firstly, Saites, for 19 years - The Saite nome was named after him. They established a
city in the Sethroite nome, and from there they advanced and conquered the Egyptians.
Secondly, Bnon, for 40 years Archles, for 30 years Apophis, for 14 years In total: 103
years. Joseph seems to have (?) lived at the time of these kings. 18th Dynasty. 14 kings
of Diospolis: Amosis, 25 years Chebron, 13 years Ammenophis, 21 years Misphres, 12 years
Misphragmuthosis, 26 years [p145] Tuthmosis, 9 years Amenophis, 31 years - He is the one
who is thought to be Memnon, the "singing" statue. Orus, 38 years Achencherses, 16 years -
In his reign, Moses led the exodus of the Jews out of Egypt. Acherres, 8 years Cherres, 15
years Armaïs, who was also [called] Danaus, 5 years - After 5 years he was expelled from
Egypt, and fled from his brother Aegyptus to Greece, where he captured Argos and became
the king of the Argives.

120 Rhamesses, who was also called Aegyptus, 68 years Amenophis, 40 years In total: 348
years 19th Dynasty. 5 kings of Diospolis: Sethos, 55 years Rhampses, 66 years Amenephthis,
(?) 40 years Ammenemes, 26 years Thuōris, 7 years - Homer [ Od_4'126 ] calls him Polybus,
the husband of Alcandra, and in his reign Troy was captured. In total: 194 years This is
[the end] of the second book of Manetho, which contains (?) 92 kings who reigned in total
for 2,121 years. From the third book of Manetho: 20th Dynasty. 12 kings of Diospolis, who
ruled for 172 years. 21st Dynasty. 7 kings of Tanis: Smendis, 26 years Psusennes, 41 years
Nephercheres, 4 years Amenophthis, 9 years [p147] Osochor, 6 years Psinaches, 9 years
Psusennes, 35 years In total : 130 years 22nd Dynasty. 3 kings of Bubastis: Sesonchosis,
21 years Osorthon, 15 years Tacelothis, 13 years In total : 49 years

121 23rd Dynasty. 3 kings of Tanis: Petubastis, 25 years Osorthon, whom the Egyptians
called Heracles, 9 years Psammūs, 10 years In total : 44 years 24th Dynasty. Bocchoris of
Sais, 44 years. In his reign, a lamb spoke. 25th Dynasty. 3 Ethiopian kings: Sabacon, who
captured Bocchoris and burnt him alive, ruled for 12 years Sebichos, his son, 12 years
Taracus, 20 years In total : 44 years 26th Dynasty. 9 kings of Sais: Ammeres the
Ethiopian, (?) 12 years Stephinathis, 7 years Nechepsos, 6 years Nechao, 8 years
Psammetichus, 44 years Nechao II, 6 years - He captured Jerusalem, and took king Jehoahaz
back as a prisoner to Egypt. Psammuthes (Psammetichus) II, 17 years Vaphres, 25 years -
The remaining Jews fled to him after Jerusalem had been captured by the Assyrians. Amosis,
42 years In total : 167 years 27th Dynasty. 8 Persian kings: [p149] Cambyses, in the 5th
year of his reign, ruled the Egyptians for 3 years

122 the magi, 7 months Dareius, 36 years Xerxes, the son of Dareius, 21 years Artaxerxes,
40 years Xerxes II, 2 months Sogdianus, 7 months Dareius, the son of Xerxes, 19 years In
total : 120 years and 4 months 28th Dynasty. Amyrtaeus of Sais, 6 years. 29th Dynasty. 4
kings of Mendes: Nepheretes, 6 years Achoris, 13 years Psammuthes, 1 year Muthes, 1 year
Nepherites, 4 months In total : 21 years and 4 months 30th Dynasty. 3 kings of Sebennytus:
Nectanebis, 10 years Teōs, 2 years Nectanebus, 8 years In total : 20 years 31st Dynasty. 3
Persian kings: Ochus, in the 20th year of his reign, ruled over Egypt for 6 years Arses,
the son of Ochus, 4 years Dareius, who was killed by Alexander the Macedonian, 6 years All
of the above is contained in the third book of Manetho. What follows will be taken from
Greek writers, because the kingdom of the Egyptians came to an end at this point. But as
Flavius Josephus has produced evidence from the books of Manetho, in his history of the
ancestors of the Hebrews, I think that it is right to record his words, which appear in
the first [book of] his Antiquity of the Jews, as follows.

123 [p151] Josephus, [quoting] from the books of Manetho 124 I shall begin with the
writings of the Egyptians; not indeed of those that have written in the Egyptian language,
which it is impossible for me to do. But Manetho, who was by birth an Egyptian, had some
knowledge of Greek learning, as is very evident; for he wrote the history of his own
country in the Greek language, by translating it, as he says himself, out of their sacred
records; he also finds great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and inaccuracy about
Egyptian history. Now this Manetho, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes
concerning us in the following manner. I will set down his very words, as if I were to
bring the very man himself into a court as a witness: "Tutimaeus. In his reign it
happened, I know not why, that God was angry with us, and there came, unexpectedly, men of
ignoble birth from the east, and they were bold enough to make an expedition into our
country, and easily subdued it by force, because we did not even hazard a battle with
them. So when they had overpowered our rulers, they afterwards burnt down our cities, and
demolished the temples of the gods, and treated all the inhabitants in the most barbarous
manner. Some of them they slew, and led their children and their wives into slavery. At
length they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salitis;

125 he also lived at Memphis, and he made both the upper and lower regions pay tribute,
and left garrisons in places that were the most suitable for them. He chiefly aimed to
secure the eastern parts, because he foresaw that the Assyrians, who were the most
powerful people of that time, would want to seize his kingdom, and invade it. He found in
the Sethroite nome a city very suitable for this purpose, on the east side of the Bubastic
channel of the river, which for theological reasons was called Avaris. He rebuilt it, and
made it very strong by the walls he built around it, and put in a very large garrison of
two hundred and forty thousand armed men, to guard it. [p153] Salitis came there in summer
time, partly to gather his corn, and pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to exercise
his armed men, and thereby to intimidate foreigners. After this man had reigned nineteen
years, another, whose name was Bnon, reigned for forty-four years; after him reigned
another, called Apachnas, thirty-six years and seven months; after him Apophis reigned
sixty-one years, and then Jannas fifty years and one month; after all these, Assis reigned
for forty-nine years and two months. And these six were the first rulers among them, who
were all along making war with the Egyptians, and wanted gradually to eradicate them. This
whole nation was styled Hyksos, that is, 'shepherd-kings':

126 for the first syllable hyk, according to the sacred dialect, denotes 'a king', and sos
is 'a shepherd', according to the ordinary dialect; and of these is compounded Hyksos: but
some say that these people were Arabians. Now in another copy it is said that this word
does not denote 'kings', but, on the contrary, denotes that the shepherds were 'captives'.
For hyk, as well as hak with an aspirate, in the Egyptian language expressly denotes
'captives'; and this to me seems the more probable opinion, and more in accordance with
ancient history. 127 "These people, whom we have before named kings, and called shepherds
also, and their descendants," as he says, "kept control of Egypt for five hundred and
eleven years. After this, he says, "The kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt
rebelled against the shepherds, and a terrible and long war was fought between them. A
king, whose name was Misphragmuthosis, subdued the shepherds, and after driving them out
of the other parts of Egypt, he shut them up in a place [p155] that contained ten thousand
arourai; this place was named Avaris. Manetho adds, "The shepherds built a large and
strong wall round all this place, in order to keep all their possessions and their prey
within a place of strength, but Thummosis the son of Misphragmuthosis made an attempt to
take them by force and by siege, surrounding them with an army of four hundred and eighty
thousand men. But, despairing of taking the place by siege, he came to an agreement with
them, that they should leave Egypt, and go, without suffering any harm, wherever they
chose; and, after this agreement was made, they went away with all their families and
possessions, not fewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand, and travelled out of
Egypt, through the wilderness, towards Syria. But as they were in fear of the Assyrians,
who were then the rulers of Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called
Judaea;

128 the city was large enough to contain this great number of men, and they called it
Jerusalem. Now Manetho, in another book of his, says that this nation, thus called
'shepherds', were also called 'captives', in the sacred books of his country. And this
account of his is true; for feeding of sheep was the employment of our forefathers in the
most ancient ages, and as they led such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they were
called 'shepherds'. Nor was it without reason that they were called 'captives' by the
Egyptians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a
captive, and afterwards brought his brothers into Egypt with the king's permission. But as
for these matters, I shall give a more detailed account of them elsewhere. 129 But now I
shall produce the Egyptians as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I shall therefore
bring in Manetho again, and what he writes about the sequence of dates. He says: "When
this people or shepherds left Egypt and went to Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of Egypt,
who drove them out, reigned for another twenty-five years and four months, and then he
died; [p157] after him his son Chebron took the kingdom for thirteen years; after whom
came Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months; then came his sister Amesses, for
twenty-one years and nine months; then came her son Mephres, for twelve years and nine
months; after him was Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five years and ten months; after him was
Thmosis, for nine years and eight months; after him came Amenophis, for thirty years and
ten months; after him came Orus, for thirty-six years and five months; then came his
daughter Acenchres, for twelve years and one month; then was her brother Rathotis, for
nine years; then came his son Acencheres, for twelve years and five months; then came
another Acencheres, for twelve years and three months; after him Armais, for four years
and one month; after him was Ramesses, for one year and four months; after him came
Armesses Miamūn, for sixty-six years and two months; after him Amenophis, for nineteen
years and six months; after him came Sethosis, also called Ramesses, who had an army of
cavalry, and a strong navy. This king appointed his brother, Armais, to be his deputy over
Egypt.

130 He also gave him all the other authority of a king, except that he instructed him,
that he should not wear the diadem, nor do any harm to the queen, the mother of his
children, and that he should not meddle with the other concubines of the king. Then he
made an expedition against Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and besides against the Assyrians and
the Medes. He subdued them all, some by his arms, some without fighting, and some by the
terror of his great army; and being puffed up by the great successes he had had, he went
on still more boldly, and overthrew the cities and countries that lay in the east. But
after some considerable time, Armais, who was left in Egypt, recklessly did all those very
things, which his brother had forbidden him to do. He used violence against the queen, and
continued to make use of the rest of the concubines, without sparing any of them. At the
persuasion of his friends he put on the diadem, and set up in opposition to his brother.
But then the chief of the priests in Egypt wrote letters to Sethosis, and informed him of
all that had happened, and how his brother had set up in opposition to him. Sethosis
therefore returned back to Pelusium immediately, and recovered his kingdom again. The
country was called Egypt from his name; for Manetho says, that Sethosis was himself called
Aegyptus, [p159] and his brother Armais was called Danaus.

131 This is Manetho's account. And it is clear from the number of years allocated by him
to this interval, if they are all added together, that these shepherds, as they are here
called, were no other than our forefathers, who were delivered out of Egypt, and came from
there to inhabit this country, three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus came to
Argos; although the Argives look upon Danaus as their most ancient king. Manetho,
therefore, provides evidence from the Egyptians records for two points which are of the
greatest consequence to our purpose. In the first place, that we came out of another
country into Egypt; and secondly, that our departure from Egypt was so ancient in time as
to have preceded the siege of Troy by almost a thousand years. As to those things which
Manetho adds, not from the Egyptian records, but, as he confesses himself, from some
stories of an uncertain origin, I will disprove them later in detail, and shall
demonstrate that they are no better than incredible fables.

132 That is what Josephus says in the book which we referred to. He [? Manetho] describes
the kings of the Egyptians from the beginning until the end, up until one of the kings
that they appointed, called Nectanebus. I have already mentioned Nectanebus earlier on, at
the appropriate point in the list of kings. After Nectanebus, Ochus the king of the
Persians gained control of Egypt, and ruled over it for 6 years. After him, his son Arses
[was king] for 4 years. After him, Dareius [was king] for 6 years. Then Alexander the
Macedonian killed Dareius the Persian, and ruled over both the Asians and the Egyptians.
Alexander founded the city of Alexandria in Egypt in the sixth year of his reign. After
the death of Alexander, his empire was divided between many different rulers, and the
Ptolemaei became kings of Egypt and Alexandria. The dates of these kings are as follows.

133 The kings of Egypt and the city of Alexandria after the death of Alexander of
Macedonia, from the writings of Porphyrius: Alexander of Macedonia died in the 114th
Olympiad [324 B.C.], after reigning for a total of 12 years. He was succeeded by Aridaeus,
also called Philippus, who was a brother of Alexander, but by a different mother; for he
was the son of Philippus and Philinna of Larissa. Aridaeus ruled for 7 years, before he
was killed in Macedonia by Polysperchon the son of Antipater. [p161] A year after
Philippus became king, Ptolemaeus the son of Arsinoe and Lagus was sent to be satrap of
Egypt. He was satrap for 17 years, and then he was king for 23 years; so altogether he
ruled for 40 years, until his death. However, while still alive he abdicated in favour of
his son Ptolemaeus, called Philadelphus, and he lived for a further two years after his
son had taken over as king; so we reckon the reign of this first Ptolemaeus, called Soter,
to be 38 rather than 40 years long.

134 He was succeeded by his son Ptolemaeus, who as we said was called Philadelphus. The
son reigned for two years while his father was still alive, and then for a further 36
years after his death, so that we reckon the length of his reign to be 38 years, the same
as for his father. After him, the third Ptolemaeus, called Euergetes, reigned for 25
years. After him, the fourth Ptolemaeus, called Philopator, reigned for 17 years. After
him, the fifth Ptolemaeus, called Epiphanes, reigned for 24 years. This Ptolemaeus had two
sons, the elder called Philometor and the younger called the second Euergetes, who ruled
after him for a combined total of 64 years. We have counted their years together, because
they were constantly fighting against each other and alternately gained and lost control
of the kingdom, which makes it difficult to calculate their years separately. Philometor
first ruled on his own for 11 years; but when Antiochus invaded Egypt and removed him from
the throne, the inhabitants of Alexandria put the younger brother in charge. Then they
forced Antiochus out of Egypt, and freed Philometor. They called that the 12th year of
Philometor, and the first year of Euergetes. After that the two kings ruled jointly until
the 17th year, but from the 18th year onwards Philometor ruled on his own.

135 At that time the elder brother, who had been deposed by the younger brother, was
restored by the Romans. [p163] So he ruled in Egypt, and made his brother ruler of Libya
instead, and after that Philometor ruled as sole king of Egypt for 18 years. When he died
in Syria, which was also under his control, Euergetes was called back from Cyrene and
proclaimed king. Euergetes counted his years from the time when he first became king, so
that he seems to have reigned for 25 [29?] years after his brother's death, but officially
he reigned for 54 years. The 36th year of Philometor should have been called the first
year of his reign, but instead he ordered it to be written as the 25th year of his reign.
So the combined length of both their reigns is 64 years, 35 years under Philometor and the
rest under Euergetes; but to split it up into separate reigns would lead to confusion.

136 Ptolemaeus the second Euergetes had two sons by Cleopatra, the elder called Ptolemaeus
Soter and the younger called Ptolemaeus Alexander. The elder son was appointed by his
mother to reign first; she thought he would obey her, so favoured him for a time. But in
the tenth year of his reign he murdered his parents' friends, and was deposed by his
mother because of his cruelty, and fled to Cyprus. His mother summoned her younger son
from Pelusium, and appointed him to be king along with her. So the younger son ruled
jointly with his mother, and the country was governed in both their names; this year was
called the 11th year of Cleopatra and the 8th year of Alexander, because Alexander counted
his years from the 4th year of his brother's reign, which was when he started to rule over
Cyprus. This state of affairs continued until the death of Cleopatra; after she died,
Alexander ruled on his own, and he reigned for 18 years in all after he returned to
Alexandria, though officially he reigned for 26 years. In the 19th year, after a dispute
with his soldiers, he went away to collect an army to bring to Egypt against them. However
they followed him, and under the leadership of a relative of the kings called Tyrrus,
[p165] they defeated him in a naval battle. Alexander was forced to take refuge with his
wife and daughter in Myra, a city of Lycia; from there, he crossed over to Cyprus, where
he was defeated by the admiral Chaereas, and died.

137 After his expulsion, the inhabitants of Alexandria sent envoys to the elder brother,
Ptolemaeus Soter, and established him as king again, when he had sailed back from Cyprus.
Soter lived for another 7 years and 6 months after his return, and the whole period after
the death of the brothers' father was counted in his name, which was a total of 35 years
and 6 months. But if we split the period up according to the actual course of events,
Ptolemaeus Soter ruled at two different times for a total of 17 years and 6 months, and in
between the younger brother, Ptolemaeus Alexander, ruled for 18 years. The inhabitants of
Alexandria were unable to completely delete Alexander's reign from the records, but as far
as was in their power they erased all mention of it, because Alexander had assaulted them
with the help of some Jews. So they do not count the years of his reign, but attribute the
whole 36 years to the elder brother.

138 Similarly, they do not attribute the next 6 months after the death of the elder
brother, which make up the complete 36 years, to Cleopatra, the daughter of the elder
brother and wife of the younger brother, who took over control of the kingdom after the
death of her father. Nor do they formally attribute to Alexander the 19 days in which he
jointly reigned with her. This Alexander was the son of the younger Ptolemaeus, who was
also called Alexander, and the stepson of Cleopatra. He was staying in Rome, when he was
summoned back to Alexandria because there were no men of the royal family left in Egypt.
He married the aforesaid Cleopatra, and when she had willingly handed over power to him,
after an interval of 19 days he murdered her. Then he himself was seized and killed by the
armed men in the gymnasium, because of the foul murder which he had committed.

139 [p167] This Alexander was succeeded by Ptolemaeus, called the new Dionysus, who was
the son of Ptolemaeus Soter and the brother of the aforesaid Cleopatra. He reigned for 29
years. His daughter Cleopatra was the last of the dynasty of the Ptolemaei. She reigned
for 22 years. These reigns also did not follow an continuous sequence from start to
finish, as laid out in the records, but each of them had some interruptions in the middle
of it. In the reign of the new Dionysus, a three year period was ascribed to the rule of
his daughters Cleopatra Tryphaena and Berenice, one year as a joint reign and the
following two years, after the death of Cleopatra Tryphaena, as the reign of Berenice on
her own. Because Ptolemaeus had gone off to Rome, and was spending a long time there, his
daughters took over the rule of the kingdom, as if he was not going to return, and
Berenice took on some men of the royal family as co-rulers. But when Ptolemaeus returned
from Rome, he forget all affection towards his daughter, and in his anger at what she had
done, he put her to death.

140 In the first years of Cleopatra's reign, she shared power with her elder brother
Ptolemaeus and then with others, for the following reasons. When the new Dionysus died, he
left four children, two sons called Ptolemaeus and daughters called Cleopatra and Arsinoe.
He handed over power to the two eldest children, Ptolemaeus and Cleopatra, who reigned
jointly for 4 years. And this state of affairs would have continued, if Ptolemaeus had not
wanted to seize sole power for himself, in contravention of his father's orders. However
he was fated to die soon afterwards, after being defeated in a naval battle by Julius
Caesar, who intervened on behalf of Cleopatra. After Ptolemaeus' death, Cleopatra's
younger brother, who was also called Ptolemaeus, became joint ruler with his sister, as
proposed by Caesar. The next year was called the fifth year of Cleopatra and the first
year of Ptolemaeus, and so it continued for the following two years, [p169] until he died.
He was plotted against and killed by Cleopatra, in his 4th year, which was Cleopatra's 8th
year. From then onwards Cleopatra ruled on her own, up until her 15th year. However, her
16th year was also called the first year, because after the death of Lysimachus the king
of Chalcis in Syria, the Roman general Marcus Antonius gave Chalcis and the surrounding
regions to Cleopatra. And from then onwards for the remaining years up until the 22nd
year, which was the last of Cleopatra's reign, the years were counted in the same way, so
that the 22nd year was also called the 7th year.

141 Octavius Caesar, also called Augustus, conquered Egypt in the battle of Actium, and
succeeded Cleopatra as ruler of Egypt in the second year of the 184th Olympiad [43 B.C.].
From the first year of the 111th Olympiad [336 B.C.], when Aridaeus Philippus became king,
until the second year of the 184th Olympiad [43 B.C.], is 73 Olympiads and one additional
year. So the total duration of the rule of all the kings of Alexandria, down to the death
of Cleopatra, is 293 years. So the reign-lengths of the Ptolemaei are as follows:
Alexander the Macedonian began his reign in the first year of the 111th Olympiad [336
B.C.]. He founded the city of Alexandria in Egypt, and ruled for 12 years and 7 months.
After him, the kings of the city of Alexandria and the whole of Egypt were: Ptolemaeus the
son of Lagus - for 40 years Ptolemaeus Philadelphus - for 38 years

142 Ptolemaeus Euergetes - for 24 years Ptolemaeus Philopator - for 21 years Ptolemaeus
Epiphanes - for 24 years Ptolemaeus Philometor - for 31 years [p171] Ptolemaeus the second
Euergetes - for 29 years Ptolemaeus Physcon, or Soter - for 17 years and 6 months
Ptolemaeus Alexander, after the expulsion of [Soter], his predecessor - for [10] years
Ptolemaeus Philadelphus, returning from exile after the expulsion of Alexander - for 8
years Ptolemaeus Dionysus, called Philadelphus - for 30 years Cleopatra the daughter of
Ptolemaeus - for 22 years In her reign, Gaius Julius Caesar became the first Roman
emperor. The next emperor, Octavius Caesar Augustus, called Sebastos in Greek, killed
Cleopatra and put an end to the dynasty of the Ptolemaei, who had ruled for 295 years. THE
GREEKS According to the historians of their ancient times. The kings of the Athenians The
kings of the Argives The kings of the Sicyonians

143 The kings of the Lacedaemonians The kings of the Corinthians Who ruled the sea, and
for how long The individual Olympiads of the Greeks The early kings of the Macedonians The
kings of the (?) Macedonians, Thessalians, Syrians and Asians after Alexander Dates of the
Greeks The Sicyonians and their kings are said to be the most ancient of the Greeks. The
first king to rule Sicyon was Aegialeus, at the same time as Ninus and Belus, who are the
first recorded kings of the Assyrians and of Asia. The Peloponnese was originally called
Aegialeia, after this Aegialeus. Inachus is said to have been the first king of the
Argives, 235 years after the start of the Sicyonian kingdom. [p173] Cecrops, called
Diphyes ("two-formed") was the first king of the Athenians, about 300 years after the
start of the Argive kingdom, and 533 years after the start of the Sicyonian kingdom.

144 This chronicle will start with the earliest rulers, and first it will give a full list
of the kings of the Sicyonians. There is considerable disagreement amongst the older
writers who composed chronicles of Greek history; but, as far as possible, we will copy
the accounts which are agreed by most writers. The chronographer Castor lists the dates of
the Sicyonian kings in his chronicle; and then he provides a summary of them, as follows:
"We will provide a list of the kings of Sicyon, starting with Aegialeus, the first king,
and ending with Zeuxippus. These kings reigned for a total of 959 years. After the kings,
six priests of [Apollo] Carneius were appointed; this priesthood lasted for 33 years. Then
Charidemus was appointed priest; but he could not bear the expense, and went into exile."
That is what Castor wrote. The exact succession of the Sicyonian kings is reckoned as
follows.

145 The kings of the Sicyonians Aegialeus, for 52 years. The Peloponnese was originally
called Aegialeia, after this Aegialeus. He is said to have started to rule Sicyon in the
15th year of Belus, the first king of the Assyrians. According to legend, [Belus] was the
son of Poseidon and Libya. Europs, for 45 years. He reigned at the same time as Ninus, the
son of Belus. Telchin, for 20 years. He reigned at the same time as Semiramis. Apis, for
25 years. The Peloponnese was then called Apia, after this Apis. Thelxion, for 52 years.
Aegydrus, for 34 years. Thurimachus, for 45 years. During his reign, Inachus became the
first king of the Argives. [p175] Leucippus, for 53 years. Messapus, for 47 years. During
his reign Egypt was ruled by Joseph, as the Hebrews record. Eratus, for 46 years.
Plemnaeus, for 48 years. Orthopolis, for 63 years. Marathonius, for 30 years. During his
reign, Cecrops Diphyes became the first king of Attica.

146 Marathus, for 20 years. During his reign, Moses led the Hebrews out of Egypt, as will
be shown in due course. Echyreus, for 55 years. During his reign, Danaus became king of
the Argives. Corax, for 30 years. Epopeus, for 35 years. Laomedon, for 40 years. Sicyon,
for 45 years. During his reign, the kingdom of the Argives came to an end, after lasting
for 540 years. Polybus, for 40 years. Inachus, for 40 years. Phaestus, for 8 years.
Adrastus, for 4 years. Polypheides, for 31 years. During his reign, Troy was captured.
Pelasgus, for 20 years. During his reign, Aeneias was king of the Latins. Zeuxippus, for
31 years. In all, there were 26 kings of Sicyon, who reigned for 959 years. After
Zeuxippus, there were no more kings, and instead there were priests of [Apollo] Carneius.
The first priest was Archelaus, for one year. Automedon, for one year.

147 Theoclytus, for four years. Euneus, for six years. Theonomus, for nine years. [p177]
Amphigyes, for (?) twelve years. Lastly, Charidemus for one year. He could not bear the
expense, and went into exile. He was priest (?) 352 years before the first Olympiad [i.e.
1128 B.C.]. The total duration of the kings and priests of the Sicyonians was 998 years.
After the rulers of the Sicyonians, it will be fitting to give a summary of the kings of
the Argives, as far as can be established from the ancient histories. Castor mentions them
in these words. Castor, about the kings of the Argives: Next we will list the kings of the
Argives, starting with Inachus and ending with Sthenelus the son of Crotopus. These kings
reigned for a total of 382 years, until Sthenelus was driven out by Danaus, who seized
control of Argos. The descendants of Danaus ruled Argos for 162 years, ending with
Eurysthenes, the son of Sthenelus, the son of Perseus. After Eurysthenes, the descendants
of Pelops ruled Argos for (?) 105 years, starting with Atreus, and ending with Penthilus,
Tisamenus and Cometes (?) the son of Orestes, in whose time occurred the invasion of the
Heracleidae. The dates of each of the Argive kings are as follows.

148 The kings of the Argives Inachus, for 50 years. The country was called Inachia, after
this Inachus. He began to rule the Argives at the time of Thurimachus, who was the seventh
king of the Sicyonians. Phoroneus, for 60 years. In his reign, Ogygus founded Eleusis.
Apis, for 35 years. The country was then called Apia, after this Apis. During his reign,
Joseph governed the Egyptians, as recorded by the Hebrews. Argus, the son of Zeus and
Niobe, for 70 years. The name of the country was changed to Argeia, after this Argus.
Criasus, for 54 years. Phorbas, for 35 years. During his reign, Cecrops Diphyes became
king of the Athenians. [p179] Triopas, for 46 years. During his reign, Moses led the
Hebrews out of Egypt. Crotopus, for 21 years. Sthenelus, for 11 years. In all, these kings
reigned for 382 years. Danaus drove out Sthenelus, and ruled Argos, as did his descendants
after him. The succession of kings, and their dates, are as follows.

149 Danaus, for 50 years. Lynceus, for 41 years. Abas, for 23 years. Proetus, for 17
years. Acrisius, for 31 years. In all, there were rulers of Argos for a period of 544
years, until the end of Danaidae. After Acrisius, the Argives began to be ruled from
Mycenaae, when the descendants of Pelops took over the kingdom, in the time of Eurysthenes
the son of Sthenelus. Pelops was the first ruler of the Peloponnese, and he organised the
Olympic games. After Acrisius, when the Argives began to be ruled from Mycenae:
Eurysthenes was king for 45 years. Then the sons of Pelops, Atreus and Thyestes, for 65
years. After them, Agamemnon, for 30 years. In the 18th year of his reign, Troy was
captured. Aegisthus, for 17 years. Orestes, Tisamenus, Penthilus and Cometes for 58 years,
until the return of the Heracleidae, when they conquered the Peloponnese. From the return
of the Heracleidae until the migration of the Ionians, there are (?) 60 years. From the
migration of the Ionians until the first Olympiad [776 B.C.], there are 267 years.

150 Next it will be fitting to provide a list of the kings of Athenians, by summarising
the accounts of some of the ancient historians. Ogygus is said to have been the first
[king] of the Athenians; [p181] the Greeks relate that their great ancient flood happened
in his reign. Phoroneus the son of Inachus, king of the Argives, is said to have lived at
the same time. Plato mentions this in the Timaeus [ 22 ], as follows: "When he wished to
introduce them to ancient history, so that they could discuss the antiquity of this city,
he started his account with the old stories about Phoroneus and Niobe, and then what
happened after the flood." Ogygus lived in the time of Messapus, the ninth king of Sicyon,
and Belochus, the eighth king of the Assyrians. After Ogygus, because of the great
destruction caused by the flood, Attica remained without a king for 190 years, until the
time of Cecrops. The number of years is reckoned from the kings of the Argives, who began
before Ogygus. From the end of the reign of Phoroneus, king of the Argives, in whose time
Ogygus' flood is said to have happened, until Phorbas, in whose time Cecrops became king
of Attica, is a period of 190 years. From Cecrops until the first Olympiad, there are
counted seventeen kings, and twelve archons for life; in this time, the marvellous myths
of the Greeks are said to have occurred. The Greeks count the kings of Attica from
[Cecrops], because they do not know for certain the dates of any earlier kings. Castor
explained this in the summary of this history, as follows.

151 Castor, about the kings of the Athenians: We will now list the kings of the Athenians,
starting with Cecrops, called Diphyes, and ending with Thymoetes. The total duration of
the reigns of all these kings, called Erechtheidae, was 450 years. After them, Melanthus
of Pylus, son of Andropompus, became king, [p183] followed by his son Codrus. The total
duration of their two reigns was (?) 58 years. [When the kings came to an end, they were
replaced by archons who ruled for life], starting with (?) Medon son of Codrus, and ending
with Alcmaeon son of Aeschylus. The total duration of the rule of the archons for life was
209 years. The next archons held power for 10 years each; there were seven of these
archons, and altogether they ruled for 70 years. Then the archons started to hold power
for one year each, starting with Creon and ending with Theophemus, in whose time the
history and glorious achievements of our country came to a complete end.

152 That is what Castor wrote. Now we will provide a list of each of the kings. The kings
of the Athenians Cecrops Diphyes, for 50 years. In his reign lived Prometheus, Epimetheus
and Atlas. He started to rule the Athenians in the time of Triopas, the seventh king of
the Argives, and Marathonius, the thirteenth king of Sicyon. At this time, Moses was
prominent amongst the Hebrews, as we will show in due course. Also in his reign, the flood
of Deucalion is said to have engulfed Thessaly, just as fire devastated the land of
Ethiopia in the time of Phaethon. Cranaus, an aboriginal, for 9 years. Amphictyon, the son
of Deucalion and son-in-law of Cranaus, for (?) 10 years. The deeds of the Danaidae are
said to have occurred in his reign. Erichthonius, the son of Hephaestus, who is called
Erechtheus by Homerus, for 50 years. The Idaean Dactyls lived in his reign.

153 Pandion, the son of Erichthonius, for 40 years. The rape of Core [Persephone], and
what is related about Triptolemus, occurred in his reign. [p185] Erechtheus the son of
Pandion, for 50 years. The deeds of Perseus occurred in his reign. Cecrops, the brother of
Erechtheus, for 40 years. The deeds of Dionysus occurred in his reign. Pandion, the son of
Erechtheus, for 25 years. Afterwards Pandion went into exile, and became king of Megara.
The deeds of Europa, Cadmus and the Sparti occurred in his reign. Aegeus, the son of
Pandion, for 48 years. The deeds of the Argonauts and the Centaurs occurred in his reign;
and Heracles held the athletic games. Theseus, the son of Aegeus, for 30 years. In his
reign, Minos established laws. Menestheus, the son of Peteus, son of Orneus son of
Erechtheus, for 23 years. In his reign, Troy was captured. Demophon, the son of Theseus,
for 33 years. The deeds of Odysseus and Orestes occurred in his reign; and Aeneias was
king of Lavinium.

154 Oxyntes, the son of Demophon, for 12 years. In his reign, the Amazons burnt down the
temple at Ephesus. Apheidas, the son of Oxyntes, for one year. Thymoetes, the brother of
Apheidas, for 8 years. Melanthus of Pylus, the son of Andropompus, for 37 years. In his
reign the Heracleidae returned and occupied the Peloponnese. Codrus, the son of Melanthus,
for 21 years. In his reign, the Ionians were driven out of Achaea, and took refuge in
Athens. Archons of the Athenians, who held power for life Medon, the son of Codrus, for 20
years. Acastus, the son of Medon, for 36 years. In his reign occurred the migration of the
Ionians, [p187] including Homerus, so they say. At the same time, Solomon built the temple
at Jerusalem, as will be shown in due course. Archippus, the son of Acastus, for 19 years.
Thersippus, the son of Archippus, for 41 years.

155 Phorbas, the son of Thersippus, for 30 years. Megacles, the son of Phorbas, for 30
years. Diognetus, the son of Megacles, for 28 years. At this time, Lycurgus was in his
prime. Pherecles, the son of Diognetus, for 19 years. Ariphron, the son of Pherecles, for
20 years. At this time, the kingdom of the Assyrians came to an end, and Sardanapalus was
killed. Thespieus, the son of Ariphron, for 27 years. At this time, Lycurgus established
laws for the Spartans. Agamestor, the son of Thespieus, for 17 years. Aeschylus, the son
of Agamestor, for 23 years. In his twelfth year, the first Olympiad was held, in which
Coroebus won the stadion contest. The total duration of the Athenian rulers, from Cecrops
down to the first Olympiad [776 B.C.], was 780 years; from Ogygus to the first Olympiad,
there were 970 years. From this time onwards, it is convenient to calculate dates
according to the Olympiads.

156 After Aeschylus, Alcmaeon ruled the Athenians, for 2 years. [p189] After Alcmaeon, the
Athenians decided to appoint archons for ten years each: Charops, for ten years.
Aesimides, for ten years. Cleidicus, for ten years. Hippomenes, for ten years. Leocrates,
for ten years. Apsander, for ten years. Eryxias, for ten years. After this, they decided
to appoint archons for one year each. The first annual archon was Creon, in the 24th
Olympiad [684-681 B.C.]. From that time onwards, an archon was appointed for each year;
but it is not necessary to list their names. This concludes the summary of the dates of
the ancient rulers of the Athenians, as related by the older and more reliable historians.
We have set down the dates and events before the capture of Troy, which are not reliably
recorded, as well as we can from the different accounts. Nor are the events from the
capture of Troy until the first Olympiad accurately recorded. However Porphyrius, in the
first book of his Philosophical History, gives a summary in the following words:

157 "Apollodorus says that there are 80 years from the capture of Troy [1183 B.C.] until
the expedition of the Heracleidae to the Peloponnese [1103 B.C.]; there are 60 years from
the return of the Heracleidae until the settling of Ionia [1043 B.C.]; there are 159 years
from then until Lycurgus [884 B.C.]; and there are 108 years from Lycurgus until the first
Olympiad [776 B.C.]. Altogether, there are 407 years from the capture of Troy until the
first Olympiad." Next, it will be fitting to give an account of the Olympiads as they are
recorded by the Greeks. [p191]Olympiads of the Greeks First Olympiad: in which Coroebus of
Elis won the stadion race. From this time onwards, the dates of the Greeks seem to have
been accurately recorded; before then, the dates are supplied according to the whim of
each writer. About the institution of the Olympic Games It is necessary to say a little
about the origin of the games. Some writers, who trace back the institution of the games
to the earliest times, say that they had been held before Heracles, by one of the Idaean
Dactyls; and then by Aethlius, as a challenge for his sons (from his name, the competitors
were called athletes); and then by his son Epeius; and then Endymion, Alexinus and
Oenomaus were each in charge of the sacred festival. Then Pelops held the games in honour
of his father Zeus; and next, Heracles the son of Alcmene. There were ten generations (or,
according to some, only three complete festivals) from Heracles until the time of Iphitus.

158 Iphitus was a citizen of Elis, who was concerned about the condition of Greece, and
wished to rid the cities of their wars. He sent envoys from the whole of the Peloponnese
to consult [the god] about release from the wars which gripped them. The god gave this
response to the Peloponnesians: You who dwell in the Peloponnese, gather round the altar;
Make sacrifice, and obey the instructions of the prophets. He added these words to the
Eleians: Eleian servants of the gods, who maintain your ancestral rites, Protect your
homeland, and desist from war. Lead the Greeks in mutually just friendship, Until the
gathering comes in the year of good will. [p193] As a result of this, Iphitus proclaimed
the truce [which had been fixed by Heracles at the summer solstice; they no longer fought
against each other,] and he organised the games together with Lycurgus, who happened to be
his relative because they were both descended from Heracles. On this occasion, the only
contest was the stadion race; later the other contests were added in their turn.

159 Aristodemus of Elis relates that the victors in the athletic contests began to be
registered in the 27th Olympiad after Iphitus. Before then, no-one had thought to record
the athletes' names. In the 28th Olympiad Coroebus of Elis won the stadion race, and he
was the first victor to be registered. This was then established as the first Olympiad,
from which the Greeks calculate their dates. Polybius says the same as Aristodemus; but
Callimachus says that thirteen Olympiads passed after Iphitus without victors being
registered; and Coroebus was the victor in the 14th Olympiad. Many writers state that the
institution of the games by Heracles the son of Alcmene occurred (?) 419 years before what
is counted as the first Olympiad. The Eleians hold the games every fifth year, with a gap
of four years in between them. The Greek Olympiads, from the first Olympiad up until the
247th, when Antoninus the son of Severus was emperor of the Romans:

160 1st Olympiad [776 B.C.] - Coroebus of Elis was the victor in the stadion race. The
stadion race was the only contest for the first thirteen Olympiads. 2nd [772 B.C.] -
Antimachus of Elis, stadion race 3rd [768 B.C.] - Androclus of Messenia, stadion race [At
this time] Romulus and Remus were born. [p195] 4th [764 B.C.] - Polychares of Messenia,
stadion race 5th [760 B.C.] - Aeschines of Elis, stadion race 6th [756 B.C.] - Oebotas of
Dyme, stadion race 7th [752 B.C.] - Diocles of Messenia, stadion race 8th [748 B.C.] -
Anticles of Messenia, stadion race 9th [744 B.C.] - Xenocles of Messenia, stadion race
10th [740 B.C.] - Dotades of Messenia, stadion race 11th [736 B.C.] - Leochares of
Messenia, stadion race 12th [732 B.C.] - Oxythemis of Coroneia, stadion race 13th [728
B.C.] - Diocles of Corinth, stadion race 14th [724 B.C.] - Desmon of Corinth, stadion race
A double race was added, which was won by Hypenus of Elis.

161 15th [720 B.C.] - Orsippus of Megara, stadion race A long race was added, and the
runners were naked; the winner was Acanthus of Laconia. 16th [716 B.C.] - Pythagoras of
Laconia, stadion race 17th [712 B.C.] - Polus of Epidaurus, stadion race 18th [708 B.C.] -
Tellis of Sicyon, stadion race A wresting contest was added, and the winner was Eurybatus
of Laconia. A pentathlon contest was also added, and the winner was Lampis of Laconia.
19th [704 B.C.] - Menus of Megara, stadion race 20th [700 B.C.] - Atheradas of Laconia,
stadion race 21st [696 B.C.] - Pantacles of Athens, stadion race 22nd [692 B.C.] -
Pantacles for a second time 23rd [688 B.C.] - Icarius of Hyperesia, stadion race A boxing
contest was added, and the winner was Onomastus of Smyrna. It was Onomastus who
established the rules of boxing. 24th [684 B.C.] - Cleoptolemus of Laconia, stadion race

162 25th [680 B.C.] - Thalpis of Laconia, stadion race A race was added for chariots drawn
by four horses, and the winner was Pagon of Thebes. [p197] 26th [676 B.C.] - Callisthenes
of Laconia, stadion race Philombrotus of Laconia won the pentathlon at three Olympic
games. The Carneia, a contest for citharodes, was held for the first time at Sparta. 27th
[672 B.C.] - Eurybus of Athens, stadion race 28th [668 B.C.] - Charmis of Laconia, stadion
race Charmis trained on a diet of dried figs. These games were held by the inhabitants of
Pisa, because Elis was preoccupied by a war against Dyme. 29th [664 B.C.] - Chionis of
Laconia, stadion race Chionis could leap a distance of 22 feet. 30th [660 B.C.] - Chionis
for a second time The inhabitants of Pisa defected from Elis, and supervised these and the
following 22 games. 31st [656 B.C.] - Chionis of Laconia for a third time, stadion race

163 32nd [652 B.C.] - Cratinus of Megara, stadion race At these games, Comaeus was the
third of his brothers to win the boxing contest. 33rd [648 B.C.] - Gylis of Laconia,
stadion race At these games, a pancratium contest was added, and the winner was Lygdamis
of Syracuse. Lygdamis was massive; he measured out the stadion with his feet, in only six
hundred paces. A horse race was added, and the winner was Craxilas of Thessaly. 34th [644
B.C.] - Stomas of Athens, stadion race 35th [640 B.C.] - Sphaerus of Laconia, stadion race
The double race was won by Cylon of Athens, who later attempted to set himself up as
tyrant. [p199] 36th [636 B.C.] - Phrynon of Athens, stadion race Phrynon was killed in
single combat with Pittacus. 37th [632 B.C.] - Eurycleidas of Laconia, stadion race A
stadion race for boys was added, and the winner was Polynices of Elis. A wrestling contest
for boys was added, and the winner was Hipposthenes of Laconia, who won the men's
wrestling contest five times in a row, starting from the next-but-one Olympic games.

164 38th [628 B.C.] - Olyntheus of Laconia, stadion race A pancratium contest for boys was
added, but only on this one occasion. The winner was Deutelidas of Laconia. 39th [624
B.C.] - Rhipsolaus of Laconia, stadion race 40th [620 B.C.] - Olyntheus of Laconia for a
second time, stadion race 41st [616 B.C.] - Cleondas of Thebes, stadion race A boxing
contest for boys was added, and the winner was Philotas of Sybaris. 42nd [612 B.C.] -
Lycotas of Laconia, stadion race 43rd [608 B.C.] - Cleon of Epidaurus, stadion race 44th
[604 B.C.] - Gelon of Laconia, stadion race 45th [600 B.C.] - Anticrates of Epidaurus,
stadion race 46th [596 B.C.] - Chrysamaxus of Laconia, stadion race The boys' stadion race
was won by Polymnestor of Miletus, who chased and caught a hare while he was tending
goats. 47th [592 B.C.] - Eurycles of Laconia, stadion race 48th [588 B.C.] - Glycon of
Croton, stadion race Pythagoras of Samos was excluded from the boys' boxing contest and
was mocked for being effeminate, but he went on to the men's contest and defeated all his
opponents.

165 49th [584 B.C.] - Lycinus of Croton, stadion race [p201] 50th [580 B.C.] - Epitelidas
of Laconia, stadion race [At this time] the seven wise men were identified. 51st [576
B.C.] - Eratosthenes of Croton, stadion race 52nd [572 B.C.] - Agis of Elis, stadion race
53rd [568 B.C.] - Hagnon of Peparethus, stadion race 54th [564 B.C.] - Hippostratus of
Croton, stadion race Arichion of Phigaleia was (?) strangled and died, while winning the
pancratium contest for the third time, and though dead he was crowned as victor, because
his opponent had already conceded defeat, after his leg was broken by Arichion. 55th [560
B.C.] - Hippostratus for a second time [At this time] Cyrus became king of the Persians.
56th [556 B.C.] - Phaedrus of Pharsalus, stadion race 57th [552 B.C.] - Ladromus of
Laconia, stadion race 58th [548 B.C.] - Diognetus of Croton, stadion race 59th [544 B.C.]
- Archilochus of Corcyra, stadion race

166 60th [540 B.C.] - Apellaeus of Elis, stadion race 61st [536 B.C.] - Agatharchus of
Corcyra, stadion race 62nd [532 B.C.] - Eryxias of Chalcis, stadion race Milon of Croton
won the wrestling contest. He won six times at the Olympic games, six times at the Pythian
games, ten times at the Isthmian games, and nine times at the Nemean games. 63rd [528
B.C.] - Parmenides of Camarina, stadion race 64th [524 B.C.] - Menander of Thessaly,
stadion race 65th [520 B.C.] - Anochas of Tarentum, stadion race A race in full armour was
added, and the winner was Damaretus of Heraea. 66th [516 B.C.] - Ischyrus of Himera,
stadion race 67th [512 B.C.] - Phanas of Pellene, stadion race Phanas was the first to win
all three races, the stadion race, the double race and the race in full armour. 68th [508
B.C.] - Isomachus of Croton, stadion race

167 69th [504 B.C.] - Isomachus for a second time [p203] 70th [500 B.C.] - Nicasias of
Opus, stadion race 71st [496 B.C.] - Tisicrates of Croton, stadion race 72nd [492 B.C.] -
Tisicrates for a second time 73rd [488 B.C.] - Astyalus of Croton, stadion race 74th [484
B.C.] - Astyalus for a second time 75th [480 B.C.] - Astyalus for a third time 76th [476
B.C.] - Scamander of Mytilene, stadion race 77th [472 B.C.] - Dandes of Argos, stadion
race 78th [468 B.C.] - Parmenides of Poseidonia, stadion race 79th [464 B.C.] - Xenophon
of Corinth, stadion race 80th [460 B.C.] - Torymmas of Thessaly, stadion race The
wrestling contest was won by Amesinas of Barce, who trained by wrestling with a bull while
he was tending cattle. He even brought the bull to Pisa to help his training. 81st [456
B.C.] - Polymnastus of Cyrene, stadion race

168 82nd [452 B.C.] - Lycus of Larissa, stadion race 83rd [448 B.C.] - Crisson of Himera,
stadion race 84th [444 B.C.] - Crisson for a second time 85th [440 B.C.] - Crisson for a
third time 86th [436 B.C.] - Theopompus of Thessaly, stadion race 87th [432 B.C.] -
Sophron of Ambracia, stadion race During this [Olympiad], the Peloponnesian war began.
88th [428 B.C.] - Symmachus of Messenia, stadion race 89th [424 B.C.] - Symmachus for a
second time 90th [420 B.C.] - Hyperbius of Syracuse, stadion race 91st [416 B.C.] -
Exagentus of Acragas, stadion race 92nd [412 B.C.] - Exagentus for a second time 93rd [408
B.C.] - Eubatus of Cyrene, stadion race The pancratium contest was won by Polydamas of
Scotussa, a massive man who, when he was with Ochus amongst the Persians, killed lions and
fought without weapons against armed men; he even brought chariots charging at full speed
to a halt. A race was added for chariots drawn by a pair of horses, and the winner was
Euagoras of Elis.

169 94th [404 B.C.] - Crocinas of Larissa, stadion race 95th [400 B.C.] - Minon of Athens,
stadion race 96th [396 B.C.] - Eupolemus of Elis, stadion race A contest for trumpeters
was added, and the winner was Timaeus of Elis. [p205] A contest for heralds was added, and
the winner was Crates of Elis. 97th [392 B.C.] - Terinaeus [of ...], stadion race 98th
[388 B.C.] - Sosippus of Delphi, stadion race The wrestling contest was won by Aristodemus
of Elis, whom no-one could grasp round the middle. 99th [384 B.C.] - Dicon of Syracuse,
stadion race A race was added for chariots drawn by four foals, and the winner was
Eurybatus of Laconia. 100th [380 B.C.] - Dionysodorus of Tarentum, stadion race 101st [376
B.C.] - Damon of Thurii, stadion race 102nd [372 B.C.] - Damon for a second time 103rd
[368 B.C.] - Pythostratus of Ephesus, stadion race

170 104th [364 B.C.] - Phocides of Athens, wrestling These games were held by the
inhabitants of Pisa. 105th [360 B.C.] - Porus of Cyrene, stadion race 106th [356 B.C.] -
Porus for a second time 107th [352 B.C.] - Micrinas of Tarentum, stadion race 108th [348
B.C.] - Polycles of Cyrene, stadion race 109th [344 B.C.] - Aristolochus of Athens,
stadion race 110th [340 B.C.] - (?) Anticles of Athens, stadion race 111th [336 B.C.] -
Cleomantis of Cleitor, stadion race 112th [332 B.C.] - Eurylas of Chalcis, stadion race
[At this time] Alexander captured Babylon, and killed Dareius. 113th [328 B.C.] - Cliton
of Macedonia, stadion race Ageus of Argos, [victor in] the long race, returned to Argos
and announced his own victory on the same day. 114th [324 B.C.] - Micinas of Rhodes,
stadion race [At this time] Alexander died, and his empire was split between many rulers;
Ptolemaeus became king of Egypt and Alexandria.

171 115th [320 B.C.] - Damasias of Amphipolis, stadion race 116th [316 B.C.] - Demosthenes
of Laconia, stadion race 117th [312 B.C.] - Parmenides of Mytilene, stadion race 118th
[308 B.C.] - Andromenes of Corinth, stadion race Antenor of Athens or Miletus, undisputed
[victor in] the pancratium, was victor at all the major games, undefeated in each of three
age [p207] groups. 119th [304 B.C.] - Andromenes of Corinth, stadion race 120th [300 B.C.]
- Pythagoras of Magnesia-on-Maeander, stadion race Ceras of Argos, [victor in] wrestling,
tore the hooves off a cow. 121st [296 B.C.] - Pythagoras for a second time 122nd [292
B.C.] - Antigonus of Macedonia, stadion race 123rd [288 B.C.] - Antigonus for a second
time 124th [284 B.C.] - Philomelus of Pharsalus, stadion race 125th [280 B.C.] - Ladas of
Aegium, stadion race 126th [276 B.C.] - Idaeus or Nicator of Cyrene, stadion race 127th
[272 B.C.] - Perigenes of Alexandria, stadion race

172 128th [268 B.C.] - Seleucus of Macedonia, stadion race 129th [264 B.C.] - Philinus of
Cos, stadion race A new race for two-foal chariots was introduced, and the first winner
was Philistiachus [Bilistiche of Macedonia]. 130th [260 B.C.] - Philinus for a second time
131st [256 B.C.] - Ammonius of Alexandria, stadion race A one-foal race was introduced,
and the first winner was Hippocrates [of Thessaly]. 132nd [252 B.C.] - Xenophanes of
Amphissa in Aetolia, stadion race 133rd [248 B.C.] - Simylus of Neapolis, stadion race [At
this time] the Parthians revolted against the Macedonians; their first king was Arsaces,
from whom the kings are called the Arsacids. 134th [244 B.C.] - Alcides of Laconia,
stadion race 135th [240 B.C.] - Eraton of Aetolia, stadion race Cleoxenus of Alexandria,
[victor in] boxing, won without injury at all the major games. 136th [236 B.C.] -
Pythocles of Sicyon, stadion race 137th [232 B.C.] - Menestheus of [?] Barcyla, stadion
race

173 138th [228 B.C.] - Demetrius of Alexandria, stadion race 139th [224 B.C.] - Iolaidas
of Argos, stadion race 140th [220 B.C.] - Zopyrus of Syracuse, stadion race 141st [216
B.C.] - Dorotheus of Rhodes, stadion race 142nd [212 B.C.] - Crates of Alexandria, stadion
race [p209] Caprus of Elis won both the wrestling and the pancratium competitions, like
Heracles; so he was acclaimed as "second after Heracles". 143rd [208 B.C.] - Heracleitus
of Samos, stadion race 144th [204 B.C.] - Heracleides of Salamis in Cyprus, stadion race
145th [200 B.C.] - Pyrrhias of Aetolia, stadion race Moschus of Colophon, [victor in]
boys' boxing, was the only boy to have won the boxing competition at all the major games.
A boys' pancratium competition was introduced, and the first winner was Phaedimus of
Alexandria. 146th [196 B.C.] - Micion of Boeotia, stadion race 147th [192 B.C.] -
Agemachus of Cyzicus, stadion race Cleitostratus of Rhodes, [victor in] wrestling,
overcame his opponents by grasping their necks.

174 148th [188 B.C.] - Arcesilaus of Megalopolis, stadion race 149th [184 B.C.] -
Hippostratus of Seleucia in Pieria, stadion race 150th [180 B.C.] - Onesicritus of
Salamis, stadion race 151st [176 B.C.] - Thymilus of Aspendus, stadion race 152nd [172
B.C.] - Democritus of Megara, stadion race 153rd [168 B.C.] - Aristander of Antissa in
Lesbos, stadion race 154th [164 B.C.] - Leonidas of Rhodes, three times victor in the
stadion race 155th [160 B.C.] - Leonidas for a second time 156th [156 B.C.] - Leonidas for
a third time Aristomenes of Rhodes was the third after Heracles to win both the wrestling
and the pancratium competitions. 157th [152 B.C.] - Leonidas, victor in the stadion race
for a fourth time, was the first and only man to win 12 Olympic crowns over four
Olympiads. 158th [148 B.C.] - Othon of Syracuse, stadion race 159th [144 B.C.] - Alcimus
of Cyzicus, stadion race

175 160th [140 B.C.] - Agnodorus of Cyzicus, stadion race 161st [136 B.C.] - Antipater of
Epirus, stadion race 162nd [132 B.C.] - Damon of Delphi, stadion race 163rd [128 B.C.] -
Timotheus of Tralles, stadion race 164th [124 B.C.] - Boeotus of Sicyon, stadion race
[p211] 165th [120 B.C.] - Acusilaus of Cyrene, stadion race 166th [116 B.C.] - Chrysogonus
of Nicaea, stadion race 167th [112 B.C.] - Chrysogonus for a second time 168th [108 B.C.]
- Nicomachus of Philadelphia, stadion race 169th [104 B.C.] - Nicodemus of Lacedaemon,
stadion race 170th [100 B.C.] - Simmias of Seleuceia-on-Tigris, stadion race 171st [96
B.C.] - Parmeniscus of Corcyra, stadion race 172nd [92 B.C.] - Eudamus of Cos, stadion
race Protophanes of Magnesia-on-Maeander was the fourth after Heracles to win both the
wrestling and the pancratium competitions. 173rd [88 B.C.] - Parmeniscus of Corcyra again,
stadion race 174th [84 B.C.] - Demostratus of Larissa, stadion race

176 175th [80 B.C.] - Epaenetus of Argos, boys' stadion race There was no stadion race for
adults this year, because Sulla had summoned all the athletes to Rome. 176th [76 B.C.] -
Dion of Cyparissus, stadion race 177th [72 B.C.] - Hecatomnos of Elis, stadion race 178th
[68 B.C.] - Diocles [?] Hypopenus, stadion race Stratonicus of Alexandria, son of
Corragus, was the fifth after Heracles to win both the wrestling and the pancratium
competitions; at the Nemean games, he won four crowns on the same day in the boys' and
youths' competitions, [though he attended the competitions without a horse. He achieved
this through the favour of his friends or the kings, and therefore he was regarded as
disqualified]. 179th [64 B.C.] - Andreas of Lacedaemon, stadion race 180th [60 B.C.] -
Andromachus of Ambracia, stadion race 181st [56 B.C.] - Lamachus of Tauromenium, stadion
race 182nd [52 B.C.] - Anthestion of Argos, stadion race [p213] Marion of Alexandria, son
of Marion, was the sixth after Heracles to win both the wrestling and the pancratium
competitions.

177 183rd [48 B.C.] - Theodorus of Messene, stadion race [At this time] Julius Caesar was
emperor of the Romans. 184th [44 B.C.] - Theodorus for a second time [At this time]
Augustus became emperor of the Romans. 185th [40 B.C.] - Ariston of Thurii, stadion race
186th [36 B.C.] - Scamander of Alexandria Troas, stadion race 187th [32 B.C.] - Ariston of
Thurii again, stadion race 188th [28 B.C.] - Sopater of Argos, stadion race 189th [24
B.C.] - Asclepiades of Sidon, stadion race 190th [20 B.C.] - Auphidius of Patrae, stadion
race 191st [16 B.C.] - Diodotus of Tyana, stadion race 192nd [12 B.C.] - Diophanes of
Aeolis, stadion race 193rd [8 B.C.] - Artemidorus of Thyateira, stadion race 194th [4
B.C.] - Demaratus of Ephesus, stadion race 195th [1 A.D.] - Demaratus for a second time
196th [5 A.D.] - Pammenes of Magnesia-on-Maeander, stadion race 197th [9 A.D.] - Asiaticus
of Halicarnassus, stadion race

178 198th [13 A.D.] - Diophanes of Prusa [by Mt. Olympus], stadion race Aristeas of
Stratoniceia or (?) Maeander was the seventh after Heracles to win both the wrestling and
the pancratium competitions. [At this time] Tiberius became emperor of the Romans. 199th
[17 A.D.] - Aeschines Glaucias of Miletus, stadion race The four-horse race which had been
stopped a long time ago was reinstated, and the winner was Tiberius Caesar. 200th [21
A.D.] - Polemon of Petra, stadion race 201st [25 A.D.] - Damasias of Cydonia, stadion race
202nd [29 A.D.] - Hermogenes of Pergamum, stadion race 203rd [33 A.D.] - Apollonius of
Epidaurus, stadion race 204th [37 A.D.] - Sarapion of Alexandria, stadion race
Neicostratus of Aegae was the eighth and last after Heracles to win both the wrestling and
the pancratium competitions. [p215] Only eight men between Heracles and our times have
achieved this, because after these games the inhabitants of Elis would not award the crown
even to those who were capable of it. [At this time] Gaius became emperor of the Romans.

179 205th [41 A.D.] - Eubulidas of Laodiceia, stadion race [At this time] Claudius became
emperor of the Romans. 206th [45 A.D.] - Valerius of Mytilene, stadion race 207th [49
A.D.] - Athenodorus of Aegium, stadion race 208th [53 A.D.] - Athenodorus for a second
time [At this time] Nero became emperor of the Romans. 209th [57 A.D.] - Callicles of
Sidon, stadion race 210th [61 A.D.] - Athenodorus of Aegium [(?) for a third time],
stadion race 211th [65 A.D.] - These games were not held [at the usual time] because Nero
postponed them until his visit to Greece. They were held two years later, and Tryphon of
Philadelphia won the stadion race. Nero was awarded the crown in the contests for heralds,
performers of tragedy and citharodes; and also in the races for chariots drawn by foals,
full-grown horses and ten foals. 212th [69 A.D.] - Polites of Ceramus, stadion race [At
this time] Vespasianus became emperor of the Romans.

180 213th [73 A.D.] - Rhodon of Cyme, or Theodotus, stadion race 214th [77 A.D.] - Straton
of Alexandria, stadion race [At this time] Titus became emperor of the Romans. 215th [81
A.D.] - Hermogenes of Xanthus, stadion race [At this time] Domitianus became emperor of
the Romans. 216th [85 A.D.] - Apollophanes Papis of Tarsus, stadion race 217th [89 A.D.] -
Hermogenes of Xanthus for a second time, stadion race 218th [93 A.D.] - Apollonius of
Alexandria, or Heliodorus, stadion race 219th [97 A.D.] - Stephanus of Cappadocia, stadion
race [At this time] Nerva became emperor of the Romans, and after him Trajanus [became
emperor]. 220th [101 A.D.] - Achilleus of Alexandria, stadion race 221st [105 A.D.] -
Theonas Smaragdus of Alexandria, stadion race 222nd [109 A.D.] - Callistus of Side,
stadion race The horse races were reintroduced. [p217] 223rd [113 A.D.] - Eustolus of
Side, stadion race 224th [117 A.D.] - Isarion of Alexandria, stadion race [At this time]
Hadrianus became emperor of the Romans.

181 225th [121 A.D.] - Aristeas of Miletus, stadion race 226th [125 A.D.] - Dionysius
Sameumys of Alexandria, stadion race 227th [129 A.D.] - Dionysius for a second time 228th
[133 A.D.] - Lucas of Alexandria, stadion race 229th [137 A.D.] - Epidaurus Ammonius of
Alexandria, stadion race [At this time] Antoninus Pius became emperor of the Romans. 230th
[141 A.D.] - Didymus (?) Clydeus of Alexandria, stadion race 231st [145 A.D.] - Cranaus of
Sicyon, stadion race 232nd [149 A.D.] - Atticus of Sardis, stadion race Socrates entered
both the wrestling and the citharode competitions, but he was banned by the inhabitants of
Elis, in favour of Dionysius of Seleuceia. 233rd [153 A.D.] - Demetrius of Chios, stadion
race 234th [157 A.D.] - Eras of Chios, stadion race 235th [161 A.D.] - Mnasibulus of
Elateia, stadion race [At this time] Marcus Antoninus Pius and Lucius Verus became
emperors of the Romans.

182 236th [165 A.D.] - Aeithales of Alexandria, stadion race 237th [169 A.D.] - Eudaemon
of Alexandria, stadion race 238th [173 A.D.] - Agathopus of Aegina, stadion race 239th
[177 A.D.] - Agathopus for a second time [At this time] Commodus became emperor of the
Romans. 240th [181 A.D.] - Anubion Pheidus of Alexandria, stadion race 241st [185 A.D.] -
Heron of Alexandria, stadion race 242nd [189 A.D.] - Magnus [Libycus] of Cyrene, stadion
race 243rd [193 A.D.] - Isidorus [Artemidorus] of Alexandria, stadion race [At this time]
Pertinax, and then Severus, became emperors of the Romans. 244th [197 A.D.] - Isidorus for
a second time 245th [201 A.D.] - Alexander of Alexandria, stadion race 246th [205 A.D.] -
Epinicus Cynas of Cyzicus, stadion race [p219] 247th [209 A.D.] - Satornilus of Gortyn in
Crete, stadion race [At this time] Antoninus, called Caracalla, became emperor of the
Romans. 248th [213 A.D.] - Heliodorus Trosidamas of Alexandria, stadion race

183 249th [217 A.D.] - Heliodorus for a second time The record of the Olympiads which we
have found ends at this point. It will be fitting to add here lists of the kings of the
Corinthians, kings of the Spartans, rulers of the sea and the early kings of the
Macedonians. I will set down in order their names and their dates, taking them from the
Historical Library of Diodorus, who gives a very accurate account of them. The kings of
the Corinthians - from the books of Diodorus After thoroughly investigating that, it
remains to tell how Corinth and Sicyon were settled by the Dorians. Almost all the nations
in the Peloponnese, except the Arcadians, were uprooted by the return of the Heracleidae.
In their division of the land, the Heracleidae picked out Corinth and the surrounding
area; they sent for Aletes, and awarded the territory to him. Aletes became a
distinguished king and increased the power of Corinth; he reigned for 38 years.

184 After the death of Aletes, his descendants ruled the land, the eldest son succeeding
in every case, until the tyrant Cypselus, who [came to power] 447 years after the return
of the Heracleidae. The first of them to become king was Ixion, for 38 years. [p221] Then
Agelas was king for 37 years. Then Prymnis, for 35 years. Then Bacchis, also for 35 years.
Bacchis was the most distinguished of the kings up to his time; so that the kings after
him called themselves Bacchidae instead of Heracleidae. Then Agelas, for 30 years.
Eudemus, for 25 years. Aristomedes, for 35 years. When Aristomedes died, his son Telestes
was still a child; and so the direct succession was interrupted by his uncle and guardian
Agemon, for 16 years. Then Alexander was king, for 25 years. Telestes, who earlier had
been deprived of his father's kingdom, killed Alexander, and ruled for 12 years. Automenes
ruled for one year, after Telestes was killed by his relatives.

185 The Bacchidae, descendants of Heracles who were more than 200 in number, seized power
and jointly governed the city; each year they chose one of their number to be president,
in place of the king. They governed the city for 90 years, until they were suppressed by
the tyrant Cypselus. The kings of the Corinthians are as follows: Aletes - for 35 years
Ixion - for 37 years Agelas - for 37 years Prymnis - for 35 years Bacchis - for 35 years
Agelas - for 30 years Eudemus - for 25 years Aristomedes - for 35 years Agemon - for 16
years Alexander - for 25 years Teletes - for 12 years Automenes - for one year After which
there were annual presidents. The kings of the Spartans - from the books of Diodorus It
happens that it is difficult to establish the dates between the Trojan war and the first
Olympiad, because at that time there were no annual magistrates either at Athens or at any
other city. Therefore we will take the kings of the Spartans as an example.

186 According to Apollodorus of Athens, there were 308 years from the destruction of Troy
[1183 B.C.] until the first Olympiad [776 B.C.]. 80 of those years passed before the
expedition of the Heracleidae [1103 B.C.]; [p223] the rest are covered by the reigns of
the kings of the Spartans - Procles, Eurysthenes and their descendants. We will set down
the order of [the kings of] each family up until the first Olympiad. Eurysthenes began his
reign in the 80th year after the Trojan war, and he was king for 42 years. After him, Agis
reigned for one year. Echestratus for 31 years. After him, Labotas reigned for 37 years.
Dorystus for 29 years. They were followed by Agesilaus, who reigned for 44 years.
Archelaus for 60 years. Teleclus for 40 years. Alcamenes for 38 years. In the tenth year
of his reign, the first Olympiad was established, in which Coroebus of Elis won the
stadion race.

187 Procles was the first king of the other family, for (?) 49 years. After him, Prytanis
reigned for 49 years. Eunomius for 45 years. And then Chariclus reigned for 60 years.
Nicander for 38 years. Theopompus for 47 years. The first Olympiad occurred in the tenth
year of this reign. In summary, there were 80 years from the capture of Troy until the
expedition of the Heracleidae, and then these kings of the Spartans: Eurysthenes - for 42
years Agis - for one year Echestrates - for 37 years Labotas - for 37 years Dorystus - for
29 years [p225] Agesilaus - for 44 years. Archelaus - for 60 years Teleclus - for 40 years
Alcamenes - for 37 years. In his tenth year, the first Olympiad was established. In total,
325 years. The kings from the other family were: Procles - for 51 years Prytanis - for 49
years

188 Eunomius - for 45 years Charicles - for 60 years Nicander - for 38 years Theopompus -
for 47 years. In his tenth year, the first Olympiad was established. In total, 290 years.
The Thalassocracies, who ruled the sea - in brief, from the writings of Diodorus After the
Trojan war, the sea was controlled by: The Lydians and Maeones - for 92 years The
Pelasgians - for 85 years The Thracians - for 79 years The Rhodians - for 23 years The
Phrygians - for 25 years The Cypriots - for 33 years The Phoenicians - for 45 years The
Egyptians - for [..] years The Milesians - for [..] years [The Carians - for .. years] The
Lesbians - for [..] years The Phocaeans - for 44 years The Samians for [..] years The
Spartans - for 2 years The Naxians - for 10 years The Eretrians - for 15 years

189 The Aeginetans - for 10 years Up until the time when (?) Alexander crossed over the
sea. After this, it will be fitting to move on to the kingdom of the Macedonians.
[p227]The kings of the Macedonians The end of the Assyrian empire, after the death of
Sardanapallus the last king of the Assyrians, was followed by the Macedonian age. Before
the first Olympiad, Caranus was moved by ambition to collect forces from the Argives and
from the rest of the Peloponnese, in order to lead an army into the territory of the
Macedonians. At that time the king of the Orestae was at war with his neighbours, the
Eordaei, and he called on Caranus to come to his aid, promising to give him half of his
territory in return, if the Orestae were successful. The king kept his promise, and
Caranus took possession of the territory; he reigned there for 30 years, until he died in
old age. He was succeeded by his son Coenus, who was king for 28 years. After him,
Tyrimias reigned for 43 years. Perdiccas for 42 years. He wanted to expand his kingdom; so
he sent [a mission] to Delphi.

190 A little further on, [Diodorus] says: Perdiccas reigned for 48 years, and left his
kingdom to Argaeus, who reigned for 31 years. The next king was Philippus, who reigned for
33 years. Aeropus for 20 years. Alcetas for 18 years. Amyntas for 49 years. He was
followed by Alexander, who reigned for 44 years. Then Perdiccas was king for 22 years.
Archelaus for 17 years. Aeropus for 6 years. Then Pausanias was king for one year.
Ptolemaeus for 3 years. Perdiccas for 5 years. Philippus for 24 years. Alexander, [who]
fought against the Persians, for more than 12 years. In this way the most reliable
historians trace the ancestry of the Macedonian kings back to Heracles. From Caranus, who
was the first to rule all the Macedonians, until Alexander, who conquered Asia, there were
24 kings who reigned for a total of 453 years. [p229] The individual [kings] are as
follows:

191 Caranus reigned for 30 years Coenus - for 28 years Tyrimias - for 43 years Perdiccas -
for 48 years Argaeus - for 38 years Philippus - for 33 years Aeropus - for 20 years
Alcetas - for 18 years. In his time, Cyrus was king of the Persians. Amyntas - for 42
years Alexander - for 44 years Perdiccas - for 23 years Archelaus - for 24 years Orestes -
for 3 years Archelaus - for 4 years Amyntas - for one year Pausanias - for one year
Amyntas - for 6 years Argaeus - for 2 years Amyntas - for 18 years Alexander - for one
year Ptolemaeus of Alorus - for 3 years Perdiccas - for 6 years Philippus - for 27 years
Alexander the son of Philippus - for 12 years The kings of the Macedonians, from the
writings of our enemy, the philosopher Porphyrius: These were the kings of Macedonia and
Greece after Alexander the son of Philippus; and the Macedonian kingdom continued until
its dissolution as follows.

192 The Macedonians appointed Aridaeus, the son of Philippus and Philinna of Thessaly, to
be king after Alexander because of their affection for the family of Philippus, although
they knew that Aridaeus was the son a courtesan and he was feeble-minded. He began to
reign, as we said, in the second year of the 114th Olympiad [323 B.C.]. He is reckoned to
have reigned for 7 years, because he lived up until the fourth year of the 115th Olympiad
[317 B.C.]. [p231] Alexander left two sons, Heracles the son of Barsine the daughter of
Pharnabazus, and Alexander the son of Roxane the daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian; this
Alexander was born about the time of his father's death, at the start of Philippus' reign.
Olympias the mother of Alexander killed Aridaeus, but then Cassander the son of Antipater
executed her and both the sons of Alexander, the one by himself and the other (the son of
Barsine) by prompting Polysperchon. Cassander cast away Olympias' body without a burial,
and proclaimed himself king; and from then onwards, all the other satraps acted as kings,
because the family of Alexander had been destroyed. Cassander married Thessalonice the
daughter of Philippus, and survived as king for another 19 years as king, until he died of
a wasting disease. His reign, including the year in which Olympias ruled after the death
of Aridaeus, lasted from the first year of the 116th Olympiad [316 B.C.] until the third
year of the 120th Olympiad [298 B.C.].

193 Cassander was succeeded by his sons, Philippus and Alexander and Antipater, who
reigned for 3 years and 6 months after the death of their father. The first to rule was
Philippus, who died at Elateia. Then Antipater murdered his mother Thessalonice, who
favoured her other son Alexander, and fled to Lysimachus. But Lysimachus put him to death,
even though he had married one of Lysimachus' daughters. Alexander married Lysandra, the
daughter of Ptolemaeus, and in the war against his younger brother called on the aid of
Demetrius the son of Antigonus, who was called Poliorcetes. But Demetrius killed
Alexander, and made himself the king of the Macedonians. The reign of the sons of
Cassander is reckoned to last from the fourth year [p233] of the 120th Olympiad [297 B.C.]
until the third year of the 121st Olympiad [294 B.C.]. Demetrius reigned for 6 years, from
the [fourth year of the] 121st Olympiad [293 B.C.]until the first year of the 123rd
Olympiad [288 B.C.], when he was deposed by Pyrrhus the king of Epirus, the 23rd in line
from Achilleus the son of Thetis. Pyrrhus claimed the kingdom belonged to him after the
extinction of Philippus' family, through his connection with Olympias the mother of
Alexander, who was also a descendant of Pyrrhus the son of Neoptolemus.

194 Pyrrhus ruled the Macedonians for seven months in the second year of the 123rd
Olympiad [287 B.C.]. In the eighth month, he was replaced by Lysimachus the son of son of
Agathocles, a Thessalian from Crannon who had been a bodyguard of Alexander. Lysimachus
was king of Thrace and the Chersonese, and now overran the neighbouring country of
Macedonia. Lysimachus was persuaded by his wife Arsinoe to kill his own son. He ruled
Macedonia for 5 years and 6 months, from the second year of the 123rd Olympiad [287 B.C.]
until the third year of the 124th Olympiad [282 B.C.]. [p235] He was defeated by Seleucus
Nicator, the king of Asia, at the battle of Corupedium, and lost his life in the battle.
But straight after his victory, Seleucus was murdered by Ptolemaeus Ceraunus, the son of
Lagus and Eurydice the daughter of Antipater, even though Seleucus was his benefactor and
had received him when he fled [from Lysimachus].

195 Then Ptolemaeus ruled over the Macedonians, until he was killed in battle against the
Galatians. He reigned for one year and five months, which lasted from the fourth year of
the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.] until the fifth month of the first year of the 125th
Olympiad [280 B.C.]. Ptolemaeus was succeeded by his brother Meleager, but the Macedonians
deposed Meleager after only two months, because they considered him unfit to rule. In his
place, since no-one was left from the royal family, they appointed as king Antipater, who
was the nephew of Cassander and the son of Philippus. But he too was deposed after ruling
for 45 days by Sosthenes, a commoner who considered him to be too poor a general to face
the dangerous invasion of Brennus the Galatian. The Macedonians gave Antipater the name
Etesias, because the Etesian winds blow at about the time when he was king. Sosthenes
repelled Brennus, and died after being in charge of the state for two complete years.

196 After Sosthenes, there was anarchy in Macedonia, because the followers of Antipater
and Ptolemaeus and Aridaeus were competing for control of the state, but no-one was
completely in charge. In the period from Ptolemaeus until the end of the anarchy, that is
from the fourth year of the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.] until the [first year of the] 126th
Olympiad [276 B.C.], Ptolemaeus Ceraunus reigned for one year and five months, [p237]
Meleager for two months, Antipater for 45 days, Sosthenes for two years, and the rest is
reckoned to have been a time of anarchy. While Antipater was plotting to take over the
state, Antigonus set himself up as king; he was the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes and Phila
the daughter of Antipater, and was called Gonatas because he had been born and brought up
at Gonni in Thessaly. Antigonus reigned in total for 44 years; before he gained control of
Macedonia, he had already been king for 10 whole years. He was proclaimed king in the
second year of the 123rd Olympiad [287 B.C.], and became king of the Macedonians in the
first year of the 126th Olympiad [276 B.C.]. Antigonus subdued Greece by force; he lived
for 83 years in all, and died in the first year of the 135th Olympiad [240 B.C.].

197 Antigonus was succeeded by his son Demetrius, who conquered the whole of Libya and
captured Cyrene. Eventually he gained absolute control of all his father's possessions,
and ruled over them for 10 years. He married a captive girl whom he called Chryseis, and
by her he had a son Philippus, who was the first of the kings to fight against the Romans
and caused the Macedonians much woe. When Demetrius died, Philippus was left as a [young]
orphan, and a member of the royal family, Antigonus called Phuscus, became his guardian.
Seeing that Phuscus acted honourably in his role of guardian, the Macedonians made him
king, and gave him Chryseis to be his wife. Chryeis bore him sons, but he did not bring
them up, because he was holding the kingdom in trust for Philippus. And indeed he was
succeeded by Philippus, when he died. Demetrius, called the Fair, died in the second year
of the [?] 130th Olympiad. Philippus then became king, [p239] with the aforesaid Antigonus
as his guardian. Antigonus died in the fourth year of the 139th Olympiad [221 B.C.]; he
had been guardian for 12 years, and lived for 42 years in all. Philippus began to rule
without a guardian in the 140th Olympiad [220 B.C.]; he reigned for 42 complete years, and
died in the second year of the 150th Olympiad [179 B.C.], aged 58 years.

198 Perseus the son of Philippus caused the death of his brother Demetrius by making
accusations against him to his father. Perseus was king for 10 years and 8 months, until
the fourth years of the 152nd Olympiad [169 B.C.], when Lucius Aemilius defeated and
conquered the Macedonians at Pydna. Perseus fled to Samothrace, but then agreed to
surrender to the enemy, who transferred him to Alba, where he was imprisoned and died five
years later. He was the last king of the Macedonians. At that time the Romans allowed the
Macedonians to remain autonomous, out of respect for their glorious reputation and the
greatness of their [former] empire. But 19 years later, in the third year of the 157th
Olympiad [150 B.C.], a certain Andriscus falsely claimed to be the son of Perseus, and
took on the name of Philippus, from which he came to be called the false Philippus. With
the help of the Thracians he conquered Macedonia, but after ruling for a year he was
defeated and fled to the Thracians, who handed him over, to be sent as a prisoner to Rome.

199 Because the Macedonians had been ungrateful, and had co-operated with the false
Philippus, the Romans made them tributary in the fourth year of the 157th Olympiad [149
B.C.]. So from Alexander until the end, when they became tributary to the Romans, that is
from the second year of 114th Olympiad [323 B.C.] [p241] until the fourth year of the
157th Olympiad [149 B.C.], the kingdom of the Macedonians lasted for 43 Olympiads and two
extra years, which is a total of 174 years. These are the kings of the Macedonians after
Alexander the son of Philippus: Aridaeus, also called Philippus - for 7 years Cassander -
for 19 years The sons of Cassander - for 3 years and 6 months Demetrius Poliorcetes - for
6 years Pyrrhus - for 7 months Lysimachus - for 5 years and 5 months Ptolemaeus Ceraunus -
for 1 year and 5 months Meleager - for 2 months

200 Antipater son of Lysimachus - for 45 days Sosthenes - for 2 years (Anarchy) - for 2
years Antigonus Gonatas - for 34 years Demetrius the Fair - for 10 years Antigonus Phuscus
- for 12 years Philippus - for 42 years Perseus - for 10 years and 8 months (Autonomy) -
for 19 years The false Philippus - for 1 year After that, they were subject to the Romans.
The kings of the Thessalians: For a long time, the Thessalians and Epirus had the same
rulers as the Macedonians. They were granted independence by the Romans after Philippus
was defeated by the Roman general Titus in Thessaly. But eventually, for the same reason
as the Macedonians, they were made tributary to the Romans. Like the Macedonians, they
were ruled by Aridaeus, also called Philippus, for seven years after the death of
Alexander. Then his successor Cassander ruled over Epirus and the Thessalians for 19
years. After him, his son Philippus [ruled] for 4 months. Then his brothers Antipater and
Alexander [ruled] for 2 years and 6 months. And then Demetrius the son of [Antigonus
ruled] for 6 years and 6 months. After him, Pyrrhus [ruled] for 4 years and 4 months. Then
Lysimachus the son of Agathocles [ruled] for 6 years. [p243] And Ptolemaeus, who was
called Ceraunus, [ruled] for one year and 5 months. Then Meleager [ruled] for 2 months.
After him, Antipater the son of Lysimachus [ruled] for 45 days. After him, Sosthenes
[ruled] for one year. Then there was anarchy for 2 years and 2 months, after which
Antigonus the son of Demetrius [ruled] for 34 years and 2 months.

201 During this time, Pyrrhus won over Antigonus' army and ruled over a few regions, but
he lost control of them when he was defeated by Demetrius the son of Antigonus in a battle
at Derdia. Shortly afterwards Antigonus died, and his son Demetrius reigned for 10 years.
After him, Antigonus, the son of Demetrius who went off to Cyrene and of Olympias the
daughter of Pauliclitus of Larisa, [ruled] for 9 years. Antigonus came to the aid of the
Achaeans, defeated Cleomenes the king of the Spartans in battle, and liberated Sparta.
Therefore the Achaean people honoured him like a god. After him, Philippus the son of
Demetrius reigned for 23 years and 9 months, until he was defeated in a battle in Thessaly
by Titus the Roman general. Then the Romans allowed the Thessalians to be autonomous,
along with the rest of the Ionians [? Greeks] who had been subject to Philippus. For the
first year there was anarchy in Thessaly, but then they started to elect annual leaders
from amongst the people.

202 The first to be elected was Pausanias the son of Echecrates, from Pherae. Then Amyntas
the son of Crates, from [?] Pieria; in his year, Titus returned to Rome. Then Aeacides the
son of Callas, from Metropolis. Then Epidromas the son of Andromachus, from Larisa, for 8
months only; for the remaining 4 months of the year, the leader was Eunomus the son of
Polyclitus, from Larisa. Eunomus was leader again for the whole of the following year.
Then Aeacides the son of Callas, from Metropolis, for a second time. Then Pravilus the son
of Phaxas, from Scotussa. Then Eunomus [p245] the son of Polyclitus, from Larisa, for a
second time. Then Androsthenes the son of Italas, from Gortona. Then Thrasymachus the son
of Alexander, from [?] Atrax. Then Laontomenes the son of Damothon, from Pherae. Then
Pausanias the son of Damothon. Then Theodorus the son of Alexander, from Argos. Then
Nicocrates the son of Paxinas, from [?] Scotussa. Then Hippolochus the son of Alexippus,
from Larisa. Then Cleomachides the son of Aeneus, from Larisa. Then Phyrinus the son of
Aristomenes, from Gomphi.

203 In his year, Philippus the king of Macedonia died, and was succeeded by his son
Perseus. As we said, Philippus reigned over the Thessalians for 3 years and 9 months, but
in all he reigned over the Macedonians for 42 years and 9 months. From the start of the
reign of Philippus [Aridaeus] until the death of Philippus the son of Demetrius, that is
from the second year of the 114th Olympiad [323 B.C.] until the fifth month of the second
year of the 150th Olympiad [179 B.C.], is a total of 144 years and five months. A summary
of the kings of the Thessalians: Aridaeus, also called Philippus - for 7 years Cassander -
for 19 years Philippus - for 4 months Antigonus and Alexander - for 2 years and 6 months
Demetrius - for 6 years and 6 months Pyrrhus - for 3 years and 6 months Lysimachus - for 6
years

204 Ptolemaeus, also called Ceraunus - for 1 year and 5 months Meleager - for 2 months
Antipater - for 45 days Sosthenes - for 1 year (Anarchy) - for 2 years and 2 months
Antigonus - for 33 years and 2 months [p247] Demetrius - for 10 years Antigonus - for 9
years Philippus - for 23 years and 9 months And then the following [annual] leaders:
Pausanias, Amyntas, Aeacides, Epidromus, Eunomus, Aeacides again, Praviles, Eunomus again,
Androsthenes, Thrasymachus, Laontomenes, Pausanias, Theodorus, Nicocrates, Hippolochus,
Cleomachides, Phyrinus, and Philippus. [p247] The kings of Asia and Syria after the death
of Alexander the Great: In the 6th year of Philippus Aridaeus, which was the third year of
the 115th Olympiad [318 B.C.], Antigonus became the first king of Asia. He reigned for 18
years, and lived in all for 86 years. He was the most formidable of the kings of that
period, and died in Phrygia after all the other rulers attacked him out of fear of him, in
the fourth year of the 119th Olympiad [301 B.C.].

205 His son Demetrius escaped to Ephesus, and lost control of all of Asia; he was
considered to be the most resourceful of the kings in siege warfare, and so was given the
name Poliorcetes ["the besieger"]. Demetrius reigned for 17 years, and lived in all for 54
years. Starting from the first year of the 120th Olympiad [300 B.C.], he ruled jointly
with his father for 2 years, which were included in the 17 years of his reign. In the
fourth year of the [123rd] Olympiad [285 B.C.] he was captured by Seleucus; after his
capture, he was sent to Cilicia, and was kept in royal style as a prisoner of Seleucus
until he died, in the fourth year of the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.]. The reigns of
Antigonus and Demetrius passed in this way. Meanwhile, Lysimachus was ruling in Lydia
opposite Thrace and Seleucus was ruling in the eastern regions and Syria. [p249] Both of
them started to reign in the first year of the 114th Olympiad [324 B.C.]. No account will
be given of Lysimachus' reign, but the events of Seleucus' reign will be described here.

206 After Ptolemaeus, the first king of the Egyptians, had marched to Old Gaza and had
defeated Demetrius the son of Antigonus in battle, he set up Seleucus as king of Syria and
the eastern regions. Seleucus went up to Babylonia and defeated the barbarians there; so
he was given the name Nicanor ["victor"]. He reigned for 32 years, from the first year of
the 117th Olympiad [312 B.C.] until the fourth year of the 124th Olympiad [281 B.C.], and
lived in all for 75 years. Eventually, he was ambushed and killed by his friend
Ptolemaeus, called Ceraunus. Seleucus was succeeded by Antiochus, his son by Apame the
Persian. Antiochus was called Soter, and died in the [third] year of the 129th Olympiad
[262 B.C.] after he had lived in all for 54 years and had reigned for 19 years, from the
first year of the 125th Olympiad [280 B.C.] until the third year of the 129th Olympiad
[262 B.C.].

207 Antiochus Soter had [three] children by Stratonice the daughter of Demetrius; a son
Antiochus, and two daughters Stratonice and Apame, of whom the former was married to
Demetrius the king of the Macedonians, and the latter [to Magas?]. When he died, he was
succeeded by Antiochus called Theos, in the fourth year of the 129th Olympiad [261 B.C.].
After 19 years, Antiochus Theos fell ill, [p251] and died at Ephesus in the third year of
the [133rd] Olympiad [246 B.C.], after living in all for 40 years. He had two sons,
Seleucus called Callinicus and Antigonus, and two daughters by Laodice the daughter of
Achaeus, of whom one was married to Mithridates and the other to Ariathes. The elder son
Seleucus, who as we said was called Callinicus, succeeded Antiochus and reigned for 21
years, from the third year of the 133rd Olympiad [246 B.C.] until the second year of the
138th Olympiad [227 B.C.].

208 When he died, Seleucus was succeeded by his son, Seleucus called Ceraunus, but while
he was still alive it happened that his younger brother Antigonus refused to accept his
position and sought power for himself. Antigonus had help and assistance from [Alexander],
the brother of his mother Laodice, who was in charge of the city of Sardis; he also had
the Galatians as allies in two battles. Seleucus won a battle in Lydia, but he was unable
to capture Sardis or Ephesus, which was held by Ptolemaeus. Then Seleucus fought a second
battle against Mithridates in Cappadocia, where 20,000 of his men were killed by the
barbarians, and he himself lost his life. Meanwhile Ptolemaeus called Tryphon seized part
of Syria, but his siege of Damascus and Orthosia was stopped in the third year of the
134th Olympiad [242 B.C.], when Seleucus advanced to that region. Antigonus the brother of
Callinicus crossed greater Phrygia, forced the inhabitants to pay tribute, and sent his
generals with an army against Seleucus. But he was handed over by his own followers to the
barbarians, and after escaping with a few men, set off for Magnesia. The next day he
offered battle, and with the assistance of soldiers sent by Ptolemaeus, amongst others, he
won a victory, and married the daughter of Zielas. [p253] However, in the fourth year of
the 137th Olympiad [229 B.C.] he fought twice in the country of Lydia and was defeated,
and he joined battle with Attalus in the region of Lake Coloe. In the first year of the
138th Olympiad [228 B.C.], after a battle in Caria he was forced by Attalus to flee to
Thrace, where he died.

209 Seleucus Callinicus, the brother of Antigonus, died in the next year, and was
succeeded by his son Alexander, who adopted the name Seleucus, and was called Ceraunus by
his army. Seleucus had a brother called Antiochus. After reigning for three years,
Seleucus was treacherously attacked and killed by a Galatian called Nicanor, in about the
first year of the 139th Olympiad [224 B.C.]. He was succeeded by his brother Antiochus,
whom the army summoned from Babylon. Antiochus was called [the Great] and reigned for 36
years, from the second year of the 139th Olympiad [223 B.C.] until the second year of the
148th Olympiad [187 B.C.]. In the latter year, he made an expedition to Susa and the
eastern provinces, but was killed with all [his men] in battle with the Elymaeans; he left
behind two sons, Seleucus and Antiochus. 210 Seleucus succeeded his father in the third
year of the 148th Olympiad [186 B.C.], and reigned for 12 years, until the [?] first year
of the 151st Olympiad [176 B.C.]; he lived in all for 60 years. When Seleucus died, he was
succeeded by his brother Antiochus called Epiphanes, who reigned for 11 years, from the
third year of the 151st Olympiad [174 B.C.] until the first year of the 154th Olympiad
[164 B.C.]. While Antiochus Epiphanes was still alive, his son Antiochus called Eupator
was made king, when he was only twelve years old, after which his father lived for a
further one year and six months. Then Demetrius, who had been given to the Romans by his
father Seleucus as a hostage, escaped from Rome to Phoenicia, and came to the city of
Tripolis. Demetrius killed the young Antiochus along with his guardian Lysias, and made
himself king in the fourth year of the 154th Olympiad [161 B.C.]; [p255] he was called
Soter, and reigned for 12 years, until the [?] fourth year of the 157th Olympiad [149
B.C.]. He was forced to fight for his kingdom against Alexander, who brought an army from
outside with the assistance of Ptolemaeus and Attalus, and he was killed in a battle.

211 Alexander gained control of Syria in the [?] third year of the 157th Olympiad [150
B.C.], and ruled for 5 years. He died in the fourth year of the 158th Olympiad [145 B.C.],
in a battle near the city of Antioch against Ptolemaeus, who had come to the aid of
Demetrius the son of Demetrius. Ptolemaeus also was wounded and died in the same battle.
The war was carried on by this Demetrius, the son of Demetrius. Setting out from
Seleuceia, he defeated Antiochus the son of Alexander, who was based in Syria and the city
of Antioch, and started to reign in the first year of the 160th Olympiad [140 B.C.]. In
his second year, he collected an army and set off for Babylon and the eastern regions, to
fight against Arsaces. In the next year, which was the third year of the 160th Olympiad
[138 B.C.], he was captured by Arsaces, who sent him to be held prisoner in Parthia; so he
was called Nicanor ["victor"] because he had defeated Antiochus the son of Alexander, and
also [?] Seripides because he was kept as a prisoner in chains. The younger brother of
Demetrius, called Antiochus, was brought up in the city of Side, from which he was given
the name Sidetes. When he heard that Demetrius had been defeated and made a prisoner, he
left Side and in the fourth year of the 160th Olympiad [137 B.C.] gained control of Syria,
which he ruled for nine years. In the third year of the 162nd Olympiad [130 B.C.] he
conquered the Jews, pulled down the walls of [Jerusalem] after a siege, and put their
leaders to death.

212 In the fourth year of the 162nd Olympiad [129 B.C.], Arsaces attacked him with an army
of 120,000 men, and schemed against him by sending his brother Demetrius, who had been
kept as a prisoner, back to Syria. But at the onset of winter Antiochus met the barbarians
in a confined space; bravely attacking them, he was injured and killed, in the 35th year
of his life. [p257] His young son Seleucus, who had accompanied him, was captured by king
Arsaces and was kept in royal style as a prisoner. Antiochus the fifth had three sons and
two daughters; the first two, the daughters, were both called Laodice. The third, called
Antiochus, fell ill and died, like his sisters. The fourth was Seleucus, who was captured
by Arsaces. The fifth was another Antiochus, who was brought up by Craterus the eunuch at
Cyzicus, where he had fled with Craterus and the rest of the household of Antiochus,
through fear of Demetrius. One of the brothers had already died, along with his sister, so
only Antiochus was left, the youngest of the brothers, and because of his residence at
Cyzicus he was called Cyzicenus.

213 Demetrius returned [to Syria] and started his second reign in the second year of the
(?) 163rd Olympiad [127 B.C.], after having been held captive for the intervening 10
years. As soon as he returned from captivity, he turned his attention to Egypt; he
advanced as far as Pelusium, but when Ptolemaeus Physcon confronted him Demetrius had to
retreat, because his soldiers hated him and refused to obey his orders. Angered by this,
Ptolemaeus set up Alexander, a pretended son of Alexander, to be king of Asia; Alexander
was called Zabinas by the Syrians, because he was thought to have been bought by
Ptolemaeus to take on this role. Demetrius was defeated in a battle at Damascus, and fled
to Tyre, but was refused entry into the city. While trying to escape by boat, he was
seized and killed, in the first year of the 164th Olympiad [124 B.C.]; he had reigned for
3 years before his captivity, and for another 4 years after his return.

214 Demetrius was succeeded by his son Seleucus, who died soon afterwards as a result of
his mother's accusations. His younger brother Antiochus came to power in the second year
of the 164th Olympiad [123 B.C.], and in the third year he defeated Zabinas, who killed
himself with poison because he could not endure the defeat. Antiochus reigned for 11
years, until the fourth year of the 166th Olympiad [113 B.C.]; the one year of his brother
Seleucus' reign is also included in this total. [p259] He was given the names Grypus
["hook-nose"] and Philometor. But when faced with an attack by Antiochus Cyzicenus whom we
mentioned earlier, who was his half-brother by the same mother as well as his nephew on
his father's side, Grypus gave up his kingdom and retired to Aspendus; from which he was
given the name Aspendius, as well as Grypus and Philometor. Antiochus Cyzicenus started to
reign in the first year of the 167th Olympiad [112 B.C.], after Antiochus [Grypus] retired
to Aspendus. But in the second year of the same Olympiad [111 B.C.], Antiochus returned
from Aspendus, and took control of Syria, while Cyzicenus remained in control of Coele
[Syria]. After the kingdom had been split between them in this way, Grypus remained as
king until the fourth year of the 170th Olympiad [97 B.C.]. He lived for another 15 years
after his return, so that his reign lasted in all for 26 years: 11 years on his own, and
15 years after the kingdom had been split in two.

215 Cyzicenus ruled from the first year of the 167th Olympiad [112 B.C.], and died in the
first year of the 171st Olympiad [96 B.C.], after reigning for 18 years and living in all
for 50 years. The manner of his death was as follows. After Antiochus Grypus died at the
time which was stated above, his son Seleucus came with an army and captured many cities.
Antiochus Cyzicenus brought an army from Antioch, but was defeated in a battle; his horse
carried him off towards the enemy, and when they were about to capture him, he drew his
sword and killed himself. So Seleucus gained control of the whole kingdom, and captured
Antioch. But the surviving son of Cyzicenus began a war against Seleucus. When their
armies met at the city called Mopsuestia in Cilicia, the victory went to Antiochus.
Seleucus fled to the city, but when he learnt that the inhabitants intended to burn him
alive, [p261] he hastened to commit suicide. His two brothers Antiochus and Philippus who
were called the Didymi ["twins"], appeared with an army and captured the city by force;
then they avenged their brother's death by destroying the city. However they were
confronted by the son of Cyzicenus, and defeated in a battle; while escaping from the
battle, Antiochus the brother of Seleucus rode his horse recklessly and fell headlong into
the river Orontes, where he was caught by the current and died.

216 And then two others began to fight over the kingdom: Philippus, the brother of
Seleucus and son of Antiochus Grypus, and Antiochus, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus.
Starting from the (?) third year of the 171st Olympiad [94 B.C.], they fought against each
other for possession of Syria with substantial armies, each controlling part of the
country. Antiochus was defeated and fled to the Parthians. Later he surrendered to
Pompeius, in the hope of being restored to Syria. But Pompeius, who had received a gift of
money from the inhabitants of Antioch, ignored Antiochus and allowed to city to be
autonomous. Then the inhabitants of Alexandria sent Menelaus and Lampon and Callimander to
ask Antiochus to come and rule in Egypt together with the daughters of Ptolemaeus, when
Ptolemaeus Dionysus had been driven out of Alexandria. But Antiochus fell ill, and died.
Philippus whom we mentioned before, the son of Grypus and of Tryphaena the daughter of
Ptolemaeus VIII, was also deposed. He wanted to go to Egypt, because he too had been
invited by the inhabitants of Alexandria to rule there, but Gabinius, an officer of
Pompeius who was the Roman governor of Syria, stopped him from going. And so the royal
dynasty in Syria came to an end with Antiochus and Philippus.

217 So the kings of Asia and Syria are as follows: Antigonus was king of Asia - for 18
years Demetrius Poliorcetes, king of Syria and the east - for 17 years [p263] Seleucus
Nicator [or "Nicanor"] - for 32 years Antiochus Soter - for 19 years Antiochus Theos - for
15 years Seleucus Callinicus - for 21 years Seleucus Ceraunus - for 3 years Antiochus the
Great - for 36 years Seleucus Philopator - for 12 years Antiochus Epiphanes - for 11 years
Antiochus Eupator - for 1 year and 6 months Demetrius Soter - for 12 years Alexander - for
15 years Demetrius the son of Demetrius - for 3 years Antiochus Sidetes - for 9 years
Demetrius again - for 4 years Antiochus Grypus - for 26 years Antiochus Cyzicenus - for 17
years Philippus the son of Grypus, with whom the kings of Syria came to an end [ - for 2
years ]

218 [The total duration of the Macedonian rule in Syria, starting from Antigonus, was 274
years; or, starting from Seleucus Nicator, 239 years.] THE ROMANS The kings of the Romans,
starting with Romulus The emperors of the Romans, from Augustus to our time The consuls of
the Romans, from Julius Caesar to our time Taken from all the previous historians, as
listed here: from Alexander Polyhistor from Abydenus, who wrote books about the Assyrians
and Medes from the three books of Manetho, about the monuments of Egypt from Cephalion's
nine books of the Muses from the forty books of Diodorus' [Historical] Library, containing
a brief history of events up until Gaius Caesar from the eighteen books of Cassius
Longinus, containing a summary of 228 Olympiads [p265] from the fourteen books of Phlegon,
the freedman of [Hadrianus] Caesar, containing a summary of 229 Olympiads from the six
books of Castor, containing an account of history from Ninus up until the 181st Olympiad

219 from the three books of (?) Thallus, containing an account of events from the capture
of Troy up until the (?) 167th Olympiad [112 B.C.] from [the books of] Porphyrius, the
philosopher who lived in our time, [containing events] from the capture of Troy up until
the reign of Claudius [The kings] of the Romans, and their dates It is now time to list
the dates of the kings of the Romans. They first acquired this title in the seventh
Olympiad [752-749 B.C.], when Romulus founded the city of the Romans, and gave his name to
the city, and to all the people who were ruled by the kings [of the city]. Before this
time they had been called sometimes Latins, and sometimes Aborigines, having different
names at different times. After the capture of Troy, they submitted to Aeneias the son of
Anchises, and his successors ruled over the people until the foundation of the city. The
history of these kings has been related by many different writers, not only native Romans
but also Greeks. It will be sufficient to quote just two of them, as reliable witnesses to
the events which we are considering. Firstly, I will quote Dionysius, who provides a brief
description of the history of the Romans; as well as other books, he wrote an Ancient
History of the Romans. In the first book, he gives an account of Aeneias and the kings
after him, (?) up until the capture of Troy. From this book I will summarise what is
essential, and what is related to the matters which we are considering here, as follows [
DionHal_1.9 ].

220 From the first book of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, about the history of the Romans
"This city, mistress of the whole earth and sea, which the Romans now inhabit, is said to
have had as its earliest occupants the barbarian Sicels, a native race. As to the
condition of the place before their time, whether it was occupied by others or
uninhabited, none can certainly say. [p267] But some time later the Aborigines gained
possession of it, having taken it from the occupants after a long war. These people had
previously lived on the mountains in unwalled villages and scattered groups. They say that
after them, the Pelasgians and some of the Greeks conquered that region. At first they
were called Aborigines; but under Latinus, their king, who reigned at the time of the
Trojan war, they began to be called Latins. Sixteen generations later, Romulus founded the
city, and expanded it, and raised its affairs to greater prosperity."

221 And then Dionysius continues his narrative, in these very words [ DionHal_1.10 ]:
"There are some who affirm that the Aborigines, from whom the Romans are originally
descended, were natives of Italy, a stock which came into being spontaneously (I call
Italy all that peninsula which is bounded by the Ionian Gulf and the Tyrrhenian Sea and,
thirdly, by the region where the Latins live). The Aborigines were called "founders of
families" or "ancestors"; but others claim that they were called "vagabonds", coming
together out of many places. Still others have a story to the effect that they were
foreigners who came there from Libya. But some of the Roman historians say that they were
Greeks, part of those who once dwelt in Achaea, and that they migrated to there many
generations before the Trojan war." Then he adds: "It is uncertain, therefore, what the
truth of the matter is. But in my opinion, the Aborigines can be a colony of no other
people but of those who are now called Arcadians; for these were the first of all the
Greeks to cross the Ionian Gulf, under the leadership of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, and
to settle in Italy; this Oenotrus was the fifth from (?) Aezeius and Phoroneus, seventeen
generations before the Trojan war. Oenotrus settled in the mountains, and called the
region Oenotria, and its inhabitants Oenotrians. Later they were called Italians, from
king Italus, who also gave the name of Italy to the whole country. [p269] Italus was
succeeded by Morges, from whose name they were called Morgetes. And at the same time as
Oenotrus, his brother Peucetius came as a colonist from Arcadia, and settled by the Junian
bay, and from his name the people were called Peucetii."

222 After giving his own opinion about all of this, he then says that the Pelasgian
colonists migrated from Greece, and settled in the country of the Italians among the
Aborigines. The Pelasgians were also called Tyrrheni [Etruscans] and the whole region was
called Tyrrhenia, from the name of one of their leaders, who was called Tyrrhenus. Later,
Euander arrived with a fleet from Greece, from the city of Pallantium in Arcadia, and he
settled in the region of Italy around the site of the future city of Rome. [Dionysius]
says that the Arcadians brought the Greek alphabet to Italy, along with the musical
instruments called nablia, or lyres, and a set of laws. After them, Heracles arrived with
a Greek fleet and settled in the same region. At first, he was called Saturnius, and from
his name the whole region was called Saturnia. Heracles had a son called Latinus, and he
too ruled over the land of the Aborigines; from his name, they were called Latins. When
Latinus died without any sons, Aeneias the son of Anchises succeeded him as king.

223 He summarises all this again in the following words [ DionHal_1.60 ]: "The people who
came together there, and mingled with the native population of the land, from whom the
Roman race was sprung, before the present inhabitants of the city, were as follows.
Firstly, the Aborigines, who drove the Sicels out of this region; they were Greeks,
originally from the Peloponnese, who came as colonists with Oenotrus, from the region
which is now called Arcadia, in my opinion. Secondly, the Thessalians migrated there, from
the country which used to be called Haemonia, and is now called Thessaly. Thirdly, the
Pelasgians, who arrived with Euander from the city of Pallantium in Arcadia. Then another
group arrived, who were part of the Peloponnesian army commanded by Heracles. Lastly, the
Trojans who escaped with Aeneias from Ilium, Dardanus and the other Trojan towns." [p271]
From the same book, about the date of Aeneias' arrival in Italy

224 He says [ DionHal_1.63 ]: "Ilium was taken at the end of the summer, seventeen days
before the winter solstice, and in the month of Elaphebolion, according to the calendar of
the Athenians; and there still remained five days after the solstice to complete that
year. During the thirty-seven days that followed the taking of the city I imagine the
Achaeans were employed in regulating the affairs of the city, in receiving embassies from
those who had withdrawn themselves, and in concluding a treaty with them. In the following
year, which was the first after the taking of the city, the Trojans set sail after the
autumnal equinox, crossed the Hellespont, and landing in Thrace, passed the winter season
there, during which they received the fugitives who kept flocking to them and made the
necessary preparations for their voyage. And leaving Thrace at the beginning of spring,
they sailed as far as Sicily; when they had landed there that year came to an end, and
they passed the second winter dwelling with the Elymians in their cities in Sicily. But as
soon as conditions were favourable for navigation they set sail from the island, and
crossing the Tyrrhenian sea, arrived at last at Laurentum on the coast of the Aborigines
in the middle of the summer. And having taken possession of the region, they founded
Lavinium, thus bringing to an end the second year from the taking of Troy. With regard to
these matters, then, I have thus shown my opinion.

225 "But when Aeneias had sufficiently adorned the city with temples and other public
buildings, of which the greatest part remained even to my day, in the next year, which was
the third after his departure from Troy, he reigned over the Trojans only. But in the
fourth year, Latinus having died, he succeeded to his kingdom also, because of his
relationship to him by marriage, Lavinia being the heiress after the death of Latinus." A
little later he adds: "War arose out of these complaints and in a sharp battle that ensued
Latinus, Turnus and many others were slain; nevertheless, Aeneias and his people gained
the victory. Thereupon Aeneias succeeded to the kingdom because of his connection by
marriage; [p273] but when he had reigned three years after the death of Latinus, in the
fourth he lost his life in battle." A little later he says: "Aeneias having departed this
life about the seventh year after the taking of Troy, Euryleon, who in the flight had been
renamed Ascanius, succeeded to the rule over the Latins."

226 Then he adds [ DionHal_1.70 ]: "Upon the death of the Ascanius in the thirty-eighth
year of his reign, Silvius, his brother, succeeded to the rule. He was born of Lavinia,
the daughter of Latinus, after the death of Aeneias." 227 Then he adds: "Silvius, after
holding the sovereignty twenty-nine years, was succeeded by Aeneias, his son, who reigned
one less than thirty years. After him, Latinus reigned fifty-one, then Alba, thirty-nine;
after Alba, Capetus reigned twenty-six, then Capys twenty-eight, and after Capys, Capetus
held the rule for thirteen years. Then Tiberinus reigned for a period of eight years. This
king, it is said, was slain in a battle that was fought near a river, and being thrown by
his horse into the stream, gave his name to the river, which had previously been called
the Albula. Tiberinus' successor, Agrippa, reigned forty-one years. After Agrippa,
Amulius, a tyrannical creature and odious to the gods, reigned nineteen years.
Contemptuous of the divine powers, he had contrived imitations of lightning and sounds
resembling thunder-claps, with which he proposed to terrify people as if he were a god.
But rain and lightning descended upon his house, and the lake beside which it stood rose
to an unusual height, so that he was overwhelmed and destroyed with his whole household.
And even now when the lake is clear in a certain part, which happens whenever the flow of
water subsides and the depths are undisturbed, the ruins of porticoes and other traces of
a dwelling appear. Aventius, after whom was named one of the seven hills that are joined
to make the city of Rome, succeeded him in the sovereignty and reigned thirty-seven years,
[p275] and after him Procas twenty-eight years.

228 Then Amulius, having unjustly possessed himself of the kingdom which belonged to
Numitor, his elder brother, reigned forty-two years. But when Amulius had been slain by
Romulus and Remus, the sons of a noble maiden, as shall presently be related, Numitor, the
maternal grandfather of the youths, after his brother's death resumed the sovereignty
which by law belonged to him. In the next year of Numitor's reign, which was the three
hundred and thirty-second after the taking of Troy, the Albans sent out a colony, under
the leadership of Romulus and Remus, and founded Rome, in that year, which was the seventh
Olympiad, when Daïcles of Messene was victor in the foot race [752 B.C.], and at Athens
Charops was in the first year of his ten-year term as archon." 229 The same writer adds
the following words, in which he relates the various accounts of the historians about [the
foundation of] the city of Rome [ DionHal_1.72 ]. About the foundation of the city of Rome
"But as there is great dispute concerning both the time of the building of the city and
the founders of it, and as in my opinion none [of the previous writers] has given a
convincing account of them, [it is not possible] to give merely a cursory account of these
things, as if they were universally agreed on. For Cephalon of Gergis, a very ancient
writer, says that the city was built in the second generation after the Trojan war by
those who had escaped from Troy with Aeneias, and he names as the founder of it Romus, who
was the leader of the colony and one of Aeneias' sons; he adds that Aeneias had four sons,
Ascanius, Euryleon, Romulus and Remus. And Demagoras, Agathymus and many others agree with
him as regards both the time and the leader of the colony. But the author of the history
of the priestesses at Argos and of what happened in the days of each of them says that
Aeneias came into Italy from the land of the Molossians with Odysseus and became the
founder of the city, which he named after Romē, one of the Trojan women. He says that this
woman, growing weary with wandering, [p277] stirred up the other Trojan women and together
with them set fire to the ships. And Damastes of Sigeum and some others agree with him.

230 "But Aristotle, the philosopher, relates that some of the Achaeans, while they were
doubling Cape Malea on their return from Troy, were overtaken by a violent storm, and
being for some time driven out of their course by the winds, wandered over many parts of
the sea, till at last they came to this place in the land of the Opicans which is called
Latium, lying on the Tyrrhenian sea. And being pleased with the sight of land, they hauled
up their ships, stayed there the winter season, and were preparing to sail at the
beginning of spring; but when their ships were set on fire in the night and they were
unable to sail away, they were compelled against their will to fix their abode in the
place where they had landed. This fate, he says, was brought upon them by the captive
women they were carrying with them from Troy, who burned the ships, fearing that the
Achaeans in returning home would carry them into slavery. Callias, who wrote about the
deeds of Agathocles, says that Romē, one of the Trojan women who came into Italy with the
other Trojans, married Latinus, the king of the Aborigines. By Latinus she had two sons,
Romus and Romulus and Telegonus, who built a city, gave it the name of their mother.
Xenagoras, the historian, writes that Odysseus and Circe had three sons, Romus, Antias and
Ardeias, who built three cities and called them after their own names. Dionysius of
Chalcis names Romus as the founder of the city, [p279] but says that according to some
this man was the son of Ascanius, and according to others the son of Emathion. There are
others who declare that Rome was built by Romus, the son of Italus and Leucē, the daughter
of Latinus.

231 "I could cite many other Greek historians who assign different founders to the city,
but, not to appear prolix, I shall come to the Roman historians. The Romans, to be sure,
have not so much as one single historian or chronicler who is ancient; however, each of
their historians has taken something out of ancient accounts that are preserved on tablets
in their temples. Some of these say that Romulus and Remus, the founders of Rome, were the
sons of Aeneias, others say that they were the sons of a daughter of Aeneias, without
going on to determine who was their father; that they were delivered as hostages by
Aeneias to Latinus, the king of the Aborigines, when the treaty was made between the
inhabitants and the new-comers, and that Latinus, after giving them a kindly welcome, not
only looked after them carefully, but, upon dying without male issue, left them his
successors to some part of his kingdom. Others say that after the death of Aeneias
Ascanius, having succeeded to the entire kingdom of Latinus, divided both the country and
the forces of the Latins into three parts, two of which he gave to his brothers, Romulus
and Remus. He himself, they say, built Alba and some other towns; Remus built cities which
he named Capua, after Capys, his great-grandfather, Anchisa, after his grandfather
Anchises, Aeneia (which was afterwards called Janiculum), after his father, and Rome,
after himself.

232 This last city was for some time deserted, but upon the arrival of another colony,
which the Albans sent out under the leadership of Romulus and Remus, it regained its
original status. So that, according to this account, there were two settlements of Rome,
one a little after the Trojan war, and the other fifteen generations after the first. And
if anyone desires to look more carefully into the remote past, [p281] even a third
foundation of Rome will be found, more ancient than these, one that happened before
Aeneias and the Trojans came into Italy. This is related by no ordinary historian, but by
Antiochus of Syracuse, whom I have mentioned before. He says that when Morges reigned in
Latium (which at that time comprehended all of Italy from Tarentum to the coast of
Poseidonia), a man came to him who had been banished from Rome. His words are these: 'When
Italus was growing old, Morges reigned. In his reign there came a man who had been
banished from Rome; his name was Sicelus.' According to the Syracusan historian,
therefore, an ancient Rome is found even earlier than the Trojan war. However, as he has
left it doubtful whether it was situated in the same region where the present city stands
or whether some other place happened to be called by this name, I, too, cannot say for
certain. But as regards the ancient settlements of Rome, I think that what has already
been said is sufficient.

233 "As to the last settlement or founding of the city, or whatever we ought to call it,
Timaeus of Sicily, following what reckoning I do not know, places it at the same time as
the founding of Carthage, that is, in the thirty-eighth year before the first Olympiad
[814 B.C.]; Lucius Cincius, a member of the senate, places it about the fourth year of the
twelfth Olympiad [729 B.C.], and Quintus Fabius in the first year of the eighth Olympiad
[748 B.C.]. Porcius Cato does not give the time according to Greek reckoning, but being as
careful as any writer in gathering the date of ancient history, he places its founding
four hundred and thirty-two years after the Trojan war; and this time, being compared with
the Chronicles of Eratosthenes, corresponds to the first year of the seventh Olympiad [752
B.C.]. That the canons of Eratosthenes are sound I have shown in another treatise, where I
have also shown how the Roman chronology is to be synchronized with that of the Greeks."

234 That is what Dionysius says in the first book of his Ancient History of Rome, in which
he describes in sequence all the things which happened in the times following the capture
of Troy: the escape of Aeneias from Troy, and his arrival in Italy his descendants and
successors, who were kings of the Latins, up until Romulus and the foundation of Rome the
various accounts of the ancient [p283] [historians] about the foundation of the city of
Rome. Some writers say that Picus the son of Cronus was the first king in the territory of
Laurentium, where Rome is now situated, and that he reigned for 37 years. After him Faunus
the son of Picus [was king] for 44 years. In his reign, Heracles arrived from Spain and
set up an altar in the Forum Boarium, because he had killed Cacus the son of Vulcanus.
Then Latinus was king for 36 years; the Latins derived their name from him. Troy was
captured in the 33rd year of his reign. Then Aeneias fought against the Rutuli, and killed
Turnus. After he married Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, and founded the city of
Lavinium, he was king for 3 years. That is a summary of what we have found in the books of
other writers.

235 But now let us proceed to another narrator of these events - namely Diodorus, who
combined and summarised [the contents of] all libraries in one collection; he records the
history of the Romans in his seventh book, as follows. From the seventh book of Diodorus,
about the ancient origins of the Romans Some historians have mistakenly supposed that
Romulus [and Remus], who founded the city of Rome, were the sons of the daughter of
Aeneias. But this is not true, because there were many kings in the period between Aeneias
and Romulus. The foundation of Rome happened in the second year of the 7th Olympiad [751
B.C.], which was 433 years after the Trojan War. Aeneias became king of the Latins three
years after the capture of Troy; and after ruling for three years, he disappeared from the
sight of men, and was honoured as an immortal. He was succeeded as king by his son
Ascanius, who founded the city of Alba Longa; this city was named [p285] after the river
that flowed beside it, which was then called Alba, but is now called Tiber.

236 The Roman historian Fabius tells a different story about the name of this city. He
says that it was foretold to Aeneias, that a four-footed animal would lead him to the site
of the city. When he was preparing to sacrifice a pregnant white sow, the sow escaped from
his grasp and was chased up a hill, where she gave birth to thirty piglets. Aeneias was
amazed by this omen, and in accordance with the prophecy, he attempted to build on the
site. But he was warned in a dream, that he should not found the city until thirty years
had passed, the same number as the piglets which were born to the sow; and so he gave up
the attempt. After the death of Aeneias, his son Ascanius became king and after thirty
years he founded a settlement on the hill, which he called Alba, after the colour of the
sow; for the Latin word for 'white' is alba. Ascanius also added another name, Longa,
which translated means 'long', because the city was narrow in width and stretched for a
long way.

237 And [Diodorus] goes on to say that that Ascanius made Alba the capital of his kingdom
and subdued no small number of the inhabitants round about; he became a famous man and
died after a reign of thirty-eight years. At the end of this period, there arose a
division among the people, on account of two men who were contending with each other for
the throne. For Julius, since he was the son of Ascanius, maintained that his father's
kingdom belonged to him. But Silvius, the brother of Ascanius and, furthermore, a son of
Aeneias by Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus (whereas Ascanius was a son of Aeneias by his
first wife, who was a Trojan woman), maintained that the kingdom belonged to him. Indeed,
after the death of Aeneias, Ascanius had plotted against the life of Silvius; and it was
while the latter as a child was being reared by some herdsmen on a mountain, to avoid this
plot, that he came to be called Silvius, after the name of the (?) mountain, which the
Latins call Silva. In the struggle between the two groups, Silvius finally received the
support of the people and gained the throne. However Julius, although he did not acquire
the supreme power, was made pontifex maximus and became a kind of second king; [p287] he
was the ancestor, so we are told, of the Julian family, which survives in Rome even to
this day.

238 Silvius achieved nothing worthy of mention in his reign, and died after ruling for 49
years. He was succeeded as king by his son Aeneias Silvius, who ruled for more than 30
years. He was a strong ruler, in government and in war. He subdued the neighbouring
regions, and founded the eighteen ancient cities of the Latins, which were: Tibur,
Praeneste, Gabii, Tusculum, Cora, Cometia, Lanuvium, Labicum, Scaptia, Satricum, Aricia,
Tellenae, Crustumerium, Caenina, Fregellae, Cameria, Medullia, and Boilum (which some
writers call Bola). When Latinus died, his son Alba Silvius was chosen to be king, and he
ruled for 38 years. The next king was Epitus (?) Silvius, for 26 years. When he died,
Capis was appointed king, and he ruled for 28 years. His son Calpetus was the next king,
and ruled for 13 years. Then Tiberius Silvius ruled for 8 years. When this king was
crossing the river Alba with an army, to fight against the Etruscans, he fell into a
whirlpool and died. As a result, the name of the river was changed to Tiber.

239 After the death [of Tiberius], Agrippa became king of the Latins, for 41 years. The
next king was Arramulius Silvius, who reigned for 19 years. They say that Arramulius was
arrogant throughout his life, and became so proud that he claimed to rival the power of
Jupiter. When there were continual heavy thunderstorms during autumn time, he ordered all
the men in his army [p289] at a given command to strike their swords against their
shields, supposing that by this noise he could surpass even thunder. Therefore he was
killed by a bolt of lightning, and paid the penalty for his arrogance towards the gods.
His whole house was swallowed up by the Alban lake. The Romans who live near the lake
today still point out the remains of the royal palace under the lake: some columns which
can be seen deep beneath the surface of the water. Aventius was chosen to be the next
king, and he ruled for 37 years. During a battle against the people who lived around the
city, he was trapped in a confined space and killed near a hill, which from his name was
called the Aventine hill. After he died, his son Procas Silvius was appointed to be the
next king, and ruled for 23 years. After his death, his younger son Amulius seized the
throne by force, while his elder brother Numitor was away in a distant country. Amulius
reigned for a little over 43 years, and was killed by Remus and Romulus, who founded the
city of Rome.

240 The individual kings of the Romans are as follows: Aeneias became king of the Latins,
in the fourth year after the capture of Troy - for 3 years Ascanius - for 38 years
Silvius, the son of Aeneias - for 28 years Aeneias Silvius - for 31 years Latinus Silvius
- for 50 years Alba Silvius - for 39 years Epitus Silvius - for 26 years Capis Silvius -
for 28 years Calpetus Silvas - for 13 years Tiberius Silvius - for 8 years Agrippa Silvius
- for 35 years [Arramulius Silvius - for 19 years] [Aventius - for 37 years] [p291] Procas
Silvius - for 23 years Amulius Silvius - for 42 years Romulus founded Rome, and became its
king in the seventh Olympiad [752-749 B.C.]. From Aeneias up until Romulus, there were (?)
427 years. From the capture of Troy [up until Romulus], there were 431 years. The kings,
after Romulus who founded Rome, are listed as follows:

241 Romulus - for 38 years Numa Pompilius - for 41 years Tullus Hostilius - for 33 years
Ancius Marcus - for 33 years Tarquinius - for 37 years Servilius - for 44 years Tarquinius
Superbus - for 24 years There were seven kings of the Romans, starting with Romulus, and
they ceased after a period of 244 years. From the capture of Troy up until Romulus, there
were were (?) 431 years. Altogether, [up until the end of the kings] there were 675 years.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus gives a brief account of the dates of these kings, from Romulus
to Tarquinius, around the time of the first Olympiad, as follows [ DionHal_1.75 ].
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, about the kings of Rome after Romulus If from the expulsion of
the kings the time is reckoned back to Romulus, the first ruler of the city, it amounts to
two hundred and forty-four years. This is known from the order in which the kings
succeeded one another and the number of years each of them ruled.

242 After the death of Romulus the city was a year without a king. Then Numa Pompilius,
who was chosen by the army, reigned for forty-three years; after Numa, Tullus Hostilius
thirty-three years; [p293] and his successor, Ancus Marcius, twenty-four years; after
Marcius, Lucius Tarquinius, called Priscus, thirty-eight years; Servius Tullius, who
succeeded him, forty-four years. And the slayer of Servius, Lucius Tarquinius, the
tyrannical prince who, from his contempt of justice, was called Superbus, extended his
reign to the twenty-fifth year. As the reigns, therefore, of the kings amount to two
hundred and forty-four years or sixty-one Olympiads, it follows necessarily that Romulus,
the first ruler of the city, began his reign in the first year of the seventh Olympiad
[752 B.C.], when Charops at Athens was in the first year of his ten-year term as archon.
For the count of the years requires this; and the number of years that each king reigned
is shown in (?) that book. This, therefore, is the account given by those who lived before
me and adopted by me concerning the time of the settlement of the city which now rules
supreme.

243 That is what Dionysius says. However, after the death of Tarquinius the Romans no
longer had kings to rule them. Instead of kings, first they appointed Brutus [and
Collatinus] to be consuls; then [they appointed] tribunes of the plebs; then dictators,
who were generals; and then consuls again. I think it would be superfluous to list the
magistrates of each year here, because it would be an enormous number of names. And if I
described their achievements in detail, my account would stretch to a great length. Such
detail is unnecessary for my current purpose; and so I think it is appropriate to leave
these magistrates, and everything connected with them, to another chronicle: that is, the
consuls who came after Tarquinius, the tribunes of the plebs [p295] and the dictators who
governed the city of Rome, during the years up until the time of Caesar. After these
remarks, we will return to the reign of the first emperor. From the death of Tarquinius up
until the time of Julius Caesar, there was an intervening period of 115 Olympiads, which
is the equivalent of 460 years.

244 [This period is calculated as follows.] Tarquinius died at the end of the 67th
Olympiad [509 B.C.]. Caesar became emperor at the start of the 183rd Olympiad [48 B.C.].
In between them, there was an interval of 460 years. From the 7th Olympiad [752 B.C.],
when the city of Rome was founded, [until the death of Tarquinius] there was a period of
244 years. Therefore, from the foundation of Rome until the time of Julius Caesar, there
was a total of 704 years, which is the equivalent of 176 Olympiads. These totals are
confirmed by the account in the chronicle of Castor, where he gives a summary of the
dates, and writes as follows. [From the writings] of Castor, about the kings of Rome We
have named the kings of the Romans one by one, starting from Aeneias son of Anchises, when
he became king of the Latins, and finishing with Amulius Silvius, who was killed by
Romulus, the son of his niece Rhea. To them we will add Romulus and the others, who ruled
Rome after him up until Tarquinius Superbus, for a period of 244 years. After these kings,
we will give a separate list of the consuls, starting from Lucius Junius Brutus, and
finishing with Marcus Valerius Messalla and Marcus Piso, who were consuls when Theophemus
was archon at Athens [61 B.C.]. Altogether, [these consuls governed] for 460 years.

245 That is what Castor says. Next it is appropriate to add a list of the emperors of the
Romans, starting from Julius Caesar; and to mention the consuls for each year, attaching
to them the numbers of the Olympiads.... [The Armenian manuscript breaks off at this
point] Notes The page numbers are those of Petermann, from which the text has been
translated.


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

INTRODUCTION

THE ONOMASTICON OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILI

1 COMPARED WITH THE VERSION OF JEROME AND ANNOTATED BY C. Umhau Wolf (1914 - 2004)
Digitised 2006. ONOMASTICON OF EUSEBIUS CONTENTS Foreword. viii Translator's Preface. ix
Digitizer's Note. x Bibliographical Sketch of Author. xii EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA AND THE
ONOMASTICON. xvi Introduction. xvi Life of Eusebius. xvii Caesarea. xviii The Onomasticon.
xix Method and Sources. xxi Manuscripts, Editions and Translations. xxiv Pilgrims. xxvi
The Madaba Map. xxvii Critical Study of the Onomasticon. xxviii The Onomasticon and
Biblical Topography. xxxii Summary. xxxvii Introduction - Footnotes. xxxix CONCERNING THE
PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE. 1 Latin Preface by Jerome. 1 SECTION A.. 2 GENESIS. 2
EXODUS. 3 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 4 JOSHUE. 6 JUDGES. 12 KINGS. 13 THE GOSPELS. 16
SECTION B.. 16 GENESIS. 16 EXODUS. 17 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 17 JOSUE. 18 JUDGES. 21
KINGS. 22 THE GOSPELS. 23 SECTION G.. 23 GENESIS. 23 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 24 JOSUE.
25 KINGS. 28 THE GOSPELS. 29

2 SECTION D.. 29 GENESIS. 29 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 30 JOSUE. 30 JUDGES. 31 KINGS. 31
THE GOSPELS. 32 SECTION E. 32 GENESIS. 32 EXODUS. 33 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 33 JOSUE
(of Naue) 34 KINGS. 36 THE GOSPELS. 36 SECTION Z. 37 GENESIS. 37 JOSUE. 37 KINGS. 37
SECTION E. 38 GENESIS. 38 JOSUE. 38 JUDGES. 38 KINGS. 39 SECTION TH.. 39 GENESIS. 39
DEUTERONOMY.. 39 JOSUE. 39 JUDGES. 40 KINGS. 41 SECTION I..42 GENESIS. 42 NUMBERS AND
DEUTERONOMY.. 42 JOSUE. 43 KINGS. 45 THE GOSPELS. 45 SECTION K.. 46 GENESIS. 46 JOSUE. 47
JUDGES. 48 KINGS. 48 SECTION L. 49 GENESIS. 49 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 49 JOSUE. 49
JUDGES. 50 KINGS. 50 SECTION M.. 51 GENESIS. 51 EXODUS. 51 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 52
JOSUE. 52 JUDGES. 54 KINGS. 54 SECTION N.. 56 GENESIS. 56 JOSUE. 56 JUDGES. 57 KINGS. 57
THE GOSPELS. 57 SECTION X.. 58 JOSHUE. 58 SECTION O.. 58 GENESIS. 58 EXODUS. 58 JOSUE. 58

3 SECTION P. 59 THE PENTATEUCH.. 59 SECTION R.. 59 THE PENTATEUCH.. 59 JOSUE. 60 KINGS. 60
SECTION S. 61 GENESIS. 62 EXODUS. 63 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 63 JOSUE. 64 JUDGES. 66
KINGS. 66 SECTION T. 68 GENESIS. 68 JOSUE. 69 JUDGES. 69 THE GOSPELS. 69 SECTION PH.. 69
GENESIS. 69 EXODUS. 70 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 70 JUDGES. 71 KINGS. 71 SECTION X.. 72
GENESIS. 72 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 72 JOSUE. 72 KINGS. 73 SECTION O.. 74 THE
PENTATEUCH.. 74 JOSUE and KINGS. 74 NOTES. 76 Latin Preface By Jerome. 76 SECTION A.. 76
GENESIS. 76 EXODUS. 81 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 81 JOSHUA (of Naue)90 JUDGES. 107 KINGS.
109 THE GOSPELS. 117 SECTION B.. 118 GENESIS. 118 EXODUS. 121 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY..
121 JOSUE. 124 JUDGES. 132 KINGS. 134 THE GOSPELS. 137 SECTION G.. 139 GENESIS. 139
NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 141 JOSUE. 144 KINGS. 150 THE GOSPELS. 153 SECTION D.. 154
GENESIS. 154 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 156 JOSUE. 156 JUDGES. 158 KINGS. 158 THE GOSPELS.
159

4 SECTION E. 159 GENESIS. 160 EXODUS. 161 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 161 JOSUE (of Naue)162
KINGS. 166 THE GOSPELS. 168 SECTION Z. 168 GENESIS. 168 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 168
JOSUE. 169 KINGS. 170 SECTION E. 170 GENESIS. 170 JOSUE. 171 JUDGES. 172 KINGS. 172
SECTION TH.. 172 GENESIS. 173 DEUTERONOMY.. 173 JOSUE. 174 JUDGES. 176 KINGS. 176 SECTION
I..178 GENESIS. 178 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 179 JOSUE. 180 KINGS. 187 THE GOSPELS. 188
SECTION K.. 188 GENESIS. 188 JOSUE. 190 JUDGES. 192 KINGS. 193 SECTION L. 195 GENESIS. 195
NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 196 JUDGES. 198 KINGS. 198 SECTION M.. 199 GENESIS. 199 EXODUS.
200 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 201 JOSUE. 202 JUDGES. 206 KINGS. 207 SECTION N.. 210
GENESIS. 210 JOSUE. 212 JUDGES. 213 THE GOSPELS. 215 SECTION X.. 215 GENESIS. 216 EXODUS.
216 JOSUE. 217 SECTION P. 217 THE PENTATEUCH.. 217 SECTION R.. 217 THE PENTATEUCH.. 218
JOSUE. 219 KINGS. 221 SECTION S. 224 GENESIS. 224 EXODUS. 227 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY..
227 JOSUE. 229 JUDGES. 234 KINGS. 235

5 SECTION T. 239 GENESIS. 240 JOSUE. 240 JUDGES. 240 THE GOSPELS. 241 SECTION PH.. 241
GENESIS. 241 TH.. 241 PH.. 242 EXODUS. 243 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 243 JUDGES. 245
KINGS. 245 SECTION X.. 246 GENESIS. 246 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY.. 247 JOSUE. 248 KINGS.
249 APPENDIX I - Lists of Latin Variants and Special Terms. 253 APPENDIX II - Idols,
Jewish & Christian Towns, Greek polichne & Jerusalem Sites. 254 APPENDIX III - Biblical
Lists and Sources. 255 APPENDIX IV - Tribal Allotment and Continued Habitation. 256
APPENDIX V - Methods for Localization of Sites. 257 APPENDIX VI - Summary of Data in
Appendix. 265 APPENDIX VII - Significant Reference Points for Location. 266 APPENDIX VIII
- Regions of Onomasticon. 267 APPENDIX IX - Latin Equivalents of Some Greek Words. 277
INDEX.. 280

Foreword

6 The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance of many scholars, living and dead, and
friends, not all of whom can be mentioned. First he is indebted to Moses Bailey and
Alexander Sperber who introduced him to the labyrinth of the Onomastica of the Bible
before World War II. Thanks to Ernest Wright who in his concern for the non-classically
trained seminarians and neophyte archaeologists suggested this English translation of the
Onomasticon reputed to be Eusebius' as a sabbatical project. Thanks to Edward Campbell for
his insistence on an article for the Biblical Archaeologist (Sept. 1964, xxvii, 3) which
forms the basis for the introductory critical remarks in this edition and are used by
permission of the American Schools of Oriental Research whose Jerusalem building was the
seat for much of the research. Thanks to the trustees of Harvard University for permission
to quote from the Thackeray translation of Josephus' Antiquities in the Loeb Classical
Library. A special thanks to the host of geographers who have labored over the Onomasticon
including among many Conder, Buhl, Thomsen, Abel, Albright, Avi-Yonah, Glueck,
O'Callaghan, Kallai, Melamed, and Mittmann. The basic text of Klostermann, published in
1904, with reference to Lagarde, has been used in this translation.

7 C. Umhau Wolf, December 24, 1971

Translator's Preface

8 This English edition of the Onomasticon is the first in the Western languages. It is a
fairly literal translation of the Greek text and is not intended for the classics scholar
but for those who are not versed in Greek, Latin and Hebrew, but are interested in the
geography and archaeology of the Holy Land. It is not intended for textual critics of the
Bible or of the Onomasticon although some of the notes and appendices include variants and
textual materials. To avoid a double translation, the Greek and Latin have been conflated
except for the final editor's Introduction which varies greatly in the two languages.
Parentheses ( ) are used to indicate minor variations in the Latin from the presumed
earlier Greek text. Brackets [ ] are used to indicate either a lacuna in the Greek text
which has been emended from the Latin or an addition of significance made by the Latin
editors. The notes on individual entries also indicate which of these occur in any given
section.

9 The notes that follow the translation are not an attempt at a biblical geography for
which the reader has access to many good volumes. They do not attempt an archaeological
survey of the Holy Land. The notes emphasize late Roman and Byzantine sites and sources
especially when the Onomasticon's text makes some attempt to locate and identify a place
or where the text is confused. Not all Old Testament or New Testament sites are mentioned
in the Onomasticon and many of those which are have not been located in the Greek and
Latin texts so are not located or identified in these notes. Again reference to a biblical
atlas or geography is to be had for this detailed study. New theories of identification
and new archaeological discoveries are appearing with great frequency. Some updating of
the Onomasticon locations is to be continuously in the works. The most recent studies are
by Avi-Yonah, Melamed and Mittmann with single studies appearing in Israeli journals
(Israel Exploration Journal, Eretz-Israel, and Tarbiz) and others (Biblical Archaeologist,
Revue Biblique, Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-
Vereins, Deutsche Palästina-Verein, etc.).

Digitizer's Note

10 I decided to proof and edit this manuscript soon after my father's death. My father,
Dr. C(arl). Umhau Wolf, had spent more than four years of research, translation, and
writing on this Onomasticon project. Originally the Catholic University of America Press
had requested the translation but when the draft of the manuscript was sent to the press
they decided that the translation was too scholarly for their planned use in their Fathers
of the Church series. Even though he referred to the Onomasticon's translation as "just a
laundry list," I wanted the translation to be more accessible than just gathering dust in
a file drawer. The aged manuscript has faded making some entries difficult to read and
this has caused difficulty with the output from the optical scanner. I have spent almost a
year correcting the scanned manuscript and hope that the final version has few errors. The
manuscript should be considered a draft manuscript and not a final draft for publication.

11 I did very few editorial changes since my background in electronics and library science
leaves me quite ignorant of this subject. I have added the Onomasticon's translation's
Sections to the End notes. I have used diacritical marks only where indicated in the
original manuscript since there are some places that the name differs only due to a
diacritical mark. This causes a double entry in the index for those places and names that
have been used with and without the diacritical marks. The endnote numbers were abandoned
shortly after the beginning of the translation for reasons unknown to me. I have completed
the endnote numbers to the translation. I have not changed the text where there is a
question mark (?) indicating that the text required additional research. The Klostermann
citations were handwritten in the margins. I have included the Klostermann citations in
all end notes and have substituted the complete Lagarde citation for the Lagarde section
numbers located also as handwritten additions in the margins. Each end note consists of
the following elements: the end note number; the place or name; the biblical chapter and
verse from the Greek text; the Klostermann text page and line number of the Greek text;
and the Legarde text page number and line number of the Greek text. After end note number
one, the citations are abbreviated using "K" for Klostermann and "L" for Legarde. Where a
place or name is not found in the Legarde text, I have indicated "n/a; Lacuna in Greek
Text."

12 The index includes Greek variants of places and names found in the end notes. Also
included are the Arabic places and names that were italicized in the body, but I have
decided for ease of sorting alphabetically to eliminate the italics throughout the index.
I did not use the Latin textual variants for places and names in the index. Abbreviations
of books are expanded to full titles only when the full title is known to the digitizer. I
took the liberty of changing the journals listed at the end of the Translator's Preface
from initials to complete titles. In 1964, my father spent his sabbatical leave in the
Middle East. He, my stepmother, and my youngest sister were residents at the American
School of Oriental Research (ASOR) most of that year while he did research for the
translation of the Onomasticon. During this time, I was stationed at Asmara, Ethiopia with
the U. S. Army's Signal Corps. I was able to travel to Jordan to visit my family and I had
the pleasure of a short stay at the ASOR.

13 I would like to thank Roger Pearse, for his encouragement to digitize the manuscript,
his suggestion to add a biography of the author, his word processing editing, and for
placing the final digitized manuscript on his web site's pages about Eusebius of Caesarea,
https://www.tertullian.org/fathers. I thank David J. McGonagle, Director, The Catholic
University of America Press, Washington, District of Columbia (D.C.), for assuring me that
I had the most recent draft copy of the Onomasticon's translation's manuscript. Thanks to
Mike Robinson, Reference Librarian, Bryan Wildenthal Memorial Library, Sul Ross State
University, Alpine, Texas, for obtaining, through interlibrary loans, the many books that
I requested during the digitization process. I realize that there are many excellent
translations of the Onomasticon in print today. I hope this translation may be a minor
supplement to these available translations. Noel C. WOLF, November 18, 2005

Dr. Carl Umhau Wolf 1914 - 2004 — Bibliographical Sketch of Author

14 Dr. Wolf was born, in Baltimore, Maryland, a third generation German-American on both
sides of his father and mother. His paternal grandfather came to the United States from
Alsace in 1871. His father was a Lutheran minister with a Ph.D. in Classical Archaeology.
He had to be known by his second name, Umhau (his mother's maiden name) because his father
was named Carl also. His knowledge of languages began with four years of Latin, two years
of French, and two years of German in high school followed by Biblical Hebrew in Seminary
and continued with Arabic, Aramaic, Greek, Medieval Hebrew, Syriac, and Yiddish in
graduate school. He received a B.A. from John Hopkins University (1934), a B.D. from
Capital University (1938), an M.S.D. from Capital University, an M.A. from Ohio State
University (1936), and a Ph.D. from Hartford Seminary (1942), dissertation title, The pre-
Masoretic Pronunciation of Hebrew According to the Septuagint. He was ordained as a
Lutheran minister at his father's church, Grace Lutheran, Baltimore, Maryland (1937).

15 After ordination and marrying Dorothy Rising, Dr. Wolf was called to be the pastor at a
dual Lutheran parish Zion, Jelloway, Knox County, Ohio and St. John, Kaylor Ridge, Holmes
County, Ohio. It wasn't until 1990, while doing research for his grandfather's biography,
that he discovered that his grandfather's first congregation, also as a newly married, was
close by at Fryburg, Holmes County, Ohio. He remained here until he was awarded the
Jacobus Fellowship at Hartford Seminary, Hartford, Connecticut to complete his doctoral
thesis at the seminary. Dr. Wolf was called up to active service in May 1941and was
commissioned a First Lieutenant Infantry Chaplain assigned to the First Infantry Division
(The Big Red One), 16th Regiment. He completed, in absentia, his Ph.D. while stationed
with the U. S. Army at Camp Blanding, Gainsville, Florida. The oral exam was waved and
substituted with a written exam. The First Infantry Division participated in the invasion
of Africa from Morocco to Algeria. Chaplain Wolf wrote and had mimeographed a short
"salaam" note in Arabic to be scattered over the landing zone by aircraft and handed out
by soldiers. He spent the rest of his war service in the Allies' African campaign directed
against Field Marshal Rommel's German troops. He wrote a memoir of his army experience,
African Asides, which had to be submitted to the U. S. Army Censors before publication.
When it was returned to him, the censors had one entire chapter crossed out and each page
stamped "Unauthorized for publication." Other chapters had entire pages and many
paragraphs crossed out. The uncensored bound typescript was donated, along with other
items, to the newly dedicated Chaplain's Archival Museum and Library, Fort Jackson, South
Carolina.

16 Dr. Wolf was the Executive Secretary of the Johns Hopkins Student YMCA after the war.
He became a special student, postdoctoral courtesy, under Dr. W. F. Albright at the Near
Eastern Seminary. In 1947, he accepted the Old Testament professor position at the Chicago
Lutheran Divinity School, Maywood, Illinois. Most of his first students were World War II
veterans. He was later promoted to the Dean of Graduate Studies of the school. During his
years at the Divinity School, he founded the Biblical Colloquium and was secretary of the
venerable Chicago Society of Biblical Research. He became a member of the local branch of
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and later became
Vice President of the branch. He published a children's book on race relations called
Freddie. In 1948, Dr. Wolf spent the summer at an archaeological site in South Dakota
doing what is known as salvage archaeology. Salvage archaeology is a dig required by law
to check out possible ancient Native American sites before a bridge, large dam, or other
new construction projects can get authorization to begin construction. This dig was where
a new dam was to be constructed on the Missouri River just north of the state capital,
Jefferson City. Native American remains and minor artifacts were uncovered by the team and
were turned over to the South Dakota State Museum. One time during a storm the team had to
take refuge in a large stone horse trough as a tornado came through the dig site.

17 Dr. Wolf was awarded the Thayer Fellowship at the American School of Oriental Research
(ASOR) (now The W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research (AIAR)) to study in
Jerusalem (1950). He traveled alone to Jerusalem. His wife arrived a few months later. She
had the misfortune of being mugged in Cairo, Egypt while in transit to Jerusalem. John
Badeau, President, American University of Cairo, took her in and assisted her in obtaining
a replacement ticket to travel to Jerusalem, as well as clothes and luggage. During his
year at the ASOR he participated in the excavation of Herod's Jericho Palace and assisted
with the Library of Congress cataloging of various monasteries' collections. The Wolf's
were specifically assigned to the Syrian Monastery. My father was one of Dr. W. F.
Albright's "men" until he was forced to turn down a Fulbright Research Grant to compare
Iron Age pottery in Egypt due to his wife, my mother, having been diagnosed with a fatal
brain cancer in 1952. Dr. Albright never understood why my father had to turn down the
scholarship. After that, Dr. Albright never spoke to him.

18 In 1952 with Dr. Albright no longer a sponsor or a friend, Dr. Wolf had little hope of
archaeological professional advancement. He accepted the position of head pastor of the
congregation at St. Paul's Evangelical Lutheran Church, Northwestern Ohio of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church of America, Toledo, Ohio. His wife died during the first year
of the family's arrival at Toledo. Dr. Wolf remarried in 1954 to Betty Hartman, a third
generation member of St. Paul and a well-accepted radio and television personality. He
served as head pastor from 1953-1965. Some highlights of this Toledo period are the
establishment of an ecumenical project, the Annual Lecture at St. Paul, featuring leading
Catholic and Protestant scholars; a speaker at the dedication of the National Islamic
Center (now the Islamic Mosque and Cultural Center), Washington, District of Columbia
(D.C.); and active involvement with the small Muslim congregation in Toledo which later
became the Islamic Center of Greater Toledo. In 1962 he was granted a sabbatical year.

19 Dr. Wolf took his sabbatical leave in 1964. He, his wife, and his youngest daughter
traveled in their Volkswagen bus from Hamburg, Germany to Jerusalem. They were residents
at the American School of Oriental Research (ASOR), Jerusalem, most of that year. My
father used this time to verify Eusebius' Onomasticon's places' locations as well as
assist with an archeological excavation just outside of Jerusalem. He and his wife
traveled throughout the Middle East for several months. One trip through Iraq and Iran
included time in jail in Kurdistan while the Kurdistan officials decided whether they were
spies. My stepmother wrote a well-received book, Journey Through the Holy Land, Doubleday
Press, 1967, reprinted in 1968, about living and traveling in the Middle East. She also
reassembled pottery items using the shards from the excavation site. In 1965 Dr. Wolf
accepted an invitation to become the Director of the Lutheran Institute for Religious
Studies (LIFRS), a new continuing education program for clergy and laity at Texas Lutheran
College (now Texas Lutheran University), Seguin, Texas. The program covered the area of
three Lutheran synods which served Texas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, and New Mexico. Many of the
programs were ecumenical seminars and weekend conferences for opening dialogues between
the many racial, ethnic, and social groups of the four states. Some of these meetings
became very confrontational. He was a member of the Board of the Hispanic American
Institute. From 1972-1974 Dr. Wolf was active in the Texas Conference of Churches on
Aging.

20 Dr. Wolf returned to Toledo, Ohio in 1975 as pastor at Hope Lutheran church. In 1977 he
and his wife published a text and leader's guide on retirement, Ten to Get Ready, and the
accompanying guide, Leader's Guide. In 1980, Dr. Wolf retired from Hope Lutheran Church.
For the next twenty years, whenever he was in Toledo, he served as interim pastor of
Washington Congregation of the United Church, a "Transdenominational" church. During
retirement Dr. Wolf and his wife spent the cooler months in Austin, Texas and the warmer
months in Toledo. In 1990 he completed a biography of his grandfather, George Wolf, who
was an ordained minister who had served in Ohio, Indiana, North Dakota, and California.
Dr. Wolf was active in aging and retirement issues. He taught many ten-week courses in the
Austin and Toledo senior centers as well as the Austin Lifelong Learning Institute. He
also was active in the Gray Panthers and participated in picketing the United States
President Reagan's White House Conference on Aging at Washington, D.C. In 1999 they sold
the Austin house and began permanent residence in Toledo. He and his wife became the only
non-black members of Ascension Lutheran church where they worshiped the remainder of their
lives. His wife died in 2001 and Dr. Wolf died in 2004.

21 Dr. Wolf enjoyed research, writing, and publishing. His publications including
articles, book reviews, and sermons have appeared in many Lutheran papers and journals. He
published articles (popular and learned) in many non-Lutheran and sectarian journals.
These include, but are not limited to: The Moslem World (now Muslim World), The Jewish
Quarterly Review, The Journal of Biblical Literature, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, The
Journal of the Chicago Society of Biblical Research, Biblical Archaeology, Interpretation,
Adult Leadership, American Sociological Review, Christian Century, and The Christian
Advocate. He also contributed articles in the books The Interpreter's Dictionary to the
Bible, Supplement to the Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Studies, and The Making
of Ministers. Dr. Wolf's books include a three-volume series, Nineteenth Century Lutherans
in Northwest Ohio and Southeast Michigan; Biography of Rev. George Wolf, H.P.; Biography
of Nathaniel Carter: First Joint Synod Negro Pastor; Biography of Marmaduke Carter, the
son of Nathaniel Carter who was also a Lutheran Pastor; Freddie, a children's book; and
The Onomasticon of Eusebius Pamphili: Compared with the Version of Jerome and Annotated.

EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA AND THE ONOMASTICON — Introduction

22 Eusebius Pamphili, better known as Eusebius of Caesarea, had the encyclopedic interests
of ancient scholars. Although popularly known as "The Father of Church History" because of
his ten volumes on the history of the Christian Church from New Testament times to just
before the Council of Nicea, Eusebius was an omnibus writer. "His erudition would be
remarkable in any age; the versatility of his studies is amazing and posterity owes him a
heavy debt." His works are used by students in many disciplines. At least twenty-nine or
thirty works are known by name, of which about twenty are extant or preserved almost fully
in some translation. Even the classification of these works is difficult. Foakes-Jackson
calls Eusebius a chronologer, a theologian, a biblical student, a topographer of
Palestine, an historian, and an apologist. The editor of the newest translation of the
Church History, Deferrari has six classifications: historical, exegetical, apologetic,
doctrinal, letters, and homilies. Lake gives no classification except a possible
chronological division of four periods in Eusebius' life: early period, 303-313, 313-325,
and after Nicea.

23 Of the early period only Adversus Hieroclem is extent, but other apologeti, and
historical works belonged to this period. Of the second, the same two types of writings
dominate. The Chronicon or World History survives in an Armenian and a Latin translation.
The Preparatio Evangelica is fully extant, while the Demonstratio Evangelica is about half
complete in our present texts. During the last great period of persecution of the
Christians by Rome there must have been a devastating burning of Christian books, and the
library of Caesarea would have been a principal target although no literary reference to
this tragedy remains. The renowned Church History or Ecclesiastical History (Historia
Ecclesiastica), originally with only eight books, belongs to the period between the Edict
of Milan and the Council of Nicea. The study of Palestinian Martyrs also comes from this
period of improved church-state relations. After Nicea there are many writings on Emperor
Constantine, Eusebius' commentaries on Old and New Testament, his geographical works and
some theological and apologetic works. Except for the first three parts of his
geographical writings, at least fragments of all the works from this last period survive,
attesting the more favorable circumstances of the Church.

24 As an historian Eusebius bridges the gap in our history from the Book of Acts to the
Council of Nicea. Foakes-Jackson compares his importance to that of Josephus who does the
same for the inter-testamental history of the Jews. Both were wide readers and often used
their sources uncritically. As scholars, favored with patronage from Roman rulers, they
had access to books and other political and military sources not open to all. Although
called "historians" both wrote their histories as apologies for their faith. Neither is as
complete as modern scholarship would desire, but despite the many faults and lacunae they
remain our only written sources for the history of their respective periods. The
historical writings of both are not only similar in origin, nature and purpose, but are
approximately equal in length. 25 Neither Josephus nor Eusebius was a fanatic defender of
the faith. They can hardly be claimed by one sect or party, yet their influence on their
respective rulers and on their co-religionists can not be ignored or minimized. Josephus
was considered a traitor or "Quisling," while Eusebius was called "heretic." He was
involved in the Arian struggle. He was sympathetic to Arius and some of his best friends
were Arians even if he himself were not theologically an Arian. In an attempt to mediate
the difficulties and to hold to a middle of the road theology himself, he lost his
opportunity for sainthood. His contemporaries could not agree on his orthodoxy. The
controversy over his theological position continued after his death among other church
historians and theologians, even though he signed the Nicene Creed and the anathema
decreed upon Arius. At the Council of Tyre in 335 he was accused not merely of heresy but
of apostasy since he apparently had escaped the persecutions of the first decade of the
fourth century unscathed. His later writings seem to be orthodox, but the Arians still
used him. He suffered even a greater loss of reputation when the Iconoclasts quoted him at
the second Council of Nicea and forced the more orthodox to attack him severely. His
reputation in the East never recovered after the Photius schism, but St. Jerome in the
West admired him and is greatly responsible for the survival of his writings. Details of
the controversy as well as summaries of his many writings are not pertinent in this
Introduction, but the classic Smith's Dictionary of Christian a Biography is still a good
survey.

Life of Eusebius

26 The name Eusebius is a common one. At least forty contemporaries are called by this
name. Another famous church father is Eusebius of Nicomedia. St. Jerome also occasionally
used the name Eusebii. Therefore, the author of the Onomasticon is distinguished from the
others by three epithets. Because he was the bishop of Caesarea in Palestine for a number
of years he is often called Eusebius of Caesarea. Some authors call him Eusebius "the
Palestinian" which may refer to this same fact of his bishopric or perhaps hint of his
origin and birth. He himself chose and preferred the name Eusebius Pamphili after his
teacher and friend, Pamphilius, the martyr. No biography of Eusebius of Caesarea exists
from contemporary times. It is believed that his successor Acacius, bishop of Caesarea,
wrote one, but it is no longer extant. The place and the year of his birth are unknown.
Earlier scholars suggested his birth was between 275 and 280. More careful recent
scholarship places the date earlier, between 259 and 265. There is no evidence that he was
not a Palestinian and perhaps even a native of Caesarea itself. His parents were not
Jewish, but again all proof that they were Christian is lacking. Arius called him
"brother" to Eusebius of Nicomedia but this probably reflects Christian usage or
theological kinship rather than blood relationship.

27 Little is known of his youth and early training. But he soon became a student in the
theological school of Caesarea founded by Origen. He studied under Pamphilius. Their
relationship became more than that of student to teacher. They were friends and co-
workers. Both were lovers of books and admirers of Origen. They probably added new books
to the illustrious library gathered together at Caesarea by Origen during the last twenty
years of his life. The theological, biblical and exegetical tradition of Origen was most
influential on Eusebius. Apparently about 296 when still in Palestine as a student,
Eusebius had his first glimpse of Constantine. The action of Eusebius during the great
persecution is a matter of debate and much speculation. There is no doubt that during part
of the time he was absent from Caesarea. But he visited the imprisoned Pamphilius sometime
during the period 307-310. There is a suggestion that he was arrested and held briefly
himself in 309. He also reports that he witnessed the deaths of other martyrs in Tyre and
elsewhere. After the death of Pamphilius in February 310, he fled to Egypt. It is
suggested that he may have been arrested a second time (or for the first time). He was
released when peace was restored in 313 and he returned to Caesarea. As noted above he was
accused at the Council of Tyre in 335 of betraying the faith and of making the pagan
sacrifice in order to survive. He did not suffer injury in the persecution it is true, but
no evidence was produced in 335 or since to prove his supposed apostasy.

28 Shortly after 313 he became bishop of Caesarea. When he was ordained a deacon or priest
is unknown. Some suggest he was not ordained at all until elected bishop. In 314 a brief
persecution flared up under Licinius but it did not affect Palestine and Egypt. In 315
Eusebius is known as one who has been bishop for some time already. About 318 the Arian
troubles began to come to a head. He was chairman of the Council of Nicea (the term
president is deliberately avoided here) in 325. He and Constantine seem to have agreed on
policy for the most part. As a moderate he felt the church could have room for both the
followers of Arius and of Athanasius. He usually voted, however, with the majority. But
after Nicea he spent much effort to prevent the complete alienation of the Arians from the
mainstream of the Church. There is no record of his stand on the Easter controversy.
Eusebius described some of the pomp of the Council in De Vita Constantini. He played a
large role in all the proceedings and sat at Constantine's right even though Rome,
Alexandria and Antioch outranked Caesarea.

29 Eusebius was bishop of Caesarea for almost twenty-five years. In 330 he turned down the
opportunity to become bishop of Antioch. He attended the Council of Antioch in 331 and the
Council of Tyre in 335. Similarly he was active in the Synods of Jerusalem and
Constantinople in the same year. He was the chief orator for the 30th anniversary of
Constantine's reign. This panegyric was later attached to his Life of Constantine.
Eusebius remained high in the regard of Constantine and was a close advisor to him at
least from 325 on, if not as early as 313. Constantine died in 337 and Eusebius shortly
after in 339 or 340 at about eighty years of age. His successor as bishop of Caesarea was
present at the Synod of Antioch in 341.

Caesarea

30 Caesarea Palestine was located on the coast of Palestine in the Sharon plain. Its ruins
at Qeisariyeh are eight miles south of Dor and about thirty miles north of Jaffa. It had
been the capital of Judea and the seat of Roman procurators after the time of Herod until
66 A.D. It was the metropolis of Christian and Byzantine Palestine and seemed to have
served after 70 A.D. as the ecclesiastical capital. Herod the Great began to build a new
Hellenistic city on the site of Strato's Tower in 22 B.C. Strato's Tower was a relatively
insignificant town with its beginning perhaps in the Persian period. It is mentioned by
Zenon in the middle of the 3rd century B.C. Caesarea Sebaste was at least twelve years in
the building and was consecrated to Augustus in 13 B.C. Josephus gives us details of the
glory and grandeur of Herod's Caesarea in his Antiquities XV, 9, 6 and Wars I 21, 5-8. The
public buildings were in the magnificent Hellenistic-Roman style. The whole area was well
irrigated by aqueducts and drainage canals, and remained a garden spot for years, until
neglect and economic reverses gave it back to the sand.

31 At the time of Jesus' birth Caesarea was at its zenith. In 1961 an inscription with the
name of Pontius Pilate was found in the theatre excavations. The Jews of Caesarea were
among the first victims of the First Revolt's suppression. Vespasian was acclaimed emperor
at Caesarea in 69 A.D. and in 70 A.D. Titus brought the temple spoils to Caesarea. The
city was expanded further in the 2nd Century A.D. New aqueducts, new roads and monuments
were erected and the city became a colonial capital and shortly thereafter a metropolis
with the privilege of coining its own money. By the end of that century there was a
Christian bishop in Caesarea along with a famous rabbinic school. In the third century a
colony of Samaritans was established. In the Byzantine period, fourth to sixth centuries,
Caesarea reached new heights rivaling that of Herod. In 639 Arabs conquered the city and
brought an end to Roman rule. For some 460 years the Moslems controlled the city and used
its port for commercial and military expansion. The Crusaders and the Moslems battled over
Caesarea many times and in 1291 its destruction was complete. Thereafter it was only a
site for temporary habitation by squatters as the dust, sand and malaria took over.

32 In the nineteenth century Moslems from Bosnia were resettled by the Turks near the
ruins of the Crusader city. Between 1937 and 1940 the Jewish colony Kibbutz Sedot Yam was
established near the Roman ruins. The glory of ancient Caesarea intrigued the colonists
and since that time many archaeological efforts have been exerted toward the recovery of
Herodian, Byzantine and Crusader remains. Already in 1932 a synagogue was reported near
the sea. In 1945 and later it was excavated. It has a history from the Roman period to the
Arab conquest. Italian archaeologists began digging in the Herodian area about 1959, with
special attention to the theatre. In 1960 the Link expedition to the port was carried out.
The large scale Israeli Department of Antiquities excavation began in 1960 in the Crusader
area. Excavation continues apace. The history of the city is being refined by these
continuing archaeological endeavors. Perhaps the grand temple of Augustus has been found
along with many other Herodian foundations. One large Byzantine establishment may even
turn out to be Origen's library. The Crusader fortress and cathedral have been cleared and
it has been recognized that much of Byzantine Caesarea was obliterated by the rebuilding
of the Crusaders.

The Onomasticon

33 It was in the flourishing Roman-Byzantine city of Caesarea that bishop Eusebius wrote
or compiled his four part geographical work, of which only the last, the Onomasticon,
survived the exigencies of time. According to the preface, the three lost works were in
some way preparatory for the Onomasticon if not fully incorporated into it. Wallace-
Hadrill gives these high sounding titles to the first three works: 1) Interpretation of
Ethnological Terms in the Hebrew Scriptures, 2) Chorography of Ancient Judea with the
Inheritance of the Tribes, 3) Plan of Jerusalem and of the Temple with Memories relating
to the Various Localities. The first was a translation or transliteration of Hebrew proper
names into Greek. This does not seem to have been much more than a skeletal outline of
proper names based on the Hexapla. Whether it included an etymology of the place-names
(and perhaps some personal names) as in the more technical sense of an onomastical list
cannot now be determined. Such a list is Jerome's Interpretation of Hebrew Names which is
based on Philo and Origen. Undoubtedly Eusebius had their lists and those of others, both
Jewish and Christian.

34 The second was a list or description of ancient Judea arranged by tribes. This was of
course based on the tribal lists of Numbers and Joshua. It is reasonable to suspect that
almost all of this has been incorporated bodily into the final work since one of the
things the Onomasticon treats most thoroughly is the tribal designation of each place
based on the Greek text of the tribal divisions. There is some inconclusive discussion as
to whether this description accompanied a map or was only a map. There is a map attached
to the 12th century Latin manuscript of Jerome's Onomasticon in the British Museum which
could be derived from Eusebius' map, if such a map existed. The third was a descriptive
plan of Jerusalem and the Temple area. In the Onomasticon many proper names of areas in
and around Jerusalem are separately identified and described, especially some with New
Testament significance. Probably this information was closely related to the original plan
for the complete work. The rediscovery of the HolyCity by Constantine and St Helena was
responsible for this renewed interest.

35 The fourth part is the Onomasticon itself, which was completed about 330 A.D. or
shortly before. Several facts pertain to the problem of settling the date. It is
dedicated, as is the Church History, to Paulinus, who retired as bishop of Tyre before the
Council of Nicea (325), and died in 330. That gives the latest possible date. On the other
hand, the Greek text notes none of the Constantinian churches, of which Eusebius knew and
about which he wrote in other works (so that architects and archaeologists use his works
as primary sources for the Constantinian foundation). Jerome, however, places the
Onomasticon late in Eusebius' career. Taken together, these facts suggest that Eusebius
dedicated it to Paulinus after his retirement as bishop of Tyre. In the Greek Vatican
Manuscript the Onomasticon is entitled "Concerning the Place-names in Sacred Scripture."
The Latin does not contain such a precise title. In general, the book is a geographical
bible dictionary within certain stated limitations. (These were breached by later
editorial additions and marginal glosses.) With a few exceptions the text confines itself
to the Holy Land as proposed in the preface. This of course counters the plan to give all
place-names of Holy Scripture, since among others the cities which Paul visited are
missing. The preface also proposes that cities and villages are to be noted, but the
present Greek and Latin texts include also wadies, deserts, mountains, districts and even
an occasional personal and idol name. Almost 1000 items, largely from the Old Testament
and from the first 6 books, are recorded, of which about 400 are sufficiently described to
warrant an attempt at localization. Already in the time of the Survey of Western
Palestine, Conder claimed to have identified 300.

36 The arrangement of the book is according to the Greek alphabet from Alpha to Omega.
Since the Greek letters do not follow the Semitic alphabet there are some doublets as well
as some transcriptional errors, some of which were from the Septuagint LXX (hereafter
LXX). Jerome in the Latin had to indicate some of the places where the three alphabets
diverge. In the present text - A - takes up almost one quarter of the entire length of the
book. Judah is the primary area detailed, especially in sections -A- and -B-. Within each
alphabetic division, the place-names are arranged according to the order of the biblical
books in the Septuagint, beginning with Genesis. Numbers and Deuteronomy are often linked
together as one subdivision. In smaller alphabetic sections the Pentateuch is made the
first heading. The book of Leviticus is not referred to (see Appendix III). The other
major divisions are Joshua, Judges, Kings and the Gospels. I Chronicles, Job, Maccabees
and the Prophets are usually subsumed under Kings.

37 II Chronicles is rare and some of the place-names of I Chronicles are omitted, but most
of these were paralleled in earlier lists. Esther and Daniel are not involved, probably
because the majority of place-names in them are outside of the proposed territorial scope
of the column. The greatest geographic lacuna seems to be Ezra-Nehemiah. In addition,
Rabbakkuk, Haggai, Malachi, Ruth, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Lamentations are omitted
although none of these has a strong topographical orientation. There are only one or two,
sometimes questionable, items from Psalms, Job, Song of Solomon, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah,
Nahum, Zephaniah and the Acts. The New Testament Epistles and the Book of Revelation are
almost completely ignored. Except for Maccabees none of the apocrypha or pseudepigrapha
appears (see Appendix III).

Method and Sources

38 The treatment of each place name almost seems whimsical, varying from one or two words
to a whole page. The simplest entries are "tribe of..." or "lot of..." and "station (camp)
in the desert." Other simple notations are the listing of the variant readings from one of
the columns of the Hexapla. Significantly for textual criticism (see below) the two
longest entries are both out of the supposed geographical limits, namely Ararat and Babel.
Both are padded with direct quotations from Josephus' Antiquities. The longest legitimate
entry is Beersheba. Seven or eight items appear with more or less regularity in the
Onomasticon usually in the same artificial order. This arrangement is not at all conducive
to great literary style and the translation does not attempt to smooth things out.
Eusebius is not noted for style even in his Church History. In the present work, as we
seem to have it, it is the work of an archivist who accumulated miscellaneous facts. There
may be also in these items material for literary criticism. The items that occur are as
follows:

39 1. A word for word quotation of the biblical text of the Hexapla with some allusion to
variant readings. 2. A generalized location of the place in tribal or provincial area
which may or may not be contemporary to the editor. 3. A summary of the events or event
associated with the place, with any Gospel allusion usually coming at the end as an
addendum. 4. A quotation of or reference to other authorities such as Josephus. 5. A
specific location in reference to the fourth (?) century towns and roads, with or without
indication of distance and direction. 6. A modern name of the place and whether still
inhabited or in ruins along with reference to present memorials or tombs. 7. Notations
about the present inhabitants (pagan, Christian, Jewish, Samaritan) and some of their
activities. 8. Reference to similarly sounding names in "other" regions. 9. Reference to
Roman garrisons and forts.

40 There can be little doubt that Eusebius based his work on the text of the Hexapla, that
great compilation in six columns of the current variant Greek texts which brought them
into conformity with the Hebrew (which appears as column 1). Caesarea was the place in
which Origen produced the Hexapla. The text of the Onomasticon uses the transcriptions of
the Hebrew into Greek letters (Col. 2) more often than any other Greek forms. Reference to
Aquila (Col. 3), Symmachus (Col. 4), Theodotion (Col. 6), and Origen (Col. 5) in the text
may also be wholly from the Hexapla, although Col. 5 would represent other Greek
manuscripts of the Old Testament. A few of the Hexaplaric annotations are marginal glosses
later than the 4th century. If Eusebius knew Hebrew he did not utilize the Masoretic text,
and unlike Jerome, was dependent upon the Hexapla. Some think there is use of simple
Hebrew by Eusebius in the Demonstratio Evangelica but this Hebrew could also be derived
from Philo and Origen. The few references in the Greek version of the Onomasticon to "in
Hebrew" could all be references to Col. 1 or 2 of the Hexapla and require no great
knowledge of either Hebrew language or texts. As noted above they could be glosses or a
later editorial addition. The occasional etymological notations and the frequent
quotations of the interpretations of Aquila, Symmachus and Theodotion could also be
accounted for in the same ways. Some of the etymologies found in the Masoretic text in
Hebrew are not utilized by the Onomasticon.

41 Additional information based on the Bible includes the lists of Levitical cities and
the cities of refuge, as well as the stations of the desert. Occasionally there is added
reference to the capture of the place by Joshua and the subsequent killing of its king, or
the fact that the tribe to whom the place was allotted was unable to dispossess the
original inhabitants and so take possession of their territory. Three times the Samaritan
founding of a city by those transported by the Babylonians is noted. Often the generalized
location of the place is solely the biblical location. The tribal allotments are fairly
completely recorded. Of course, Eusebius is confused as much as modern scholars about the
real status of border towns or other towns listed in different tribal territories
according to diverse texts. For much of this localization Eusebius must have had first
hand and personal knowledge of the country, although certainly not as thorough as that of
Jerome. The Greek text is more detailed and accurate in the location of sites in the
central hill country than elsewhere. Perhaps this was because Eusebius, as bishop of
Caesarea, frequently traveled to Jerusalem and also because his earlier sources were
produced there in Jewish circles.

42 Topographic references are found in his other works. So we find in Demonstratio
Evangelica Bethlehem (I, 1; vii, 2), Mt. of Olives (iv, 18); in De Vita Constantini
Bethlehem (iii, 41f), Mt. of Olives (iii, 41), Jerusalem (iii, 25-40), Mamrē (iii, 51); in
De Laudibus Constantini Bethlehem (ix, 17), Mt. of Olives (ix, 17), and in Theophania
Jerusalem (iv, 18). These are but a small sample. In his Church History allusions to
topography and geography are especially frequent in the first two books. Brief
topographical notes are recorded also in some of his commentaries. The famous library at
Caesarea and the library of Bishop Alexander in Jerusalem were treasure houses of source
materials for Eusebius, especially in his Church History and Demonstratio Evangelica.
Anonymous sources seem to be referred to with "it is said" or "they affirm" but whether
these were written records or local oral traditions cannot be determined. Josephus is
quoted twelve times. The commentaries of Origen and the writings of Paulinus were also
referred to. Roman administrative lists, maps, charts and military documents have also
influenced the final recension of the text, but at what date is unclear. The two early
fourth century itineraries, the Antoninus and the Bordeaux, are very close to Onomasticon
and all three may depend on a common source. Paula and Jerome, of course, used the
Onomasticon as one of several sources for their travels.

43 The Roman road system was well organized and charted. Many of the milestones of the
first three centuries must have survived into the fourth even though it was the custom of
each emperor to install new markers as a kind of memorial to his reign. For the most part
distances seem to be according to mileposts. The slight divergence between Jerome and
Eusebius, which is often only one mile, can be largely accounted for by the fact that a
site is seldom so small as to be only at one milestone and also that in seventy-five (or
more) years the roads and starting points normally would change slightly. The Tabula
Peutinger, a kind of road map of the Roman Empire, is perhaps contemporary with Eusebius
(possibly a little earlier) even though all our extant manuscripts are medieval. A check
of some of the roads suggests that it or its forerunner was a source for the Onomasticon.
For example, on the coastal road, Eusebius notes every point from Sidon to Ostracine
except Apollonia. From Damascus to Petra on the "King's Highway" he has all except three
non-biblical stops, but adds the three biblical towns Madaba, Dibon and Heshbon. From
Caesarea to Jerusalem nothing is missing. There is no doubt that the twenty-eight places
located by means of two fixed points and a milestone, as affirmed by Martin Noth, are on
the Roman roads. The formula is either "in the border of city a x miles from city y" or
"going from city z toward city b at sign x." Sometimes a compass direction is added.
Occasionally the distance is not in terms of miles, but of the number of days needed for
the journey (see Appendix V).

44 Another method of localization is from a fixed point, with a distance and sometimes a
direction but with no definite road outlined. The city is usually the datum point for
location both by distance and by region. There are 226 common distances of which 190 are
based on a city and only thirty-six on some other locality. Similarly ninety-three
directions appear of which seventy-four are oriented on a city and only nineteen on some
other fixed point. The four major cities of reference are Eleutheropolis, Jerusalem,
Legeon, and Hesbon. In addition there are ten city regions in which villages are located,
the more important being Eleutheropolis, Jerusalem, Diospolis, Diocaesarea, Sebaste and
Neapolis (see Appendix VIII). In addition to the use of the Roman road system and the city
regions, localization is also made by the use of the expressions "near," "around," "not
far from," "extending up to," "between x and y," "along side," "midway between a and y"
(see Appendix IX). Distance is also variously recorded as "separated from," "distant
from," "going up to," "going into," "going down," "along the road between" (see Appendix
V). There is a possibility that different sources were used and so reflect themselves in
the various methods of localization. It is quite possible that each editor had his own
style for locating a contemporary site or tradition. When the Onomasticon has been
programmed through a computer it may be possible to isolate clearly these editorial
additions. This would also be true of Latin translation of various Greek terms (see
Appendices I and IX).

45 It must be remembered that Eusebius was writing for his contemporaries and some
knowledge of the country and its oral traditions of the time could be assumed even though
modern scholars might wish for more specific information. The different editors may have
utilized other oral traditions and travelers' information as well as their own personal
experiences and additional written sources. Priests and bishops from other areas of the
Holy Land would naturally exchange road information in the 4th century just as tourists
and pilgrims do today. Most important is the data indicating the fourth century status of
the site. (This assumes Eusebius is the major redactor, but the variety of terms used may
reflect different traditions and strata.) Several Greek words are used for "exists,"
"remains," "is still," as well as several synonyms for "called," or "named," and "pointed
out" or "shown." There is also the reference to present inhabitants and importance which
can be checked out in other literature and by archaeological excavation. At least two
hundred items have a notation of fourth century existence of which three quarters are
fairly well localized and identified. A few sites are indicated as abandoned or in ruins.
It is possible that at times topos as well as eremos represents a ruined site (cp. Galgala
66:4 where both words are used together).

46 Among the incidental facts given is the religious constituency of a town. Anaia (26:9,
14), a double village, is a Jewish village which has a companion Christian settlement.
There are eleven wholly Jewish villages; three Christian, one Samaritan and one Ebionite
recorded in the text (see Appendix II). Heathen shrines are reported in at least three
places. Idols are mentioned at least ten times. A special interest is shown in tombs and
memorials without any critical analysis of contradictory items such as the various
traditions for the location of the tomb of Habakkuk (70:22, 88:26, and 114:15). Tombs of
the Maccabees, Mary, Abraham, Haran, Rachel, Joseph, Joshua, Jesse, and David are
mentioned. Again these traditions may be from several editors' hands. Jerome remarks on
five churches built in the 4th century (see Appendix I). Usually the last item to be noted
is the presence of a fort or Roman garrison. There is a very close parallel to much of the
material gathered in the Notitia Dignitatum which dates from slightly later than Jerome's
translation of the Onomasticon. The Notitia Dignitatum or a similar work must have been
used for the final recension.

Manuscripts, Editions and Translations

47 The basic manuscript for the Onomasticon is Codex Vaticanus, Gr. 1456 which dates from
the 11th or 12th century. For the most part the hand is clear but there are still many
errors, corruptions and lacunae. According to a notation it once was in the Library at
Sinai. It seems to be in a direct line from the original Greek. Lagarde and Klostermann
used this as their textus receptus. I was privileged to check this manuscript in the
Vatican Library. It is contained in a volume of onomastica and is on pages 2 - 53. The ink
is dark and clear except for two faded pages 9 and 18. All the pages are single columned
except for the recto and verso of 19 which is a palimpsest and has the text in two
columns. The scribal hand seems to be the same throughout, although some of the alphabetic
divisions and biblical sections have been added later by different hand and different ink.
Alphabetic and biblical headings are usually on the same line. Occasionally they are in
red ink. The point is regularly used after the place name and usually at the end of the
phrase or sentence entry. Prepositions and articles are usually not separated from the
following word.

48 Dependent upon this manuscript is Codex Parisinus Gr 464 which dates from the 16th
century. These two manuscripts were edited and published by Lagarde in 1870. The second,
Codex 464, was the sole source used by Bonfrere in 1631 and 1659 for his edition of the
Onomasticon of Eusebius. The translation of Jerome was made about 390 A.D. He recognized
errors in Eusebius and used his knowledge of Hebrew to correct the transliterations and
some of the etymology. He also corrected some of the place descriptions and locations.
Already in 389 Jerome has used some of this material in his Hebrew Questions, which we
have utilized from time to time in the notes. The reference to this volume in the Latin
was probably not original with Jerome but cross reference by a scribe in the 5th century
or later. Jerome has more etymologies than Eusebius' Greek text, but this information was
ready at hand from his Interpretation of Hebrew Names, which is incorporated in the notes
of this present volume. As noted above Jerome was familiar with the Constantinian and
post-Constantinian church foundations. By various counts between forty-five and fifty-five
additional names appear in Latin even when allowing for obvious scribal lacunae of
Vaticanus 1456.

49 It was through Jerome's Latin version that European scholars and pilgrims became
acquainted with the Onomasticon. According to the Latin preface there had already been at
least one earlier translation into Latin. Several 8th and 9th century Latin manuscripts
have survived which were used rather freely by Klostermann to emend Vaticanus. These are
the Monacensis Lat. 6228, Codex Sangallensis 133 and 130, and Bambergensis B iv 19. The
Latin is really not an exact translation and Klostermann was a bit overly optimistic with
his emendations of the Greek. Latin editions of the Onomasticon have been prepared by
Martinainay in 1699 and by Vallarsi in 1735 and 1767. Syriac translations of Eusebius'
works were made very early and often Syriac writers added new important information to the
text. One early geographic work called, "The Book of the Figure of the World" included the
Onomasticon as its fourth part. Unfortunately this is lost and known only by literary
sources, but could it possibly be the four geographic works of Eusebius noted in the Greek
preface? A manuscript of the 14th century was discovered and partially edited in the early
1920's.This is a rather slavishly literal work following the Greek word order and
rendering every article, and will be valuable for textual criticism if and when a new
Greek edition is published.

50 Procopius of Gaza in his Commentary on the Octateuch frequently quotes the
Onomasticon's Greek text. These quotations often confirm or correct the Vaticanus text.
Already in 1716 Reland had recognized the usefulness of Procopius in the study of the
ancient monuments of Palestine. Thomsen and Klostermann rely heavily on an eleventh
century Procopius manuscript. The Madaba Map is sometimes appealed to for emending
transcriptions but this is a dubious procedure. The earliest critical edition of the
Onomasticon was that of 1862 by Larsow and Parthey, followed in 1870 by Lagarde (second
edition 1887). Klostermann's text appeared in 1904. So far the Onomasticon has not
appeared in the Migne series of Greek Church fathers although much of Eusebius has been
published there. It is about time for a new critical edition of the Greek and Latin texts
to appear. In 1931-1933 Melamed published his important critical study of the Onomasticon
in a Hebrew journal Tarbiz. He also translated the Onomasticon into Hebrew. The present
volume is the first modern translation of the Onomasticon into a western European
language, the first ever in English.

Pilgrims

51 Already before Constantine, interest in the places of the prophets and the sites of the
Savior's deeds had been aroused (Historia Ecclesiastica iv, 26, 14). Both Clement of
Alexandria and Origen showed scholarly interest in the Holy Land and they as much as
Constantine and St. Helena are responsible for the knowledge of Palestine in the 4th and
5th centuries. Other pilgrims in the third century followed Origen (Historia Ecclesiastica
vi, 11, 2). Constantine's mother and mother-in-law began the series of Christian
pilgrimages to the Holy Land which have never ceased even in time of hostilities. Of first
rank is the Pilgrim of Bordeaux (ca. 332-333). This is so nearly contemporaneous with the
Onomasticon that one hesitates to posit any dependent relationship, but there are many
parallels. Both had the Bible as a common source and both probably utilized an earlier
Roman itinerary and perhaps some lists. It is quite possible that the earlier "map" of
Eusebius was known by the Pilgrim. Later scribes probably corrected reciprocally these two
works.

52 Paula (ca. 382) and Silvia (ca. 385) came in the time of Jerome and could easily have
known and used the Greek Onomasticon. From their time on there is no reasonable doubt that
the pilgrims were dependent upon the Onomasticon. There is real evidence of such
dependence by Aetheria, who may be the same as Silvia, on the Onomasticon for places as
well as forms of names. Even allowing for the Bible as a common source, the Greek text was
primary also. The earlier Latin translation noted in Jerome's preface and that of Jerome
could also have been in the hands of this pilgrim. After the turn of the 5th century, the
rise of monasticism, the end of the Christological controversies, together with the peace
and security of the realm, brought many pilgrims to the Holy Land. Some followed the
example of Jerome and remained, while others returned to their homelands. But a high
percentage of them valued highly the Onomasticon in one of its several versions. Next to
the Bible, it was their basic guide and companion. It "remained the vade-mecum of the
pilgrims to the time of the crusaders."

The Madaba Map

53 The Madaba Map has been adequately studied by Avi-Yonah and by O'Callaghan. Their
general conclusions do not disagree with those of the first students of this mosaic map of
sixth century biblical lands found east of the Jordan. There is a very close relationship
of the Map legends to the Onomasticon. The map also parallels the so-called Jerome map of
medieval times which may have been derived from an earlier Eusebius map or plan. The area
of the map and of the Onomasticon is approximately the same. Byblos is the most NW site
for both. On the East the line is Damascus and Bozrah. The Egyptian cities such as On and
Memphis form the SW limit. A very high proportion of the sites on the map are directly
from the text of the Greek Onomasticon, according to some estimates two thirds. This is
even more significant a figure than at first appears since the mosaic is a Christian map
depicting Gospel sites. Less than one fourth of the Old Testament sites in the area appear
on the Madaba Map. The division of tribal territory and the boundaries of the Philistines
also agree with the Greek text.

54 In a few instances the map even seems to follow the errors of the Greek text: for
Akrabbim, Anob, Thamna, Gedour, Bethaun, Adiathim, etc. In still fewer the mosaicist
follows an independent tradition: Emmaus, Geba, Ainon, Bethabara, and Dalah. He also has a
more detailed knowledge of post-Constantinian Jerusalem and Palestina Secunda than the
Onomasticon could be expected to reveal. Yet the absence of monasteries indicates that the
source of the map was prior in time to the fantastic monastic tide. For Garisim and Gebal
the map apparently records both traditions: the Jewish near Jericho and the Samaritan near
Nablus, which later the Greek Onomasticon emphatically denies as correct. In the few
instances where transcription only, not location, disagrees with the Greek of the
Onomasticon, it may be that the map reflects not a separate tradition but a Semitic
designer who did not always understand his Greek source. In addition to the Onomasticon
and its "map" (?) the mosaicists probably had access to one or more pilgrim itineraries
and to diocesan lists. This would be one explanation for the non-biblical names appearing
on the map, some of which are not entries in our text, but serve as reference points only.

55 The Madaba Map, as the Onomasticon, has varied types of entries. Avi-Yonah notes four
classes, three of which probably derive directly from the Greek Onomasticon: 1) A simple
place name with no additions but properly located in tribal boundaries, 2) the sixth
century name and the biblical name, which parallels "there is now" or "it is a village now
called," 3) reference to churches and other monuments, 4) eleven texts which refer to
scriptural events. In groups 2 and 4 the correlation with the Greek Onomasticon is almost
90%. All the large walled cities with towers behind on the Madaba Map are called "city,"
"large city," "famous city," "metropolis" by Eusebius. For the smaller cities with only a
front wall and four or five towers and for the larger villages with three or four towers
connected by a wall, there is no consistent correlation with the Onomasticon's
terminology. (Nor is there any consistency in the various strata of the Onomasticon that
can be checked out in the present state of textual criticism and archaeological research.)
Both Beersheba and Ekron are called "large town" but are different as depicted on the map.
Does this imply Ekron had declined in the intervening centuries? Bethzur and Bethel are
both simply villages in Eusebius, but Bethzur is a large town on the map while Bethel is
small, having only two towers and the connecting wall. Does this accurately record the
changed fortunes?

Critical Study of the Onomasticon

56 Textual criticism of the Onomasticon began with Jerome. In his Hebrew Questions he
corrected not only the text but the facts of Eusebius. In the Latin version, Jerome not
only improved on the earlier anonymous Latin translation, but also reviewed Eusebius and
his own former conclusions. In correspondence and commentaries over a twenty-year period
Jerome corrected Eusebius as well as checked the Greek text. Modern students must use
these works of Jerome: Latin versions of the Onomasticon, Hebrew Questions, Epistles 46
and 108 and miscellaneous commentaries. The notes in this present volume include most of
the relevant materials from these texts. The Interpretation of Hebrew Names is sometimes
useful for checking transcriptions and/or transliterations and the occasional etymology of
the Greek text. The texts of many items from this are also included in the notes to
follow. Whether Procopius of Gaza consciously emends and corrects the Greek text of the
Onomasticon or not, cannot be determined. But from the very beginning of modern
scholarship, his quotations of Eusebius have been used, e.g., by Roland, Lagarde, Thomsen,
and Klostermann. As noted above, the Madaba Map is not to be considered a critical source.

57 On the other hand, literary or source criticism has seldom appeared regarding the
Onomasticon. In antiquity the authorship even of such a prosaic agglomeration of materials
was taken for granted. The witness of Procopius and Jerome, as well as that of others less
directly concerned, and the notations on ancient manuscripts were considered sufficient
proof of authorship. Not until Thomsen and Kubitschek in 1905 and 1906 began their
argument over the streets and road network behind the Onomasticon was any higher criticism
applied, suggesting additions, glosses etc. Kubitschek made much of the inconsistencies in
distance, the apparent placing of two different sites at the same milestone, assuming a
roadway. He is agnostic about Eusebius' use of itineraries, pilgrim reports (oral or
written) and suggests, although not directly, that these inconsistencies may reflect an
unscholarly card file system of recording all available information, contradictory,
reduplicative or not. In the reply Thomsen for the first time admits possible glosses. He
suggests that some of the Greek Onomasticon may have been personal marginal notes on
Eusebius' own manuscript (of onomastical lists, his Onomasticon, Greek Bible manuscript
and/or Hexapla) and never intended any separate publication of the final redaction.
According to this theory, as they became unwieldy he arranged them in an alphabetic order
(if an onomastical list, this order may have been already established) and according to
the books of the Bible (or this arrangement could have been primary as in the Hexapla or
some onomastical lists and the alphabetic order thus secondary). After Eusebius' death all
such notes would be treasured by his students and although revered as from his hand,
nevertheless recognize as incomplete. One or more of his admirers would try to complete
it, correct it and make it worthy of the bishop of Caesarea. The preface could be added in
those days with no thought of intellectual dishonesty.

58 This revolutionary explanation for the contradictions, doublets and inequities of
treatment, as well as stylistic inconsistencies, was forgotten for years and even the
German school ignored it for a generation. As late as 1943 Noth speaks as if one author
and one date is to be accepted and that Eusebius is the genuine author, not merely one of
the last redactors. The detailed and precise work of criticism by the Jewish scholar
Melamed in the early 1930's has been neglected, probably because it was written and
published in Modern Hebrew long before Israel had become a state and modern Hebrew a
necessary language for biblical scholars. Published separately as an offprint it made no
new impact. The recent monumental biblical encyclopaedia published in Israel has Melamed's
own summary concerning the Onomasticon, but this too is in Modern Hebrew. In the first
part of his criticism Melamed notes that the Torah and the Prophets are the source for the
basic text rather than all the books of the Bible as proposed in the preface. In the New
Testament only the Four Gospels are primary. He concludes that all other references to
places cited in other books, i.e., the writings and Acts are from a second hand, as
probably also the rare annotations from Maccabees. He notes some could well be omitted
because in Hebrew there is little typographical material in such books. But the absence of
reference to Ezra-Nehemiah, Leviticus (except Levitical cities) Daniel's sites are
probably considered outside the Holy Land as delimited in the preface (see Appendix III).

59 In the second part Melamed treats of doublets, of improper entries (e.g., personal
names, idols, etc.), of confusions and lacunae and notes that not even all the place-names
of Torah, Prophets and Gospels are recorded. He emphasizes the obvious confusion of
traditions, the conflation of transliterations. Part three concerns the use of the Hexapla
and the fifth column of Origen. Curiously the annotations from the Former Prophets have
many references to Aquila. In the fourth part his criticism begins to take form. Noting
that not all the alphabetic sections are divided by the same biblical divisions, he lists
certain Old Testament texts which have been given exhaustive treatment, e.g., Joshua 21,
Numbers 33, I Kings 9:15, and Isaiah 60. He concludes that originally only cities and
villages were listed with some biblical information but without any contemporary
geographical details. All mountains, which are not announced in the Greek preface, appear
in the Greek Onomasticon out of their proper biblical order. So also all stones and rocks
are not in their proper place. The Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee appear to be appendages
at the end of their respective sections. The idol Chemosh is out of place. Further, when
two similar entries appear with the second usually having "another" after the name, the
first is almost always where it should be in the biblical order, while the second or
"another" is properly entered only six times. This suggests editorial additions.

60 In the commentary on places which include among other things, etymology, history,
topographical identification (both biblical and contemporary), allusion to versions,
distances, roads and other names, Melamed notes many variants and inconsistencies.
Sometimes more than one historical event is recorded in a single entry. Occasionally a
reference is given to Josephus but no event of history is recorded. There is a stereotyped
formula for many events in Joshua, such as "and killed its king" or "did not drive out the
former inhabitants (foreigners)." The notation "whence David fled" appears almost as an
afterthought. The lot of Benjamin is much confused. Not all the cities of refuge are
called such and they are variously labeled. There is also no single formula by which
fourth century [sic] existence is indicated. As noted before the same distance from the
same fixed point is given for more than one place. (This could be accounted for by the
quadrant use of directions, but not if on the same road between the same two reference
points.) On the other hand, there are double entries for the same place giving divergent
localizations. Etymologies are rare, and as noted above, the obvious ones in the Masoretic
text, such as Bethlehem, Melchizedek, etc. are ignored.

61 In the Onomasticon only one place is from Mark and it appears also in Matthew. There is
only one extensive New Testament quotation, that from John. In all of the Gospel entries
some history is recorded. But many of the Old Testament names with Gospel associations do
not have any reference to the later history. When they do it seems to be from a secondary
hand. In twenty out of twenty-three New Testament references there is still a clear
tradition of the site at the time of the editor's addition (or final redaction?).
Therefore, only once is direction given. Usually distance is also lacking. This of course
could indicate that the tradition of the Gospel sites was still too much alive to require
more precise localization and identification. The use of the formula "our Lord and God
Jesus Christ" and other Christological formulations reflects the fourth and fifth century
Christology. The name Jesus does not occur alone.

62 In his conclusion, Melamed sees the Onomasticon as basically a Jewish work from several
Jewish hands. In all he notes four stages of editorial work. In Tarbiz he was agnostic as
to which was Eusebius' own contribution, suggesting perhaps he was merely the final
redactor who Christianized an originally Jewish book by adding Gospel details. A
generation later in the Encyclopaedia he allows more to Eusebius as author and editor, at
least giving him credit for more topographical details, which of course were derived from
itineraries, maps and administrative lists, and all re-edited by his pupils and Jerome.
Above we have noted nine items that occur with more or less regularity and in
approximately that same order in many entries. Some lines seem obviously not original,
such as the extensive quotations of Josephus on Ararat and Babel. At best such references
would have been noted "Josephus affirms" or "of which we read in Josephus." These
quotations are infrequent and lengthy quotations rare. It is therefore not too radical to
assume these quotations are secondary editorial and scribal additions.

63 The infrequent references to Gospel events in Old Testament entries are usually tacked
on as if an afterthought. This suggests that they are also secondary, but at this point we
cannot prejudge Eusebian authorship. Similarly the notation about Roman garrisons most
frequently occurs at the end of an entry and could readily be considered an editorial
addition if not a marginal gloss. As for the rest, there is the same dilemma faced by
biblical scholars. There is the same problem of authorship and sources. Is a man, even
bishop and scholar, who annotated and re-edits an older book, or who conflates, even
poorly, two or more sources, an author? Is he still the author even if he is re-edited by
his pupils? Both Amos and I Isaiah have been worked over by their disciples, but
nevertheless are usually considered to be the authors of the major portion of their books.
Is only the final redactor of the Pentateuch ultimately the inspired author or is the
author to be considered the composer of the primary and longer source? Is the source Q or
any other behind the Synoptics the real author even though tradition calls Matthew, Mark
and Luke Gospel writers? Because there is no real literary style to the Onomasticon and
even his Church History is no masterpiece, it would be vain to attempt a Wellhausenist
literary analysis of sentences or paragraphs. It remains for a programmed computer to read
out traditional, conventional, phrased or words that may be utilized to indicate separate
hands.

64 No doubt the basic schema or framework of the Onomasticon was originally a Jewish
compilation of place-names in the Torah (and possibly also the Prophets). This probably
was centered in Jerusalem area. It may have been mediated to Eusebius through Origen and
his school with added textual information from the Hexapla. Whether the biblical
information on Old Testament places was in such a pre-Eusebian source or not cannot be
determined as yet. It is quite possible that Eusebius himself added the Gospel items at
the end of each alphabetic section of his source. A student or later editors may have
added the Gospel notes to the Old Testament place-names in order to complete the
Christianization of the book. Since the topographical details seem to agree well with
fourth century records and archaeology, and since Christian tradition regards Eusebius as
the father of Palestinian geography, it seems reasonable to assume that he is responsible
for the topographical and historical statements in the majority of entries even though he
used, almost slavishly, certain Roman itineraries. The interest in shrines and tombs could
be from an earlier Jewish hand or from an earlier distinct source available to our
"author"-"editor."

65 One must agree with Melamed that items out of their proper biblical order are
secondary. But at this point Thomsen may be more nearly correct than Melamed. These could
be marginal glosses, even from the hand of Eusebius, which pupils or disciples
incorporated, perhaps a bit carelessly into their copies in such a manner as marginal
glosses were included in New Testament manuscripts by medieval scribed. Eusebius' study
notes, questionings, etc. could thus have gained validation which he would not have given
them. Obviously by the time the Greek copy and the early Latin version reached Jerome, the
Onomasticon had been to all intents and purposes complete as found in the Greek Vatican
Manuscript 1456. Jerome corrected it on the basis of new sources and his personal
knowledge of Hebrew and of the land, and brought it up to date regarding fourth century
Christian churches. The Onomasticon as we now have it has a history of development
covering several centuries. It began as an onomastical list (perhaps first only Levitical
cities, cities of refuge and tribal allotments) as early as Philo of Alexandria. In still
Jewish hands it was expanded to include major sites of the Torah and then of the Major
Prophets. It is further enlarged by the school of Origen with major additions of text,
interpretations and variant transliterations from what is now called the Hexapla. This is
made into a pilgrim's guide book to the Holy Land in the early fourth century by the
friend of Constantine and bishop of Caesarea. Eusebius' pupils incorporate minor additions
and are responsible for some of the doublets, perhaps from Eusebius' own marginal notes.
Jerome brought it up to date for the last quarter of the fourth century A.D. Medieval
copyists and scribes occasionally incorporated other marginal notes, more Hexaplaric date
and fleshed out the Josephus quotations.

The Onomasticon and Biblical Topography

66 The average reader of the Bible assumes that a place referred to in the Old or New
Testaments still exists somewhere in one of the countries of the Near or Middle East under
the same name and in approximately the same location. In his fancies, he is sure he could
go there promptly and find the precise place. One of the biggest disappointments of the
modern tourist-pilgrim is the conflicting opinions, the indeterminable and even lost sites
in Palestine. The scholar is likewise frustrated in his search. The scientific student of
biblical geography and topography is forced to face up to many problems, to choose among
many possibilities and claimants, and at times to be honestly agnostic. Thus at least two
or three sites are championed by different persons for the authentic Emmaus. Many are the
problems, sites and arguments for (and even excavations of) Gilgal. Scholars are hard
pressed to determine if the seven references to Aphek represent six or seven different
sites with the same name or only one. In the most simple topographical name, the
historical geographer can have at least ten variant traditions about its location, each
with sub variants.

67 1. There is the biblical site as it was during biblical times. This may sound simple
enough to define, but the biblical texts may refer the same name to more than one
location. Likewise even within biblical times the settlement as well as the name could
wander from the original location. An explicit of this is Bethnimra. The Early Bronze age
city was at Tell Mustah. Across the road and beyond the wadi to the north is the Iron Age
Israelite site, Tell Bleibel. Down the valley a short distance to the West is Tell Nimrin,
the Byzantine and medieval Arab site which retains the name. The present town of Shunat
Nimrin is adjacent to this tell toward the Jordan. In modern Israel this movement of names
is happening allover again. New settlements and kibbutzim are taking biblical names,
sometimes from a nearby tell, sometimes on the basis of a biblical atlas or geography of
the 30's, 50's or later, and other times sentimentally chosen, but most frequently not
exactly on the original site. The exiles returning from Babylon confused the topographers
in a similar manner.

68 2. The biblical site as Jewish tradition reported it is also multiple. Even the rabbis
quoted in the Talmud do not always agree. The Targum, Philo and Josephus complicate the
tradition enough, let along what happens to it in medieval Jewish scholarship. 3. The
first known Christian topographer, Eusebius, sought to identify the biblical site as it
was in biblical times. But it is already obvious that his text is not always clear and
that there are contradictory localizations for the same place. The roads are not always
clear, directions may involve the entire quadrant of the compass, and spellings are
confused. On top of that, the tradition reported by Eusebius reflects at best a post-Old
Testament, perhaps even post-biblical, and therefore late decision. 4. The site as Jerome
found it in the Jewish tradition is usually cited under "The Hebrews affirm." This would
be a fourth stream which might have been utilized by Eusebius and still other early
Christian topographers. This is not always the same as the fifth.

69 5. This is the site as Jerome interpreted the text of the Scripture and the text and
traditions of the Onomasticon. 6. Both 4 and 5 may be quite distinct from the site as
Jerome determined it by his own personal experience and study. But even this sixth stream
is complicated since Jerome does not always agree with himself (or at least various Latin
editors did not agree). As even a good scholar in the 20th century should, Jerome reserved
the right to change his mind. His commentaries, Epistles 48 and 108, as well as Hebrew
Questions do not always agree with the Latin Onomasticon's text. 7. Because of our
problems with the third through sixth possibilities there is then a seventh to be
accounted for. This is the site as Jewish (later Israeli) and German (rarely French,
English and American) scholars in the last two centuries interpreted the data in Eusebius
and Jerome. The ZDPV is full of debates on this subject.

70 8. After Eusebius came the full surge of pious pilgrims. Their reports of shrines,
tombs, churches, pagan remnants, and sites in general are often in conflict with one
another. Because of the exigencies of the times, names and even whole districts were
shifted (cf. Onomasticon on Garizin and Gaibel). 9. The crusaders developed a whole new
Palestinian topography which is a study in itself. For the most part they tended to
concentrate all the important sites within the small territory held by the Latins and so
compressed one tradition into another for the convenience of the pious as well as for
their safety. 10. Finally, the site in Moslem tradition and among Arab geographers marks
the first revival of scholarly study after the 4th century. Saarisalo and others suggest
that Arab tradition of Old Testament sites is more reliable than Christian tradition of
New Testament sites. The site then as the first western and European scholars determined
it could be any of the preceding ten, depending on the weight and worth given to each
respective tradition by the investigators. Unfortunately it is also fairly certain that
they added new traditions as they were misled by over helpful but ignorant guides who
answered happily, but erroneously, misleading questions in "pidgin-Arabic." This is
perhaps an eleventh claim with which we must reckon.

71 The Onomasticon concerns primarily the third through the seventh levels above. It is
only a secondary source for the first two, but still valuable. It is the first scientific
work on biblical topography extant, accumulating perhaps four to five centuries of
tradition, oral and written, into one complex, confusing and exasperating manuscript.
Despite its errors, lacunae and obscurities it must be used and has been used by scholars
since the time of Reland. One reason for valuing this secondary source is simply
chronology. Conder stated it plainly: it is "a witness to survival of Hebrew nomenclature
of the country in the fourth century, even more perfectly preserved than now." This same
argument is presently used for the textual value of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the ones from
other nearby caves. Yet, even Conder recognized that in the Onomasticon "we see tradition
not made but in the process of making." Actually it is both. Eusebius has preserved for us
Jewish traditions that may go back beyond New Testament times, but he also has added his
own fourth century fact and fiction (plus later additions of editors and scribes) to the
corpus of topographical tradition which in not always reconcilable to the Bible. The
Onomasticon is more exact than the Bible itself, since the Scriptures do not pretend to be
geographical documents and do not attempt to make any specific localizations on the basis
of directions (the only exceptions being the tribal boundary lists and such vague terms as
"east of," "opposite" etc.).

72 It is most probable that the Onomasticon can be taken as a primary source for the
fourth century, although with further literary criticism and archaeological comparison it
may become a primary source for earlier centuries. "The Onomasticon in any case seems to
be an introduction to the knowledge of the occupation of the land in the fourth Christian
century. For his own time, and only for this has the Onomasticon the value of an original
important source for us, since the situation made it possible for him to be exact on the
places of his own time" The Deutschen Palestina Vereins has therefore taken Eusebius
seriously and for his own sake. Avi-Yonah based much of his study of the Roman Map of
Palestine (ca. 300) on the information in the Onomasticon and more recently used it to
develop the economic history of the Byzantine period. Those interested in New Testament
sites and early Christian churches also have utilized the Greek and Latin texts of the
Onomasticon.

73 Since according to Lapp, less than 2% of the ancient sites in Palestine are excavated
and none of these completely, surface sherding is requisite. Glueck pioneered this work in
Transjordan and the Negev. Others in Israel have intensively surveyed smaller areas.
Mittmann has outlined in his thesis the East Jordan territory to the North. Besides the
DPV others schools such as the École Biblique, the ASOR (now the Albright Institute), the
Franciscans and the Department of Antiquity of Jordan and Israel have conducted sherding
trips. However, only ZDPV consistently publishes the results and no school, museum or
other agency coordinates or files the reports of the others, so much is lost and not
available to this study. The work of Glueck, Avi-Yonah, Mittmann and others indicates that
the late Roman and Byzantine periods were most prosperous. Unfortunately Glueck aid not
include a Byzantine map similar to that of Early Bronze and Iron sites in Transjordan, but
the count is almost astronomical for sites that should be on such a map for Transjordan
alone as a reading of Glueck's volumes and the narrow territory of Mittmann's thesis
indicate. These surveys and others personally made or heard about by the author
corroborate the high number of sites reported in the Onomasticon as still inhabited in the
4th century even if density of population figures are still not scientifically precise.

74 The area of Eusebius' competence seems to end at a line east and west through the
Northern tip of the Dead Sea and then going north along the ridge of the Ammonite plateau.
In south Judea, Moab and Edam he is less knowledgeable even in his own topographical
information of contemporary towns and garrisons. He knows the hill country around
Jerusalem best. The coastal plain and the Jordan valley are adequately reported. Samaria
and Galilee are fairly well described. The area encompassed by the Onomasticon (even as
outlined in the Greek preface) is basically the Old Testament idealized boundary "from Don
to Beersheba." When Eusebius uses the term "Palestine" it is frequently non-historical. It
may even be anachronistic, as it has been since 1948 with the establishment of the new
state of Israel. The terms Samaria, Perea (called by Jerome Transjordan after the biblical
phrase), Galilee and Idumea all have indefinable limits. Palestine Prima, Secunda, Tertia
may at times be referred to and if so will be noted in the separate entry's notes to
follow. Part of the confusion is the conglomeration of sources from various dates.

75 As noted above the city and its district are the basis for topography and these are
more important than the provincial descriptions. Melamed finds six Transjordanian areas
centered around cities: Susita, Pella, Amman, Heshbon, Kerak and Petra. In the west there
are twelve such centers according to him: Sepphoris, Tabor, Bethshan, Acco, Caesarea,
Sebaste, Diospolis, Jericho, Jerusalem, Eleutheropolis, Hebron and Beersheba. Not all of
these are important to the Onomasticon as Appendices V, VI and VIII indicate. Villages are
well located by Eusebius in these city-districts. If our finding them today is difficult,
it is not so much the fault of the ancient writers as of other factors. As in the 20th
century, so in the 4th, a village was not a single tell and a city was not a narrow spot
at a milestone as some scholars seem to assume. Tell Deir 'Alla, Franken points out, is
only a small section of the total location of Deir 'Alla as known to the natives today. To
limit Livias (Julius) to Tell er-Rameh even if it fits Eusebius closely is to be
unrealistic. Similarly Gadara is not merely the tell of Umm Qeis still inhabited and
bordered north and south by Roman theatres. Even though names may have shifted they may
often remain within the general district. Many of the towns are listed on the border, not
only in biblical tribal allotments but also in the municipalities of the Onomasticon. Avi-
Yonah in his map of Roman Palestine notes the region of a city or town properly on the
basis of; first, all the inhabited places mentioned as belonging to it, second, all places
whose localization is determined by measurement from it, and third all territory watered
by the aqueduct (see Appendix V).

76 Another difficulty in studying Eusebian topography has been the false assumption that
distance always indicates a town on a Roman road. However, important villages and tells
today are often indicated by mileage but are not on the main road. There is no necessity
to limit Eusebius' site to known Roman roads. Even when he is measuring from and along a
Roman road, the site may be indicated by noting the point at which one takes off over the
hills with or without benefit of track or path to find that village (e.g., Bethel).
Although the debate about roads and Eusebius continues we must remember he was not writing
a book about Roman highways but at best utilizing a Roman map or garrison list to help him
locate biblical sites as best he could. 77 Text and archaeology will soon be able to check
one another. Most of Eusebius' fixed points of reference were important cities in the 4th
century according to other written sources and archaeology. But it is still not possible
to check his terminology or classification of towns and villages archaeologically. The use
of nouns and adjectives in Greek or Latin may reflect just as much an editor's style or
propensity as a change in fortune. After all, size is relative without area and population
measurements. Jerome is not at all consistent in the translation of the Greek (any more
than he is or should be in the Vulgate - see Appendix IX). If Jerome were trying to
indicate a change in significance by a change in terminology, we may soon be able to check
the facts archaeologically. The corpus of Palestinian pottery is gradually being extended
into the 4th century through Caesarea, Araq al Emir and other pottery now that the
Byzantine levels are not considered dump to be bulldozed away to get down to Israelite
levels. But as far as possible the existence of fourth century settlements has been
checked in the present study. Details of the results will be in the notes on individual
entries to follow.

Summary

78 It is obvious that the author, whoever that may be, did not fulfill completely the
purpose as stated in the preface. The Onomasticon is not a complete topography of
Palestine of the Old and New Testaments (see Appendix III). It is not an historical
geography to the Holy Land since not all the biblical or post-biblical facts have been
summarized despite the numerous editorial additions layer on layer. The Onomasticon does
provide us an extant list of Greek transliterations of Hebrew place-names based largely on
the no longer extant Hexapla. Incidentally that makes it a valuable source for textual
study of the Hexapla. The quotations of the Greek Bible and the references to the six
columns of Origen are important critical resources. The Onomasticon in its present form
has provided an almost complete tribal division for the allotments in Joshua. Judah is
most complete. Unfortunately not all the sites were located or identified in the 4th
century. There is no evidence that all this information was in the lost description of
Judea, part two of Eusebius' geographical opus, but that may have been incorporated into
this work and could account for the Jerusalem-Eleutheropolis-Chebron triangle being so
well done. If, however, the Onomasticon was accompanied by a map the location of minor
border towns could have been left to the map alone and the curt notation "tribe of..."
which is valueless for our purposes would have been sufficient for the ancient reader.

79 The Onomasticon provides us with a contemporary knowledge of fourth century Palestine
and Transjordan. Some two hundred sites were positively inhabited in that time and as such
Eusebius' work is a primary source for geography of the holy Land as seen in the 4th
century. The stated purpose of the fourth and final geographical work attributed to
Eusebius was to identify biblical place-names and to associate them with known places in
the fourth century. "The special work of Eusebius is the positive identification of
biblical places with those which were known in the country in his day and herein lies the
immeasurable value of his work all." This was done on the basis of many sources as noted
above: Jewish, Roman, Christian, as well as oral tradition. The methodology has been
followed by many scholars of the last two centuries when they based many identifications
on real or imagined survivals of the name in similarly sounding names. Of course, this
principle is open to attack especially when applied by persons with little linguistic or
philological knowledge and left unchecked by archaeological research.

80 Adapting the conclusions of both Reland and Conder we may sum up the value of the
Onomasticon. Its worth is highest where Greek and Latin texts agree. The orthography of
biblical names, especially in the Hexapla, can be restored by the use of the Onomasticon.
The similar sounding names reflect a source and a survival fifteen hundred years older
than any today, and record some which are otherwise lost today. The defects are largely
matters of precision and lacunae. The principal cities are not defined as to their
relative position and there is no sure, fixed point from which the mileage is known to
have been taken. The description of locations are too often vague and even when compass
directions are given they are limited to the four cardinal points and so are ambiguous, at
least a quadrant being involved, and at times contradictory between Greek and Latin texts.
The text as preserved to us in final redaction is often a heterogeneous agglomerate of
unrelated materials assembled by many hands over several centuries. The principle of
similar sounding names is tenuous at best.

81 Nevertheless, even though Abel has been criticized for too much reliance on the
similarity of sounds, his judgment of the Onomasticon stands: "The Onomasticon despite its
errors and its faults is of great help for knowledge of Palestine of biblical times and of
the Byzantine period." It is hoped that this volume will make some small contribution to
biblical and Byzantine topography (limited to Onomasticon's localizations and
identifications) as well as permit English speaking students and Bible readers to reassess
Eusebius as a geographer.


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE continued

INTRODUCTION

1 Eusebius of Caesarea, Onomasticon (1971) Notes. pp. 76-252. Ed. C. Umhau Wolf.

NOTES

2 Latin Preface By Jerome

SECTION A

GENESIS 1. Ararat, Armenia. Genesis 8:4; Klostermann. Das Onomasticon der biblischen
Ortsnamen(1904) (hereafter K.) 2:23 (page#:line#), cf. 38:11; Legarde. Onomastica Sacra
(1966) (hereafter L.) 232:25 (page#:line#). Ararat is suspect as an entry in the original
manuscript since it is a mountain and is out of the region of Palestine as well. The
inclusion of the long quotation from Josephus' Antiquities, (I, iii, p. 5ff.) is repeated
in the text of Procopius 285A & B. Eusebius refers to Ararat also in his Preparatio
Evangelica, (viii, p. 10f.) and Jerome, in his Commentary on Isaiah 37:36ff.). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names (60) Jerome translates "mountain of taunting." The
referents in Josephus are largely third century B.C., e.g. Berosus, Musseas. However,
Nicolas was a contemporary of Josephus and a biographer of Herod the Great. The location
has persisted in tradition as in the present Kurdistan areas, between Armenia and Parthia
in ancient times.

Leaetai is used by Eusebius fairly consistently for written sources, most frequently the
Bible. Cp. Genesis 8:4, II Kings 19:37, Jeremia 51:27. On the other hand, phasin
(dicuntur) reflects an anonymous oral tradition. The text of Eusebius and Jerome vary only
slightly in the quotation of Josephus. The translation of the quotation is that of
Thackeray from the Loeb Classic Library (used with permission). The textual variants are
all minor. 2. Achad. Genesis 10:10; K. 4:26; L. 233:54. Textual variants: Achab (Greek);
and Archath, Achar, and Acath (Latin). Achad as the above Ararat also is not in the region
of Palestine. Its size is recognized by the use of polis (Greek) and both urbs and civitas
(Latin). Jerome in Hebrew Questions notes "it is now called Nisibis." In another entry he
notes it is in Edessa. The date referred to by Latin was 363 A.D. 3. Aggai (Ai). Genesis
12:8; K. 4:27; L. 233:55.

The location of Ai is still a complex archaeological puzzle. Judith Krause-Marquet and
Pere Abel felt that Eusebius must have had et-Tell in mind because of the words topos
eremos used also for Ainan (K. 8:13) and Galgala (K. 66:4). Procopius 320A records
Eusebius: "Aggai now is a deserted place not far west of Bethel" (cp. Joshua 7:2, 8:1).
This would be on the road to Bethel which leaves the main road at the 12th milestone (cf.
K. 40:20). Bethel is often used as a referent in the Bible and is so used in the text (see
Appendices). Jerome also notes a church had been built at Bethel (Commentary on Genesis
28:19) probably by Constantine (Epistle 108:12). For other churches added in Jerome's
account see Mambre (K. 7:20), Bethany (K. 59:18), Gethsemane (K. 75:19), and Sychar (K.
165:3-4). Ailia (Aelia) is Jerusalem. Neapolis is 36 miles from Jerusalem according to the
Deut. Table but other texts have 30 miles (Itin. Ant. 200:1). On the Madaba Map it is a
large walled city with a basilica. In Eusebius it is a point of reference and according to
K. 150:2 distinct from Shechem. Shechem was destroyed in pre-Christian times and Neapolis
built there by Vespasian. This Neapolis is present day Nablus near Mt. Garizin. A bishop
was present at the Council of Nicea. A basilica was erected there by Justinian according
to Procopius (Buildings, V, viii, 1) after time of our text.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names (61) Jerome translates "inquiry or gaiety." 4. Astarōth
Karnaein. Genesis 14:5; K. 6:4; L. 233:61. Textual variant: Asarōth (Greek). There are
many attarah in the region of Palestine. The names and spelling in both the Masoretic Text
(hereafter MT) and Onomasticon are confusing. In this entry no positive location is given.
Only a general area. Procopius 332C wrote, "It is now the city of the blessed Job in the
Batanaia. Two villages between Adaron and the city Bibles, nine miles distant from each
other, are so-called" (cf. K. 112:3 and K. 142:3 for "home of Job"). Abela (K. 32:15) Is
the present Tell abil. Adra (K. 84:7) in Syriac Manuscript is indicated as dari 'at or
der'at the present Syrian border town with Jordan. The Batanaia is also called Batalona
(K. 12:12). All was part of the land of Bashan (K. 44:9). The two villages are best
located at Tell 'ashtarah and Sheih Sa 'ad. The former is a large tell suitable for the
Old Testament Ashtaroth (cf. K. 12:11). Perhaps the latter succeeded as chief
administrative city of the district of Karnaeim (cf. K. 112:3). However in the Bible,
Astaroth is merely identifying the site of a battle which took place near the city. If so,
then Karnaeim added to the name gives the district in which the battle took place (cf.
Biblical Archaeologist Dec. 1962, p.109). Eusebius seems to look for two sites.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names Jerome has four entries on Astaroth with several
interpretation repeats: sheepfold, manger, blackened hall, or make an investigation (61,
85, 90, and 98). 5. Arbō. Arboc. Genesis 23:2; K. 6:8 and 7:11; L. 233:65. Textual
variants include: Arboch (Greek), Arbee (Latin), Arboq. Another variant seems to identify
Arbō Chebrōn and the terebinth. The entire entry has been inserted out of biblical order
by a late editor. The terebinth is located at six stadia from Chebrōn by Josephus (Wars,
iv, 553). In (K. 76:1) Mamrē also locates the terebinth in the vicinity of Chebrōn (cp. K.
170:25). In K. 26:16 it is located two miles from Bethanin (cp. K. 68:21, 94:21 and
Eusebius' De Vita Constantini, iii, 51f., Demonstratio Evangelica V 9). Also see
Kariatharbō K. 112:18 where Genesis 23:2 makes the equation. The location in general is
present day Hebron, el kalil, and this is the spot Eusebius locates clearly. It was never
a strong Christian city. Ancient site is probably at Jebel er-Rumeide where Roman and
Byzantine remains are also found. Jerome notes a church has been built there (cf. K. 7:3
and note for other churches). It is difficult to tell if Jerome refers to the Church of
Mamrē (Ramet el Khalil) or the church of the graves of the patriarchs.

Jerome in Hebrew Questions writes "For Arbee the LXX has 'field' with Chebron located on
the mountain. The city is also called Mambra is named after the friends of Abraham" (44),
cf. Genesis 18:1, I Chronicles 2:42, Joshua 14:13f, 20:7, 21:11, II Samuel 2:1 etc. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names Jerome translated "Arbee, four or fourth" (61) after the
four great men: Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Adam (cf. Hebrews Questions, p. 28, Epistle
108:11, 46:3, Commentary on Jeremiah 31:15, Zacharia 11:4, Matthew 27:33, and Ephesians
5:14. 6. Ailam (Ailath). Genesis 14:1; K.6:17; L. 234:75. In the Vulgate we find Ailath,
Elath, and Aila for this same site. Palestine is the southern part of Syria. This word is
missing in the Vatican Manuscript. Technically the southern limits of the Onomasticon
should be Ailam (Ailath). The ruins are inland about one mile from Aqabah but not as far
inland as Tell el Kbeleifah which is probably the older Ezion Geber (K. 36:l, cf. K.
34:23, 62:13, Josephus Antiquities, IX, 12, 1).

It was the end of the road going north to Damascus and the terminus of the overland road
west to the Mediterranean. In Jerome's time it was a very busy port (Vita Hilariaris, 18,
and cf. Commentary on Ezekiel 47:18). Eusebius does not indicate its size but it may be
inferred that it was a polis. A bishop was present at Nicea. Eusebius uses some army
source and the text is useful for noting the deployment of the Roman legion. The Tenth is
located here. The Notitia Dignitatum (73:18f.) verifies this entry. The Tabula Peutinger,
820 has a Haila 83 miles from Petra and 150 miles southeast of Gaza which fits this site
at el 'aqaba. The city in II Samuel 10:16 is in northeast Transjordan. The Syriac text
notes it is a city of the Philistines. The Greek allophulos usually means Philistines but
once or twice we cannot be positive, so in this present translation the general term
"foreigners" has been preferred, especially when Jerome does not have Filistine. He has
Filistine in K. 7:15, K. 21:2, K. 3:25, K. 119:3 but more often uses transliteration
allofylorum (see Appendix I).

7. Adama. Genesis 14:2; K. 8:4; L. 234:82. The Sodomite Pentapolis is not clearly located
by Eusebius. He generally locates them beside the Dead Sea (cf. Sodoma K. 150:10,) K.
153:16 suggests a tradition did exist for Segor but it is also not precisely recorded. The
most exacting attempt is for Bala in K. 42:1f. In Hebrew Questions Jerome translates
"dirt, ground or earthen"(61). 8. Asasan Thamar (Asasonthamar). Genesis 14:7; K. 8:6; L.
234:84. On the Madaba Map there is a Thamara located as suggested by Eusebius here. Tabula
Peutinger has a Thamaro 52 or 53 miles from Jerusalem while Ptolemy's list (V, 15, 5f) has
a Thamaro about 55 miles distant. The Notitia Dignitatum (74:40) has a Tarba and (74:46) a
Thamarra both of which have a garrison. Alt found a fort at Qasr el Juheiniye and he is
followed by many locating the fort there and the village at 'ain el 'Arus. Aharoni more
recently (TEJ, 1963, p.30ff) suggests 'Ain Husb which is about a day's walk (32 km) from
Kurnub which is generally identified with Mapsis (cf. also Avi-Yonah) and has a large
Roman fort as well as Nabatean and Iron II sherds.

The Madaba Map using Jerome's spelling has located properly Mampsis. Many Nabatean, Roman-
Byzantine levels excavated at Kuroub. It shows a revival in the fourth century A.D. as
also does Oboda (Avdat, 'Abda, and K. 176:9).This may be indicated by "village" in Greek
and "oppidum" in Latin (cf. K. 10:25). II Chronicles 20:2 identified Thamar with En Gedi
or at least locates it in the district of En Gedi (86:16). Jerome in Hebrew Questions
says, "his city which we now call Engaddi, is rich in balsam and palms since Asason Thamar
translated into our language is city of the palms'" (18) (cf. Judges 1: 16, Ezekiel 47:
29). 9. Aloua (Allus). Genesis 36:40; K. 8:10; L. 234:89. Textual variants: Alloyd
(Greek), Gōla (LXX), and Alloys (Syriac). Hebrew has 'Alvah or 'Aliah. Petra (cf. K.
142:7) is often called the capital of ancient Nabatean or the capital of the ancient
Arabs. It has been suggested that Udrub, 14 km east of Petra may retain the tradition of
this site since it is the Arabic synonym for the Hebrew.

The relation of Idumaea and Edōm to Gebalēnē is uncertain. They are connected here as well
as in K. 62:8 and K. 102:23, etc. In his Commentary on Obadiah 1 Jerome has Gebalēnē on
the border of Eleutheropolis and apparently includes part of the Daroma (K. 26:10) but
generally it is lying east of the Dead Sea (K. 100:4). 10. Ainan (Aenam). Genesis 38:14;
K. 8:12; L. 234:91. Textual variants: Aenam (Greek), Aeinam (Greek), and Enan (Greek).
Ainan is one of three deserted places in the Onomasticon (Aggai K. 4:27 and Galgala K.
66:4). This phrase may indicate ruins noted by Eusebius or an editor. The location "near"
(cf. Appendix V) is quite vague and could be adjacent or as far as 15 miles. It probably
indicates it is within the region of a city at the editor's time. Geographers are
uncertain about the Old Testament site. It is difficult to determine a location from
Eusebius but Noth suggests kefr 'en. Procopius 463C has an accurate Latin translation of
this entry.

Several times the Greek quotes only the biblical location as here "on the way to Thamna"
(cf. K. 8:17, K. 10:15, K. 90:3). Thamna is on the Madaba Map (cf. K. 96:24) and near to
Diospolis at Kh Tibne. Eusebius has "large village" for 32 existing towns. There are
others called "large city." Thamna is probably off the main Roman road from Jerusalem to
Diospolis. Many road into Diospolis and it is frequently a reference point for the text
(cf. K. 20:16, K. 24:24, K. 28:10, K. 48:23, K. 68:6 etc). Tabula Peutinger has Luddis 12
miles from Azotus and Emmaus. It is on the Madaba Map with a church near modern Lydda and
perhaps is Old Testament Lod (I Chronicles 8:12). Acts 10:22 shows its Christian
character. Its new name was given by Hadrian c. 136 A.D. In about 200 Septimus Severus
gave it municipal status. The identity is made by St. Paula "Lydda which was changed into
Diospolis near Arimethea" (PPT I p.4 cf. Jeremiah Epistle 108:8). It suffered heavily
under the Diocletian persecutions of 303 (cf. Eusebius Martyrs of Palestine). There was a
bishop in the 4th century.

Here we have evidence of the flourishing of the pagan cults in the 4th century in spite of
Constantine's efforts. Avi-Yonah suggests a temple and spring at the source of Wadi Ri'a
may be the Aena of Jerome. 11. Ailōn Atad (Areaatad). Genesis 50:10; K. 8:17; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek text. Textual variants: 'Ainan Atad, 'Alona Atad (Greek) and Areaatat,
Areaatath (Latin). This entry is not in the Greek Vatican Manuscript and so Lagarde does
not print it. Klostermann here and elsewhere emends the Greek on basis of Procopius and
Jerome. In a few places, Eusebius gives mileage from two points (cf. K. 12:13, K. 14:1, K.
24:16) without clearly indicating a road. Both the scriptures and the Onomasticon seem
confused about Atad or Abel-mizraim. It seems preferable to locate in the southwest of
Palestine rather than across the Jordan or in the Jericho region. Eusebius and Jerome only
have a "place" not a village. The Madaba Map uses both Alōn Atad and Bethegla with the
mosaic of a church there near the Wadi Qilt. Procopius 512B accurately reproduces the
text. Apparently a secondary Christian tradition transferred the site from across the
Jordan to the location southeast of Jericho. It probably is the present 'ain and deir
hajla (cf. K. 48:19, K. 52:8).

Jerome in Interpretation of Hebrew Names translates "Atad, evidence or twig" (62) and
Bethagla as "his house of jollity" (91). EXODUS 12. Ailim (Aelim). Exodus 15:27; K. 8:22;
L. 234.97. After this entry in the Vatican Manuscript 1456 there is a different hand which
may be an attempt to locate the site in relation to a monastery. Lagarde and Klostermann
both omit the entry in a new hand, probably because it is rather unclear. Also inserted
are division "Numbers and Deuteronomy" in a different hand. These stations are for the
most part not within the provenance of the Onomasticon. It is probable that a later editor
inserted these into Eusebius' text. This of course would account in part for the
manuscript confusion at this point. 13. Ailous (Aelim). Numbers 33:13; K. 10:1; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek text. This entry also is not in the Greek Vatican Manuscript and is
inserted from the Latin by Klostermann. As above, the list of stations in the desert is
suspect.

Jerome in Interpretation of Hebrew Names has "fermented or mixed, as the Greeks say
phurason, mixed" (79). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 14. Aserōth. Numbers 12:1; K. 10:4; L.
234:100. Summary of biblical information (Numbers 12:1, Deuteronomy 2:23). Jerome has two
entries on Aseroth in Interpretation of Hebrew Names: "majestic or beautiful house" (78)
and "Aseroth is house or entrance court, if it is written with a heth and tzade. But if
correctly written with alef and sin it means beautiful" (86). For Gaza see K. 62:22 below.
15. Asemōna. Numbers 33:29; K. 10:7; L. 234:3. Textual variant: Asemōnas (Greek). Out of
order and a station list added later. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names Jerome translates
"his bone, from bone, not from mouth" (79). 16. Aētharim. Numbers 21:1; K. 10:9; L. 235:5.
The textual variants from Aquila and Symmachus are frequently recorded. Since the Hexapla
was compiled by Origen in Caesarea, Eusebius must have had easy access to it. One medieval
text confuses AK as an added syllable to the place name. One manuscript also has synodos
for odos which does not make sense.

In Hebrew Names, Jerome translates Atharim "spies" (78). 17. Aiē or Achelgai. Numbers
21:11; K. 10:12; L. 235:8. Eusebius and the LXX have trouble with Hebrew double names, so
we find Achelgaei, Nachal Gaei. The location is vague and uncertain in both the Bible and
Onomasticon. Areopolis was an autonomous city in the Roman Province of Arabia. According
to Procopius' Buildings V, viii, 1, under Constantine this became Palestina Tertia. It is
probably Ar Moab, the present Rabba (cf. below and K. 124:15)." Ptolemaus has it 65 miles
from Philadelphia (16:15). This identity goes back at least to the third century A.D. The
Madaba Map has an Aia at that location. In K. 36:24 it is identified with Ariel and is a
pagan shrine (cf. Jeremiah 49:3; LXX 30:3). There are a number of texts where the Greek
has alternate names. The most familiar is Ashdod Azōtos (K. 20:18, K. 22:11). But also K.
36:7,24; K. 48:11; K. 25:27; K. 58:3; K. 64:6; K. 90:10; K. 132:8; K. 160:19; cf. K. 40:7
Babel.

18. Arnōn. Numbers 21:13; K. 10:15; L. 235:11. This entry is not an original. It is a
river or wadi, not a city. It is called a topos, and locus, "place." It has been
considered the southern border of Transjordan. Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah 16:2 notes,
"it is the border between Amorites and Moabites." Procopius 857A paraphrases the
Onomasticon: "formerly the land of the Amorites. The Arnon is said to be the border
separating it from the Moabites" (cf. Numbers 21:23ff). Areopolis is called a city of
Arabia or Moab (cf. above and K. 124:15). Arabia is the name of the Roman province
established in 106 A.D. whose southern border was the Dead Sea and the Arnon. Other
Nabatean towns given autonomy in Provenance Arabia were Esbus, Medeba, Charachmoab and
Petra. In 200 A.D. Septimus Severus gave it municipal status. According to the Tabula
Peutinger it is 62 miles from Philadelphia. There was a Roman garrison at Areopolis
according to Notitia Dignitatum (81:17) and other posts around the wadi (Notitia
Dignitatum 81:34, 82:35). A polis such as Areopolis may by its very name include a general
region with all its dependent villages.

The name Arnon has obviously survived to the fourth century. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names Jerome translates "heap of gloom or praise"(78). 19. Ar. Numbers 21:15; K. 10:25; L.
235:21. Textual variant Êr (Greek as in LXX) This place is related to the previous two
entries. If it, as well as "deserted place" could mean "ruin," then perhaps there was a
rebuilding by the time of Jerome. The word oppidum usually is not an indication of size of
city or village but, if Pliny is to be believed it is a Roman settlement around a shrine
or sanctuary, or it is a heavily fortified town (see Appendix I). Jerome in Hebrew Names
translated, "he stirred up or wakefulness" (78). 20. Aēsimōn. Numbers 21:20; K. 10:27; L.
235:23. Textual variants: Aisimōn and Asēnōn (Greek). The third in a series of four
"places" at this point in Eusebius. 21. Abelsattein (Abelsattim). Numbers 33:49; K. 10:28;
L. 235:24.

LXX has Abetsatteim and Setim. Eusebius does not locate this "place" very well. Many feel
it is the Byzantine Abile at Kh Kefraim but Eusebius does not make this identity. Jerome
in his Commentary on Joel 3:18 suggests it is near Livias (K. 48:15) 6 miles from Dead
Sea. In Hebrew Names he translates mourning of the bank or of the shore" (79). The
difference in direction may not be as great as it seems. Eusebius has west and Jerome
south, but most directions refer to a quadrant, so southwest could fit into either
quadrant. Possibly out of order or suspect. 22. Azōr (or Iazer). Numbers 21:24; K. 12:1;
L. 235:25. Textual variant for contemporary sites, Zazer (Latin). A confused text is
probably responsible for this entry. The relation of this with Iazēr (K. 4:13) is unclear.
For biblical Hazor see 20:1, a different site. Probably Ptolemy's (V, 15,6) list of a
Gazōros is the same town as K. 12:3 and K. 104:13. Josephus Antiquities. XII, 8, 1 has
Jazōros or Jazorōs. A village eight miles west of Philadelphia is Kh sar (note 10 miles in
K. 104: 13).

On Amman or Philadelphia see K. 16:15 below. In Hebrew Names, Jerome has 5 entries which
could pertain, based on "hearing" or "helping" (82, 94, 125, 127, and 134). 23. Aroēr.
Deuteronomy 3:12, 4:48; K. 12:5; L. 235:29. This polis is located on the brow of the Arnon
(K. 10:15) and probably still exists with its traditional name at 'Ara 'ir. Archaeological
excavation shows it was weak in 4th Century A.D. The biblical information from Numbers
21:26, Deuteronomy 2:9 and Joshua 13:25 is summarized by Eusebius, with real additions.
There are three or four biblical places with this same name. Jerome has three entries in
Hebrew Names: "lightening or emptying of the watch or shell" (79), "cover of the guard or
spread out the watch"(88) or "covered"(125). In this entry polis in Eusebius becomes one
of the few instances where it is translated by oppidum in Latin (cf. 10:25 and Appendix
I). This and next entry are out of order and suspect as late additions.

24. Astarōth. Deuteronomy 1:4; K. 12:11; L. 235:35. Astarōth occurs often in the
Onomasticon (K. 6:4, K. 12:27, K. 112:3). Here the references in scripture are summarized
(Joshua 12:4, 13:31). The Old Testament site is perhaps Tell 'ashtarah which is too far
from Dera to fit the Onomasticon. But nine miles closer could be Tell el Yaduda or el
Muzeirib. The "another" above refers to K. 6:4 and with no location is without any
identification (cf. also K. 112:3). Astaroth and Edrai were the major cities of Bashan.
Adraa is at der'at located by the Tabula Peutinger as 24 miles from Bostra (cf. K. 84:9)
but 25 miles here. Valerian made Adraa a city in status. For Bostra see also K. 46:10.
There was a bishop in Adra in the 4th and 5th centuries. Batanaia is the all-inclusive
name for the territory which includes Trachonitis (K. 166:1) as well as the Gaulon (K.
64:6). Perhaps also it is to be identified with part of Itouraia (K. 110:26). The
relationship of these with the several regions of Arabia is unclear. In Herod's time Dera
was the east border of Batanaia, but it was in Nabatean or Syrian control in the 4th
century.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "sheepfold or the spies act" (61). 25. Agrou skopia.
Numbers 23:14; K. 12:16; L. 235:40. In one text the Latin adds "is" a mountain. This is
not an original entry. Apparently Onomasticon identifies it with Phasgo (16:24), Phasga
(168:28) and Pogor (168:25 cf. 170:13). The location is not readily fixed. The Hebrew and
the Confraternity Translation suggest "hill of cursing" for the Greek "peak of the hewn."
26. Arabōth Mōab. Numbers 26:3; K. 12:20; L. 236:44. Textual variants: Iebous (Greek) and
Esbon (Latin). The synonym used by Aquila and Symmachus are repeated in Procopius 992A.
They are probably correct and so no confusion of this "place" arises with Ar Moab (K.
10:25). See below on Iordan (K. 104:20), Iericho (K. 104:25), Libias (K. 44:17 and K.
48:15), and Esbous (K. 84:1). For Phogor (cp. 168:25), this is probably a late addition to
the text. 27. Araba. Deuteronomy 1:1; K. 12:25; L. 236:49.

See below K. 16:12 and K. 90:11. Hexaplatic information in this entry. Out of order and
doubly suspect. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names Jerome has "west or evening" (86) and
"fine" (89). 28. Astarōth (Ataroth). Numbers 32:34; K. 12:27; L. 236:51. Textual variants:
Atarōth (Greek) and Astaroth (Latin). Probably this is not the same as K. 12:11 above. It
is of Gad and not Manassē. Reference to Solomon is in I Chronicles 2:54. Only a
generalized biblical location. The Peraia is always translated by Jerome as Transjordan.
In Byzantine times Peraia was continuous with the region of Philadelphia (K. 104:14). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "crowns" (79), "crown" (89). 29. Astarōth Sōphar (Ataroth
Sofan). Numbers 32:35; K. 12:30; L. 236:54. Textual variant: Atroth (Latin). Possible two
cities of Gad combined in this entry. So far appears three times in Interpretation of
Hebrew Names: "his spy or trumpet" (72), ''war trumpet" (85), "scattering of the lookouts
or scattering of the spies or I will see the spies" (134).

30. Arad. Numbers 33:40, 34:4; K. 14:1; L. 236:55. Textual variants: Arama (Greek) and
Arath, Arat (Latin). The Greek has confused Arad with the Addar of Hebrew. But Joshua
15:21 suggests this possibility in the LXX. One of rare entries with mileage given to two
reference points. The double location (repeated by Procopius 1045C) identifies this with
Tell el 'Arad about 20 miles south of Chebrōn but no Byzantine village there. Madaba Map
location agrees with Eusebius: "Arad from which come the Aradites." The Bronze Age city is
being excavated. A Judean temple and administrative center is there. Arad has
Chaleolithic, Early Bronze, Iron, Persian and Hellenistic remains with a very slight
Nabatean/Roman fortress. Eusebius' Arad is not this tell since it has an archaeological
gap of 1st through 7th A.D. Malaatha is used for a reference by Eusebius (cf. 88:4,
108:3). It is in Idumea according to Josephus Antiquities, XVIII, 6, 2. It probably is the
Moleatha of the Notitia Dignitatum (74:45) where there was a garrison. The name may
persist in the tradition at Kh or Tell Milh (Malhata) where there is a Roman fort as well
as some Middle Bronze, Iron and Hellenistic sherds. Perhaps the Byzantine village is to be
found at el quseife which is 6 kilometers from Arad. Perhaps it is to be related to Molada
(130:6). On "oppidum" cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I.

Jerome in Interpretation of Hebrew Names has "descending" (62 and 78). 31. Asemōna.
Numbers 34:4; K 14:4; L. 236:58. The Madaba Map quotes Eusebius for the southern limit of
Palestine (Ioudaia) cf. Joshua 15:4, Ezekiel 47:134. It is probably Israeli Atzmon at 'Ain
el Quseimeb (cp. K. 10:7). 32. Akrabbein (Acrabbi). Numbers 34:4; K. 14:7; L. 236:61.
Eusebius has confused the southern border of Judah (Numbers 34:4) with a northern site.
The Madaba Map follows Eusebius and locates it at a northern village site. Procopius 1048B
records the first part of the Onomasticon referring to an eastern border. Biblical data is
from Joshua 15:3 and Judges 1:36. Perhaps Eusebius is influenced by Josephus' Wars II,
20,4 and III, 3,5 and sees this as one of the Toparchies of Juda, perhaps Akrabattinē (cf.
K. 86:25, K. 108:20, K. 156;30, K. 160:14). This northern site is 'aqrabeh, just nine
miles southeast of Nablus.

But the southern border must be southwest of the Dead Sea, a boundary with Edom rather
than with the Amorites. This may be the Ascent at Nagb-es-safi (cf. I Maccabees 5:3).
Jerome in Interpretation of Hebrew Names has "of scorpions or fitting" (79) and "of
scorpions" (89 and 98). 33. Asadadda (Asadada). Numbers 34:8; K. 14:13; L. 236:67. Textual
variants: Asaradda (Greek) and Sadada (Latin, cf. K. 155:17). Simple border of Judah as in
Ezekiel 47:13; cf. K. 154:19. Out of order and suspect. 34. Arad. Numbers 34:4; K. 14:14;
L. 236:68. Textual variants: Arath and Arat (Latin). Part of this entry is missing in
Vatican Manuscript. See above K. 14:1. 35. Asarēnan (Asarenam). Numbers 34:9; K. 14:16; L.
236:70. Textual variants: Asarēnan, Asaerēnan and Asserēnan (Greek). Simple border
listing. Same as next entry. 36. Aserna (Asernai). Numbers 34:10; K. 14:17; L. 236:71.
Textual variant: Asernaei (Greek). Probably the same as the previous entry (cf. Ezekiel
47:13). Simple border listing.

37. Arbēla. Numbers 34:11; K. 14:18; L. 236:72. Textual variant see K. 46:6. Two sites:
One in Transjordan and Decapolis (K. 80:16) region and the near the great plain of
Megiddo. Pella is an important reference point in the Onomasticon (K. 22:25, K. 32:6, K.
80:17, K. 110:13). In 66-67 A.D. it was a refuge for Christians fleeing from Jerusalem
(cf. Historia Ecclesiastica, iii, 5, 3). At this time it is a polis in Palestine. Formerly
it was one of the independent Decapolis, probably at Kh Fahil, and later it was included
with Syria. Arbela is a dependent village of Pella. It may be tell Abil or tabaqat fahl.
Jerome has perhaps confused it with Ribla which may be at Irbid (cp. Betharbel, Hosea
10:14). The great plain southwest of the Sea of Galilee is called after the important city
(oppidum) Legeōn. On oppidum cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I. This is the plain of Jesreel
(Josephus' Antiquities, V, 1, 22 and IV, 6, 1). From the time of Hadrian on Legeōn
controlled the area from Galilee to Samaria. It was called Maximianopolis in the early 4th
century but Eusebius never uses that name. It had Roman camps around it. Now called
Lejjūn. There is also an Irbid southwest of Galilee with a synagogue and Roman-Byzantine
sherds, but the distance does not fit Onomasticon. Quite possibly Arbela is 'Affule in
Roman-Byzantine times.

Arebla in Interpretation of Hebrew Names is "a trap" (79). 38. Aulōn. Deuteronomy 1:1; K.
14:22; L. 236:75. Textual variant: Tiberias is missing in the Vatican Manuscript. Dubious
entry. Aulon in Roman times came to be identified with the Jordan valley as reflected here
in both Eusebius and Jerome. The description here, together with that of Jordan (K.
104:20) is fairly complete. The valley begins in Libanon (K. 122:27) and reaches south to
Pharan (K. 166:12). Skythopolis is an important city, one of the cities of the Decapolis
(K. 80:15), used frequently in the Onomasticon. The listing of all the others is confused
but surely included Hippus, Gadara, Abila, Pella, Gerasa and Philadelphia. Skythopolis is
identified with Bethshan at Tell al Husn (K. 54.8). It was the capital of Palestina
Secunda in Byzantine times. Lake of Tiberias was in Hellenistic times the sea of
Gennesaris and and in the New Testament Gennesaith (K. 58:12 and K. 120:2). Today it is
the Sea of Galilee (K. 72:20).

For Ierichō see K. 104:25. Paneas is used as a referent often in the Onomasticon. A bishop
came to Nicea from here. Baniyas today, at the source of the Jordan was also the site of
Caesarea Phillippi, also listed as one of the Decapolis (Historia Ecclesiastica, vii, 17).
In Tabula Peutinger it is 32 miles from Tyre. On the Dead Sea see K. 100:4. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names Jerome says, "Elan, oak or aulon of which we wrote more
fully in the Book of Places" (83) and "Ailon which we spoke of under Aulon above (88)."
39. Amalēkitis (Amalecitis). Deuteronomy ?; K. 16:5; L. 237:84. This is probably the
wilderness of Zin in the Old Testament (K. 152:18, cf. Numbers 13:29, 14:25; Josephus
Antiquities III, 2, 1) includes the inhabitants of Petra and Gobolitis as the Amalakites.
Not an original entry, but a gloss. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "licking people"
(61) "dull people or licking people" (74,161).

40. Araba. K. 16:1; Deuteronomy 1:7; L. 237:91. Textual variant: Safforinea (Latin). In
Deuteronomy 1:7 it really refers to the plain as in K. 12:25. Eusebius reports on two
villages by this same name. Ona is three miles west of Skythopolis or Bethshan (K. 16:2
and K. 54:8). Some suggest 'Arabūne but the distance is not great enough. Probably marks
the place of the turn off from the main road. The second is a village dependent upon
Diokaisareia which is Sepphōris (Saffuriya) in Josephus (Wars, II, 21, 7) and frequently
used as a referent in the Onomasticon. Many Jews fled there in 71 and 135 A.D. Vespasion
made Sepphōris into a municipality. A Roman garrison was there according to Notitia
Dignitatum (73:28). Constantine built a church there (Epiphanes Ad Haer, I, 30, 11). The
village may be located at 'arabet el battōf. It is distinct from K. 86:9 although the
Vatican Manuscript has a gloss at that place which wrongly seems to equate them.

41. Amman. Deuteronomy 2:19; K. 16:15; L. 237:94. No doubt of this continuing identity
(Deuteronomy 2:20). Jerome in Commentary on Nahum 3:8 writes, "Ammona which is now called
Philadelphia." It also is one of the cities of the Decapolis (K. 80:16) and a bishop was
present at the Council of Nicea. It is in the province of Arabia located by the Tabula
Peutinger as 62 miles from Aeropolis (Rabbath Moab cf. K. 10:17). It is used as a referent
in the Onomasticon. It is probably the same as Rabba Ammon. To Eusebius it was a most
important city. He uses polis episēmos for only seven towns of his own time: Abela (K.
32:16), Adra (K. 84:8), Gaza (K. 62:26), Gerasa (K. 64:3), Damaskos (K. 76:4),
Philadelphia and Askalon (K. 22:15). Amman/Philadelphia is also used to describe the
region. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Amon, son of my people or people of my wall"
(61, 78, and 90).

42. Argob. Deuteronomy 3:4; K. 16:18; L. 237:97. Og of Bashan (K. 44:9) had many cities
according to Scripture. In I Kings 4:13 Argob is in the 6th district of Solomon. The Erga
of Eusebius is not the same as that Argob. Fifteen miles West of Gerasa is er-rudjib,
which may be Erga. Others more correctly suggest Arjan in the Wadi Yabis (cf. K. 94:26).
Bashan is also Trachonitis (K. 166:1) in the Province of Arabia. Gerasa is one of the
famous cities of Byzantine times (K. 64:3). See entry above. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "height of cursing" (86 and109), "lofty cursing" (115). 43. Asēdōth. Deuteronomy
3:17; K. 16:22; L. 237:2. This is one of eleven entries in the Onomasticon which include
an etymological notation not specified as from the Hexapla (cp. K. 12:17, K.18:21, etc.).
44. Abareim (Abarim). Deuteronomy 32:49; K. 16:24; L. 237:4. Textual variants: Easgan and
Esbum (Latin).

As a "mountain" it is probably a late addition to the Greek list of place names. The
relation of Phasgō to the Moab plain is more clearly indicated here. Eusebius was
fascinated with Phasgō, Peor, Phogor, etc. (K. 12:17, K. 16:22, K. 168:28, etc.). It is
probably present day Mt.Nebo or ras sijagla where a Byzantine church has been partially
restored. The identity of the two made here by Eusebius is contested by scholars who would
put Phasgō farther south (cf. Deuteronomy 34:1 and 32:49). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Abarim, is passing over, which in Greek is indicated by peran" (179). 45. Auōth
Iaeir (Avothiair). Deuteronomy 3:14; K. 18:4; L. 237:10. Textual variant: Golam (Latin).
The etymology "shoulder of Iaeir" is not in the Vatican Manuscript. Out of order and
suspect. Gōnias is mentioned only here and in K. 136:3 but Gauiōn and Gōlan are in K.
64:7f. and seem to be in the same area (cf. Basan 44:9 and Galaad 44:10; cp. Numbers
32:39, Deuteronomy 4:43; Joshua 13:30).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "gloria of the light or life of light" (86). JOSHUA (of
Naue) 46. Antilibanos (Antilibanus). Joshua 1:4; K. 18:8; L. 237:14. This area is
Eusebius' interpretation, perhaps from a faulty Greek text. The New Testament and most LXX
texts have Libanon here. In I Chronicles 5:23 Mt. Hermon (K. 20:9) is in the lot of
Manasseh. The placement of the tribal indication last suggests it is a later editor's
addition. 47. Azēka (Azeca). Joshua 10:10; K. 18:10; L. 238:16. Azeka is important Old
Testament city in Jouda (cf. Joshua 15:35). It is mentioned in the Lachich letters. The
Old Testament site is fairly certain at Tell es-Zakariyeh. This village may be on the
Maddba Map west of Sōebō. In the vicinity is the Byzantine town, perhaps at Kh el 'Alami.
The Greek location literally means "halfway" to Jerusalem, but this is not precisely
intended. Eleutheropolis is frequently used as a referent by Eusebius. In about 200 A.D.
Septimus Severus gave it municipal status. It was a city on which a great many villages
were dependent. It was one of the largest regions in Palestina Prima. In Tabula Peutinger
and Ptolemy it is called Betogabri and is located 32 miles from Jerusalem. It suffered
greatly under Diocletion about 303 A.D. A bisbop attended the Council of Nicea. It is the
present Beit jibrin.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Azeca, strength or crafty" (88). 48. Ailōm (Aialon).
Joshua 10:12; K. 18:13; L. 238:19. Textual variant: aialun (Latin). Eusebius, followed by
the Madaba Map, seems to be confused with Ailmōn (K. 28:l; cf. Joshua 21:18). This could
be 'Almit, east of Tell el Ful or Kh Haiyan both near Rama (K. 144:14) and Gabaa (K.
70:10, 22). The location in reference to Bethel points to Kh el 'alja (cf. I Samuel 10:26,
Judges 19:13) to the southeast. The Hebrew tradition by which Jerome corrects Eusebius is
much more reasonable. It fits the biblical materials and is repeated by Jerome in
Commentary on Ezekiel 42:22 and Ezekiel 42:22 and Epistle 108:3 (cf. Paula vi, PPT, I,51)
This Alous was known by Eusebius (K. 30:27) as in the Nicopolis region. It must then be
Jalo, east of 'Amwas on the road to Jerusalem. Ailōn in Interpretation of Hebrew Names is
referred to the previous Aulonem (88) or, for Aialon "fields or valleys" (90).

49. Achōr. Joshua 7:24, 26; K. 18:17; L. 238:23. Note the error in the Greek where the
name of Achan is turned into Achōr and the valley named after him (Hosea 2:15). Procopius
and K. 84:18 have an entry under Emekachōr, i.e., "valley of Achōr." Procopius 1017 A
writes, "Emekachōr is interpreted by Thedotion and Symmachos, valley of Achōr. Located
north of Ierichō it is even now called this by those in the vicinity. Achōr means
"perverted." Jerome's Epistle 108:13 and Paula VI, PPT 1, 12) writes "It would be quite
lengthy if I would discuss the valley of Achor, i.e. commotion or uproar, where theft and
greed were condemned." This is not a city, out of order, so suspect. It seems obvious that
the name of the "place" was known in the fourth century, possibly near Gilgal (K. 84:21).
The Wadi Nue 'ime fits Eusebius. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "commotion or uproar"
(89), "commotion or uproar or perverted" (120).

50. Asēdōth. Joshua 10:40; K. 18:21; L. 238:27. Cf. K. 16:22 above. This is one of six
entries where "another" or "a second" is used for occurrences of the same name, probably
indicating editing of several sources. 51. Asōr. Joshua 11:1; K. 20:1; L. 238:29. Ancient
Hazor has been well excavated and the location attested at Tell el Qedah, but Eusebius
does not locate it. Procopius 1048D reports, "it alone Iēsous burned while besieging the
other kings since it was the chief of the foreigners" (Joshua 11:10 also Joshua 90:9; cf.
K. 30:22. The second Asōr (cf. Esōr K. 84:26) from Joshua 15:25 is near Askolon and
probably dependent upon it. It may be present day jasur east of Asbdod (K. 20:18).
Interpretation of Hebrew Names has "arrow of light" (88 and102) and "entrance hall" (109).
52. Aermōn. Joshua 11:3, 17; K. 20:6; L. 238:34. LXX also uses the term Baalermon. Vatican
manuscript has Ailerthmōn.

Again a mountain gives its name to a region which was the frontier of Og and of the
tribes. It is part of the Anti-libanas (K. 18:8) range. Also called Sanir (K. 20:10) or
Sanior, and Sirjon (see below K. 20:9, cf. Judges 3:3). The snows of Hermon were famous
for delicacies of ice in the course of history. The inhabitants of Beirut still bring
snow, even snowmen on radiators of cars, down from the mountains in the summer. Even now
it is at times called jebel el teld or "mount of snow," but mostly jebel esh sheikh. Tyrus
(K. 162:15) is also called Sor. Interpretation of Hebrew Names "banned wall" (88). 53.
Alak (Aalac). Joshua 11:17; K. 20:7; L. 238:35. Textual variant: Ahalac (Latin). It is not
in the New Testament. This entry is textually corrupt. In the Vatican Manuscript a new
hand is recognized and several words have been added. Perhaps an attempt is made to use
LXX and add Symmachus.

As noted previously, mountains, three of which are here in successive entries together,
are suspect as not fitting the original purpose and limitations of the Onomasticon to
place names. Interpretation of Hebrew Names "my portion or slippery" (88). 54. Aermōn.
Joshua 11:17; K. 20:9; L. 238:37. Textual variant: For Saniōr the Vatican Manuscript has
Aniōr. This mountain (cf. K. 20:6 and K. 18:8) is given several names. The Phoenicians
called it Sirjon. In Ugaritic it is ah-r-j-n and in Hittite Sarijana and perhaps indicates
the Anti-libanos range. The Amorites called it Senir and the Assyrians Sanian. In LXX we
find both Sanir and Saneir. Eusebius records some of these traditions (Deuteronomy 3:9;
Joshua 12:1). Paganism was not extinct in the fourth century. Ruins of a temple at Banyas
have been found. The information Eusebius records of this pagan cult is dependent upon an
anonymous source, quite possibly only hearsay. This seems to be the purport of phasin,
"they say" or "it is reported" (cf. the Latin dicitur). Paneas became an autonomous city
at the death of Agrippa II and was called briefly Caesarea Philippi.

55. Anōb. Joshua 11:21; K. 20:15; L. 238:44. Textual variants: Bētoannab (Greek) and
Bethoannaba (Latin). Eusebius' reference here is to Bētoannaba which is as confusing as
his reference to Anea (K. 26:8). Jerome attempts to correct Eusebius at Beit Nuba near
Nikopolis but the Madaba Map follows Eusebius and identifies Anob with Bētoannaba to the
East of Diospolis (K. 8:14). In the Roman post service, the horses were changed every four
miles and the two authors have two locations. Eusebius probably identifies 'innaba as his
Bētoannaba. Four miles is distance to turn off from the main road. Jerome seems to intend
Beit nūba for his Bēthannaba. Both sites have Roman-Byzantine ruins. The proper Old
Testament site is Kh 'Anab. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "my submissiveness" (88).
56. Asdōd. Joshua 11:22; K. 20:18; L. 238:47. Cf. below K. 22:11. Note "oppidum" in Latin
(cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix II). 57. Ader. Joshua 12:14; K. 20:21; L. 238:50.

Possibly confused with K. 62:5 and K. 68:11. The letter G is noted as missing in the by
Hebrew by Jerome (K. 63:4, cf. also K. 43:22). Interpretation of Hebrew Names "flock"
(88). 58. Aphek (Afec). Joshua 12:18; K. 22:1; L. 238:52. Textual variant: Aphak (Greek).
Eusebius has several references to Aphek (K. 22:19, K. 30:16, K. 34:11, cf. K. 26:15). No
location is indicated in this entry. The three items listed together seem to be copied
from a list of cities conquered by Iēsous. Probably for eight different towns in the Old
Testament. Interpretation of Hebrew Names "surrounded or border" (89) "new madness or
bounded" (102), "he surrounds or reaches to" (114). 59. Aksaph (Acsaf). Joshua 12:20; K.
22:3; L. 239:54. Textual variants: Achaselōth and Exalous (Greek) and Asapb, Asapat and
Ascaph (Latin). Aksaph is wrongly connected with Chasalous and its real biblical location
is in debate: et Tell, Tell Far, Tell Harbaj, Tell Keisan, Kh el musheirefeh are all
preferred by some scholars to the homonymy KhIksa. However Kh Iksa may be Eusebius'
Chasalous. It has Byzantine remains. (But see K.28:23).

Thabōr is a city on the mountain which is used by Eusebius as a referent. Located at jebel
at-Tor (cf. K. 98:23). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "limping or made, i.e. poiēsis
(creation)" (89). 60. Akkarōn (Accaron). Joshua 13:3; K. 22:6; L. 239:57. Akkarōn is the
Greek form of the name given to one of the five cities of the Philistines, Ekron (see next
entry cf. K. 32:11, K. 62:22, K. 68.4). The Madaba Map puts Akkarōn near Iamnia (K.
106:20) on the road to Azōtus (K. 22:11). The map has the name repeated possibly for
ancient and modern site with identical names in Greek. The Old Testament site seems to be
at Kh Muqenna' a very large site with proper sherds. The name is reflected in 'Aqir which
is a Byzantine to modern site and perhaps was the one which Eusebius had in mind. Jerome
reports an obviously erroneous tradition which would locate it at Caesarea.

This is one of eleven towns reported to be inhabited by Jews in Eusebius' day (K. 26:9, K.
26:12, K. 86:18, K. 88:17, K. 98:26, K. 108:8, K. 78:6, K. 86:21, K. 92:21, K. 136:24 plus
perhaps Nineveh (K. 136:2) cf. Appendix II. Interpretation of Hebrew Names "teaching of
gloom or barrenness" (89) "flocks grazing or is pasture as the Greek has en
poimniotrophiois (sheep feeders)" (123). 61. Azōtos (Azotus). Joshua 13:3; K. 22:11; L.
239:63. Textual variant: Askadōd (Greek). Note Latin transliteration Allefylous (cp. K.
68:24 and Azotes is the Greek of I Maccabees 4:15 etc. for this Philistine city, cf. the
more general entry in K. 20:18 (Joshua 15:47, Judges 1:18). The continued use of the name
probably accounts for the lack of any location being given here. After all it is one of
the famous cities of his time as also is Askalōn (K. 22:15) and Gaza (K. 62:26). In K.
20:19 Eusebius uses polichnē but in K. 22:11 polis. He uses polichnē for only four other
cities of his time: Iamneia (K. 106:20), Sebastē (K. 154:22), Gaza (K. 130:8) and Gabe (K.
70:8).

The Madaba Map has the two cities, one coastal and one inland. Reflecting the Greek of
Eusebius it may be suggesting that in the 4th to 6th centuries the inland Ashdod was less
important. The Tabula Peutinger locates Asdōd ten miles from Iamnia (K. 106:20) and twelve
miles from Askalōn. Procopius 1024B retains the double names Asdōd and Azōtos. Josephus
also reported on the double Azōtos. Jerome in Commentary on Isaiah 20:1 writes "Azotus,"
which is called Esdod by the Hebrews, is the most powerful of the five cities of
Palestine." It was made a municipality by Vespasian. The other Philistine cities are in K.
22:6, K. 22:15, K. 62:22 and K. 68:4. The ancient Philistine site at 'eshdud is being
excavated. The Roman-Byzantine settlement is strong and prosperous on the old site. The
ancient sea port was at Tell Mor, but the Roman-Byzantine port is at Minet el caāa and it
was of increasing importance in Eusebius' time.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Azotii, i.e. Asdodi, fire of my uncle or burning"(89)
"Azotus is called by the Hebrews Esdod and they have the same etymology, fire of the
uncle" (143) "Ashdod destruction or violent movement or burning"(88). 62. Askalōn
(Ascalon). Joshua 13:3; K. 22:15; L. 239:67. Askalōn is one of the "famous cities" in the
Onomasticon and another of the five Philistine cities (see previous entry). According to
Josephus Wars I,21, 11 Herod the Great rebuilt it. Jews were there from the first century
on and a synagogue has been excavated from late Roman times. For a brief period a city
Diocletianopolis was in the vicinity named after the Emperor. It may be the same town, but
the Onomasticon makes no mention of it. A bishop from Askalōn was at the Council of Nicea.
There is a large walled city on the Madaba Hap south of Azōtus (cf. Joshua 15:25, Judges
1:18)

As a city it is used as a referent by the Onomasticon. The Tabula Peutinger locates it 12
miles from Azōtus (K. 22:11) and 15 miles from Gaza (K. 62:22). Tell 'Ashalon is the site
for all periods with the Roman and Byzantine city expanding off and around the mound. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "weight or disreputable fire" (89) "disreputable fire or
ignoble fire" (143). 63. Apheka (Afeca). Joshua 13:4; K. 22:19; L. 239:71. A number of
Apheks are in the Onomasticon (cf. K. 22:1). This Apheka is one of three contemporary
villages called "great" in the text (cf. Thamna 96:25 and Magdiel 130:21) but others are
episēmos "famous" or "notable," megistai (splendid) rather than megalē (large). The
location "near" or "in the vicinity of" is very inexact in the terms of our text.
Sometimes it is made more exact by a second location which gives mileage. Hippos is a city
of the Decapolis and is near present day Susita (Aramaic for the Greek?). The remains are
primarily Qalat el Husn. A great Hellenistic-Roman and Byzantine site is there. Its region
included dependent villages such as Apheka.

On the plateau east, the Sea of Galilee (K. 72:21) is the present day Fiq which suits the
Onomasticon and is on the road between Damascus and Beisan. The change in its fortunes
over a century may be indicated by the change to "large castle" in Jerome. Or it may
merely be Jerome's Hebrew knowledge coming through since Hebrew aphek can be translated
"fortress" (Appendix IX). Palestine may be East Jordan called Palastinē Secunda. 64. Algad
(Agad). Joshua 13:5; K. 22:22; L. 239:74. Here as in many entries the Onomasticon merely
quotes the Bible. Perhaps this should be Baalgad as in MT (cf. K. 48:1). The LXX
transliteration is used. 65. Aimath (Aemoth). Joshua 13:5; K. 22:23; L. 239:75. Textual
variants: Aitham (Greek) and for "other" Amatha (Latin). Possibly three or four towns are
involved in these lines. In the Peraia and located in relation to Pella (cf. K. 14:19),
this Ammathous was a chief city in Herodian Peraia. It is probably Tell 'Ammata near Tell
el Qos. This site has many Roman-Byzantine sherds. The Talmud identifies this with Saphon
(K. 156:1) which may have been at Tell el Qos. There was probably a Roman garrison at this
first Ammathous according to Notitia Dignitatum (73:33).

Near Gadara (K. 74:10) in the Bethshan valley there is a Tell el Hamah which may reflect
Emmatha and possibly the city of Roubin. Better for Eusebius is nearby scheri 'at-el
mensdire where there are springs, baths and extensive Roman establishments. Note how each
of these first two are localized in a different manner. Jerome's addition is the present
Syrian town of Hamath on the Orontes (cf. K. 36:10). The fourth town in Syria was the
Northeast limit of David's kingdom as noted here from II Kings 14:25f. Its identity with
Epiphania is repeated in K. 90:7 and in Jeromes' Commentary on Isaiah 10:5. But in the
Commentary on Amos 6:2 he apparently sees that as the "little Emath" while the "great
Emath is now called Antiochia." Possibly this Hamath also is in K. 88:30 below. 66. Ammon.
Josua 13:10, 25; K. 24:1; L. 239:81. Cf. 16:15 above. 67. Adira. Joshua 15:3; K. 24:3; L.
239:83.

The broken section of the Madaba Map may include Addara near Diospolis (K. 8:14). The
location of the biblical site is unknown as is the location of the "other" site. The best
suggestion is Kh ed Deir for the region of Diospolis (cp. K. 80:11). Thamna (K. 96:24) on
the southern border of Joudas is in the region also of Diospolis. It gives its name to the
Thamnitikē southwest of Nablus. If Jerome is consistent, there is indication of a change
in fortune for the worse in the century. 68. Akarka. Joshua 15:3; K. 24:6; L. 239:86.
Textual variants: Akkarka and Akarkas (Greek). The text is unclear. It may be a confusion
for Ekron, Akkarōn (K. 22:6). Or with the LXX it may be the Hebrew article transliterated.
Near the steppe or desert could fit Karkaia (K. 116:18) a day beyond Petra, but that is
inconsistent with the tribe of Jouda annotation. No identification is possible.

69. Achōr. Joshua 15:7; K. 24:8; L. 239:88. The last part of this entry is missing in the
Vatican Manuscript. A Simple tribal listing. See K. 18:17 and K. 84:18. 70. Adommim.
Joshua 15:7; K. 24:9; L. 239:89. Textual variants: Adonim and Addommim (Latin). There is a
strong possibility that the Greek text is incomplete and that Jerome is not adding
information to Eusebius. The first word is missing in the Vatican Manuscript. This is
"deserted" or in ruins at the editor's time. It is also called "a place" but not a
"deserted place" literally. This is the only use, however, of "deserted village" in the
Onomasticon. Jerome in Epistle 108:12 (Paula PPT I,11) writes, "she passed by, (i.e. on
the road from Jerusalem to Jerico), reflecting on the kindness of the Samaritan, that is
of the shepherd who put the half dead man upon his own beast and brought him to the fold
of the church and the place Adomim which is translated 'of blood' because much blood was
shed there in the frequent inroads of robbers" (Luke 10:30ff.).

Maledommei means "ascent of blood" and in Arabic Qal'at ed damm means almost the same
thing, "fort of blood", while Tal'at ed damm would be identical in meaning. This spot is
located just about half way to Jericho. The tradition of robbers, of the Good Samaritan is
reinforced by the reddish limestone in the area. Popularly the Chan el Ahmar is pointed
out, but the spot is really off the road farther, perhaps at Qal'at ed damm. The garrison
in the area between Jerusalem and Jericho is reported elsewhere in Notitia Dignitatum
(74:47-48). Baldi suggests that Jerome reflects the present scattered tradition. The
ascent of blood seems to refer to the geographic position; the fort of blood to the Roman
fort, and the supposed sites of the parable Chan el Hatrūn and of the Inn Chan el Ahmar.
71. Amam. Joshua 15:26; K. 24:12; L. 240:92. Textual variant: Amem (Greek).

A simple listing of the tribal allotment occurs frequently, especially in the Joshua
entries. Jouda more frequently localized than other tribes suggesting the early source of
Onomasticon was developed in Jewish times in Jerusalem. 72. Aser. Joshua 15:27; K. 24:12;
L. 240:93. In Mt.Hezron and Hazor are equated and located on southern border of Judah (cp.
K. 20:3 above). In Eusebius' time it was a large village but location is uncertain. 73.
Asarsoual (Asarsual). Joshua 15:28; K. 24:14; L. 240:95. Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "home of foxes" (90). 74. Ain. Joshua 15:32; K. 24:15; L.
240:96. Textual variants: Baithanin, Bēithanin, Bēthcnim (K. 94:20 Greek) and cf. ēnaim
also. Located with two mileage markers from the terebinth (K. 76:1) and Chebron (K.
170:25) two well-used referents (cf. Josh 21:16). This Bēethanin is probably the same as
Beit 'ainun, north of Hebron. This is probably the real location of either Bethalōth (K.
50:17) or Bēthenim (K. 94:20). In the MT it is quite probable that Ain was only a prefix
to Rimmon (K. 144:11)

Interpretation of Hebrew Names "eye or well" (89); "well" (79); "well or eye" (118); but
"interrogation" (88). 75. Asthaōl. Joshua 15:33; K. 24:18; L. 240:99. Asthō is not a
proper identification for Asthaōl. At Asthō there may have been a Roman garrison (Notitia
Dignitatum 73:35-36) but its remains are undefinable. A border town in the Onomasticon but
not clearly located. 76. Asna. Joshua 15:35; K. 24:20; L. 240:1. Simple tribal listing
(cf. K. 26:4). 77. Adolam (Adollam). Joshua 15:35; K. 24:21; L. 240:2. The size of this
village seems in debate between Eusebius and Jerome or it changed in the century. It is
dependent upon Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) but is not on a major Roman road. In the MT it is
in the Shephelah and probably located at Tell esh sheikh Madkur (cf. K. 84:22 and K.
140:20). The Vulgate has variants Adullam. Odullam and Odollam (cf. K. 84:22 where such a
village is twelve miles east of Eleutheropolis) and K. 172:7 near Chasbi also in the
region of Eleutheropolis) at Kh id el Minya south of Chasbi.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Adollamin, their society" (89) and Adollam also (106).
78. Adiathaim (Adithaim). Joshua 15:36; K. 24:23; L. 240:4. Textual variants: Adatha and
Adiathaeim (Greek). In the Madaba Map we find Adlathim which now is Aditha, east of
Diospolis. Adia does not appear as the name of the village near Gaza in the Greek texts.
The Latin texts vary as to Adia a village or little village and Aditha around or near
Diospolis. On the Tabula Peutinger there is an Addianim which may or may not be related to
this entry. Apparently Aditha is added here by confusion of sounds. This town in Eusebius
and on the Madaba Map is northeast of Lydd at el Haditha (cf. I Maccabees 12:38 and Ezra
2:33). The original Adiathain is located at another el Haditeh, north of Yalu (Ajalōn).
This may be stretched as a location "near Gaza" but probably, the first village Adia is
unknown.

79. Adasa. Joshua 15:37; K. 26:1; L. 240:6. Textual variants: Gouphna, Gophna, Taphnōn,
Gophnōn (Greek cf. K. 168:16, K. 74:2) and Gofnesem (Latin). The biblical reference is to
a town in the Shephelah which is not clearly identified, but Kh el judeideh has been
suggested. Eusebius has been confused and Jerome says so in clear fashion (cf. Josh 16:5
and Onomasticon K. 29:7). Probably the village Eusebius would locate for us is Kh 'Adaseh
near Beth Horon referred to in I Maccabees 7:40. Gouphōn comes into the picture because of
Josephus Wars I, I, 5-6 which connects Nicanor's retreat and fall with Gophonitikē. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Adasa, new" (89). 80. Ather. Joshua 15:42; K. 26:3; L.
240:8. Textual variants: Atherei, Ether and Acherei (Greek). Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Athar, depreciating" (89). 81. Asan. Joshua 15:42; K.
26:4; L. 240:9. Textual variant: Theuasa (Greek). Latin omits "to the west."

Bethasan is a dependent village of Jerusalem. In MT it should be found in the Shephelah.
This may be Adasa of I Maccabees 7:40. It is probably beit shenna near 'amwas. The Old
Testament site is Kh 'Asan northwest of Beersheba. Perhaps Eusebius is locating here the
Ashna of Joshua 15:23 which is only listed in the Onomasticon at K. 24:20. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Asam, smoke" (90) or "smoking" (102). 82. Asema. Joshua
15:43; K. 26:6; L. 240:11. A simple tribal listing. Possibly related to Iedna K. 106:15.
83. Achzeib (Agzif). Joshua 15:44; K. 26:7; L. 240:13. Textual variant: Azeib (Greek). A
simple tribal listing. 84. Anab. Joshua 15:50; K. 26:8; L. 240:14. This entry is probably
identical to K. 20:15. The Anab located by Eusebius in the territory of Eleutheropolis is
appropriate. The reference to Annia is confusing (cf. Bethanatha K. 52:24). This is
another of the villages inhabited by Jews, most of which are in southern Judah (K. 22:9).
A neighboring town is all Christian (K. 26:14). This twin city has been identified with Kh
Juweim el Jarbiya southwest of Hebron. The higher one to the east is Christian and the
lower Jewish. Nine miles marks off from main road.

The Daroma is a region south of Judah and southwest of Edom. Daroma is one of the many
Hebrew words for "South" [(cf. Negeb (K. 136:14) and Theman (K. 137:15)]. At least 15
towns are in the Daroma according to the Onomasticon (K. 26:12, 60:8, 68:19, 70:11, 78:21,
86:9, 86:21, 88:4, 88:18, 92:15, 98:27, 108:3, 108:10, 110:18, 120:22, 146:25, 156:12,
172:21). 85. Asthemō (Asthemof). Joshua 15:50; K. 26:11; L. 240:17. Textual variants:
Ansoema, cp. Esthemo (K. 86:20), Esthama (K. 90:2) and Ansim for the contemporary site
(Greek), Anem (Latin). Only Jerome notes this to be a Jewish village and probably it is es
semu'a where remains of a synagogue have been found. It is near Anaia (K. 26:9) another
Jewish village (cf. Note on K. 22:9). The Greek K. 86:20 notes it is a large Jewish
village in the Daroma (Appendix II). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Esthamoe, woman of
the womb" (93) and "Esthamma, passion" (93).

86. Aneim (Anim). Joshua 15:50; K. 26:13; L. 240:19. This entry is related to K. 26:8
above. This is the twin of the Jewish village which probably continued on the Old
Testament site. This Christian village is new and upper Kh Juwein el Foqa also called
Juwien esh-Shargiya. There are only three wholly Christian villages in the Onomasticon
over against almost a dozen wholly Jewish ones listed (cf. K. 112:16 Kariatha). Very close
in the west is Ietheira (K. 108:3). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Anem, circles or
crowns or singing" (89). 87. Aphaka (Afeca). Joshua 15:53; K. 26:15; L. 240:22. A simple
tribal listing, but one of the many related to Aphek in both the Old Testament and the
Onomasticon (cf. K. 22:19). 88. Amata (Ammata). Joshua 15:54; K. 26:16; L. 240:23. Textual
variants: Ammata (Greek), Ammeta (Latin) and Athmatha (Vulgate). A simple tribal listing.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ammeta, light" (89).

89. Arebba. Joshua 15:60; K. 26:17; L. 240:24. Textual variant: Aremba for MT rabbah
(Greek). A simple tribal listing. 90. Archiatarōth (Ataroth). Joshua 16:2; K. 26:18; L.
241:25. Textual variant: Ramam (Latin). The Greek calls this a biblical city, which the
Latin text omits. The Latin gives a vague location while the Greek has none. The Greek
combines this entry with the next as is done by the LXX. 91. Atarōth. Joshua 16:5; K.
26:19; L. 241:26. The Old Testament site is not clearly located by scholars. Some see the
name as persisting near Bir Zeit in Kh 'Attarah. In Eusebius' time there were two Atarōths
dependent on Jerusalem (K. 26:26, K. 112:6). The Onomasticon errs in locating it four
miles north of Sebestē (K. 154:21) at 'attara. But the 4 miles marks the turn off from
main road to the contemporary village there. This is one of the few places in the Greek
text where the word miliōn is used for "mile." The usual word is "semeiōn" for "sign"
indicating milestone or marker. In Latin the most frequent term for milestone is lapidus
but occasionally miliarius is used. More infrequently milus and millus for 1000 paces or
mile "between" or "from" a site. In K. 27:24 lapidus has a textual variant miliarius.

Sebastē is the Roman city of Samaria (K. 162:13, K. 154:21) and is used as a referent the
Bible and Onomasticon. Dothaeim is also north of Sebastē (K. 76:13). 92. Adar. Joshua
16:5; K. 26:21; L. 241:28. A simple tribal listing. 93. Asēr. Joshua 17:10; K. 26:22; L.
241:29. See also Aser above (K. 24:13) in Judah. Many of the pilgrims located the home of
Job fifteen miles from Nablus on the main road from the Jordan Valley (cf. PPT I, 18, 67)
and it probably is the present tajasir. In the Onomasticon the home of Job is far away (K.
112:6, K. 142:3). 94. Atarōth. Joshua 18:13; K. 26:25; L. 241:32. The two villages are
probably both called now Kh'attara, one near Bir Zeit (above K. 26:19) and the other east
of Hizma dependent upon Jerusalem (K. 112:6). These may only be retaining the name and the
Old Testament sites are to be located elsewhere.

95. Anathōth. Joshua 21:18; K. 26:27; L. 241:34. Jerome in Commentary on Jeremiah 11:21
agrees with the three miles given here. The Roman-Byzantine site for the home of Jeremiah
was the present village of 'Anata. Josephus has it 20 stadia from Jerusalem (Antiquities
X, 7, 3). There are more ancient remains but not as many at nearby Ras el Harrubeh which
may be the Old Testament site. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Anathoth, obeying or
responding to signs" (90) and "response or responding to signs or obedience" (125). 96.
Adar (Addar). Joshua 18:13; K. 26:30; L. 241:37. A simple tribal listing. This may be an
addition if the previous entry is correct. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Adar,
splendid or coverlet" (89). 97. Ailmōn (Aelomon). Joshua 21:18; K. 28:1; L. 241:38.
Textual variant Ailōn (Greek). Cf. also K. 18:13. This is out of the biblical order. 98.
Amekkasis (Amez-casis). Joshua 18:21; K. 28:2; L. 241:39.

Textual variant Amekasis (Greek). The Latin has proper MT translation of Amek or emek
"valley" but the location is unknown. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Emeccasis, valley
of breaking up" (93). 99. Aueim (Avim). Joshua 18:23; K. 28:3; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek
text. Not in Vatican Manuscript. A simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Eneam, behold you or behold they are" (93). 100. Aphra. Joshua 18:23; K. 28:4; L.
241:40. Textual variant Effrem (Latin). The village Aiphraim fits this location. A textual
variant has six for five miles. Madaba Map with "Ephron or Ephraia" may reflect Jerome's
spelling. Seems that Eusebius has the correct location at et tayibe (cf. K. 86:1). For
Ophra, Ephron, Ephraim and Aphra. Madaba map notes the New Testament event as in K. 90:18.
A strong Maccabean city (I Maccabees 5:46). It was occupied by Vespasian (Antiquities IV,
9, 9). 101. Ammōenia (Ammoeniam). Joshua 18:24; K. 28:6; L. 241:42.

A simple tribal listing. Vulgate has Emona for MT Ammonah. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Ammona, his people" (90). 102. Aphnei (Afni). Joshua 18:24; K. 28:7; L. 241:43.
Simple tribal listing, probably the same as the Gophna (jifna) of the pilgrims. Cf. K.
168:16. 103. Alph. Joshua 18:28; K. 28:8; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek text. Simple tribal
listing. Missing in the Latin text. 104. Arēm (Arim). Joshua 18:28; K. 28:9; L. 241:45.
This is a Greek transliteration for "villages" in the MT. The Bēthariph near Diospolis (K.
8:14) may be dair tarif near Lydda and off the main road. The Greek has been emended here
from the Latin text. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Eram, sublime life" (94). 105.
Amsa. Joshua 18:26; K. 28:11; L. 241:47. Textual variant Ampsa (Latin). Simple tribal
listing. Possibly out of order and suspect. 106. Asar. Joshua 19:3; K. 28:12; L. 241:48.
Simple tribal listing.

107. Asan. Joshua 19:3; K. 28:13; L. 241:49. Textual variant Aaon (Latin). A simple tribal
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Asan, smoke" (90). 108. Amarchabob. Joshua
19:5; K. 28:14; L. 241:50. Textual variant Amarchabōn (Greek). A simple tribal listing.
109. Ain. Joshua 19:7; K. 28:15; L. 241:51. A simple tribal listing with editorial
addition from the list of priestly cities. Thus a tribe could be given to two tribes as on
the border. Loyalty may have shifted (cp. K. 50:1, 88:11, 98:22, 130:6, 144:11, etc.).
110. Asenna. Joshua 19:7; K. 28:16; L. 241:52. A simple tribal listing. 111. Ammathar.
Joshua 19:13; K. 28:17; L. 241:53. Textual variant Amatha (Greek). Simple tribal listing.
112. Anoua (Anua). Joshua 19:13; K. 28:18; L. 241:54. Textual variants: Anoua apioutōn,
Anouabōr kai and Anoua boreēthen. Josephus has Anouathon Borkaios (Wars III 3, 5). Vatican
manuscript also has Anouan for Ailian an obvious scribal error. There is a variation of 5
miles between the Greek and Latin Text.

Location is unknown for the Roman-Byzantine site. 113. Anathōn. Joshua 19:14; K. 28:21; L.
241:57. Textual variants: Anathōth (Greek) and Annathon (Latin). Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ennathon, giving favor" (93). 114. Acheselōth
(Achaseloth). Joshua 19:18; K. 28:22; L. 241:58. Textual variants: Achaseluth and (for
contemporary site) Chaslus (Latin). Cf. K. 22:4 for similar location of Chaslous probably
at iksal southeast of Nazareth (K. 138:24) which preserves part of the ancient name.
Probably to be equated with Chaselath Thabor (K. 174:11). 115. Aiphraim (Aefraim). Joshua
19:19; K. 28:25; L. 241:61. Textual variant Afraim (Latin). The biblical site is unknown
since et taiyebeh suggested by some is really Ophra (cf. K. 28:4 above). The Byzantine
Aphraia is probably Kh Fareir northwest of Legeōn (K. 14:21) and properly measured in
distance to turn off from main road. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Efraim, growing or
fruitful" (81, cf. 65) "fertile or growth which we are not able to call Augentium, from
growing." (142).

116. Anerth (Anereth). Joshua 19:19; K. 28:27; L. 242:64. A simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Enarath, behold be takes hold" (93). 117. Aims (Aemes).
Joshua 19:20; K. 28:28; L. 242:65. Textual variant Aim (Greek). Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ames, powerful" (90). 118. Achsaph (Achsaf). Joshua 19:25;
K. 30:1; L. 242:66. Textual variant Achiam (Greek). Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 22:3).
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Acsa, limping or dead" (89). 119. Alimelech. Joshua
19:26; K. 30:2; L. 242:67. Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 22:3). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Ekunekech, my god is king" (102). 120. Amod (Amath). Joshua 19:26; K. 30:3;
L. 242:68. Textual variant in LXX Amad. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Amath, these people" (90). 121. Abdōn. Joshua 19:28; K. 30:4; L. 242:69. Textual
variants: Ardōn (Greek) and Dabbōn (LXX B). Simple tribal listing. The Latin has added
from the list of Levitical cities and the Greek could be emended so, but such listings are
a later editing.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Abdo, his slave" (90) "Abdon, slave of the wall" (99).
122. Aneiēl (Aniel). Joshua 19:27; K. 30:5; L. 242:70. Textual variants: Aneir and Aniel
(Greek). The Byzantine Baitoannaia (cf. K. 52:24) is 'Anin, off the road to Legeōn, east
of Caesarea the mileage is mark for leaving main highway. It has nothing to do with the
identity of the Old Testament site. In K. 70:8 a Gabe is 16 miles east of Caesarea but
this is no problem since a quadrant is involved, not the same road. It is peculiar that an
anonymous report on the healing qualities is recorded by an author from nearby Caesarea.
Did Eusebius doubt the volcanic baths' power? Or is this indication of an editor? (Cp. K.
52:24.) In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Enihel, god is my grace" (81). 123. Achran.
Joshua 19:28; K. 30:8; L. 242:73. Simple tribal listing.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Achran, he disturbed them" (78). 124. Ammōn. Joshua
19:28; K. 30:9; L. 242:74. Textual variant Amon (Latin). Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ammnon, people of the wall" (90). 125. Akchō (Accho).
Joshua 19:30; K. 30:10; L. 242:75. Textual variant Akko (Greek). Procopius 1048A has
"Agcho, it is now said to be Ptolemais." The identity is repeated by Jerome's Epistle
108:f. (cf. Paula PPT I, 4) Tabula Peutinger has Ptolemais 32 miles from Tyre end 20 from
Dor. There was a bishop from here at the Council of Nicea. The ancient city is east of the
modern town of Acre. A whole complex of Roman roads led there. It is often used as a
referent in the Onomasticon. It was a territory as described in Josephus Wars II, 10, 2.
The reference to Israel's incomplete conquest is from Judges 1:31 (cf. below K. 30:12,
16).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Accho, up to this or hook or his submissiveness" (98).
126. Achzeiph (Achzif). Joshua 19:29; K. 30:12; L. 242:77. The first portion of this entry
is not in the Vatican manuscript but has been emended on the basis of the Latin. The
mileage is also missing in Vatican. Vulgate variant has Achazib. All agree with Eusebius
that Ekdippa was the same as Achzib (Josephus Wars I, 13, 4 (Itin. Bourd 19, 5). Many
Roman-Byzantine-Arab artifacts found here. The distance is exact for ez zib which still
reflects the same name. Some itineraries have 8 miles for Eusebius' 9. This reflects
difference in counting: from center of city or first milestone from edge, etc. Israel's
failure noted in Judges 1:31(cf. K. 30:10). 127. Amma. Joshua 19:30; K. 30:15; L. 242:79.
Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Amma, his people" (90). 128.
Aphek (Afec). Joshua 19:30; K. 30:16; L. 242:80.

Another of the many Apheks. Israel's failure in Judges 1:31 (cf. K. 30:10, 12). 129.
Ademmei (Ademme). Joshua 19:33; K. 30:18; L. 242:82. Textual variants Armai (LXX) and
Aderni (Syr.). Confusing Hebrew daleth and resh. Simple tribal listing. 130. Asedeim
(Aseddim). Joshua 19:35; K. 30:19; L. 242:83. This is a name based on a LXX variant which
has incorporated the Hebrew article into the transliteration. LXX also confused the Hebrew
daleth and resh. The Vulgate Assedim appears. Onomasticon correct with d from Hebrew.
Simple tribal listing. 131. Amath. Joshua 19:35; K. 30:20; L. 242:84. Textual variants:
Amathi (Greek) and Ematha (Latin). Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Amath, this people" (90). 132. Adami. Joshua 19:36; K. 30:21; L. 242:85. Simple
tribal listing. 133. Asōr. Joshua 19:36; K. 30:22; L. 242:86. Simple tribal listing plus
II Kings 15:29. Cp. K. 20:1 above. Possibly these five Nephtheim entries are from a late
list added or else the following entry is an addition out of order.

134. Azanōth. Joshua 19:34; K. 30:24; L. 242:88. Textual variant Azananōth (Greek).
Another of the villages dependent on Diokaesareia but Eusebius is not sure about the
location. 135. Ailōn. Joshua 19:43; K. 30:26; L. 242:90. Textual variants: Ahialon and
Ahilon (Latin). Eusebius seems to be confused here. Perhaps this is the Aialon of Jerome
19:16. Nikopolis is in the Valley of Aialon. In 220/1 A.D. Emaus was given the name
Nikopolis (cf. K. 90:1.5). It was a famous city and a regional free city including both
Aislon and Gezer (K. 66:21) in its territory. There was a bishop at the Council of Nicea
from this chief city of the district. Jerome's Epistle 108 reports a church here. It is
present day 'Amwas. Alous is the located at Yalu. JUDGES 136. Arad. Judges 1:16; K. 32:2;
L. 242:94. Textual variant Arab (Greek). See above K. 14:1f. 137. Ared. Joshua Judges 7:1;
K. 32:4; L. 242:96.

Rivers, wells, mountains are all suspect entries in the Onomasticon. This is also out of
order in the biblical sequence of things and suspect for that second reason also (cf. K.
36:4, 54:21, 72:22, 116:23, 116:25, 118:11). 138. Arisōth. Judges 4:2; K. 32:5; L. 242:97.
Textual variant Asiroth (Latin). Eusebius identifies erroneously this with Iabeia Galaad
(cf. K. 110:11f). Iabis is located six miles from Pella (K. 14:19) in both entries and
this points to vicinity of Tell el Maqlub, which is the Old Testament site. Byzantine site
is Kh Isna exactly six miles from Pella. By Procopius' time (1049A) it was a village, no
longer a great city. But Procopius has confused the distance - 20 miles from Pella and 60
from Gerasa. (The Greek of Procopius has been corrected from the Onomasticon to read six,
but only in Latin is the text complete for Procopius on this item.). Perhaps a corrected
distance would be six from Pella and 20 from Gerasa. Harosheth of Old Testament is not
located by the Onomasticon.

139. Ares. Judges 8:13; K. 32:8; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Text missing in Greek
Vatican manuscript. There seems to be a confusion of the Greek and Hebrew biblical texts.
140. Aroueir (Aruir). Judges 11:33; K. 32:9; L. 243:00. Textual variant Arouei (Greek).
The scene seems to be in Transjordan but the homecoming has confused Eusebius (cf. K.
12:5). The Greek, if not an error, points to the vicinity of er Ram, possibly Kh arajanj.
If Jerome is followed, as many prefer to do in order to arrive closer to Mizpeh (K.
130:1), it must be located at Kh 'arūra. The 20 is in conjuction of main road north from
Jerusalem. A branch goes west to Kh 'arūra. 141. Arima. Judges 9:41; K. 32:11; L. 243:2. A
simple report of Scripture (cf. K. 144:27) 142. Aialon (Aialin). Judges 12:12; K. 32:12;
L. 243:3. The judge of Israel (Judges 12:11) has a name which sounds almost the same as
that of the clan. Probably Ailon or Elon would be proper for both. Biblical information
only.

143. Abel of the vineyards. Judges 11:33; K. 32:14; L. 243:5. Textual variants: Abel
(Greek) and Abila (Latin). The biblical site is located by Eusebius in the region of
Philadelphia (K. 16:15) and seems to be in the vicinity of Na 'ur, perhaps even Na 'ur or
Qom Yajus or else closer to Heshbon at Kh es Suq. The Greek text makes this very vague
(cp. K. 10:28). Abela near Gadara (cf. K. 74:10) is the large town of the Decapolis (K.
80:16) which is to be located at Tell Abil. A few scholars would locate it at nearby
Muqes. Abela of the Phoenicians is not identified as to size by Eusebius. Possibly
following the Tabula Peutinger which has it 18 miles from Damascus (K. 76:4) it is
possibly located at suk wadi barada on the way to Paneas (K. 16:4). In Eusebius' day
Phoenicia was a distinct 'Roman province not to be confused with Palestine or Syria. This
was true from about 194-381 A.D. According to Eusebius it includes Damascus, Abela, Byblos
and Sidon with Tyro as its chief city.

KINGS 144. Armthem Seipha (Sofim). I Samuel 1:1; K. 32:21; L. 243:12. The New Testament
identification (Matthew 21:51) here may be the first real work of the Christian author
(whether Eusebius or not) who compiled and collected several Jewish and biblical lists
(cp. K. 144:29). For Diospolis see K. 8:14 and Thamnitikē see K. 24:4. In 200 Diospolis
took over the region earlier called Thamna. The Madaba Map has both names and follows
Eusebius in identifying the two Old Testament and New Testament places but does not
clearly follow Eusebius in the location. "Armathem or Arimathea" seems to be due north of
Jerusalem near Nebi Samwil and Ramalla while Eusebius and other Christian traditions
locate Arimathea at Rentis, northeast of Diospolis. Both the map and Eusebius seem to
separate these two names from Ramah (I Samuel 1:19 cf. K. 144:14). The Armathem in Greek
reflects the transcription of the Hebrew article. Jerome writes in Epistle 108:8 (Paula
PPT I, p. 4) "not far from it (Diospolis) is Arimathiam the little village of Joseph who
buried the Lord" (cf. Luke 23:5). The Old Testament Rama of Samuel is uncertain.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Armathaim, their height" (102). 145. Abenezer. I Samuel
4:1; K. 32:24; L. 243:15. This is a "place" and possibly textually suspect as well.
Etymology (K. 56:6) plus a biblical reference and a vague location. Since the Survey of
Western Palestine it has been suggested that Eusebius had in mind Deir Aban near
Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) but all agree that is not the Old Testament site. Bethsamys or
Bēthsames (K. 54:11) is probably 'ain Shema near beit jibrin. 146. Aphesdomeim
(Afesdomim). I Samuel 17:1; K. 34:1; L. 243:18. Textual variant Afesdommim (Latin).
Biblical and Hexaplaric information only. 147. Anegb (Annegeb). I Samuel 20:41; K. 34:3;
L. 243:20. Textual variant Aneka (Greek). The Greek text has again transliterated the
Hebrew article. Two synonyms for the southern quadrant are used in the Greek and two in
the Latin. Only Hexaplaric information (cp. K. 136:14, 137:16f.). 148. Arith. I Samuel
22:5; K. 34:4; L. 243:21.

The LXX is followed by our Greek text and makes this a city while in the New Testament we
find "forest." It is a region west of Jerusalem. Eusebius' Arath which is not the forest
may be perpetuated in Kh Hareish. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Arith, delay" (102).
149. Aialim. I Samuel 24:3; K. 34:6; L. 243:23. Textual variants: Aalim, Abialeim (Greek),
Achia, Ala, Ahialim (Latin). The Onomasticon makes a proper name out of the MT phrase.
Theodotion is more literal. Only Hexaplaric information. 150. Aendōr. I Samuel 29:1; K.
34:8; L. 243:25. Textual variant Iesrael (Greek). The LXX has this place name where the MT
only has "fountain in Israel." It is in the vicinity of Mt.Thabor (K. 22:4, 98:23). The
name is perpetuated at 'Andūr. Perhaps the same as Eddēr (K. 94:22) of Saul which is
located near Nain and so also near Thabōr. 'Andūr has no ancient ruins and is not a tell.
It has been suggested that nearby Kh es safsafeh is the place and it does have evidence of
lengthy occupation.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Aendor, eye or well of the generation" (102) and "Endor
well of the generation" (93). 151. Aphek (Afec). I Samuel 29:1; K. 34:11; L. 243:28.
Textual variant Apher (Greek). One of the many confused Apheks in Scripture and the
Onomasticon. By inference this is said to be near the above Aendōr. Eusebius gives no
location data which is not directly from the Bible. 152. Arma. I Samuel 30:26, 30; K.
34:13; L. 243:30. In Samuel there are a number of towns which are listed in the
Onomasticon with no other information than the biblical reference to David's spoils (I
Samuel 30:26f.). This may possibly be identical with K. 88:1 below. 153. Athach. I Samuel
30:26, 30; K. 34:14; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Textual variant Athlac (Latin). This
entry is missing in the Vatican manuscript. Only information is on the spoils as in the
above Arma. LXX also has Athach for Ether (K. 88:3) in Joshua 15:42.

154. Amma. II Samuel 2:24; K. 34:15; L. 243:31. One of the entries where only the
Scripture is quoted for location and identity. 155. Aeththam Adassai (Aethon Adasai). II
Samuel 24:6; K. 34:16; L. 243:32. Textual variant Arnmeiththa (Greek). Perhaps the same as
Thaad in K. 100:19. Only Hexaplaric information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Ammeta, light" (89) and "Adasa, new" (89). 156. Alōn Area Orna. II Samuel 24:16; K.
34:17; L. 243:33. Textual variant 'orion (Greek). This is not a place in the MT but refers
to a person who is a Jebusite and is connected with Jerusalem. The identification of
Eusebius is in the biblical passage Joshua 18:28 (cf. K. 106:7 below). 'Alōn and Area both
are proper translations of MT "threshing floor." 157. Assour. I Kings 9:15; K. 34:18; L.
243:34. This item is out of order and may be an editorial addition. The Roman Ioudaia is
indicated here rather than the Old Testament Jouda. If this is one of the cities Solomon
built it is a textual variant for Hazōr (K. 20:1). This same annotation occurs in K. 90:9,
132:2 and 134:1, 3.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Assur, directing or beauty or stepping or accusing"
(60) and "Assur beauty or step" (78). 158. Abelmaelai (Abelmaula). I Kings 4:12; K. 34:20;
L. 243:35. Textual variant Bethaula (Latin). Eusebius is not sure of the location of this
village. He knows only two possibilities with similar sounds. Josephus' Antiquities VIII
13, 7 notes, "Elisha of the city of Abela" (cf. I Kings 19:16). This could be Beeleōn (K.
44:21) which is also the large village from which Elissaios came (K. 46:2) but that is
nine miles from Esbus which would put it in the southeastern section of the Aulōn (K.
14:22). Bethmaela is 10 miles from Skythopolis (K. 16:2) but only Jerome has "south." Such
a milestone has been reported at Tell Abu Sus. Other scholars would locate Eusebius' site
near 'Ain el helweh or Tell Abu Sifri but the latter has no Roman-Byzabtine remains. The
former has Roman-Byzantine remains but no clear evidence. Tell Abu Sus is Old Testament
site, Kh es Sakut nearby is Byzantine.

Abelmea is perhaps in the other direction on the way west and up to Neapolis (K. 4:28) but
only seen from the road. There are remains of a Roman bath, etc. near the source of the
Wadi el Malih so perhaps 'ain malih is correct for this Eusebius site, but not for the Old
Testament location. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Abimahel, my father from God" (61).
159. Auothiaeir (Avothiair). I Kings 4:13; K. 34:24; L. 244:39. Textual variant Auōthenaēr
(Greek). Simple biblical summary. 160. Ailath. I Kings 9:26; K. 34:25; L. 244:40. Textual
variant. Latin omits Ailas. The first part of the entry quotes the biblical text. Ailas
probably refers to Ailam (K. 6:17 cp. K. 36:1 and K. 62:13). 161. Ailōth (Aeloth). II
Kings 14:22; K. 34:27; L. 244:42. Textual variant Ailōn (Greek) Aloth (Latin). This is out
of order and seems to be an editorial addition to the previous entry and the one in K.
36:1. It gives an additional item of biblical information.

162. Ainda (Aenda). I Kings 15:20; K. 34:28; L. 244:43. Textual variant Ain of Dan
(Greek). The MT has only Dan. This biblical information is repeated in K. 148:15 also with
the Greek of the LXX text which varies from the MT. 163. Asiōn Babai (Asiongaber). I Kings
22:49; K. 36:1; L. 244:44. Additional biblical information is given for the site on the
Gulf of Aqabah. Eusebius seems to try to distinguish two sites nearby: Aisia (K. 62:15)
and Alla (K. 6:17, 34:25, 62:16). The Bible does not distinguish too clearly between Ezion
Geber and Elath (cf. II Chronicles 20:36). A bishop from Ailath at Nicea. Tell el
Kheleifeh is usually identified with Old Testament Ezion Geber after Glueck, but it has no
ruins later than the Israelite captivity. Possible location may be Jirzere Farra'un. Aila-
Aqabah-Elath has Nabatean, Roman, Byzantine, and Arab occupation. Another small settlement
Aisia between the coast and the Old Testament site seems to be indicated in Eusebius.
Modern Israeli Eilat is a new town.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Esopmgaber, a wish or council of sorrow" (111). 164.
Alae (Alle), Abor, Gozan. II Kings 17:6; K. 36:4; L. 244:47. Textual variant Abar (Latin).
This is outside the geographical limits of the Holy Land. It is out of the proper biblical
order. All rivers are suspect as additions to the text. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Abur, livid spot or wound" (114) and "Gozan their tone or their courage" (111). The next
four entries are all late editorial additions to the test. 165. Abena (Abana). II Kings
5:12; K. 36:6; L. 244:49. Suspect on the same grounds as above - a river. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Abana, his stones" (114). 166. Aophsith (Aofsithe). II
Kings 15:5; K. 36:7; L. 244:50. LXX variants of Aphphōsoth and Aophasōth, Hexaplaric
elements. 167. Aian. II Kings 15:29; K. 36:8; L. 244:51. Vulgate has Ahion. Simple
biblical report. 168. Aia. II Kings 17:24; K. 36:9; L. 244:52.

Vulgate has Ava. This and the next entry are probably beyond the geographical limits of
the Holy Land in Syria (cf. K. 36:10 below and K. 174:17). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Aia, vulture" (105). 169. Ainath (Ameth). II Kings 17:24; K. 36:10; L. n/a; Lacuna
in Greek Text. Textual variant Amech (Latin). Probably same as Aemath of K. 23:30. Part of
these two successive entries K. 36:9 & 10 are missing from the Vatican manuscript. 170.
Asimath (Asima). II Kings 17:30; K. 36:11; L. 244:53. One of the few uses of "oppidum" in
Latin (cp. K. 10:25 and Appendix II). No such designation in Greek. There seems to be an
error in the Vatican manuscript with Idoumaia and Ioudaia. 171. Arkem (Arcem). II Kings
17:30; K. 36:13; L. 244:55. The name is not in the New Testament but is from the LXX. On
the basis of Josephus Antiquities IV, 4, 7 it has been identified with Petra "came to a
place in Arabia which the Arabs have deemed their metropolis, formerly called Arce (Arkēn
Greek) today named Petra" (K. 142:7, 144:7). Personal name in Numbers 31:8 may have
influenced Josephus.

Palestine is here apparently used for the whole country since Petra would not fit the old
Roman province of Palestine. If the later use of I, II and II Palestine is intended then
of course we have evidence of later editing of the text. Usually when topography is given,
some biblical history is also summarized. Other exceptions are in K. 124:20, 126:14,
126:19, 132:3, 140:4, 146:23, and 170:23. 172. Adramelech. II Kings 17:31; K. 36:15; L.
244:57. This obviously is not within the original purview of a book on place names! Other
idols noted are Bel (K. 58:9 cf. K. 44:13), Molchom (K. 134:17), Nesarach (K. 138:19),
Chamos (K. 174:22), and Remnan (K. 146:26). A Roman god is mentioned below in K. 36:26
(cf. K. 8:15 and Appendix II). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Adramelech, stola of the
king or the comeliness of the king" (144). 173. Arōnieim (Aroniim). Isaiah 15:5; K. 36:17;
L. 244:59.

Textual variants: Aōronaim (Greek), Arona (Greek A'); Arnomim, Armonum, Oronaim (Latin).
The Vulgate has Oronaeum and Oronaim. The Moabite Stone has Hauranein. There was a Roman
garrison nearby according to Notitia Dignitatum (81:18). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Oronaim, opening of the wall" (121). It is quite possible that all the prophets listings
are a separate editorial addition or separate source. 174. Agalleim (Agallim). Isaiah
15:8; K. 36:19; L. 244:61. The first of the entry is missing in Vatican manuscript and is
restored from the Latin. Another Latin variant is Agallim. The Byzantine ruin and name is
found at rujm el jilimeh called Aegalim. This is at the proper distance from Areopolis (K.
10:13) but probably is not Old Testament site. 175. Aileim (Aelim). Isaiah 15:8; K. 36:22;
L. 244:64. The Vulgate has "well of Elim" which is for the MT birelim. It has been equated
with Dimon (Isaiah15:9) which may be the same Madōn (K. 126:26) but can hardly be Deimona
of Jodda (K.73:16).

176. Arina (omitted in Latin) or also Ariel. Isaiah 15:9; K. 36:24; L. 244:66. In the MT
text the word "lion" is used as noted in Interpretation of Hebrew Names "lion of God" (106
and 114). Jerome Epistle 108:9 (Paula PPT I, 6) has, "Woe to thee, city of Ariel, that is
lion of God, once most strong, which David took by storm." In Commentary on Isaiah 29:1
Jerome writes, "Therefore Arihel, that is lion of God, once most strong is called
Jerusalem, out it is preferred by others temple and altar of God which was in Jerusalem."
His Commentary on Isaiah 15:1 is more apropos, "This metropolis, the city of Ar, which
today is called Areopolis by the combination of Hebrew and Greek words, not as many think
because it is the city of Ares, that is Mars" (cf. K. 10:13). Procopius 2097A follows this
identification and calls it a great village. A number of entries have double names (cf. K.
25, 48:11, 58:3, 64:6, 76:1, 76:7, 90:10, 132:8, 160:19, etc.). Reference to idols is not
uncommon (cf. 36:15 and Appendix)

177. Adama. Isaiah 15:9; K. 38:1; L. 244:70. Textual variant in Vatican manuscript where
Theodotion is misplaced with Aquila and Symmachus. This is not a proper name in MT. Only
Hexaplaric information given. 178. Agros (Ager). Isaiah 7:3; K. 38:2; L. 244:71. The
fuller's field is referred to again in K. 102:16. This is one of several entries detailing
Jerusalem areas. Out of order and suspect as later addition. 179. Asedek (Asedec). Isaiah
19:18; K. 38:4; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Textual variant Asedech (Latin). The entry
is missing in Vatican manuscript. Since it is out of the geographical limits of the Holy
Land, it probably is not to be emended from the Latin. Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah19:18
also indicates the ambiguous etymology from either "clay" or "sun." Ostracine is out of
the Tabula Peutinger 23 miles beyond Rinokoura (K. 148:3). Heliopolis is identified with
ōn (K. 176:2). 180. Arphad (Arfad). Isaiah 36:19, 37:13; K. 38:7; L. 244:73.

Simple biblical summary. The additional notes are to Jeremiah 49:23 and II Kings 18:34.
This kind of addenda could be a marginal gloss when it appears at the end of an entry. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Arpath, healing" (126) or "Arfath, healing or cure" (114).
181. Anaeougaua (Aneugaua). Isaiah 37:13; K. 38:9; L. 245:75. This is a Greek combination
of two Hebrew names. Textual variants: Anathoysau and Ane and Gaye (Greek). These may be
out of the geographical limit of the Holy Land. Jerome's Epistle (?)39:13 notes the
possibility that the ou refers to the Hebrew conjunctive wav. So also in his Commentary on
Isaiah 37: 13 he says, "Ana and Aua which the LXX mixed up calling it Anauegaua with the
conjunction and, that is wav, between two nations which in Hebrew are Ana and Aua." The
added reference is to II Kings 18:34 as a gloss or later editing.

182. Armenia. Isaiah 37:38; K. 38:11; L. 245:77. Also outside the geographical limits of
the Holy Land as is the first entry Ararat (K. 2:23). Sarasa is probably a scribal error
written as a variant Arasa, but it could possibly be confused with a marginal gloss on
Sharezer who killed Sennacherib and escaped to Armenia (Isaiah 37:38). 183. Asel (Asael).
Zechariah 14:5; K. 38:12; L. 245:78. Textual variant Asaēl (Greek). In Commentary on
Zechariah 14:5 Jerome writes, "The LXX transliterates Asael. Aquila puts the Hebrew word
as Asel with a short letter e but Theodotion has a long." In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Asahel, deed of God" (125). 184. Anamaēl (Anameel). Zechariah 14:10; K. 38:13; L.
245:79. The LXX has changed the N of Hebrew into an M (cf. Jeremiah 31:36). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ananahel, grace of God." 185. Asademōth (Assaremoth).
Jeremiah 31:40; K. 38:14; L. 245:80. Possible variant in Greek would agree with the Latin
form.

Jerome's Commentary on Jeremiah 31:40 also notes Aquila's translation of Sademoth
"suburban." This is probably not a proper name. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Asarmoth, entrance way of the dead." (61). 186. Aeniōth. Jeremiah 37:16; K. 38:16; L.
245:82. Simple entry with Aquila for evidence that this is not a proper name. LXX also
translated the HebrewMT. 187. Alōth (Alaoth). Jeremiah 48:5; K. 38:17; L. 245:83. The
Vatican manuscript does not have the notation on the MT Loyith. This name appears in K.
122:29 as Loyeitha (Vulgate Luit), but the location between Areopolis and Zoara is vague.
188. Aitham (Aethan). Jeremiah 49:19; K. 38:18; L. 245:84. Textual variant Aetham (Greek).
Probably not a proper name. Hexaplaric information noted. THE GOSPELS 189. Akeldama
(Aceldama). Matthew 27:8; K. 38:20; L. 245:86. The New Testament places are rather limited
but may be the only major part of the work done by Eusebius himself after compiling and
collating various Jewish lists. Later editors added other lists to the work.

Textual variants: Acheldema and Acheldemag (Latin). This is said to be the earliest non-
biblical reference to this site. In K. 102:14 it is written Acheldamax. In the Madaba Map
it is Akeldama following this Onomasticon entry. Jerome locates it south and Eusebius
north of Jerusalem. The pilgrim text suggests southeast of Silwan and it is probably Deir
Abu Tor near Hagg ed Dam which preserves the etymology. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Acheldemach, field of blood" (134, 143) which is a quote from Matthew. 190. Ainōn
(Aenon). John 3:23; K. 40:1; L. 245:88. Textual variants: Aleim (Greek) and Salem (Latin).
As in previous New Testament entry the first note after the place name is a quotation from
the Gospel. It is not a city or town in the fourth century but only a "place" which is
"near Saleim" (cf. K. 153:6). Ainon of Onomasticon is just north of Umm el 'umdan.

The Madaba map places the words "Ainōn which in near Salim" at a spring south of
Skythopolis (K. 16:2) following Eusebius. This is probably along the main road to Ierichō.
Possibly the spring is 'Ain el Deir. It should be near to Bethmaoula (K. 34:22) which is
10 miles South of Beisan. This all seems to place the tradition on the west bank of the
Jordan, so some even suggest the waters of the Wadi Far'ah are intended. But the Madaba
map also has on the east bank an Ainon, possibly pointing to the Wadi el Harrer cf.
Bēthaabara for still another tradition (K. 58:13).


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE continued

SECTION B

1 GENESIS 191. Babel (Which is also) Babylon. Genesis 11:9; K. 40:7; L. 245:94. The first
entry in "B" is quite outside the geographical limits of the Holy Land just as Ararat, the
first entry in "A," and is therefore suspect. This is often true of first alphabetic
entries. Probably a marginal addition. It has been noted before that occasionally Eusebius
gives etymology. It is quite possible that all the non-biblical etymologies given are the
result of an editor's work or the inclusion of marginal glosses by a copyist. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names this item is paralleled: "Babylon or Babel, confusion"
(62). The simple summary of the biblical story is here recorded as in Ararat which
likewise in turn is filled out from Josephus Antiquities I, 4, 3. The text in the
Onomasticon is only slightly different from that used by Thackeray in the Loeb series "The
place where they built is now called Babylon from the confusion of that primitive speech
once intelligible to all, for the Hebrews call confusion 'Babel.' This tower and the
confusion of the tongues of men are mentioned also by the Sybl in the following terms:
'When all men spoke a common language, certain of them built an exceeding high tower,
thinking thereby to mount to heaven. But the gods sent winds against it and overturned the
tower and gave to every man a peculiar language; whence it comes that the city was called
Babylon'" (I p. 177f.). The Syriac text has still other minor variations.

2 Procopius 309B "Nebrōd was a giant hunter, one of the gods. Joseph tells the story of
the contriving of the tower in the Antiquities." 192. Baithēl (Bethel). Genesis 12:8, K.
40:20; L. 245:9. Textual variant. Ulammaulus (Latin). The Syriac text seems to follow the
Latin and adds weight perhaps to Klostermann's emendations. Jerome has the etymology of
the name Baithēl as "house of God" (cf. Interpretation of Hebrew Names 62 and cf. below K.
43:7 as well as Epistle 108:13 and Paula PPT I, 12): "of Bethel, the house of God, in
which Jacob, naked and poor slept upon the bare ground and placing under his head a stone,
which in Zacharias 3:9 is said to have seven eyes in Isaiah 28:16 is called the stone of
the corner, saw a ladder reaching to heaven above which the Lord leaned offering His hand
to those who climbed and casting down those who were negligent."

3 As in this entry (cf. K. 43:6) Jerome in the Commentary on Hosea 4:15 notes the identity
of Bethel and Bethaven: "it (Bethel) was first called 'house of God' but after the calves
were placed there it is named Bethaven, i.e. house of folly or house of idols." However
(K. 50:24) suggests a separate location which Jerome denies in (51:24). The identity with
Luza (K. 120:8) is also affirmed by Jerome's note (K. 43:3). Luza means "nut or almond"
according to Interpretation of Hebrew Names (34). The Madaba Map makes this same
identification: "loyza which is also Bethēl" located a bit farther east because of the
crowding of the map at this point, but still beitin. This site has been excavated several
times. Some still believe Bethel should be a shrine separated from a village of Louza. The
biblical information is summarized from Genesis 28:19, Joshua 18:13, Judges 1:23, Joshua
18:22, also Joshua 7:2 and 12:16.

4 The peculiar word Oulamma (K. 140:15) is ridiculed by Jerome with his famous Hebrew
knowledge (K. 41: 21). Also in Hebrew Questions he says, "it is absurd to think Hebrew
ulam is the name of a city since ulam means 'former'" (34). Locating it near Aggai (K.
4:27) is of no help since neither the Onomasticon nor biblical site is certain today. Why
no mention is made here of the church is curious. Jerome did note it in relation to Aggai
(7:2). Incidentally the Church is not on the Madaba Map either. The church is located a
mile east of beitin. The pilgrims all agree with the 12 miles from Jerusalem. Procopius
320A writes, "Baithēl which was earlier called Oulammoaus is at the 12th mile on the right
going from Jerusalem to Neapolis. Also Louza, tribe of Beniamin." This means the path
leading up from Ailias to Bethel leaves the main road at the 12th milestone. Curiously
Procopius 1020A has what must be a scribal error, "Baithēl is located on the road going up
from Ailias to Neopolis on the left of the road at the 12th mile from Ailias." All other
itineraries agree with Paula on the 12 mile figure (PPT I 16, 19).

5 193. Bala. Genesis 14:2; K. 42:1; L. 246:13. Textual variants: Babla, Balak (LXX), Balaa
(Latin), Zōora (Greek). The Madaba Map copies Eusebius with all three names listed: "Balak
which is also Sēgōr or now Zoora" and picturing a fortress with palm trees. Zoora is also
Soora (K. 15:19) and Zogera (K. 94:1) and is used at times as a referent in the
Onomasticon (K. 112:19, 168:10 etc.). It is located on the Dead Sea (K. 100:4) where there
was a garrison stationed in Notitia Dignitatum (73:26) and a colony of Jews. A bishop was
known in the fourth century as the bishop of Sodom but he must have been from Zoar. At Kh
Sheikh 'isa Byzantine remains may indicate the city with its nearby fort. This location
southeast of the Dead Sea fits the early geographers and the concept of Moab identity
(Isaiah 15:5 and Onomasticon 94:1 for Jerome 48:4). Ptolemy has it 35 miles from Petra,
which seems to be an error.

6 On the Pentapolis of Sodom see K. 8:4 (Genesis 19:21). Jerome's etymological parallel is
repeated in Hebrew Questions: indeed Segor means little which in the Syriac is Zoara.
However, the Valley of Salt, where formerly they worked pits of bitumin, after the wrath
of God and the sulphuric rain, became the Dead Sea which in Greek is called Iimnē
asphaltitis (i.e. lake of Bitumin)" (117). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bale,
casting down or devouring: (62) cf. Hebrew Questions "Bale in the Hebrew is gulping or
devouring" (17). 194. Belanos (Belanus). Genesis 35:8; K. 42:6; L. 246:18. Simple
translation of Hebrew with biblical summary. Not properly a place name. 195. Barad.
Genesis 16:14; K. 42:8; L. 246:20. The latter part of this entry and the beginning of the
next are missing in the Vatican manuscript by an obvious scribal error easily corrected by
the Latin. The Syriac text agrees with the Latin.

7 Apparently quoting Genesis 16:14 the tradition of a well was perpetuated into the fourth
century. There is a jebel Umm el Bared in the Negeb which perpetuates the name. Some would
see the site at Bir Ma 'in. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Barad, hail" (62). 196.
Bēthlehem. Genesis 35:19; K.42:10; L. 246:22. Textual variant Bethlem (Latin). There are
two startling facts about this entry: 1 - The Greek text has none of the New Testament
references. But the Syriac has an addition "city of David where our Savior was born, of
the tribe of Judah." 2 - Neither Greek nor Latin mention the Church which was important
spiritually and economically (also not mentioned for Jerusalem K. 106:1). But Eusebius
knew of the building in Bethlehem (Laud. Const. ix and Vita Const. iii, 25, 43). The
itinerary mentions "a basilica built by command of Constantine" (Itin. Bourd 25: 3, PPT I,
12). The Madaba Map shows a Basillica with the tomb of Rachel not far away.

8 The Onomasticon has no reference to Bethlehem's size. Josephus reports only on pre-exile
Bethlehem. It may be of interest that Origen reports on a cave near Bethlem where Christ
was born (Contra Celsum I, 51) which tradition Eusebius also knows (Laud. Const. ix and
Vita Const. iii, 41. Jerome knows of this in his Epistle 46. Bethlehem is six miles from
Jerusalem in the Onomasticon which agrees with the Bourdeaux Itinerary which notes:
Bethlehem is off "to the left of the road" going to Hebron. The tradition of the tombs is
overwhelming in the pilgrims. In addition to Tessai and David, they report that Ezechikel,
Asaph and Solomon are also buried nearby. The reference to Archalaeus is unique. The town
of Archalaeus is 12 miles from Ierichō in Tabula Peutinger but no strong tradition of
burial recorded there. Perhaps refers to Herodium. The name Ephratha for Bēthleem region
covers the Tomb of Rachel one or two miles away from Bēthleem itself (K. 82:12,K. 83:14, K
148:1, K. 172:4, cp LXX of Joshua 15:59a). Itin. Bourd. also has the two mile distance.

9 The tower of Ader is possibly equated by the Greek with Geder of Joshua (K. 68:11 but
note Jerome on the absence of the guttural K. 63:3). The tower and the real tomb of Rachel
most likely should be looked for north of Jerusalem toward Bethel. The tradition of
Eusebius is maintained in Jerome's Epistle 108: 10 (Paula PPT I, 8) "Not far from there
(Bethlehem) she descended to the tower of Ader, i.e. of the flock, near which Jacob fed
his flocks and the shepherds watching at night were worthy to hear the Gloria." The
mystery of the shepherds receiving the news before the event is noted by Jerome here and
in Hebrew Questions (43). EXODUS 197. Beelsephōn (Beelrefon). Exodus 14:2; K. 44:2; L.
246:27. Textual variant "through the waters" is not in the Latin. Many of the stations are
from a separate list and probably were not in the original Eusebius text since for the
most part they are out of the geographical range of the Holy Land. Occasionally in the
early writers this is the boundary of Palestine. Old Testament site probably Ras Baron.

10 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Beelsefon, having hope" (74) and "Beelsofon Ascent
of hope" (79). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 198. Banēiakan (Baneiacan). Numbers 33:31f.; K.
44:5; L. 246:31. Simple entry of station but out of biblical order. 199. Banōth. Numbers
21:19, 20; K. 44:7; L. 246:33. Textual variant Babōth (Greek). In the Vatican manuscript
the entry does not start on a new line but follows laou of the previous one. On Arnon cf.
K. 10:25 (Josua 13:17) In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Banoth, in death or high" (79).
200. Basan. Numbers 21:33; K. 44:9; L. 246:35. Textual variants of substitute "kingdom"
for "king" or add kingdom to king. The Latin addendum is confusing. Basan has not been
mentioned "above" as an entry, but in a similar type of reference (cp. K. 13:11and K.
18:4). It is Auoth Iaeir (K. 18:4) and also Machathi (K. 128:9). Only the Latin gives the
etymology of Auoth. The biblical summary is from Deuteronomy 3:14, Numbers 32:33, and
Joshua 13:30.

11 The region of Galaad (cf. K. 60:15f.) is here called Basanitē or Batanaia, regions of
Transjordan. Basan usually is the area between the Jarmuk and a line between Hermon and
Damascus. It is very similar to the Arabic Hauran. Galaad varies in size from all the hill
country of Transjordan, to the territory of Manasseh, to that which is equal to Basan.
Jerome in Commentary on Isaiah2:13 writes, "The region of Basan is Arabia which Og who is
called king of Basan ruled." In the Onomasticon it includes Cerasa (K. 64:1) and possibly
Nemra (K. 138:10). Galaad is the biblical name of the area of Basan. Batanaea is
apparently the contemporary name for the village on the site of Basan (K. 64:8) from which
the region is named (K. 138:7). 201. Beelphegōr (Baelfegor). Numbers 25:3; K. 44:12; L.
246:38. Another of the references to idols (cf. K. 36:15) in the Onomasticon which
technically should be listing only place names (Appendix II). Jerome in Commentary on
Hosea 9:10 also makes the identity, "Beelphegor, idol of the Moabites, which we call
Priapus" (cf. identity of Ariel K. 37:24). Priapus was the god of gardens and vineyards.
It is probably, for our text, the same as Bethphogor (K. 48:3). The location of Mt.Phogō
is in Moab (K. 168:25).

12 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Behelfegor, bone having skin" (79) and "Behelfegor,
bone having skin or bone covered with skin" (86). 202. Baian (Baean). Numbers 32:3; K.
44:14; L. 246:40. Simple biblical summary, cp. K. 44:21. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Baian, in wickedness" (79). 203. Bēthnamran (Bethamnaram). Numbers 32:36; K. 44:19; L.
246:42. Textual variants for the contemporary village Bēthnabran (Greek), Bethamnaris
(Latin). This site has moved three times (see Introduction). Tell Nimrin retains the name
and represents the Roman-Byzantine city. The Old Testament site is farther northeast up
the wadi (cf. Bethnemra K. 48::6 and Nemra K. 138:10). Tell Nimrin is 5 miles from Tell er
Rameh which is said to be Livias and was used frequently as a referent (K. 12:22, K.
16:126, K. 48:4, K. 48:17, and K. 168:26). The name was given to the restored Roman town
in honor of Augustus' wife (K. 49:13). In Jerome's Commentary on Joel3:18 he places Livias
(Iulias) at 6 miles from the Dead Sea. The change in name is reported by Josephus in Wars
II, 13, 2 and IV, 7, 6. There was a bishop from here at Nicea. Livias may be Old Testament
Bethharan (K. 48:13).

13 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethanamra, house of the panther or house of
bitterness" (79). 204. Betharran. Across the Jordan. Numbers 32:36; K. 44:19; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text. This item is missing in the Vatican manuscript. It seems also to be
Bēetharam (K. 48:13) the first part of which is also missing in the Vatican manuscript.
This is closely related to the previous entry and some see Livias as the site for Old
Testament Betharran at Tell er Rameh but better at Tell Iktanu where more ancient remains
are found. Rameh does preserve the ancient name. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Betharan, house of the ark or mountains or ascent of the ground" (79). 205. Beelmeōn.
Numbers 32:38; K. 44:21; L. 246:45. Textual variant for contemporary village Baarau and
Barum (Latin). Vulgate Baalmaon and Baalmeon. Probably identical with next entry Baal (K.
46:3). The Onomasticon confused this site with Abelmaelai (K. 34:21) of which Elissaios is
also a native (I Kings 19:16). The city of Ma 'in southwest of Madela (K. 128:9) fits the
location given from Esbous (84:1). It is close enough to the hot springs of hamman ez
Zerqa Ma 'in which could be Baarou. The Madaba map has Baarou at this location following
Eusebius. Another healing spring is reported at Balthainaia (K. 30:7). Some think Barēn
(K. 112:17) is the same as Baaron.

14 Arabia (K. 10:17) is a frequent designation for this area. In Ptolemy's Arabia Petraia
there is a town near Esbous and Madela called Magouza which could reflect the Old
Testament name with G for the Hebrew guttural. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Bahalmeon, having little habitations" (79). 206. Baal. Numbers 32:38; K. 46:3; L. 247:50.
The same as previous entry. Simple biblical information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Baal,
having" (90) and "Baal, have judgement or superior or having a brawl" (100). 207. Bouthan
(Buthan). Numbers 33:6; K. 46:4; L. 247:51. Textual variants: Atham and possibly ētham
(Greek cf. K. 94:15) and Butham (Latin). Apparently both entries are transliteration for
"in" which is the letter B in Hebrew then followed by an alef. (cp. Exodus 13:20). 208.
Bēla. Numbers 34:11; K. 46:6; L. 247:53. Simple entry of biblical information. For Arbēla
see K. 14:18 above. 209. Bosor. Deuteronomy 4:43; K. 46:8; L. 247:55.

15 The Onomasticon confuses the city of refuge Bezer (Joshua 20:8, 21:36) with the
metropolis of Bostra (K. 12:14). This was a bishop's seat at the time of Council of Nicea.
It was a metropolis of Arabia from the 2nd century and an important military post
according to Notitia Dignitatum (81:21) as well as main transportation center. It is 25
miles east of Der 'a and is the modern Arabic Busra (cf. K. 166:3). It is in the
Trachonites area (K. 112:22). The Edomite city (Isaiah 63:1) is probably to be located at
the rich site Buseirah south of Taffilah. II Maccabees 12:8 notes Timotheus has a garrison
there. It was not too significant in the fourth century but was very important in the Iron
Age. In the Onomasticon Edom usually refers to the biblical area and era; Idoumaia to the
Roman period; while Gaibalene or Gebalitikē to Eusebius' time (cf. K. 102:23).

16 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bosor, in distress" (86). 210. Bēroth. Deuteronomy
10:6; K. 46:14; L. 247:61. This is not a contemporary village only a place. It is located
in reference to Petra (K. 8:11, K. 142:7 etc.). This puts it on a mountain near the outlet
of the Wadi Musa perhaps at Biyar et Taiyibe. The mountain is also called ōr (K. 176:7).
This is to be distinguished from the Bērōth (K. 48:9) near Babaōn (K. 66:11). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Beroth, wells" (86). JOSUE 211. Bounos. Joshua 5:3; K.
46:18; L. 247:65. The Latin translation is perhaps better than a Greek place name. Galgala
(K. 64:24, cf. 64:18) is a complicated problem (Joshua 4:3) but it seems likely that
Josephus and Eusebius identified the "hill" of Gilgal with Tell es Sultan which is two
miles from New Testament or Roman Iericho (K.104:25). See K. 104:20 on the Jordan.

17 212. Bēthōrōn. Joshua 10:10; K. 46:21; L. 247:69. Summary of biblical information
interrupted by a location. This order suggests several hands have been at work on the
entry. The Levitical city (Joshua 21:22) is another addition by an editor. The Madaba map
has Bēthōrōn following Eusebius on the road from Jerusalem to Diospolis (K. 8:14). Paula
ascended from Emmaus along this road, "beholding Ajalon (K. 18:13) and Gabson (K. 66:11)
on her right." She adds from Kings the fact also that Solomon founded the two cities,
(Jerome's Epistle 108:8, PPT 1, 5) later destroyed by the fortunes of war (I Maccabees
3:16, Josephus Wars II, 5, 16). They are on the map as one of the stations for Roman
couriers. The distance in the Onomasticon is appropriate for Beit Ur el Foqa and Beit Ur
et Tahta twin towns which retain the sound of the old name. A milestone 14 from Aelia has
been found half way between the two villages, the upper being nearer Jerusalem.

18 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethoron, house of wrath" (106) and "Betharan, house
or wrath or house of mountain" (90). 213. Barnē. Joshua 10:41; K. 46:26; L. 247:74.
Identified with the desert stretching south of Petra (K. 142:7) and more frequently Kadēs
Barnē (K. 112:8). 214. Baalgad. Joshua 11:17; K. 48:1; L. 247:76. Textual variants.
Baalgōd (Greek). Procopius 1024A has Balgad but otherwise quotes Eusebius. It is probably
also Algad (K. 22:22). It is located only generally on the basis of biblical information
(cf. Libanon (K. 122:27) and Hermon (K. 20:6). Some suggest this could be Baalbek. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Baalgad, he had equipment or man of arms or pirate or man
of fortune" (90). 215. Bethphogor (Bethfogor). Joshua 13:20; K. 48:3; L. 247:78. The
location of this place depends in Eusebius on Livias (K. 44:17 and K.48:15) and Phogōr (K.
16:4 and K. 168:25) which is only 6 miles from Livias. It is quite possible that Eusebius
has in mind Kh Ajan Musa, but other scholars hold to Kh sheikh jayil, for the Old
Testament site.

19 216. Bēthasimouth (Bethsimuth). Joshua 12:3; K. 48:6; L. 247:81. Textual variants:
Bethaisimouth (Greek) and Bethsimouth (Greek and Syriac) reflect the occasional insertion
of the Hebrew article between two elements when transcribed into Greek. It is Bēsimō in
Josephus' Wars IV, 7, 6 and a "city" located near Iulias (Livias 44:17). In the Madaba map
a palm tree is here but no name in the vicinity. The nearby sites of Tell el 'Azeimeh and
Kh sweimeh are candidates for the biblical site. Sweimeh contains some reminiscence of the
name and may be Isimouth (or Isemouth) of the Onomasticon while the Tell closer to the
edge of the mountains may be the biblical site. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Bethaisimouth, desert home or home bringing death" (90). 217. Bērōth (Beeroth). Joshua
9:17, 18:25; K. 48:8; L. 247:83. A number of towns in the Onomasticon are related to
Gabaon (K. 66:11, cf. 172:15) but even its location at el jib is contested. Here Bērōth is
near Jerusalem while Gabaon is usually located with respect to Bethel. Eusebius' biblical
remark on Gabaon, however, is more political and economic than geographic.

20 Archaeologists and geographers have had a lively debate over Bērōth and Gabaon which
was not ended with excavations of el-jib. The Madaba Map is inconclusive because it
requires emendation. Only erouta is written. It could be for Berouta and northwest of
Jerusalem could fit our entry. But it has also been related to Capheruta which is not in
the Onomasticon. For some reason Jerome has a different road than Eusebius. Procopius
1020C follows the Greek text with a Bēthōr on the road to Nikopolis (K. 30:27) at the
seventh milestone. Neither say from where, but it is usually assumed from Ailia since it
is "near." Jerome has Neapolis (K. 4:18) either as a correction of the Greek or because
his Greek manuscript was in error. The correction could be based on Josephus Wars II 5,
16. This Latin text is one of the few using "stone" for "mile." If the Neapolis road is
intended the majority of scholars fix Jerome's Beroth at el bire which has carried that
name at least since the Middle Ages but as far as archaeological remains are evident it
cannot be the Old Testament site. More recently it has been suggested at Tell en Nasbeh
which is often identified as the Old Testament Mizpeh, and closer to the 7 miles than el
bire.

21 On the basis of Nikopolis in the Greek text many possibilities are suggested. Some
scholars give up the puzzle. It must be in the vicinity of el jib. Pritchard has no
objections to Roman-Byzantine Beroth at el jib, but feels the evidence that it is the Old
Testament Gabaon is determinative. Others suggest Kh 'id and Nebi Samwil. A possible
solution is that the Greek text does not locate Bērōth except as in the vicinity of Gabaon
which then is properly located 7 miles from ("near") Jerusalem on the Nikopolis road at
el-jib. 218. Botnia (Bothnim). Joshua 13:26; K. 48:11; L. 247:85. Textual variants:
Botanin (LXX) and Bothnin (Latin). The location of Old Testament and Byzantine site is
probably at Kh Batneh which has the proper sherds. The "also Poteein" is omitted in the
Latin text. Variant is Botenein. 219. Bētharam. Joshua 13:27; K. 48:13; L. 247:87. The
first part of this entry is missing in Vatican manuscript. Curiously so is its parallel
Bētharran (K. 44:19). As in the note on Livias (K. 44:17) this is possibly at Tell er
Rameh. Recent Iron Age pottery in the vicinity makes it possible that it could be the Old
Testament site as well. But Tel Iktanu is still to be preferred.

22 220. Bethnema. Joshua 13:27; K. 48:16; L. 247:89. Textual variants: Bethramta and
Bethramthit (Latin). See K. 44:16 and K. 138:10. 221. Bethagla. Joshua 15:6; K. 48:18; L.
248:91. Part of the beginning of this entry is missing in the Vatican manuscript. This is
not to be confused with Bēthagla (K. 8:19) in the Jordan valley. One site which the
Onomasticon equates with Bēthagla is the village Agla. It is 10 miles from Eleutheropolis
(K. 18:12) probably at Kh 'Ajian. Text notes turn off from main Roman road. The second
site closer to Gaza (K. 62:22) called Bethagla is probably Tell el 'Ajjul, considered by
some to be old Gaza (K. 63:23) but probably Eusebius is wrong in both instances for the
Old Testament site. This is one of the few entries where the Latin uses "milestone." The
Madaba map has a Bēthagidea which could have confused a Delta for a Lambda and seems to
fit Tell el 'Ajjul south of Gaza.

23 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethaglan, house of their festivities" (91). 222.
Bētharaba. Joshua 15:6; K 48:21; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Not in the Greek Vatican
manuscript. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Betharaba, house of
earth or evening" (91). 223. Baal. Joshua 15:9; K. 48:22; L. 248:94. The same as
Kariathiareim (K. 114:23). In that latter entry it is nine miles instead of ten as here on
the road to Diospolis (K. 8:14), at joryat al Inab. 224. Baala. Joshua 15:11; K. 48:25; L.
248:97. The alternative is not in the Latin text but occurs in some manuscript variants.
Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Baala, it or above" (91). 225.
Balōth. Joshua 15:24; K. 48:26; L. 248:98. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Baaloth, on the ascent or ascents in the plural" (91). 226. Bethphalei
(Bethfali). Joshua 15:27; K. 48:27; L. 248:99.

24 The alternative is not in the Latin text. LXX has Baithphaleth. Textual variant is
Belphalei (Greek). Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethafelet,
house of health" (91). 227. Bērsabee. Joshua 15:28, 19:2; K. 50:1; L. 248:00. The Madaba
Map, following the Onomasticon and the Old Testament (Genesis 21:32, 26:33) has its limits
north and south expressed by Dan and Bērsabee. "Bersabee which is now Berossaba. The
borders of Jordan extend this far to the south from Dan (K. 16:6) near Paneas (K. 16:14)
which forms the border to the North." This is the limit of Palestine. The west is the sea
and the east Damascus (K. 16:4), Bostra (K. 66:3), Petra (K. 142:7) and Ailath (K. 34:25).
These limits for Eusebius and the Madaba map may come from Josephus' Wars I, 12, 1. The
location twenty miles south of Chebron (K. 6:8) is repeated in Jerome's Epistle 103:32.
This is about six miles short of the present Beersheba. The derivation of the name is
reported in K. 166:20 which also notes it to be in the Geraritikē. The Geraritikē has
wells (K. 166:21, 24; and K. 168:3).

25 Bersabee was an administrative headquarters of the Negev region. It is called a large
village in Eusebius, with a garrison in Notitia Dignitatum (73:18). Ruins of the Roman
fort have been found. In Questions on Genesis21:30 Jerome called it an "oppidum." A camp
seems to be on the Madaba map about 20 miles from Chebrōn to the south. Jerome notes a
political and military reason why a town could be allotted to two different tribes. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bersabee, well of abundance and seven wells" (63) and
"Bersabee, well of abundance" (63). 228. Balaam (Balam). Joshua 15:29; K. 50:13; L.
248:12. Simple tribal listing. See K. 48:25. 229. Baskōth (Bascath). Joshua 15:39, 19:2;
K. 50:14; L. 248:13. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Basecoth,
soft fat or defecation" (91). 230. Bethdagōn. Joshua 15:41; K. 50:15; L. 248:14. Textual
variant Bēdagōn and Kai paradagōn (Greek) a scribal error for the contemporary site.

26 On the Madaba Map is a Bēthodegana which could be the present Kh Dajun retaining part
of the name and fitting Eusebius' location if the road runs from Ioppa (K.110:24) to
Diospolis (K. 8:14) rather than from Iamnia (K. 106:20). It is off the Roman road. The
Roman-Byzantine site must be at Beit Dajun. The Greek kepara or kapher reflect the Hebrew
kapher for "village" (cf. 52:21). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethdagan, house of
wheat" (91). 231. Bēthalōth. Joshua 15:59; K. 50:17; L. 248:16. Simple tribal listing.
This seems to be a scribal error for Bethanōth and is located near Chebrōn is Bethenim (K.
94:20). Out of order and suspect. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethanoth, house of
prediction" (91). 232. Bēthphou (Bathaffu). Joshua 15:53; K. 50:18; L. 248:17. Textual
variant Bethtaphou (Greek) follows the MT. This entry is about the same as Tapphou (K.
98:7) but may be mixing up two Old Testament sites. It is on the road to Egypt on the
border of Palestine beyond Raphia (only mentioned here) but before Rinokoura (K. 148:3).
The site is perhaps near Sheih Zuweiyd. Raphia is another change point on the Roman-
Byzantine itineraries and is probably at Tell Rifah. The Madaba map has a Raphia to cover
this point on the sea as well as an inland city. Just below it is the wording on the map
"Border of Egypt and Palestine."

27 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Beththafue, house of apple tree not evil, but we
understood a tree" (91). 233. Betharaba. Joshua 15:61; K. 50:21; L. 248:20. Hexaplaric
information only. Vatican manuscript faulty in several spots here. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Betharaba, house of many or grand" (91). 234. Beesthara. Joshua 21:27; K.
50:22; L. 248:21. Summary of biblical information. On Basanite see K. 44:11. Out of order.
235. Bethaun. Joshua 18:12; K. 50:24; L. 249:23. Cf. the etymology and identification with
Baithēl in K. 43:3. LXX has Baithōn. On Gai (K. 4:27). The identity of the two is not
clearly accepted in K. 66:8 where Gai is near Bēthaun and Beithēl. Some suggest it is the
enigmatic ruin of et Tell. If Eusebius knew a real location with late occupation it could
be Tell Mirjam. For Machmas see K. 132:3. Jerome has confused the issue of location by
adding Bethel (K. 51:23) but refers to the previous identification.

28 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethauen, home of futility" (90). 236. Baliloth.
Joshua 18:17; K. 50:26; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is not in the Vatican
manuscript. Simple tribal listing which has a G not a B in the MT and may be same as
Galeilōoth of K. 70:17. 237. Bethsour (Bethaur). Joshua 15:58; K. 52:1; L. 249:25. Textual
variants: Bedsour (Greek), Bethsor and Bethsoron (Latin). All the witnesses combine
Philippos' well with Bethsour (Acts 8:38). In the Madaba map they are adjacent:
"Bethsoura, the shrine of Philip where they say Candacē the eunuch was baptized." This
follows the error of the Greek which confused the name of the queen with that of her
eunuch. Jerome corrects this. The pilgrim texts note the well of Philip at Bethasora,
fourteen miles from Bethleem (Itin. Bourd. and PTT I, 21). The road to Gaza went by the
well. "From there she turned to the right through Bethsur and came to Escol" (Jerome's
Epistle 108:11 (Paula PPT I, 9). It is the border of Juda and Edam.

29 The Madaba map and Eusebius point to the vicinity of modern Beit sur. Since Kh et
Tabeiqah the Old Testament site has no Byzantine or Roman remains and was apparently
abandoned in the second century before Christ, the Burj es Sur may be the Onomasticon's
Bethsōrō. The well is 18 miles from Jerusalem. The Burj is to the west as Paula noted. The
"other" Bethsour is also linked with Iouda. The distance from Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) is
missing from the Vatican manuscript. This site is not identified but could be deir esh
shur. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethsur, house of strength" (91). 238. Boon.
Joshua 18:17; K. 52:6; L. 249:31. Simple tribal listing. 239. Bēthalōn. Joshua 18:19; K.
52:7; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. The first part of this entry is missing in the Greek
Vatican manuscript. A variant is Betholon (Latin). Simple tribal listing plus Hexaplaric
data. Not in MT of Hebrew.

30 240. Bēthagla (Bethalla). Joshua 18:19, 21; K. 52:8; L. 249:32. A simple tribal listing
cf. K. 48:18, K. 8:11. 241. Bērōth. Joshua 18:25; K. 52:9; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text.
This entry is not in the Vatican manuscript. A simple tribal listing cf. K. 48:9. 242.
Bola. Joshua 19:3; K. 52:10; L. 249:33. Textual variant Bala (Latin). Simple tribal
listing cf. K.130:6. 243. Bathoul. Joshua 19:4; K. 52:11; L. 249:34. Simple tribal
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethula, virgin" (91). 244. Bēth. Joshua 19:5;
K. 52:12; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is not in the Vatican manuscript.
Variant Bethis (Latin). Simple tribal listing. 245. Baaleth. Joshua 19:8; K. 52: 13; L.
249:35. Simple tribal listing cf. K. 54:20. 246. Bērammōth. Joshua 19:8; K. 52:14; L.
249:36. The Greek has separated the previous entry and this one differently. At times the
Beer is the suffix to Baaleth and at times prefix to Ramoth.

31 Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Beram, well of the heights"
(91). 247. Bēthlabaōth. Joshua 19:6; K. 52:15; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is
not in the Vatican manuscript and is out of order in the text. Simple tribal listing cf.
K. 122:4. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethlebaoth, house of coming" (91). 248.
Bethleem. Joshua 19:15; K. 52:16; L. 249:37. A simple tribal listing plus a note to
distinguish it from the more renowned Bethleem of Iouda (K. 42:10). The note may be an
addition. This other Bethleem according to Jerome's Commentary on Matthew 2: 5 is in
Galilaea. 249. Bēthphasis (Bethfases). Joshua 19:21; K. 52:18; L. 249:39. Textual variant
in Vatican manuscript has this listed for Iouda not Issachar. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Bethfese, house of the flowing mouth" (91). 250. Batnai (Batnae). Joshua 19:25; K.
52:19; L. 249:40. Textual variant for contemporary village Bebeten (Greek).

32 The site is really unknown despite many suggestions. Name recurs in Abtun southeast of
Acre Ptolemais (K. 30:10) is Akehō and is a territory or a region. 251. Bēthdagōn. Joshua
19:27; K. 52:21; L. 249:42. Textual variants: Bēthphagōn (Greek) and Bethdago (Latin).
Simple tribal listing cf. K. 50:15. Jerome gives a second reason why a site could be
listed for two tribes (cf. K. 50:10f.). It could be a different town and in the Nablus
area, either Ras ed Diyar or Shuweiha. 252. Bēthaemek (Bethemec). Joshua 19:27; K. 52:23;
L. 249:44. Symmachus note plus late gloss on tribal history. 253. Bēthanatha (Bethana).
Joshua 19:38; K. 52:24; L. 249:45. The text has confused several sites. But clearly 'anin
is intended cf. K. 30:5, K. 26:9, 13. Note the caution on healing baths, almost a rumor.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethanath, house of humiliation or house of answering"
(91). 254. Banē. Joshua 19:45; K. 54:1; L. 249:48.

33 Simple tribal listing that perhaps should be combined with the next into one entry.
255. Barakai (Barac). Joshua 19:45; K. 54:1; L. 249:49. Textual variant Bare (Latin) and
in Greek for the contemporary site Barēka and Barba. LXX has Barak. Eusebius' identity of
the Old Testament site errs, but he intended barqa near Ashdod. JUDGES 256. Bezek (Bezec).
Judges 1:4; K. 54:5; L. 249:52. Two sites about a mile apart are clearly the Onomasticon's
Bezek. One was a Roman road station. Perhaps Kh Ibziq and Kh Jebrish with good Roman and
Byzantine sherds. But which of these has any Iron Age pottery needs study so the Old
Testament site is elsewhere. Perhaps this site moved three times as did Nimrin (see
Introduction). 257. Bēthsan. Joshua 1:27; K. 54:8; L. 249:55. This is a famous city of
Palestine in the Jordan Valley (K. 16:2). The identity of Bethshan with Skythopolis is
clearly made. It is used as a referent by the Onomasticon and has been well excavated at
Tell el Husn, near Beisan revealing heavy third to sixth century occupation (see
Appendices VII and VIII). There was a bishop present at the Council of Nicea. The road
from Skythopolis to Neapolis (K. 4:28) was important to Eusebius (K. 26:23, K. 34:23, K.
54:7, K. 100:13 etc.). The eastern portion toward Damascus (K. 76:4) is not mentioned as
frequently.

34 The etymology is added almost as a later gloss and without the usual formula (I Samuel
31:10 and I Kings 4:12). In Latin it is both urbs and oppidum (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix
I). 258. Bethsames. Joshua 1:33; K. 54:11; L. 249:59. In K. 32:26 it is Bethsamys (cf.
158:20) located at 'ain Shema. A garrison was located there according to Notitia
Dignitatum (73:22). The 10 miles marks turn off from the main road. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Bethsames, house of the sun" (110). 259. Bathma (Bethnath). Judges 1:33; K.
54:11; L. 250:62. In LXX Baithanath. A simple biblical report. 260. Bethsames. Judges
1:33; K. 54:16; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is missing in Vatican manuscript
by simple haplography. This is to be distinguished from the one above in K. 54:11. 261.
Baalermōn. Judges 3:3; K. 54:18; L. 250:64. Simple biblical reference (cf. K. 20:9). Note
Jerome's use of Allofylorum rather than translating to Filistine (see Appendix I).

35 262. Baleth (Baaleth). Judges 19:44; K. 54:20; L. 250:66. Textual variants: Baalōn and
Gebeelan (LXX) and Baalech (Latin). Simple tribal listing which seems to be out of order
(cf. K. 52:13). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Baaloth, on the heights or heights in
the plural" (91). 263. Bethbēra. Judges 7:24; K. 54:21; L. 250:67. Etymology plus simple
biblical note. Perhaps reference to the fords of the Jordan (cp. K. 54:26 below). 264.
Bēthasetta. Joshua 7:22; K. 54:22; L. 250:68. Variants Betthasetta (LXX) Bethtasetta and
Bethasepta (Latin). Simple biblical note. 265. Balanos (i.e., oak of) Sikimōn. Judges 9:6;
K. 54:23; L. 250:69. This is the oak of Sychem (K. 150:1 and K.158:1) near Neopolis (K.
4:28) at Tell Balata. The grave of Joseph is still pointed out south of Balata. The Madaba
map indicates the "shrine of Iosēph." Another oak is recorded in K. 42:6 and the terebinth
in Sikimos in K. 164:11. Out of order, so this or next entry is suspect.

36 266. Borkonneim (Borconni). Judges 8:7, 16; K. 54:25; L. 250:71. Simple Hexaplatic
information, repeated by Procopius 1069A. Not a place. 267. Bēra. Judges 9:21; K. 54:26;
L. 250:73. The Onomasticon locates the Old Testament site in the wrong region. The
Byzantine Bera is probably Kh el Bireh near 'ain shems. Bera of Old Testament is in the
area of Bethbera (K. 54:21 above). 268. Baalthamar. Judges 20:33, 16; K. 56:1; L. 250:75.
Textual variant for the contemporary site Bethamari (Latin). Apparently the Onomasticon
locates this near Tell el Ful a little village for Jerome which may be Ras et Tawel where
there are Byzantine remains. Uncertain! In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Baalthamar,
having palms" (99). KINGS 269. Bēthchōr (Bethchur). I Samuel 7:11f.; K. 56:5; L. 250:79.
Simple biblical notation. Onomasticon equates this with Ebenezer (I Samuel 7:12 and cf. K.
32:24 above). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethcar, house of lambs or house of lamb"
(103).

37 270. Bama. I Samuel 9:12; K. 56:7; L. 250:81. Simple biblical note plus Hexaplaric
information. The Aquila meaning is more exact than Jerome's Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Rama in which" (103). 271. Bōsēs. I Samuel 14:4; K. 56:10; L. 250:84. Simple biblical
note. As is frequently the case Jerome refers to Hebrew Questions but nothing new is given
there, suggesting this is not the Church Father's reference for more information but a
marginal gloss cross-reference. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Boses it flourishes in
it or precipitous" (103). 272. Basōr (Besor). I Samuel 30:9; K. 56:11; L. 250:85. Simple
biblical note. There are several wadies or torrents listed in the present text of the
Onomasticon which were probably not original with Eusebius. It is difficult to distinguish
the two Greek words being used (cp. K. 92:10, K. 102:19, K. 116:23, 25, K. 118:11, K.
160:2. K. 168:15,20, K. 174:16 etc.).

38 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bosori, announcement or flesh" (103). 273. Bōrasan.
I Samuel 30:30; K. 56:12; L. 250:87. Textual Variant Bōsasan (Greek). Simple report on
David's spoils (cf. K. 34:13). 274. Baoureim (Baurim). II Samuel 3:16; K. 56:13; L.
250:88. Simple biblical note. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Baurim, choices" (106).
275. Baalasōr. II Samuel 13:23; K. 56:15; L. 250:89. Simple biblical quotation. The Greek
omits "sheep" and perhaps can be emended. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Balasor,
having arrows of light or ascent of the hall" (106). 276. Bēthmacha. II Samuel 20:14; K.
56:17; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is missing in Vatican manuscript (cf. II
Kings 15:29). The Latin suggests it is to be identified with Macham 8 miles from
Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) possibly at Kh Mekeuma. Not the Old Testament site. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethmacha, house of ground or of forum or of tax" (106).

39 277. Balth (Balaath). I Kings 9:18; K. 56:20; L. 250:91. LXX has Balath. Simple
biblical note. 278. Baithsarisa (Bethsarisa). II Kings 4:42; K. 56:21; L. 250:92. Textual
variant Baithsarisath (Greek). In the region of Diospolis (K. 8:14) is the Thamnitikē (K.
24:4). At the proper distance for turn off from main road is Kh Sirisiah and a bit farther
on the Old Testament site at Kefr tilt, which retains the name. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Baalsalisa, having three" (114). 279. Baithaggan (Bethagan). II Kings 9:27;
K. 56:24; L. 251:95. Simple biblical entry. Perhaps not a proper name. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "'Bethagan, house of the garden." 280. Basekath (Bazeoath). II Kings 22:1;
K. 56:25; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is not in the Greek Vatican manuscript
and is out of the proper order and therefore is suspect as a late intrusion. LXX has
Basourōth but the spelling of Onomasticon is closer to MT.

40 281. Baithakath (Bethacath). II Kings 10:12; K. 56:26; L. 251:96. Textual variant
Bazechath (Latin). The region of Samaria or the Samaritans is frequently mentioned in the
Onomasticon. In this instance it said to be in the area of village dependent upon Samaria
(K. 162:13). Legeōn is here called an "oppidum" in Latin (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix). This
village is located by reference to Legeōn (K. 14:21) and a similar sounding name is still
to be heard at Beit Qad east of Jenin. It is probably not the Old Testament site. The
Vulgate and other versions do not have a proper name here. It has "chamber of the
shepherds" (cf. Hexaplaric data also with more detail in Latin). 282. Baithannē (Baenith).
II Kings 17:30; K. 58:3; L. 251:99. The Latin gives only one form for this entry which
appears in several variations in the Greek and LXX. A simple biblical fact is presented.

41 283. Bublos (Byblus). Ezekiel 27:9; K. 58:5; L. 251:1. This is almost out of the
geographical limits of the Holy Land. It is the most northern identifiable site in the
text. It is listed as a Phoenician city but it is unclear whether this refers to biblical
or Byzantine terminology, probably the earlier. The Tabula Peutinger has it seven miles
from Beirut and 206 from Aelia. The distances are not quite correct but the present well-
excavated site seems to be intended. It is never used for any other purpose in the
Onomasticon. The difference comes to the vicinity of Nahr Qelb. 284. Boubastos (Bubastus).
Ezekiel 30:17; K. 58:7; L. 251:3. Textual variant Boubatos (Greek). This is out of the
area of the Onomasticon's interest in the Holy Land. Perhaps most of the entries from the
prophetic books are suspect as incidental addenda by a later editor. Other sites in Egypt
are K. 80:11, K. 134:4, K. 148:3, K. 162:17, K. 164:23,24.

42 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bubastus, mouth or lip of experience" (13). 285.
Bōz. Jeremiah 25:23; K. 58:8; L. 251:4. Textual variant Bōzan (Greek). This is just on the
edge of the limits of the Holy Land as defined by the Onomasticon. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Buz, despising or contempt" (126). 286. Bēl. Jeremiah 50:2; K. 58:9; L.
251:5. Another of the "idols" included by a later editor among the place names (cf. K.
36:15 and Appendix II). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bel age" (126). THE GOSPELS
287. Bēthsaida. Matthew 11:21; K. 58:11; L. 251:7. Textual variants: Bethsaidan (Latin)
and also Genesar and Genessareth (Latin). The location is given largely from the New
Testament. In Joseph Wars II, 9, 1 and Antiquities XVIII, 2, 1 he notes it was later also
called Ioulias after Augustus' daughter. Formerly only a village it seems to be raised in
status. In the New Testament it is called both terms (Matthew 8:26 and John 1:44).
Probably et Tell on northeast side of the Sea of Galilee with the port at Kh el 'Araj (cf.
John 1:44).

43 Galilaia is the northern portion of the land west of the Jordan (K. 72:18). It includes
the hill country above the great plain and is sometimes "upper" and "lower" in the LXX and
Vulgate. In Onomasticon it includes Bēthsaida, Capharnaoum (K. 120:2), Nazareth (K.
138:24) and Chorazein (K. 174:23). Gennēsaritis is used only twice in the Onomasticon (cf.
K. 120:2). The term Tiberias is preferred (cf. K. 16:1). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Bethsaida, house of fruits or house of hunters" (135). 288. Bēthphagē (Bethfage). Matthew
21:1; K. 58:13; L. 251:9. The conclusion of this entry and the beginning of the next are
missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript but properly supplied from the Latin.
Traditionally this is located at Kefr et Tur where the Palm Sunday processions begin,
coming down the Mt. of Olives (jebel et Tur) in Bible and Onomasticon as a referent (K.
58:16, K. 74:17, K. 118:19, K. 175:28). There was intense Roman-Byzantine occupation on
the area from 2nd BC to 8th A.D. Eusebius describes the Mt. of Olives in other writings
also as in Vita Const. iii, 41; Laud. Const. IX, 17 and Demonstratio Evangelica IV, 18,
etc.

44 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Bethfage, house of the mouth of the valley or house
of cheeks" (135). 289. Bēthania. Matthew 21:17; K. 58:15; L. 251:10. The continued
identity of Bethany in the present Arabic el 'Azariyeh is uncontested. It is on the Mt. of
Olives approximately two miles from Jerusalem. The present Arabic name is an approximation
of the late Byzantine Lazarium. The church known by Jerome (K. 59:17), but not by
Eusebius, has been excavated (Note on other churches K. 7:3). The older city is up the
slope farther near the medieval tower. Paula (Migne, Patrologiae Graecae Cursus Completus
22, 888) following the Lord went from Bethany to Bethfage (K. 58:13). The later pilgrims
point to both a church and a place of the tomb (John 11:1). 290. Bēthaabara (Bethabara).
John 1:28; K. 58:18; L. 251:12. Textual variant Bethtabera (Latin). 45 This place is
sometimes called the "other Bethany," or the "Bethany across the Jordan." The location is
not precisely given, possibly because it was as well know as the previous New Testament
villages to the authors. Origen probably began the written tradition of Bethaabara
combining the crossing of the Israelites into the Promised Land and the baptism of John.
Jerome and Eusebius follow this East bank tradition which by the time of the Madaba map
had come to the present traditional location on the West bank near Bethagla (K. 8:19).
Madaba map reads, "Bēthabara the place of St. John the Baptist." Origen in his Commentary
on John writes, "But the place named Bethania is across the Jordan. It is said that a
Bethabara is pointed out beside the bank of the Jordan where as it is reported John
Baptized" (Migne, Patrologiae Graecae Cursus Completus, 14, 269). Perhaps Kh el Medesh
near the Wadi Nimrin is the place. Some believe the Madaba map refers to two locations,
but the influence of Origen and Eusebius is still seen. On the tradition of Ainon for
place of Baptism see K. 40:1.

46 The "brothers" of course mean in general Christians, but it is unclear whether loutron
refers to general bathing, liturgical renewals of baptism or the original baptism of each
Christian. In spite of Constantine there are only three Christian "towns" in the
Onomasticon: Anaia (K. 26:14, Ietheira (K. 108:3) and Kariatha (K. 112:16). 291. Bēzatha
(Bethsaida). John 5:2; K. 58:21; L. 251:15. Textual variants: Bethesda (Latin), Josephus
has Bezatha. Eusebius again follows Origen (Migne, Patrologiae Graecae Cursus Completus
14, 269) in his description of the twin pools and in the general location. The pools
apparently gave their name to the quarter of the city. The Church of St. Ann is in the
general area of the church on the Madaba map. This explanation is curious. Such
explanations are not common in the Onomasticon. In Eusebius only one of the twin pools is
involved in the miracle. The pilgrims report similar happenings. "There are in Jerusalem
two large pools at the north side of the temple, that is one upon the right hand and one
upon the left where were made by Solomon; and further in the city are twin pools with five
porticoes which are called Bethsaida. There persons who have been sick for many years are
cured; the pools contain water which is red when it is disturbed" (Itin. Bourd. PPT 1,
20).

SECTION G

GENESIS 292. Gaiōn (Geon). Genesis 2:13; K. 60:3; L. 251:24. This entry is out of the
geographical range of the Holy Land as perceived in the Onomasticon just as entries
appearing first in A and B sections also. This is a river which makes it doubly suspect.
The information is dependent on Scripture and Josephus. "Lastly (of the 4 rivers in
Paradise) Geon which flows through Egypt means 'that which wells up to us from the
opposite world' and by the Greeks is called the Nile" (Antiquities I, 1, 3). For another
such river see K. 82:7, K. 164:7, and K. 166:7). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Geon,
breast or broken off" (66). 293. Gomorra. Genesis 10:19; K. 60:5; L. 251:26. Biblical
information on the Pentopolis of Sodom (K. 150:10). Jerome in Hebrew Questions seems to
suggest the vicinity of the hot springs of Callirhoe (14). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names he notes that the Latin G is not here but rather a vowel should be used to begin
these words (cf. his note on Gader (K. 63:4). "Gomorra, fear of the people or sedition"
(67).

294. Gerara. Genesis 20:1; K. 60:7; L. 251:28. Procopius 309C follows the first sentence
almost exactly but shortened the remainder into "a royal city of the Phylistiems located
between the deserts of Sour and Kadēs." The Madaba map also follows Eusebius "Gerara-once
a royal city of the Phylistia and the southern border of the Chananaia thence the salton
Geraritikon." Gerara is located from Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) in the southwest area of
Palestinē. A vignette on the Madaba map fits the legend and the Onomasticon's information.
The name is still to be found at Kh Um Jerrar but this is not the location for either the
Old Testament site or that of the Onomasticon. The biblical site is possibly at Tell Abu
Hureira. Eusebius does not say if he knows a village or city existing there in his day so
he could have had this tell in mind. But if a Byzantine town is needed it may be Tell ash
Shari'a on the wadi of the same name which is largely a Roman-Byzantine site.

The area was named for the city back in patriarchal times (Genesis 26:1). It is on the
border of Chananite territory (Genesis 10:19). The Geraritikē is probably the same area
south of the region of Eleutheropolis and west of the Daroma (K. 26:10) or Negeb (K.
136:14). It may be parallel to Barsama a military area. Later this was a bishop's seat.
Apparently Sur is the southern and western portion of the Sinai Peninsula (K. 152:6).
Kades (K. 112:8) is central and eastern while that belonging to the Saracees is the
northern caravan area which in Transjordan probably extended to the Syrian Desert (K.
118:21 and K. 124:10). The biblical information is here summarized from I Samuel 15:7,
Exodus 15:22, and Numbers 27:14. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gerara, he saw a
chewing of the cud or a garden wall" (66). 295. Galaad. Genesis 31:21; K. 60:15; L.
252:36. Originally the area was just south of the Jabboq. In the widest use as in the
Onomasticon it included all the Transjordanian territory ever claimed by ancient Israel.
Procopius 1060B has, "Galaad is located back of Phoenikē and Arabia, linked with the
Libanon and extending through the desert beyond the Iordan Peraia (to Petra?). Here Sēon
the Amorite dwelled. It was received by the two half tribes. In Jeremia it says, "You are
to me like the peak of Lebanon." There is also a mountain Galaad with a city set upon it
which Galaad the son of Macheir, son of Manassē took from the Amorites." Jerome in
Commentary on Ezekeil 14:18 writes, "Galaad, which is connected by hills with Mt. Leban
fell by lot to Ruben and Gad and the half tribe of Manassē. It is back of Phoenice and
Arabia. To this mountain Jacob came fleeing from Charran and was caught by Laban. Jeremia
says of it, 'Galaad, you are to be the beginning of Libani.' Galaad the son of Machir, the
son of Manassē took this from the Amorites." Jerome repeats this in Commentary on Jeremiah
22:6.

The hill country today includes a jebel jel'ad which is near Kh Jel 'ad, the probable town
Eusebius had in mind. It has Roman-Byzantine sherds but the Old Testament site must be
elsewhere. The biblical information is from Deuteronomy 3:16, Joshua 13:8.11, Jeremiah
22:6 and Numbers 32:39. Charran although out of the Onomasticon's area is discussed in K.
170:23. There is a Latin variant Charris. Mesopotamia is probably here used as the Roman
province which includes Euphratēs (K. 82:7, Phathourra (K. 168:22) and the above Charran
(K. 170:23). Arabia is confusing in the Onomasticon since it is not always the Roman
province. Different editors may be using it differently. Libanon (K, 10:24), Iordan (K.
104:20) and Petra (K. 142:7). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Galaad, heap of evidence
or migration of evidence" (67). 296. Gader. Genesis 35:21; K. 62:5; L. 252:45. Textual
variant Adda (Syriac). A simple biblical report. Apparently in K. 68:11 the Onomasticon
confuses this with the Canaanite royal city. The Tower or Migdal is in the Chebrōnrea (K.
43:23). In Hebrew Questions Jerome locates it near Bethleem (43). Jerome's text frequently
makes note of transliteration problems from Hebrew to Greek and Latin.

297. Gethem (Gethaim). Genesis 36:35; K. 62:7; L. 252:47. Textual variants: Gethea
(Greek), Geththaim, and Adda (LXX). Here Idumaia is identified with the Gebalēne (cf. K.
26:10 and K. 102:23). Gethem without the G in Hebrew is Avith but location still unknown.
298. Gesem. Genesis 45:10; K. 62:10; L. 252:50. Textual variant Gesen (Latin). This is
also out of the geographical area of the Holy Land. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
""Gesen, approaching flatteries or vicinity" (67). But, "If as in our codices the final M
is written Gesem, which doesn't please me at all. it signifies fall land" (49). NUMBERS
AND DEUTERONOMY 299. Gasiōn (Gaber). Numbers 33:35; K. 62:13; L. 252:53. Cf. K. 36:1. The
Onomasticon has only a report on Asian not personal identification. Cf. the Latin variants
Esaiam and Aialam and cf. also Deuteronomy 2:8. 300. Gai. Numbers 33:44; K. 62:17; L.
252:57. Gaia is called a city of Petra (K. 142:7) but lacks any other identification or
location.

301. Gelmōn Deblathaeim (Gelmōn Deblathaim). Numbers 33:46; K. 62:19; L. 252:59. Biblical
note on the station but a different formula from the usual. Also out of order. 302.
Gadgad. Numbers 33:23; K. 62:20; L. 252:60. Another note on the station. Probably a
confusion of Dibongad (K. 76:23) Numbers 33:46. 303. Gaza. Deuteronomy 2:23; K. 62:22; L.
252:62. Gaza has always been a significant or famous city of Palestine. It once formed the
border of the Chanaanites (Genesis 10:19). It was one of the Philistine cities (K. 22:6,
11, 15 and K. 68:4). They (foreigners-Philistines usually) were not driven out by Israel
(Joshua 15:47, Judges 1:18) The Madaba Map locates Gaza and describes it as a splendid
town with columned streets and a basilica. Tabula Peutinger locates it 15 miles from
Askalon (K. 22:15). It had suffered under Diocletian but had a bishop at Nicea (Historia
Ecclesiastica VIII, 13, 5). The region of Gaza was important in the Onomasticon and the
Roman road system (cf. Jerome's Epistle 108:11). The city is probably still ghazzeh.

The Greeks and after them, Jerome, seems to have distinguished another older Gaza. Jerome
for some literalistic theological reasons does not expect such a splendid city to still
exist after all the prophetic woes pronounced against it. Some suggest this old site was
Bethaglaim (K. 48:19). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gaza his strength" (66) and
"Gaza strength, but probably one should know that the Hebrews do not have as the first
letter a consonant, but the word begins with a vowel and is pronounced Aza" (87). 304.
Gergasei (Gergasi). Deuteronomy 7:1; K. 64:1; L. 252:68. Textual variants: Gergesa (Greek)
and Gargasi (Latin). This is equated with an important city in Arabia (Coele Syria) called
Gerasa. Some falsely equate it with Gadara (K. 74:10). Both were cities of the Dekopolis
(K. 80:16). The equation with Gerasa, probably modern Jerash, seems more correct than with
the city Galaad (K. 62:2) since the Onomasticon locates it as near Galaad (Josh 12:5).
This Gergasei is distinct in the Onomasticon from the New Testament site (K. 74:13) (cf.
Mark 5:1).

Gerasa has been well excavated to become known as the "Pompeii of Palestine." According to
the Onomasticon the Jabbok flowed between it and Philadelphia only four miles from Gerasa
(K.102:22). Many villages depended on it in Roman-Byzantine times. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Gergesaeum, attached to the farm" (87). 305. Gadgada. Deuteronomy 10:7; K.
64:5; L. 253:73. A simple entry with no real identity or location (cp. Gadgad (K. 62:20)).
Either this or the next entry out of order and suspect as late additions. 306. Gaulōn or
Gōlan (Gōlam). Deuteronomy 4:43; K. 64:6; L. 253:75. The city gave its name to a region in
Roman times, but is not used as such by the Onomasticon since it apparently overlaps the
region Batauaia (K. 44:10). The city may possibly be located at Sahem el Jolan cf. Joshua
20:8. See previous entry. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gaulon, his rolling about"
(87).

307. Gaibal (Gebal). Deuteronomy 11:29; K. 64:9; L. 253:79. Textual variant Gebal (Greek).
This and the following entry can be treated together. The Onomasticon begins by recording
the simple biblical information here. The generally accepted tradition is to follow the
Samaritan tradition as given here. The two mountains are on either side of Neapolis (K.
4:28) and are Jebel es-Slamiyeh and Jebel et Tur. The Madaba Map reflects this tradition
by having them near Shechem (K. 150:1) called Garizin and Gōbel. The pilgrims also
recognize this identity. "At Neapolis is Mt.Agazaren where the Samaritans say Abraham
brought the sacrifice. And to ascend up to the summit are 300 steps. At the foot of the
mountain is located a place by the name of Shechem" (Itin. Bourd. PPT I, 18). Zeno and
Justinian built churches on Garizein according to Procopius Buildings V, vii, 5-17.
Excavation of this area is going on.

But Eusebius and Jerome prefer to follow an anti-Samaritan location. The Madaba map
hesitates between the two opinions and so locates Gebal Garizeini near Ierichō (K.
104:25). The use of the LXX names in Ierichō region and the Aramaic in the Neapolis area
may signify some preference. Since Josephus and the later Byzantines had the correct
tradition, this rabbinic tradition must have developed in the late first and early second
centuries. Procopius 905C is also confused: "This is situated at the Eastern part of
Ierichō beyond Galgal" and he continues by denying the Samaritan tradition. Yet in 908A he
seems to accept the Samaritan location and tradition. The two mountains near Jericho are
probably those above Aqaba jabr sometimes called Tyros and Thrax. The Roman road to
Jerusalem passed between them. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gebal, ancient abyss or
stone building" (87). 308. Garizein (Garizin). Deuteronomy 11:29; K. 64:16; L. 242.

See previous entry. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Garizin, division or stranger"
(87). 309. Golgol or Galgal. Deuteronomy 11:30; K. 64:18; L. 253:88. Textual variants:
Golgōn and Galgan (Greek). The argument of the previous two entries is continued here in
Greek and developed by Jerome. A Galgal could be located near Neapolis on the basis of the
text quoted (K. 66:7) but the Onomasticon uses the Galgala (K. 64:24) on the Jordan to
move mountains. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Galgal, wheel or revelation" (87). 310.
Gai. Deuteronomy 34:6; K. 64:21; L. 253:91. This is not a proper name. It is equated with
Bēthphogōr (K. 48:3) with Beth translated "house" of Phogor (K. 168:7, 25). On the Madaba
map there is "AIA" which could be related to Bethpeor. The general area could include the
Gai near Petra as in K. 62:17 but it probably does not. The Gai of K. 66:8 is the same as
Aggai (K. 4:27).

Here and in K. 70:1 it is better simply "valley." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gai,
chasm" (87). JOSUE 311. Galgala. Joshua 4:19; K. 64:24; L. 253:94. Textual variant. The
distance is omitted in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Gilgal has been a problem for the
Onomasticon's editors, pilgrims and modern scholars. "East of Jericho" is a biblical
reference not a contemporary geographical one (cf. Joshua 5:11f., Joshua 15:7, I Samuel
7:16, Amos 5:5, II Kings 2:1, and 4:38 etc.). Even if it were being used the quadrant NE
to SE could be involved. But the location two miles from Ierichō does not include
direction or road. The Madaba map locates it slightly NE of Jericho and records "Galgala
also dōdekalithon" (12 stones). Procopius 1009C records the etymology "wheel" and the
location at second mile from Ierichō. The 12 stones were said to be visible according to
K. 46:20 and Procopius reaffirms this evidence. Paula only contemplated the "field" of
Gilgal on her way from Jericho to the Jordan (PPT 1, 4 cf. Jerome's Epistle 108, 2).

Biblical Gilgal is not certain but the measurements of Josephus and Eusebius taken from
tubul abu Aliviq (New Testament Jericho) suggest Tell es Sultan was the revered site of
Gilgal, the "hill of foreskins" where stones were pointed out. The Galgala near Bethel
could be the same- on the road to Bethel- or it could be one of sites in the hill country
related to Garizein and Gaibal (cf. K. 64:18). 312. Gai. Joshua 7:2; K. 66:8; L. 253:2.
Textual variants: Bēthaunōn (Greek) and Bethan (Latin). The same as Aggai (K. 4:27)
probably already in the 4th century the tradition was settled on the ruined place et Tell.
In this entry the identity of Bethayn with Baithēl is not made clear (K. 43:3 and Joshua
12:9). 313. Gabaon. Joshua 9:9ff.; K. 66:11; L. 253:6. The complications on Gabaon have
been noted in discussion of Bērōth (K. 48:9). It is further complicated here by 4 miles
west of Baithel (K. 40:20). Both the Latin of Jerome and Procopius 1020C accept this
reading. This would make the Gabaon in Onomasticon near Ramallah. In the Onomasticon
Gabaon, Rama, Galgala, Ailon and Aggai are near Baithēl (cf. Joshua 10:2, 18:25, 21:17; I
Kings 3:4).

The Madaba map has a Gabaon at the location generally preferred for the Old Testament site
el jib. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gabaon, hill of walls" (94). 314. Gaibe (Gaba).
Joshua 18:24; K. 66:17; L. 254:13. Textual variants: Gabaa (LXX), Gebe (Latin) and Gabe
(Syriac). A simple biblical note (Joshua 21:7) but it is out of order. The last part has
been emended from the Latin since it is missing in the Vatican manuscript along with the
first part of the next entry. However, Hebrew, Greek and Latin names with G-B are all
confused in parts of all the versions. 315. Gazer. Joshua 10:33; K. 64:19; L. 254:14. The
first part of this entry is missing in Vatican manuscript along with the end of the above.
A summary of biblical information from Joshua 21:21, I Kings 9:17, Joshua 16:10, and
Judges 1:29. Josephus, Eusebius and the Madaba map seem to be confused about Gazara (K.
72:12), Gedour (K. 68:22) and this Gazer.

The Old Testament site is being excavated at Tell jezer. Seems to have ceased being
important before the time of Constantine. But the direction of 4 miles north of Nikopolis
(K. 30:27) cannot fit unless WNW is the quadrant. Some have corrected it to be west and
then it would be about 5 miles from 'Amwas. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gazer,
mutilation or division" (94). 316. Goson. Joshua 10:41; K. 68:3; L. 254:19. Simple
biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gosnam, next to him or located near"
(94). 317. Geth. Joshua 11:22; K. 68:4; L. 254:20. Another of the Philistine cities (cf.
K. 22:6, 11, 15; K. 62:22). Since "foreigners" has been used for 'Enakeim' this is one of
the few places in the Onomasticon where it is clearly stated Phylistaioi were not driven
out. Madaba map has "Geth now Gitta once one of the Satrapies." The Bible and the
Onomasticon as well as the Amarna letters are confusing with several spellings of similar
names (or of the same?) (cp. K. 48:28; K. 70:14; K. 72:2, 4 etc.). The Madaba map has
combined Geth with Geththa (K. 72:2) in the vicinity of Ramle which may be at Tell Ras Abu
Hamid.

The Onomasticon has 5 miles from Eleutheropolis which points northwest to Kh Dikrin
(Dikkriya) others see it at Tell es Safi a bit farther away at 8 miles. This cannot be
Canaanite or Philistine Gath (if they are the same?). The latest suggestions for Old
Testament Gath are Tell en Najilah which has no Philistine remains and Tell esh sheri'a
which does. Jerome's Commentary on Micah1:10 says, "Geth one of the five cities of
Palestine a village on the border of Judaea. There is now a large hamlet on the road from
Eleutherpolis to Gaza, home of Goliath the Gethite." This points to one of the many
earlier candidates for Philistine Gath, Araq el Manshijeh (but see K. 160:9). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Geth, wine press" (94). 318. Gesoureim (Gesom). Joshua
12:5; K. 68:8; L. 254:24. Textual variants: Gegassi and Gergasi (Latin)(cf. K. 64:1 and K.
74:14). 319. Gader. Joshua 12:13; K. 68:11; L. 254:27.

Textual variant in Latin we find "torrentem" (wadi) for "tower." This unknown Canaanite
city is equated by the Onomasticon with the Tower of Genesis 35:16, 22 (cf. K. 62:5). The
Hebrew MT is itself questionable. 320. Gōein of Gelgel (Goim in Gelgel). Joshua 12:23; K.
68:13; L. 254:30. Textual variant Galgalis (Latin). Simple Hexaplaric information. See
next entry. 321. Gelgel. Joshua 12:23; K. 68:14; L. 254:31. Textual variant Galboulis
(Greek). This points to the road going north from Antipatris and is perhaps indicative of
Jaljuliya which is about 5 miles north. Paula reports Antipatris "a small half ruined
town" (PPT I, 4). It is on the road between Diospolis (K. 8:14) and Caesaria according to
the Tabula Peutinger 12 miles from the former. Today this is Ras el 'ain. It was a station
on the Roman courier route. It was redeveloped by Herod, and seems to have been less
significant for our editors than it was in 4th century A. D.

322. Golathmaeim (Golathmaim). Joshua 15:19; K. 68:17; L. 254:34. The interpretation is
missing in Vatican manuscript but properly emended from the Latin. This is a "place" but
not a proper name. The etymology is from the translation of Symmachus. 323. Gadda. Joshua
15:27; K. 68:18; L. 254:35. Another border village of Judaea in the Daroma (K. 26:10). The
Onomasticon equates it with an unidentifiable village which is nameless in the Engaddi
region (cf. K. 86:16 and K. 96:9). 324. Gadeira (Gadera). Joshua 15:36; K. 68:20; L.
254:37. Textual variants for the contemporary village Gadara, Gedora (Latin). About 5
miles from the Terebinth (K. 6:8 and K. 76:1) is Kh Jedur which must be the site the
Onomasticon's writer has in mind for Gidora but it is not Old Testament Gadeira, which is
in the Jerusalem region, near Gezer and Latrun probably at Kh Jederah (see K. 68:22). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gadera, his hedge" (94).

325. Gedour (Gedur). Joshua 15:58; K. 68:22; L. 254:39. Textual variants: Gedrous (Greek),
Gahedur and Cedrus (Latin). This is often located at the same spot as the previous entry
but not according to the Onomasticon which probably has Qatra in view. So Old Testament
Gedour at Kh Jedur (K. 68: 20). The Madaba map conflates these sites after the Onomasticon
and has "Gedour which is also Gidirtha" in the general vicinity of Gezer (K. 66:19).
Perhaps Gazara (K. 72:13) and Gedrous have been confused with Gezer. This site fits the
general distance given here but could also point to Abu Shusha. 326. Gabli. Joshua 13:5;
K. 68:24; L. 254:41. Textual variants: Gabbli and Gamblē (Greek). Note again rare use of
transliteration of Allofylorum in Latin (cf. K. 23:14; see Appendix I). 327. Gisōn. Joshua
15:51; K. 68:25; L. 254:42. Simple tribal listing. 328. Gelōn. Joshua 15:51; K. 68:26; L.
254:43.

Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 172:24). 329. Gadērōth. Joshua 15:41; K. 68:27; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text. Textual variant Geddōr (LXX) and Gederoth (Latin). This entry is
missing in Vatican manuscript (cf. K. 68: 22). Out of order and suspect. 330. Gethemmōn.
Joshua 21:25; K. 68:28; L. 255:44. This entry in Manassē is distinct from that of Dan (K.
70:14). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gethremmon, high press or elevated press" (94).
331. Gai. Joshua 18:16; K. 70:1; L. 255:46. Simple etymology. See next entry. A number of
wadies or ravines are listed in the present text but do not belong to the original
manuscript (K. 168:15, 20 etc.). 332. Galennoum (Geennom). Joshua 18:16; K. 70:2; L.
255:47. Variant Enom (Latin). One of several detailed notes about Jerusalem. The etymology
is from the Hebrew (cf. K. 170:8). The valley forms the border of Benjamin and Jouda. In
Byzantine tradition as here, it is equated with the Kedron (K. 118:11 and K. 174:26).

333. Geththepher. Joshua 19:13; K. 70:5; L. 255:50. Textual variant Geththepha (Greek).
Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gethhaafer, his press of ground
or excavated" (94). 334. Gēephthael. Joshua 19:14; K. 70:6; L. 255:52. The name is missing
in Vatican manuscript but supplied correctly from Latin (cp. K. 110:1). 335. Gabathōn.
Joshua 19:14; K. 70:7; L. 255:53. The Onomasticon has added a number of items from the
confused Old Testament Geba concordance. a) The Onomasticon identified Gabathon of Dan
with the city (polichnē in Greek cp. K. 22:11) of Gabe near Kaisareia. This is probably in
error. This Gabe is accurately located southeast of Mt.Karmel at present Jeba. b) A little
farther located generally east in the Great Plain of Legeōn is the first Gabatha at Jebata
(or Gevat) southwest of Nazareth. c) In the Daroma (K. 26:10) the Onomasticon has a Gabaa
and Gabatha. Possibly these are double names for the same village (plural only in Latin).
Perhaps this is same as Gabatha (K. 70:23) twelve miles from Eleutheropolis but this is
toward Jerusalem and not in the Daroma. Possible near Ziph.

d) The Gabatha of Benjamin and Saoul (Joshua 18:28 and I Samuel 10:26) is located by our
text and is not the Old Testament site Tell al Ful which had no Byzantine remains, but the
nearby Jaba which is close to er-Ram and fits Jerome's location of Gabaa of Saul next to
Rama (Commentary on Hosea 5:8). e) The Babathon of the heathen (I Kings 16:15) may be the
region of Dor half-way between Kaisareia and Mt.Karmel. The Latin is confusing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gabathon, height or high press" (94). 336. Gethremmōn.
Joshua 19:45; K. 70:14; L. 255:58. This is one of several instances where "another" is in
its proper biblical order (Joshua 21:24). Usually in the Onomasticon "another" is out of
order and suggests some late marginal gloss has been incorporated into our manuscripts
(cf. K. 68:28 above). The confusion suggested it is equated with K. 72:3.

The contemporary city is hardly from Dan. There is a possibility the direction of the road
has been reversed, but 12 miles is almost midway, so little is changed, possibly Ras abu
Hamid. If it is to be distinguished from the Madaba map site near Ramle, it could well be
Tell es safi, long a candidate for Philistine Gath which is 8 Roman miles north of
Eleutheropolis, but biblical Gethaemmon is located way north at Tell Jerishe. 337.
Galeilōth (Galiloth). Joshua 22:10; K. 70:17; L. 255:61. Textual variants: Galiloth,
Gaieiloth (Greek). Since the LXX transliterates the Hebrew for "borders" it is listed here
as a "place" but not a contemporary village (cf. Josh 18:17). 338. Gaas. Joshua 24:30; K.
70:19; L. 255:63. A mountain and so properly not original in the Onomasticon's text. There
are several references to tombs. This Thamna (cf. K. 96:24) is northwest of Ramalla at
Tibne. Paula viewed the "tombs on Mt. Ephraim of Joshua, son of Naue and of Eliazar, son
of Aron, the priest, one of whom is buried in Thamathsare on the north side of Mt. Gass
and the other in Gabaa of Phinees" (PPT I, 12 and Jerome's Epistle 108:13). On Thamathaare
(cf. Thannathsara 100:1) Thamna is near Gouphna (K. 76:2 in Josephus Antiquities V, 1, 29.

339. Gabass (Gabath). Joshua 24:33; K. 70:22; L. 255:66. Textual variants: Gabaath (Greek)
and Ambacuc (Latin). The tomb tradition of Paula is recorded in the note on the previous
entry. This Gabatha may be the same as that in the Daroma (K. 70:10). But it is best at el
jeba' north of Eleutheropolis. For another tradition of the tomb of Ambakoym see K. 88:22
and K. 114:17. Probably the first and last parts of this entry refer to the Gabatha (K.
70:6) of Saul and Benjamin located by the Onomasticon and Paula as near er-Ram. Ephraim
and Benjamin have also been confused (Joshua 18:24). 340. Gabaan (Gabaam). Joshua 21:17;
K. 70:26; L. 255:70. This is either the above Gabatha of Saul or another Geba of Benjamin
(cf. K. 70:7). "In Gabas, a city destroyed even to the ground, she stayed for a short time
remembering its sins and the concubine cut into pieces and the 300 men of the tribe of
Benjamin reserved for the sake of the Apostle Paul" (Jerome's Epistle 108:8; Paula PPT I,
5; cf. Judges 20:43). It is out of order and a late addition.

KINGS 341. Geththa. I Samuel 5:8; K. 72:2; L. 255:73. Textual variant for the second
contemporary town Giththim (Latin). The biblical information on Gath is confused (cf. K.
68:4). There is debate whether Canaanite and Philistine Gath are identical or not. In the
Onomasticon Giththam is equated with Geththa, but probably also with the previously
discussed Geth (K. 70:14) or Gehtremmon (K. 68:20). The road between Antipatris (K. 68:15)
and Iamnia (K. 106:21) is not very important in the Onomasticon so some have tried to
emend to Antipatris to Ioppa (K. 110:24). If the text is correct then the Madaba map Gitta
has followed that road and placed it near Ramle at Tell Ras Abu Hamid. If we emend the
text and change the road it may be Saqya. The second Geththeim is not located. It may be
related to Gethem (K. 62:7). 342. Gallei (Gallim). I Samuel 25:44; K. 72:5; L. 255:77.

A biblical note (Isaiah 10:30) and then a tradition of a similar sounding name Gallaia.
This may be reflected in Jilya half way between Akkarōn (K. 22:6) and Eleutheropolis (K.
18:12) beyond the area of Benjamin and which has no relationship to the biblical site at
Kh Kakul. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gallim, transmigration or revelations" (104).
343. Gelamsour (Gelamsur). I Samuel 27:8; K. 72:8; L. 255:80. Simple record of an enemy
city. Jerome does not translate as usual and does not equate with Philistines but simply
transliterates. The entry is the result of a poor LXX transcription. 344. Gelboue
(Gelbua). I Samuel 28:4; K. 72:9; L. 256:81. Textual variant Geboue (Greek). The mountain
is not proper for Onomasticon. The village of Gelbous is probably Jelbun southwest of
Beisan. The mountain is Jebel Fuqua but out text errs in the equations. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Gelboe, rolling about or running around or flowing heap" (104).

345. Geddour (Gedud). I Samuel 30:8; K. 72:11; L. 256:83. Textual variants: Geddar (Greek)
and Gedur (Latin). Another transcription confusion from the LXX. Not properly a place name
as the Hexaplaric notes show and therefore suspect. 346. Gazēra. II Samuel 5:25; K. 72:13;
L. 256:85. Simple biblical note (cf 66:19). 347. Gessour (Gessur). II Samuel 15:8; K.
72:15; L. 256:87. In region of Syria. 348. Gilōn. II Samuel 15:12; K. 72:16; L. 256:88.
Textual variant Achittophel (Greek). Simple biblical note. 349. Gob. II Samuel 21:19; K.
72:17; L. 256:89. Simple biblical note. 350. Gailaia (Gailaea). I Kings 9:11; K. 72:18; L.
256:90. Textual variants: Gennesar and Gennesareth (Latin). Summary of biblical
information from Isaiah 9:1 and Job 20:7. On the lake see K. 58:12. The latter part of
this entry seems to be an addenda after "another." 351. Geiōn (Gion). I Kings 1:33; K.
72:22; L. 256:95. Simple biblical note. Out of order and suspect late addition.

352. Gēr. II Kings 9:27; K. 72:23; L. 256:96. Simple biblical note with biblical location
(cf. K. 56:26). The LXX has the Gur of MT transcribed as it is here. It also appears in
variant form as Gair. Ieblaam (K. 108:24) is probably Tell bel 'ameh just south of Jenin.
Only a "place" in the Onomasticon. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gir, division or
broken off" (111). 353. Geththachopher. II Kings 14:25; K. 72:25; L. 256:97. Textual
variant Geththarchopher (Greek). Jerome in Commentary on Jonah writes "Geth which is in
Ofer, about two miles from Saphorim which is Diocaesarea, is a not large hamlet on the way
to Tiberias where his tomb is shown. There is another near Diospolis, i.e., Lyddat." This
village is just east of Diocaesarea near Mash-had where a shrine is still shown. This is
out of biblical order and a late addition. 354. Gaddei (Gaddi). II Kings 12:18; K. 72:26;
L. 256:98.

Simple biblical note (cf. K. 68:18) with no location possible for either. But also see K.
86:16 Engaddi. 355. Gēmela. II Kings 14:7; K. 72:28; L. 256:00. Generalized biblical
location in Edom (K. 102:23) with Hexaplaric information. 356. Gebein (Gebin). Isaiah
10:31; K. 74:1; L. 256:2. Onomasticon is confused with Geba (K. 70:7). The town falsely
equated with Gebim is north of Jifneh , which is this Gouphna (cp. K. 26:2 and K. 168:16).
This town is et tell on the Wadi el jib which preserves the Byzantine name. The biblical
site was in vicinity of Mt.Scopus. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gebim, cisterns"
(121). 357. Gōzan. Isaiah 37:12; K. 74:3; L. 256:4. Textual variant Gōzath (Greek). This
is outside the normal limits of the Holy Land. Probably an addition. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Gozan, their nut" (121). 358. Garēb. Jeremiah 31:39; K. 74:5; L. 256:6.
Textual variant Garēy (Greek).

Simple biblical note. The next 3 entries and this are late additions. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Garab, scabs or many people" (127). 359. Gēbarōth (Gebarth). Jeremiah 41:17;
K. 74:6; L. 256:7. Textual variant Gebaroth (Latin). Simple Hexaplaric information. Not
properly a place name. One of a series of late additions. 360. Gaimōd (Gemen or Gamon).
Isaiah 60:6; K. 74:9; L. 256:8. Textual variants: Gaimōn or Gaimōl (Greek) and Gamen or
Gamol (Latin). Simple reference to a dubious place. Only the Latin text has the double
tradition of spelling (cf. K. 78:20 and K. 138:8). One of a series of late additions. 361.
Gaipha (Gefa). Isaiah 60:6; K. 74:9; L. 256:8. The order of these last two entries is
reversed in the Latin. This is also out of the territory of the Holy Land and is suspect
as are many of the prophetic entries. Called a region (cp. K. 138:22) perhaps by
interpretation in a marginal gloss.

THE GOSPELS 362. Gadara. Matthew 8:28; K. 74:10; L. 256:11. This is a city of the
Decapolis (K. 80:16) which is generally located at Umm Qeis overlooking the Yarmuq. On the
Tabula Peutinger it is 16 miles from Tiberias. It was a strong military city. A bishop was
at the Council of Nicea. The hot baths of Amatha are not far away (K. 22:26). Origen in
his Commentary on John 6:4 remarks about the renowned hot baths of Gadara (cf. K. 64:1
where it is confused with Gerasa). 363. Gergesa. Matthew 5:1; K. 74:13; L. 256:14. Textual
variant Gergessa, Gerges (Latin). At this point we have a distinction made with Gerasa (K.
64:l). Procopius 349B follows Eusebius "Gergasenes lived near Gadara. Now Gergesau the
desert reaching Lake Tiberias." This location is dependent upon Origen who in his
Commentary on John 6:4 remarks "The Gergasenes are from an old city near Lake Tiberias on
a cliff extending down to the Lake. Nearby they show (the hill) of the pigs thrown down by
the demons." This probably is present Chorsia (el Kursi) on the East shore of the Sea
above Hippos (K. 22:21).

364. Gethsimanē (Gethsimani). Matthew 26:36; K. 74:16; L. 257:18. Another site on the Mt.
of Olives (cf. Bēthania (K. 58:15) and Bethphagē (K. 58:13)). The "faithful" are the
Christians who bath at Bethabara and here are called "brothers" (K. 58:18). Helen planned
a church there and Eusebius knew of it but only the Latin text (cf. Note on K. 7:3)
reports the church (cf. Vita Const. iii, 43 and Demonstratio Evangelica vi, 18). In the
itinerary it is across the Valley of Josafath (Itin. Bourd. PPT I, 25). The Madaba map has
"Geths" and the remainder must be emended. Perhaps two locations are involved: the
betrayal spot and the place of prayer, one at the foot and another higher up. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Gethsemani, valley of fatness" (136). 365. Golgotha.
Matthew 27:33; K. 74:19; L. 257:21. The tradition of Golgotha has been of long standing.
Some feel it was never lost sight of. The Itinerary notes "on the left side is the little
hill Golgotha" (PPT I, 22). This means a short distance from the ConstantinianChurch of
the Holy Sepulchre. In Vita Const. iii, 25f., Eusebius describes the pagan temple to Venus
on the site of the Holy Sepulchre and the subsequent work of Constantine. Curiously he
does not speak of Golgotha. Here it is in the area north of Mt. Zion (K. 162:12) which is
not clearly located in the Onomasticon, perhaps because the tradition continued strong to
the 4th century A. D.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Golgotha, skulls" (136).

SECTION D

GENESIS 366. Dasem. Genesis 10:12; K. 74:24; L. 257:25. The LXX has misread the MT with a
D for an R (cp. K. 142:21). This is also outside the area of the Holy Land and so is
doubly suspect, as are many first entries in these alphabetic sections. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Dasem, bridle" (64). 367. Drus (Drys i.e., oak). Genesis 13:18; K. 76:1;
L. 257:23. The emended reading of the Madaba map is "drus mambre and terebinthos." The
first name is in black letters and the second in red, but no tradition that they were
really separated. It is near Chebrōn (K. 6:8) on the map and also here in the Onomasticon.
The pilgrims place it 8 miles from Bethsur (K. 52:1) and two miles from Chebrōn (Itin.
Bourd. PPT I, 27). Constantine built a church there which Eusebius knew about (Vita Const.
iii, 51) but only Jerome mentions it in the Onomasticon (K. 7:2). It is probably the
excavated site of Ramet el Khalil. Mamre (K. 124:5) and the terebinth are frequently used
for referents (K. 6:13, K. 24:16, K. 68:21 and K. 94:21).

368. Damaskos (Damascus). Genesis 15:2; K. 76:4; L. 257:30. This city is the limit of the
Onomasticon on the east along with Bostra (K.46:10). Damaskos is one of the Dekapolis (K.
80:16). In Tabula Peutinger it is 56 miles from Caecarea Paneas. It was a seat of a bishop
at the time of Council of Nicea. Later pilgrims locate Paul's conversion as a few miles
out of the city. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names (15:3) Jerome notes that Hebrew is
quite different and lacks the idea of a proper name for a slave. 369. Dan. Genesis 14:14;
K. 76:6; L. 257:18. The border of Joudaia went from Dan to Bērsaba (K. 50:1). It is in the
general region of the sources of the Jordan (K. 104:20 and cf. Josephus' Antiquities I,
10, etc.). Jerome calls one of the sources Dan and the other Ior close by (Interpretation
of Hebrew Names 19). He also gives Greek etymology in an unusual way. The Syriac text and
Procopius 333A have the little village of Dan 14 miles from Paneas on the road to Tyre
which would be almost midway and so, much too far. In Commentary on Ezekiel 48:18, Jerome
identifies Dan with Paneas (cp. K. 16:4).

The site is probably Tell el Qadi which preserves reminiscences of the meaning of the
Hebrew Dan, namely "judge." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dan, judgment or judging"
(64). 370. Danaba (Dannaba). Genesis 36:32; K. 76:9; L. 257:35. Part of this entry has
been emended from the Latin since it is missing in the Vatican manuscript. The Old
Testament site is not identified. The village of Dannea is probably Kh ed denn about the
proper distance north of Areopolis (K. 10:13). The other Danaba comes near Mt.Nebo (K.
136:6) but its location is uncertain. Silva speaks of a city of Job called Dennaba which
is Carneas now (PPT I, 29). This may relate to Karnaea or Karnaeim (K. 112:3-4). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dennaba, bringing judgment" (65). 371. Dōthaeim (Dothaim).
Genesis 37:17; K. 76:13; L. 257:38. This well excavated site is on the Samaria to Jenin
road at Tell Dothan. It has extensive Roman-Byzantine remains, it was junction for the
road east to Merrous (K. 128:4).

For Sebaste-Samaria see K. 162:13. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dothaim, food or his
greens or successful rebellion" (65). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 372. Daibōn (Debon) or
Dibon. Numbers 21:26f., 30; K. 76:17; L. 257:42. Textual variant Dabōn (Greek). Biblical
information from Joshua 13:26, Isaiah 15:2, and Jeremiah 48:18. The Onomasticon does not
equate the station of the Israelites with the Moabite Dibōn (K. 80:5). But no doubt the
large village was Dhiban which has been excavated. Probably a garrison was there according
to Notitia Dignitatum (81:27). But curiously it is not on the Tabula Peutinger. This is
the only listing of this important town unless Dēbous (K. 104:12) is equated with Dibōn
rather than Hesbous (K. 84:4). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dibon, sufficient
intelligence or abundant understanding" (80). 373. Daibōngad (Dabira). Numbers 33:45; K.
76:23; L. 257:48. Simple listing of station of Israel. This and next are late additions.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dibongad, intelligence is sufficient for the test"
(80). 374. Dusmai Moab (Dysmae Moab i.e., to the west of Moab). Numbers 22:1ff.; K. 78:1;
L. 257:49. Textual variants: Balaak (Greek) and Balaac (Latin). Not a place and out of
order so this is quite suspect is a late editing or marginal gloss. The "plain" of Moab is
northwest of the Dead Sea in the Aulōn (K. 14:22 and cf. Deuteronomy 31:9, 32:49, 34:1).
JOSUE 375. Dabeira (Dabira). Joshua 10:38; K. 78:5; L. 257:53. The Onomasticon does not
see a village near Chebrōn (see below K. 78:12). In the north another village is a
dependent of Diokaisarea (K. 16:131) and reported near Mt.Thabōr (K. 98:23). It is another
village of the Jews (cf. Note in K. 22:9 and Appendix II) but remains unidentified but
possibly Daburyeh. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dabir, speaking or speech or fearing
the bear" (92).

376. Dor of Naphath (Nafeth). Joshua 11:2; K. 78:8; L. 258:56. The Tabula Peutinger
locates it 8 miles from Kaisarea and 20 miles from Ptolemais. The directions and mileage
are missing in the Vatican Greek manuscript of the Onomasticon but are properly emended
from the Latin and from K. 136:16. Paula visited the ruins (Epistle 108:8). These are
either the site of ancient Dor at Tantura or just north of it at Kh el burj where Iron Age
and Hellenistic remains are evident (cf. Joshua 17:11). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Dor, generation" (92). 377. Dabeir (Dabir). Joshua 11:21; K. 78:12; L. 258:59. The city
of letters is also Iabeir (K. 106:22 and cf. K. 78:18). Summary of biblical information
with no Byzantine location (Joshua 15:15, 21: and Judges 1:11). The Old Testament site is
contested for identification with Tell Beit Mirsim most preferred. 378. Dabeir (Dabir).
Joshua 13:26; K. 78:15; L. 258:62.

Simple biblical notation. 379. Deimōna (Dimona). Joshua 15:22; K. 78:16; L. 258:63. Simple
tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dimona, full count or high" (93). 380.
Dalaan (Dadan). Joshua 15:38; K. 78:17; L. 258:64. Textual variant Daian (Latin). Simple
tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dalani, needy pauper" (93). 381. Denna.
Joshua 15:49; K. 78:18; L. 258:65. Another form using the biblical equation with Dabir
(cf. K. 78:12). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dana, cause or his judgment" (93). 382.
Dauid (Dauia). Joshua 15:49; K. 78:20; L. 258:67. Textual variants: Dad (Greek) and Dabuia
and Dauhid (Latin). Here Jerome has two forms of the name and the Greek only one. Possibly
also the same as the above Dabir as confused in the LXX. 383. Douma (Duma). Joshua 15:52;
K. 78:21; L. 258:68. This is in the Daroma (K. 26:10) 17 miles from Eleutheropolis (K.
18:12) and probably located at Kh dumah ed deir, just north of dhahiriyeh which is
southwest of Chebrōn (K. 6:8). In Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah21:14 he locates Idumaea to
the south of Duma and locates the village 20 miles from Eleutheropolis. The 17 marks turn
off from main road.

384. Damna. Joshua 19:13; K. 78:23; L. 258:70. Simple tribal listing plus Levitical
addition. This and K. 78:25 may be late additions. On Levitical city see Joshua 21:35. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Domna, silence" (93). 385. Dabasthe (Dasbath). Joshua
19:11; K. 78:24; L. 258:71. Textual variants: Dabasse, Damasse (Greek) and Dabasthe
(Latin). Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dabbasth, slope" (93).
386. Dabrath. Joshua 19:22; K. 78:25; L. 258:72. Simple tribal listing plus Levitical
addition (cf. Joshua 21:28). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dabrath, speech" (93).
JUDGES 387. Drus. Judges 6:11; K. 80:2; L. 258:74. Not a legitimate entry for the place
names, but see Oak of Mambre (K. 76:1) and terebinthos (K. 164:11) for similar items.
Simple biblical information with no location. KINGS 388. Deibon (Dibon). Isaiah 15:2; K.
80:5; L. 258:77. Cf. K. 76:17. 389. Deseth. Isaiah 16:7; K. 80:7; L. 258:79. Textual
variant Desek (Greek).

Simple Hexaplaric information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Deseth, shoe or
anointing" (120). 390. Dōdaneim (Dodanim). Isaiah 21:13; K. 80:8; L. 258:80. Textual
variant Dodaneimi (Greek). This must be distinguished from Daidan of K. 80:14. Possibly ed
dedan. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dodanim, cousin" (120). 391. Darōm. Ezekiel
20:46; K. 80:10; L. 258:82. Hexaplaric information. One of the several words for the
southern quadrant (cf. Daroma (K. 26:10), Negeb (K. 136:14) and Theman (K. 137:16). 392.
Diospolis. Ezekiel 30:14; K. 80:11; L. 258:83. Outside the geographical limits of the Holy
Land. Not to be confused with the Diospolis of the Palestinē (K. 8:14). On Egypt sites see
K. 58:7. 393. Dadan. Jeremiah 25:23; K. 80:12; L. 258:84. Probably also outside the limits
of the Holy Land. Both suspect. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Dedan, this judgment or
such judgment" (126). 394. Deblathaeim (Deblathaim). Jeremiah 48:22; K. 80:13; L. 258:85.

Textual variant Debaōthaeim (Greek). Simple biblical location. 395. Daidan (Daedan).
Jeremiah 49:8; K. 80:14; L. 258:86. Textual variants: Foeno (Latin) also Seno for Faeno.
The mines are at Phainon (K. 114:3 and K. 168:8) near Petra (K. 142:7). The Onomasticon's
site is uncertain. THE GOSPELS 396. Dekapolis (Decapolis). Matthew 4:25; K. 80:16; L.
258:89. Only three of the ten cities are named in this list. No complete list is in
Josephus either but he lists Hippos (K. 22:21), Pella (K. 14:18), Gadara (K. 74:10) along
with Dion and Skythopolis (K. 16:2). There are Twelve (sig.) cities that are usually
accepted as part of the Dekapolis, but Ptolemy lists 18.


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE continued

SECTION E

GENESIS 397. Edem (Eden). Genesis 2:8; K. 80:20; L. 259:95. Outside the normal limits of
the Holy Land just as each first entry in the previous alphabetic sections. The etymology
is not introduced as Hexaplaric material, but is from Aquila. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Eden, pleasure or delicacies or embellishments" (65). 398. Eueilat (Euila). Genesis
2:11f.; K. 80:22; L. 259:95. Textual variants: Euēlat (Greek) also Cepene and Cephene
(Latin). Also outside the normal limits of the Holy Land (Genesis 10:29, 25:18). The Latin
has Hebrew etymology as explanation of the Scriptural annotation. The quotation is from
Josephus' Antiquities I, 6, 4 and is repeated in K. 150:15 and K. 176:15. Phisōn is also
Pheisōn (K. 166:7). The Gaion (K. 60:3), Euphratēs (K. 82:7) and Tigris (K. 164:7) are
also rivers outside the Holy Land. On Kophenos and Sērias see reference in K. 150:15. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Evila, sorrowing or bringing forth" (65).

399. Euphrates. Genesis 2:14; K. 82:7; L. 259:4. River outside the Holy Land. See previous
entry. For rivers of Eden see Note on K. 60:3. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Euphrates, fertile or waxing" (65). 400. Ellasar. Genesis 14:1; K. 82:9; L. 259:6.
Outside the Holy Land. Syriac had Telarsar. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ellasar,
turning aside of God or his separating" (69). 401. Ephratha. Genesis 35:16, 19; K. 82:10;
L. 259:6. Summary of biblical information from I Samuel 10:2, Genesis 48:7 and I
Chronicles 2:50, 4:4. Ephratha on the Madaba map may be separated from Bēthleem (K.
42:10). But Eusebius may be identifying them here (cp. K. 172:5). The Tomb of Rachel is
located differently in the Greek and Latin texts. The Syriac text and the Latin agree with
"tribe of Iuda" but Syriac omits Benjamim. Some doubt if Rachel died here rather than
north near Ramah. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Efratha, fruitfulness or dust" (65).

EXODUS 402. Eirōth (Iroth). Exodus 14:2; K. 82:16; L. 259:13. Outside the normal limits of
the Onomasticon's Holy Land. Only a "place" not even a station. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY
403. Empurismos (Conflagration. i.e., empurismos). Numbers 11:3; K. 82:19; L. 259:16.
Another "place" rather than a station. The Latin does not have this as a proper name by
transliteration of the Greek or Hebrew, but rather from a translation. 404. Enthaath
(Inthaath). Numbers 33:26; K. 82:21; L. 259:18. Simple biblical notation. The b of Hebrew
is translated (cf. K. 98:4). Out of order. Probably a gloss. 405. Ebrōna. Numbers 33:34;
K. 82:22; L. 259:19. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ebrona,
going over or passage" (K. 81). Out of order. Late addition. 406. Emath. Numbers 13:22; K.
82:23; L. 259:20. Simple biblical notation. 407. Ermana (Errma). Numbers 14:45; K. 82:24;
L. 259:21. Summary of biblical information, Deuteronomy 1:44. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Erma, his condemnation" (61).

408. Essebōn. Numbers 21:26; K. 84:1; L. 259:24. Summary of biblical information from
Joshua 21:38, Isaiah 15:4, Jeremiah 48:2, Numbers 32:37, and Joshua 21:39. A frequent
referent in the Onomasticon. An autonomous famous city in the Roman Province of Arabia
from 106 A.D. on. Esbous now Hesban between Philadelphi (K. 16:15) and Madaba (K. 128:19).
It had a bishop at Council of Nicea and is being excavated. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Esebon, thinking or girdle of the wall" (81). 409. Edraei (Edrai). Numbers 21:33;
K. 84:7; L. 259:30. Eusebius seems to identify this with Adra (K. 12:13) west of Bostra
(K. 46:10). It is 24 or 25 miles away. It is also 16 miles from Capitolias on Tabula
Peutinger. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Edraim, descent of shepherds" (81). 410.
Elealē. Numbers 32:3; K. 84:10; L. 260:33. Summary of biblical information from Numbers
32:37, Isaiah 15:4, and Jeremiah 48:34.

About one mile north of Esbous (K. 84:1) is a site of this large village and nearby Tell
el 'Al. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Elale, to the height" (81). 411. Enna. Numbers
34:4; K. 84:14; L. 260:37. Simple biblical notation. 412. Erman. Deuteronomy 3:9; K.
84:15; L. 260:38. Cf. K. 20:9. JOSUE (of Naue) 413. Emekachōr. Joshua 7:26; K. 84:18; L.
260:41. Etymology plus location. Notes taken by Jerome of the problem of popular etymology
(cf. K. 18:17). 414. Eglōm. Joshua 10:3, 12:12; K. 84:22; L. 260:45. Biblical information
plus location. Greek and Latin disagreement on the distance (cf. K. 24:22 and K. 40:20).
Ten is in agreement with K. 24:22 but that is probably not Old Testament Eglon. 415.
Enemek (Inemec). Joshua 10:12; K. 84:25; L. 260:49. Hexaplaric information. Hebrew b is
translated "in" or En (cf. K. 18:13). 416. Esōr (Esrom) also Asor. Joshua 11:1; K. 84:26;
L. 260:50.

Simple biblical notation (Joshua 15:23 and cf. K. 20:1). 417. Enakeim (Enacim). Joshua
11:21; K. 84:28; L. 260:52. Probably a people and not a place as Jerome correctly
indicates. 418. Ephrōn. Joshua 15:9; K. 86:1; L. 260:54. Textual variant. For north of
Ailia the Vatican manuscript has "region of" Ailia. This appears in both the Bible and the
Onomasticon with several similar names: e.g. Ephraim, Ophrah, Ephron, and Aphaerema.
Probably the same as K. 28:4 which is five miles from Baithēl (K. 40:20) and to be found
at et tayibeh. However, Baithēl is must less than 16 miles from Ailia. In K. 90:19
Eusebius' cross reference seems to distinguish this entry from Ephraim (K. 90:18). In the
Ephraim New Testament entry (K. 90:18) it may be referring to the area or province around
the village. 419. Edrai (Edre). Joshua 15:21; K. 86:3; L. 260:56. Simple tribal listing.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Edrai, a flood supports men" (81).

420. Ethnan. Joshua 15:23; K. 86:4; L. 260:57. Textual variants: Ethman (Greek), Ethnam
and Ethna (Latin). Simple tribal listing. 421. Ebeziouthia. Joshua 15:28; K. 86:5; L.
260:58. Several Hexaplaric variants are not given. This Greek form apparently confuses the
Hebrew conjunction before the Hebrew proper names which begins with a B. Simple tribal
listing. 422. Euein (Euim). Joshua 15:29; K. 86:6; L. 260:59. Simple tribal listing. 423.
Elthōlad (Elthōlath). Joshua 15:30; K. 86:7; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Not in the
Greek Vatican Manuscript. Latin variant Elolath. Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 98:22). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Eltholeth, to the birth" (93). 424. Ereb. Joshua 15:52; K.
86:8; L. 260:60. Textual variants: Erem (Greek), for the contemporary village Heremetitha
and Eremetatha (Latin). Jerome gives the etymology for Daroma i.e. "south." It may be at
Kh er-rabiyeh southwest of Chebrōn (K. 6:8). It must be distinguished from K. 16:13, but
the Vatican manuscript has noted "this is in Galilee of the nations. Kadesh (for Kana?) of
tribe of Nephthaleim, former priestly city."

425. Essan (Esan). Joshua 15:52; K. 86:10; L. 260:33. Simple tribal listing. Vulgate has
Esaan. Possibly same as K. 164:16. 426. Eloul (Elul). Joshua 15:58; K. 86:11; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is not in the Greek. The Latin seems to point to the
present Halhul just north of Chebrōn (K. 6:8). A Moslem memorial to the prophet Jonas is
located there. Probably the Alouros or Alulos of Josephus Wars IV, 9, 6. 427. Eltheke.
Joshua 15:59; K. 86:13; L. 260:63. The first part of this entry is missing in Greek but
properly emended from the Latin. Textual variant for the contemporary village Theka
(Greek). The Greek also lacks note about dependence on Ailia. Greek has 12 miles east and
Latin has 9 miles south. It is almost due south at present Tequ but about 12 miles, so
both entries seem to be confused even if quadrants are assumed. Latin reflects turn off
from main road. Jerome's Commentary on Jeremiah 6 "A little village in the hills 12 miles
from Jerusalem which we can still see. But in his introduction to Commentary on Amos, "a
town (oppidum) six miles from Bethlehem to the south next to the desert." The Madaba map
has Thekoya near Bethsur (K. 52:l). This is spelling of the contemporary site but not the
Onomasticon's spelling for the biblical site (cf. K. 98:17).

This records another of several "tombs" or memorials in the Onomasticon. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Elthecem, he brought forth" (93). 428. Engaddi. Joshua 15:62; K. 86:16;
L. 260:66. Textual variant Latin for the contemporary city- Engaddia, Engadila. Probably
also in K. 68:18, K. 72:26, and K. 96:10. The Aulon is described in K. 14:22. This is
another of the "large" villages noted by Eusebius (cf. Notes on 22:9; cp. Appendix II; K.
86:20 and K. 88:17). There are Persian, Roman and Byzantine ruins. Josephus' Antiquities
IX, 1, 2 locates it 300 stadia from Jerusalem. Jerome in Commentary on Ezekiel 47:6
locates it on the Dead Sea where the Jordan enters. He also identifies it with
Asasonthamar (8:6). It must be the present 'ain jidi. The notation on palms and balsams is
also from Josephus where it is called a "city" (cf. I Samuel 24:1ff.). It has been
excavated. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Engaddi, well of goat" (93).

429. Esthemō. Joshua 15:50; K. 86:20; L. 261:70. Textual variant Esthema (Greek). Cf. K.
26:11 and Job 21:19 Asthemō. 430. Emekraphaeim (Emecrafaim). Joshua 18:16; K. 86:22; L.
261:72. Simple tribal listing with Hexaplaric information. Emek for "valley" as Gai also
several times in LXX and Onomasticon. 431. Edōmim (Edomia). Joshua 18:17; K. 86:24; L.
261:74. The first part of the entry is missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Textual
variants: Edomaia and Edumea (Latin). This is probably at ed Duma to the southeast. Note
that K. 108:21 Ianō is also 12 miles east of Neapolis. Edouma is off main road from
Akkrabbein. 432. Erma. Joshua 19:4; K. 88:1; L. 261:76. Simple biblical summary. Possibly
same as K. 34:13. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ermon, his condemnation" (93). 433.
Ether. Joshua 19:7; K. 88:3; L. 261:78. Textual variants: Ieththira and Malatham (Latin)
for contemporary sites. Madaba map has "Iethora which is Iethēra." Eusebius identifies
Ether of Simeon with that of Iouda. It is possibly at Kh 'Attir. The Ietheira is probably
found in K. 108:3 and K. 110:18. Malaatha is used as a referent in K. 14:3 and K. 108:3.
It is south of Chebrōn (K. 6:8) in the Daroma (K. 86:8) at Tell Milh.

434. Eththa. Joshua 19:13; K. 88:5; L. 261:80. Simple tribal listing. LXX has confused the
Hebrew here. 435. Elkath. Joshua 19:25; K. 88:6; L. 261:81. Textual variant Ethaē (Greek).
Simple tribal listing plus added Levitical city of Job 21:31. Sometimes identified with
Tell Harbij. 436. Elkōk (Icoc). Joshua 19:34; K. 88:7; L. 261:83. LXX has Ikak and Iakak.
Simple tribal location from Scripture. 437. Edraei (Edrai). Joshua 19:37; K. 88:10; L.
261:86. Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 86:3 in Iouda). 438. Elthekō. Joshua 19:44; K.
88:11; L. 261:86. Simple tribal listing plus added Levitical city (cf. Joshua 21:23). 439.
Esthaol. Joshua 19:41; K. 88:12; L. 261:87. Summary of biblical information of Judges
13:25. This and the previous entry are inverted in the Latin text. Latin is in the
biblical order but both Latin and Greek are out of order for the next entries. In K.
106:10 it is located near Ierimouth. The 10 miles is too short for the distance to 'Ishwa,
but may mark turn off from main road to a lesser road (cf. Saraa also 10 miles north (K.
156:15) and Iermochos (K. 106:24).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Esthahol, pregnant with fire." (93). 440. Elba. Joshua
19:28; K. 88:15; L. 261:90. Simple biblical summary of Judges 1:31. Out of order. 441.
Eremmōn. Joshua 19:7; K. 88:17; L. 261:92. Textual variant: Erembrōn (Greek). The
direction "South in Daroma" is missing from Vatican manuscript. Another of the villages
inhabited by Jews (cf. Note on K. 22:9; Appendix II; cp. K. 86:16). It is probably the
same as Remma (K. 146:24). It is located at Umm er ramamin between Eleutheropolis (K.
18:12) and Bērsaba (50:11) about 15 1/2 miles away. Out of order. 442. Emmathdōr. Joshua
21:32; K. 88:19; L. 261:94. Textual variants: Emmachdōr (Greek) and Chamōth (LXX). Simple
tribal listing plus added Levitical city. The Vatican manuscript Emmachdor may have
confused this with Emekachōr (K. 84:18). 443. Emath. Judges 3:3; K. 88:00; L. 261:96.
Another instance where "foreigners" is transliterated by Jerome rather than translated and
identified as Filistines. Simple biblical location (cf. 122:10).

Possibly the same as K. 96:12; cf. 23:30 and K. 90:4. 444. Enlechi (Inlechi). Judges
15:16, 19; K. 88:21; L. 261:97. Textual variant in Lechi (Greek). Simple Hexaplaric data.
The Greek has translated Hebrew B (cf. K. 122:16). Out of order. This and next entry are
glosses. 445. Eniakebzēb (Inaczeb). Judges 7:25; K. 88:22; L. 261:99. Textual variants:
Eniam and zēm. The LXX again has "in" for the Hebrew B and so "In Iakebzēb." Perhaps the
same as K. 94:3 (see K. 88:21, a gloss). KINGS 446. Ergab. I Samuel 20:19; K. 88:24; L.
261:00. Biblical summary plus Hexaplaric data. 447. Echela. I Samuel 23:19; K. 88:26; L.
261:3. Textual variant Eccla (Latin) for contemporary village. A different tradition for
the tomb at Gabatha (K. 70:22). The site must be Kh Kilah (cf. K. 114:15) where it is 8
miles compared with the 7 here, Keeila. 448. Elmōni. I Samuel 21:2; K. 90:1; L. 262:6.

Out of the biblical order. In Hebrew this means "such and such a place." Jerome repeats
his philosophy for a translator rather than a corrector (cp. his preface 3:10f). 449.
Esthama. I Samuel 30:26, 28; K. 90:2; L. 262:7. Textual variant Esthma (Greek). Simple
biblical note on the spoils (cf. K. 34:13, 14). Probably the same as Asthemō (K. 26:11).
450. Elōth. II Kings 14:22; K. 90:3; L. 262:8. Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 6:16; K.
26:11; K. 36:1 and K. 62:13). 451. Emath. II Kings 14:25; K. 90:4; L. 262:9. These are all
the same as Aemath (K. 23:30 and K. 88:20) the present Syriac Hamath (cf. K. 36:10).
Jerome in Commentary on Amos 6:2 distinguishes "little Emath" which is Epiphania and
"great Emath, which is now called Antiochia." Summary of biblical information from Isaiah
36:19; Zachariah 9:5; Ezekiel 47:16 and Amos 6:2. 452. Eser. II Kings 15:29; K. 90:9; L.
262:14.

Simple biblical notation. Same as K. 20:1, etc. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Eser,
falsehood" (65). 453. Enacheim (Inachim) or Enbachein (Inbachim). Micah 1:10; K. 90:10; L.
262:15. Textual variant en bachein (Greek). Simple Hexaplaric information. Another
instance of Greek en for Hebrew B. LXX has en Akeim. 454. Enaraba (Inaraba). II Samuel
2:29; K. 90:11; L. 262:17. Textual variant en araba (Greek). Out of order and again as
previous entry Greek en for Hebrew B. Hexaplaric information only (cf. K. 12:25 and K.
16:12). 455. Elkese. Nahum 1:1; K. 90:12; L. 262:18. Vulgate has elcessaeus. In Jerome's
Commentary on Nahum, Introduction, he knows a little village in Galilaea called Elcesi
which has old ruins around it, but this site should be in Judaea. 456. Emakeim (Emacim).
Jeremiah 49:4; K. 90:13; L. 262:19. Textual variants: Enakeim (Greek) and Enacim (Latin).
Symmachus missing in Vatican manuscript. Simple Hexaplaric information. THE GOSPELS

457. Emmaous (Emmaus). Luke 24:13; K. 90:15; L. 262:28. The identification with Nikopolis
(K. 30:26) at Amwas is clearly made here as well as in Jerome's Epistle 108:8 (Paula PPT
I, 4). In the Epistle Jerome remarks ambiguously on a church consecrated at the house of
Cleopha. A bishop was at the Council of Nicea. Since Jerome, sometimes adds such
information to the Greek Onomasticon it is surprising that he does not do so here.
"Emmaous" is not on the Madaba map but Nikopolis is. On the Tabula Peutinger it is 12
miles from Diospolis and 19 miles from Gophna. In Itin. Bourd. it is 10 miles from
Diospolis and 22 from Jerusalem. The distance in Luke does not agree with this location
since it is too near to Jerusalem. Some feel the New Testament text has been changed from
160 to 60 stadia (also 60 in the Vulgate). 458. Ephraim. John 11:54; K. 90:18; L. 262:24.

Cf. K. 28:4 and K. 86:1. The Madaba map has "Ephron and Ephraia, where the Lord went."
Probably the Map and Eusebius have the village at Et-tayibeh in mind as the nearest
village to the wilderness.

SECTION Z

1 GENESIS 459. Zaphōeim (Zafoim). Genesis 36:43; K. 92:3; L. 262:28. Textual variant
Zofoim (Latin). Simple biblical information plus general location. On Gabalenē see K.
10:62. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 460. Zoob. Numbers 21:14; K. 92:6; L. 262:31. Quotation
from Scripture and a biblical location (cf. K. 81:22). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Zoob, gold" (85). 461. Zephrona. Numbers 34:9; K. 92:9; L. 262:34. Textual variant
Idoumaia for Ioudaia (Greek). Simple border notation from Scripture. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Zeferuna, you saw this face, from mouth not from bone" (85). 462. Zared.
Deuteronomy 2:13; K. 92:10; L. 262:35. The Madaba map has Zarea but the A must be an error
for D. One of several ravines in the Onomasticon and of course suspect (cf. K. 168:20).
JOSUE 463. Zeiph (Zif). Joshua 15:24; K. 92:12; L. 262:37. Textual variant Zit (Latin).
Also in Greek Vatican manuscript this entry comes before the Jēshua division (cp. Below K.
92:15).

2 Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Zif, sprouting" (98). 464.
Zanaoua (Zannoua). Joshua 15:56; K. 92:13; L. 262:38. Textual variant Zanaousa (Greek) for
contemporary town Zannua (Latin). The village is dependent on Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12)
and probably at Kh Zanu'a. The last part of this entry and the first part of the next
entry are missing because of the scribal error of shifting his eyes to the second
occurrence of Eleutheropolis. It is also out of order and may be a late addition. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Zanoe, he drove back or he threw yours back" (98). 465.
Ziph. Joshua 15:55; K. 92:15; L. 263:40. Latin reverses the order of information in the
Greek text. The distance is double that for tell Zif but it is more south than east of
Hebron. It is southeast of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) and could be considered in the East
Quadrant. Perhaps the text meant to give mileage from Chebrōn (K. 6:8) but the distance
seems to be taken from Eleutheropolis (cf. I Samuel 23:14). It could refer to a second
village with the same name in the Negev.

3 KINGS 466. Zeib (Zif). I Samuel 23:14; K. 92:19; L. 263:43. Cf. previous entry Ziph.
Region or hill country nearby are intended (cf. I Samuel 26:2and I Chronicles 2:42.
Karmelos (K. 118:5) is about 10 miles south of Chebrōn (K. 6:8). It is another village of
the Jews (cf. Note on K. 22:9 and Appendix II). It is probably at Kh el Kamel, where Roman
fort is found. 467. Zogera (Zogora). Jeremiah 48:34; K. 94:1; L. 263:48. One of the
Pentapolis of Sodam (cf. K. 42:4). 468. Zēb. Jeremiah 49:4; K. 94:3; L. 263:51. The Mia of
Josephus Antiquities XX, 1,1 and XIV, 8,1. An important battle took place in the area. The
site Kh Zeiy is on the old Roman road near es Salt (cf. K. 88:22). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Zeb, wolf" (101). 469. Zōeleth. I Kings 1:9; K. 94:5; L. 263:53. Out of
order and not a true place name so suspect as an editorial addition or marginal gloss. The
words "spring of Rōgēl" are not in Greek Vatican manuscript (see Rōgēl K. 144:13).

4 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Zoeleth, dragging or dragging forth" (103).

SECTION E

1 GENESIS 470. Ēlath. Genesis 36:41; K. 94:9; L. 263:57. Possibly related to K. 6:16 and
K. 90:3 but that is south southwest not east of Petra (K. 142:7). More probably Udruh
which is east at the proper distance. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Elath, terebinth
or trees" (87). 471. 'Erōōn (Eroum). Genesis 46:28f.; K. 94:11; L. 263:59. In Egypt and
out of the Holy Land proper for the Onomasticon (see Note on K. 58:7). Out of order as
well, so doubly suspect as late addition. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Eroon, i.e.
heroum, in his form or of sorrowful watch" (68). 472. Elioupolis (Eliopolis, city of the
sun). Genesis 41:45; K. 94:13; L. 263:61. In Egypt and out of the Holy Land proper for the
Onomasticon (cf. K. 176:3; cf. Genesis 41:50 and Exodus 30:17. 473. Etham. Exodus 13:20;
K. 94:15; L. 263:64. Textual variants: Ebuthan (Latin) and Buthan (Syriac).

2 Simple listing of station as Numbers 33:6 (cf. Onomasticon K. 46:4 above). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Etham, complete or respecting ships" (75). JOSUE 474.
Ēngannim. Joshua 15:34; K. 94:18; L. 263:67. Textual variant Egannim (Latin). The long E
is used here after the LXX. This is a faulty identification. Perhaps the Onomasticon had
'ain Sinjah north of Baithēl (K. 40:20) and Gophna (K. 26:2) in mind. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Engannim, well of gardens" (93). 475. Ēnaim. Joshua 15:34; K. 94:20; L.
263:68. Cf. K. 24:16 above. 476. Ēndōr. Joshua 17:11; K. 94:22; L. 263:70. Summary of
biblical information of I Samuel 28:7 and Luke 7:11. The New Testament material must be a
later addition here but is not in K. 34:8 (q. v.). Located close to Nain (K. 140:3). If
this text is correct in Joshua, 'Andur is the location. 477. Ēnganni. Joshua 19:21; K.
94:25; L. 263:73.

3 Textual variant Eganni (Greek). The one city has only biblical information Joshua 21:29.
The other is near Gerasa (K.64:2) perhaps near 'ain jenna or 'arjam (cf. K. 16:21). 478.
Ēnada. Joshua 19:21; K. 94:28; L. 263:76. The distance puts Ēnadab at Beit Nettif if miles
are measured as the road is here described. If coming the other way, the 10th milestone is
from Jerusalem and points to location at 'Beit 'Itab. Neither have anything to do with the
biblical site. The Madaba map has an "enetabe" between Diospolis (K. 8:14) and Iamneia (K.
22:10), but that is not this site. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Enadda, accurate
well" (94). 479. Ēnasōr. Joshua 19:37; K. 96:1; L. 264:79. Cf. K. 84:26; K. 20:1 etc. LXX
has "spring" but again the Onomasticon has Ēn. q.v. also Ain K. 24:15. 480. 'Ērakōn
(Ereccon). Joshua 19:46; K. 96:3; L. 264:81. Simple tribal border listing.

4 The Greek perhaps has E for the MT definite article or conjunction wav. (cf. K. 110:10).
JUDGES 481. 'Ētam. Judges 15:8; K. 96:5; L. 264:83. Textual variant Etham (Latin). Simple
biblical information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Etam, their bird." (100). KINGS
482. 'Ēla. I Samuel 17:2; K. 96:9; L. 264:86. Textual variant Ēlath (Greek). Simple
Hexaplaric information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ela, curse or self" (111). 483.
Ēngaddi. I Kings 24:1; K. 96:9; L. 264:87. Cf. K. 86:16. 484. Ēmath. II Samuel 8:9; K.
96:12; L. 264:90. Another instance of transliteration by Latin of "foreigners" (cf. K.
88:20 and Jeremiah 49:23). 485. Ēnan. Ezekiel 47:17, 19; K. 96:14; L. 264:92. Out of the
Holy Land proper for the Onomasticon but part of the Promised Land boundary in Ezechiēl.
The reference to Thamar is perhaps properly K. 8:6 with the same prefixed Hazar (cf. K.
14:16). For Thaiman see next entry (K. 96:18 and K. 102:7)

5 The city of Palm Trees is probably Palmyra (K. 100:21) northeast of Damascus (Latin
variant has Palmetis). But Jericho also was called by this descriptive phrase (K. 104:25).

SECTION TH

GENESIS 486. Thaiman (Theman). Genesis 36:11; K. 96:18; L. 264:96. Summary of biblical
information of Job 2:11 and Genesis 25:15. The village Thafman may be in the same region
as that of the princes of Edom (cf. K. 102:7). The distance of 25 miles brings us to
Shobek which is 22 miles from Petra. Often thought to be at Tawilan but recent excavation
has Iron through Hellenistic remains there and no Roman-Byzantine. The southern region in
Hebrew is also called Daroma (K. 26:1); Negeb (K. 136:14) (see Jerome on K. 137:15 and
Interpretation of Hebrew Names 44). If this is Thamana the garrison is verified by Notitia
Dignitatum (74:46). In Tabula Peutinger Theman. Perhaps the 15 and 5 of the Greek and
Latin texts respectively are both scribal errors. 487. Thamna. Genesis 38:12; K. 96:24; L.
264:3. Simple biblical note of Joshua 19:43 and 15:57 The Madaba map seems to be quoting
Eusebius, "Thamna where Ioudas sheared his sheep." It is a village dependent on Diospolis
(K. 8:14) and one of three villages called "great" (cf. Apbeka K. 22:20 and Magdiēl
130:21). The biblical site has been held to be Kh Tibnē bur some claim to find no
Israelite remains so Tell Batashi has been suggested. Kh Tibnah which retains the name has
Roman-Byzantine remains and is southeast, that is in the Southern Quadrant from Diospolis
and could approximate the location on the crowded map. Others on basis of K. 8:13 and K.
24:5 suggest it is northeast of Diospolis near Remphis (K. 144:28) and Aenam (K. 9:11 etc.
cp. K. 70:20 and K. 100:1). Three sites combined in one place.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thanna, forbidding or failing" (73). 488. Thamna.
Genesis 36:40; K. 96:27; L. 264:6. Biblical summary of Genesis 36:12. "Another" is out of
order and a late addition. Cf. Thaiman as a son of Esau in K. 96:19. DEUTERONOMY 489.
Thophol (Thafol). Deuteronomy 1:1; K. 98:2; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. The next three
entries are missing in the Vatican Manuscript. This is also the only place where the
section heading records "Deuteronomy" by itself rather than all under Pentateuch, or under
Numbers. Here entries from Numbers follow one from Deuteronomy and may all be an editorial
insertion. Summary of biblical information and location. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Thofel, tastelessness" (88). 490. Thaath. Numbers 33:26f.; K. 98:4; L. n/a; Lacuna in
Greek Text. Simple biblical list of station (cf. K. 82:21). Missing in Vatican manuscript.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Theeth, beneath" (85). 491. Thara. Numbers 33:27f.; K.
98:5; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text.

Simple biblical list of station (cf. K. 82:21). Missing in Vatican manuscript. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thare, investigation or pasture or worthlessness" (85).
JOSUE 492. Thaphphou (Thaffu). Joshua 12:17; K. 98:7; L. 264:10. Simple biblical summary.
Probably falsely equated with each other cf. Joshua 15:34 Cf. Bēthaphou K. 50:18. Variants
Betthaffu and Bethaffu (Latin). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thaffue, apple from a
tree not from wickedness or open drum" (98). 493. Thanak (Thaanac). Joshua 12:21; K.
98:10; L. 264:14. Summary of biblical information of Joshua 17:11, 21:25. The
Onomasticon's data agree with the biblical location of the important mound retaining its
name Tell Ta'anak recently re-excavated. Byzantine city in the plain rather than on the
tell (cf. K. 100:10) where it is three, not four, miles from Legeōn (K. 14:21). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thaanach, answering or shallow" (98) and "Thanach, shallow
or he answered you" (101) and "Thanach, "he answered you" (K. 113).

494. Thēnath. Joshua 16:6; K. 98:13; L. 265:16. The direction and the distance suggest Kh
Ta'na which contains part of the old name. The upper ruin is not far enough to be
Eusebius' site Thēna which is at Kh Ta'na et tahta where much Roman-Byzantine remains are
found. The Old Testament site may be Kh Ta'aa el foqa. Whether this is related to Silo (K.
156:28) is unclear from Eusebius. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thenath, fig tree"
(98). In Vatican manuscript these two entries are conflated. Simple tribal listings (cp.
K. 98:7 above). 495. Thaphphoue (Thaffue). Joshua 16:8, 17:8; K. 98:15; L. 265:19. Simple
tribal listings (cp. K. 98:7 above). 496. Thaphphouth (Thaffuth). Joshua 17:8; K. 98:16;
L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Simple tribal listings (cp. K. 98:7 above). 497. Thekō.
Joshua 15:59; K. 98:17; L. 265:20. Cf. K. 86:13. It is out of order of biblical texts (cf.
Amos 1:1).

498. Thersa. Joshua 12:24; K. 98:19; L. 265:23. Simple biblical notation. Order of several
entries mixed up. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thersa, pleasing which is what the
Greeks call satisfying" (98). 499. Therama. Joshua 18:27; K. 98:21; L. 265:25. Simple
tribal listing. 500. Thōlad. Joshua 15:30; K. 98:22; L. 265:26. Textual variant Thōdlad
(Greek). Simple tribal listing (Joshua 19:4 and cf. K. 86:7 above). Perhaps out of order.
501. Thabōr. Joshua 19:22; K. 98:23; L. 265:27. This mountain is out of order so is
suspect as a later editorial addition even if it were a town (cf. K. 118:8 and K. 150:14).
All the traditions point to the same as Mt.Itabyrium in the Greek Fathers (110:20). Jerome
in Commentary on Hosea 5:1 writes, "Thabor which the LXX interprets Itaburion" a mountain
in the plain in Galilaea, "very round and high with all sides equal" (cf. Joshua 19:34).
There is some evidence of a late fourth century church on Mt.Tabor. Procopius 1049A quotes
our text accurately. Jerome's Epistle 108:13 (Paula Migne PL 22, 889) notes that Paula
could see Aermon from here. There and in Epistle 108:13 (Paula, Migne PL 22:491) Jerome
remarks on the tradition of the Transfiguration. But Eusebius and Origen are not yet sure
which of the two mountains is the Mt. of Transfiguration.

For Diokaisareia see K. 16:13. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thabor, coming light"
(98). 502. Thalcha. Joshua 19:7; K. 98:26; L. 265:30. Simple tribal listing together with
note on contemporary Jewish town (cf. Note on K. 22:9 and Appendix II) which fits the
evidence for Kh or Tell Khuweilife. In Jerome K. 99:27 one variant has "east" instead of
"south," but quadrant is acceptable (cf. Sikelak, 156:1). For Eleutheropolis see K. 18:2.
503. Thamnathsara. Joshua 19:50; K. 100:1; L. 265:33. Summary of biblical information of
Joshua 19:43. Probably equated with Thanna (K. 70:20) where the tomb is also mentioned
(cf. K. 96:24).Paula remarks on "one who is buried in Thamnathsare on the north side of
Mt. Gaas" in Jerome's Epistle 103:13 (PPT I, 12). Now identified with Tibne. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thamnathsare, measure of a cover" (98) and "Thamnathares,
enumeration of the sun" (101). 504. Thalassa. Joshua 18:19; K. 100:4; L. 265:36.

Out of order and not a place name but a sea and so suspect as late editorial addition. On
Madaba map the three names all appear: Salt, Asphalt and Dead. In Jerome's Commentary on
Ezekiel 47:6 "Bitter sea which in Greek is called AsphaltLake, i.e. pool of bitumen." Both
lakes come at end of sections (cp. K. 172:12). On Zoara see K. 42:1 above. JUDGES 505.
Thaanach. Judges 1:27; K. 100:7; L. 265:39. Cf. K. 98:10 above where the distance is 4
miles. Procopius 1061A quotes this entry here accurately except for the name Thennach (cp.
Judges 5:19 and Joshua 21:25). 506. Thēbēs. Judges 9:50; K. 100:11; L. 265:44. Summary of
biblical information of Judges 9:53. A village dependent upon Neapolis (K. 4:28). In Old
Testament times a "city." This is an accurate location from milestones which have been
found. It is at modern Tubas. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thebes, a turning around
or having an egg" (101) and "Thebes, they were in it or my deed" (109).

507. Thamnatha. Judges 14:1; K. 100:15; L. 265:49. Textual variant Thamnam (Latin) (see
above K. 96:24 and K. 100:2). KINGS 508. Thēlamou land of (Thelamuge). II Samuel 3:12; K.
100:17; L. 265:51. Simple biblical notation with Hexaplaric information. A name only in
LXX. 509. Thaad. II Samuel 24:6; K. 100:19; L. 265:53. Only a biblical location. A
confused entry (cf. K. 34:16 above). 510. Thamsa. I Kings 4:24; K. 100:20; L. 266:54. Only
a biblical location. 511. Thermōth. I Kings 9:18; K. 100:21; L. 266:55. Biblical notation
and location only. This is probably Palmyra (cf. K. 96:15). 512. Tharseis (Tharsis). I
Kings 10:22; K. 100:23; L. 266:57. This is out of the Holy Land proper (Ezekiel 27:25).
Josephus Antiquities I, 6, 1 is interpreted in several of Jerome's commentaries as
referring to Tarsus in Cilicia (cf. Commentary on Jeremiah 10:6 and Commentary on
Isaiah2:16). The LXX interprets it as Carthage (cf. K. 119:12), In Epistle 37:2ff. Jerome
repeats his argument used here.

513. Tharsa. I Kings 15:21; K. 102:3; L. 266:61. A confusion in LXX but here a simple
biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thersa, pleasing" (113). 514.
Thersila. II Kings 15:14; K. 102:4; L. 266:62. This is out of order and perhaps identical
with K. 98:19 above as well as the previous entry K. 102:3 to which this may actually be a
marginal gloss. It is located at Tsil northwest of Dera now in the Batanea (K. 44:11). The
only contemporary Samaritan village reported in the text. 515. Thesba. I Kings 17:1; K.
102:6; L. 266:65. Simple biblical notation. Elijah is also referred to in K. 162:1 and K.
175:16. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thesbi, capturing or revolving" (113). 516.
Thaiman (Theman). Ezekiel 20:46; K. 102:7; L. 266:66. An accumulation of biblical
information from Ezekiel 25:13; Isaiah 21:14; Jeremiah 49:7; Obadiah 9, and Genesis 36:11.
One cannot help wondering if these are editorial additions when they are so mixed up in
order (cf. K.96: 18). Perhaps all Ezekiel references are late since many are out of
biblical order in the text of the Onomasticon.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Theman, south" (123). 517. Tharthak. II Kings 17:31; K.
102:11; L. 266:69. Textual variant Tharak (Greek). Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Tharthac, overthrown which is better in the Greek, upset"
(118). 518. Thalasar. II Kings 19:12; K. 102:12; L. 266:70. Textual variant Thalassar
(Latin). Syria does not occur often in the Onomasticon. It was a Roman province in 3rd and
4th centuries but it is not clear if that entity is intended here (cf. K. 72:15, K. 146:13
and K. 146:19). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thalasar, first weight" (118). 519.
Thogarma. Ezekiel 27:14; K. 102:13; L. 266:71. Textual variant Thourama (Greek). Simple
biblical reference but also perhaps out of the Holy Land proper and possibly out of order.
A suspect entry. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thogorma, tearing away or a certain
kind of people" (133). 520. Thapheth (Thafeth). Jeremiah 7:32; K. 102:14; L. 266:72.

Textual variants: Tapheth (Greek, K. 164:21) and for the other site Acheldema (Latin) and
Acheldama (Latin cf. K. 38:20). The fuller's field in K. 38:2. In Jerome's Commentary on
Jeremiah7:30 Topheth is the Valley of Ennom which is watered by the springs of Siloe. The
name survived for a place or area in the valley southeast of Jerusalem. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Tof gehenna (cf. K. 70:2), or cover of eyes" (128).

SECTION I

GENESIS 521. Iabōk (Iabōc). Genesis 32:23ff.; K. 102:19; L. 266:78. The distance is
missing from the Vatican manuscript and several other confusions occur (Deuteronomy 3:16).
This is a river and not properly a place name as the Onomasticon. Possibly also it is out
of order. Just as the first entry under many alphabetic sections it is highly suspect as a
late editorial addition. For Gerasa see K. 64:1. This tributary to the Jordan is the
Zerqa. Syriac and Latin agree on the 4 mile distance. The Vatican manuscript added note
that some think this is the territory of Job while others say the land of Job is Arabia
(see next entry). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iaboc, sand or wrestling" (68). 522.
Idoumaia (Idumaea). Genesis 36:16; K. 102:23; L. 266:82. Possibly the annotation of the
Vatican manuscript as noted in the previous entry is really a marginal gloss on this
entry. Edom is frequently mentioned in the Onomasticon; Idoumaia, less frequently. Petra
(K. 142:7) is used as a referent often. The Gebalēnē (K.8:10) approximates the area.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Idumaea, red or earthy" (139). 523. Iather. Genesis
36:40; K. 104:1; L. 266:87. Textual variant Ietheth (Latin). Simple biblical notation. For
Gabalenē see K. 8:10 as editor suggests. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 524. Iatabatha. Numbers
33:33; K. 104:4; L. 267:90. Textual variant Iegabath (Latin). Simple listing of station.
This one is out of order suggesting an editor may have added the list of stations (cf. K.
104:23 also). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Etebatha, of goodness or he turned aside
to come" (82). 525. Ianna. Numbers 21:20; K. 104:6; L. 267:91. Textual variant has Phasga
(Greek) as also the Latin Fasga. Summary of biblical verse to give location. 526. Iessa
(Iassa). Numbers 21:23; K. 104:9; L. 267:94. Textual variant Medaban (Latin). Summary of
biblical notations from Isaia 15:1 and Jeremiah 48:21, 34 with a very generalized location
perhaps on border of the two regions. Vulgate has Iasa, Iassa and Iaser. Perhaps Khel Lirr
for the Onomasticon's site and nearby Kh Iskander or 'Aleiyan for Iron Age.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iassa, halved or make a charge" (82). 527. Iazēr.
Numbers 21:32; K. 104:13; L. 267:98. Detailed location and summary of biblical information
from Joshua 13:25, Isaiah 16:8, Jeremiah 48:32, and Joshua 21:37. Usually Perea (K. 12:28)
is used for Transjordan not for the specific province. In K. 12:3 a Iazer is 8 rather than
10 miles from Philadelphia. The Latin omits the "of Palistinē." Did some editor, in his
time, know that Perea should not be called Palestinē? Perhaps Onomasticon's location is at
Kh sar, but Kh jazzir is biblical site. Others see Tell 'areme as Eusebius' site. All are
near present Nau 'r. 528. Iordanēs. Numbers 22:1; K. 104:20; L. 267:6. The rivers as noted
before are all suspect in the Onomasticon but this one is in the proper order. The Jordan
valley is the Aulon (K.14:22). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iordania, their descent
or their possession or seeing judgment" (140).

529. Ietabatha. Deuteronomy 10:7; K. 104:23; L. 267:9. Simple biblical notation (see K.
104:4). 530. 'Ierichō. Deuteronomy 32:49; K. 104:25; L. 267:10. Summary of biblical events
including New Testament times (I Kings 16:34 and Matthew 20:29) with incidental
archaeological concern. No locations are given. The New Testament data may be an original
contribution of Eusebius or may be a still later editor. Procopius 905C says 52 miles to
Neapolis. But in 1016A he quotes this entry exactly. The Madaba map follows Eusebius'
spelling and location. In Tabula Peutinger it is 12 miles from Archaelaud (K. 45:1) and 32
miles to Neapolis (K. 4:28). A bishop was present at the Council of Nicea. The three
cities are not clearly located or identified. The New Testament one was at Tell abu Aliyiq
and spread out to the flats nearby and has been partially excavated. The later Byzantine
was in the general location of present er-riha extending westward toward Aliyiq. Usually
Tell es-sultan is called Old Testament Ierichō. But it has its archaeological problems in
spite of being twice thoroughly excavated. Tell es-sultan is for Josephus and the
Onomasticon not Jericho but Gilgal (K. 64:24). What the Onomasticon pointed out as Old
Testament Iericho is uncertain but perhaps no ruins. Paula however reports as did Josephus
that after Joshua destroyed it, up to her time "nothing is to be seen of it except the
place where the Ark of the Covenant stood and the 12 stones which the children of Israel
brought out of the Jordan" (PPT I, 25). Obviously this refers to Gilgal as the near
obliterated Ierichō. Only the site of Gilgal was seen. In the Onomasticon many sites are
located in reference to the Roman-Byzantine Jericho region.

JOSUE 531. 'Ierousalēm. Joshua 10:1; K. 106:2; L. 267:18. Adonibezek is LXX form for
Adonsedek. A summary of biblical information from Josua 15:63, Judges 1:21, 19:10, II
Samuel 5:6, Genesis 14:18 and Joshua 18:28. Identification is made with Iebous (K. 106:7)
and Salēm (K. 153: 4). It is also called 'Alōn Orna (K. 34:17). The Greek text on the
later entry about Salēm is corrupt. Onomasticon mentions Ailia more frequently than any
other name (see Appendices VII and VIII). It is not listed in this entry because it was
still a contemporary name. In 135 A.D. Hadrian began the use of Ailia Kapitōlia. Paula
writes "entered Jerusalem, the city of three names - Jebus, Salem, Jerusalem - which by
Aelius, afterwards Hadrianus, was raised from its ruins and ashes into Ailia" (Jerome's
Epistle 108:9 and PPT I, 5). The Madaba map has a recognizable vignette and the "Holy City
Ierousalēm." No mention is made to Church (cf. Note on K. 7:13 and Appendix I) in this
entry although Eusebius knows of them (Vita Const. III, 31ff.) as did Paula (PPT I, 6).
Some think Eusebius' praise of Constantine sermon was delivered in the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre.

Jerusalem or Ailia is often used as a referent in Eusebius and some details are given of
its surroundings. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iērusalem, vision of peace" (121).
532. Iebous. Joshua 18:28; K. 106:7; L. 267:23. Simple biblical quote to identify it with
the above (K. 106:2). It is out of order and probably a gloss on the previous entry later
incorporated by a scribe. 533. Iareim (Iarim). Joshua 9:17; K. 106:8; L. 267:24. Simple
biblical notation (cf. K. 114:19 and K. 114:23). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iarim,
salt or of the woods" (94). 534. Ierimouth (Iarimuth). Joshua 12:11; K. 106:9; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text. The first part of this entry and the end of the previous entry are
missing in the Vatican manuscript. The distance is also corrupted with 7 appearing in the
Vatican and 4 in the Latin. Some emend to 14 on the basis of Procopius 1020C [cf. K.
106:24 which locates an Iermochōs 10 miles away from Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12)]. If near
Esthaol (K. 88:12) it is on the way to Nikopolis (K. 30:27) rather than Jerusalem and must
be at least 7 miles since Eathaol is 10 miles from Eleutheropolis. The turn off from the
main road may be indicated. Probably Kh Marmita, south of Ishwa is intended by the
Onomasticon but it is not the Old Testament site which is probably Kh Yarmuk (cf. Joshua
15:35).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ieritnoth, fearing death or to the heights of death"
(94). 535. Isimōth. Joshua 12:3; K. 106:11; L. 268:26. Biblical information with
Hexaplaric data (cf. K. 48:6 and I Samuel 23:19). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Isimoth, he brought death" (82). 536. Iedna. Joshua 15:23; K. 106:15; L. 268:30. This may
be out of order. About halfway between the two major referents is Idna, the site which the
Onomasticon has in mind. 537. Iekkomam (Ieconam). Joshua 12:22; K. 106:17; L. 268:32.
Simple biblical information (perhaps see K. 116:21). 538. Iaeir. Joshua 13:30; K. 106:19;
L. 268:34. Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 18:4). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iair,
making clear" (94). 539. Iamneia (Iamnel). Joshua 15:11; K. 106:20; L. 268:35. Called a
"polichne" and "oppidum" both relatively infrequent terms in the Onomasticon (K. 22:11, K.
10:25 and Appendix I and II). It was made into a municipality by Vespasian. Tabula
Peutinger has it 10 miles from Azotus (K. 20:18) and 12 miles from Ioppē (K. 110:24). Its
former name was Iabnēl and this name appears with Iamnia on the Madaba map at the
generally agreed on location. There was a maritime Iamnia also but that is not the one
intended here. A bishop was present at the Council of Nicea.

It is used as a referent in the Onomasticon (K. 22:10, K. 50:16 and K. 72:4). It is the
present Iebna. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iabnehel, building of God" (94). 540.
Iabeir (Iabir). Joshua 15:15; K. 106:22; L. 268:37. Confused entry probably for Dabeir (K.
78:12). A similar confusion is in K. 78:2 Dayid. 541. Iagour (Iagur). Joshua 15:21; K.
106:23; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is missing in Vatican manuscript. Simple
tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iagur, colony or stranger" (94). 542.
Iermous (Iermus). Joshua 15:35; K. 106:24; L. 268:38. Just north of Beit Nettif is Kh
Jarmuk which preserves part of the name and is about 10 miles from Eleutheropolis (K.
18:12) to the turn off from main road. It is probably to be distinguished from Ierimouth
(K. 106:9) nearer to Nikopolis (K. 30:27). 543. Iechthaēl. Joshua 15:38; K. 106:26; L.
268:40.

Textual variants: Iechthael and Iethael (Latin). Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Iecthahel, honor of God" (94). 544. Iephthan (Iecthan). Joshua 15:43; K.
106:27; L. 268:41. Simple tribal listing In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iepte, opening
or uncovered" (94). 545. Iether. Joshua 15:48; K. 108:1; L. 268:42. Textual variant
Malatham (Latin). Eusebius erroneously identifies this with Ether (K. 88:3) of Symeon
(Joshua 21:14). Here the information is added that it is entirely Christian, one of two
such in the south (K. 26:13). Kh 'Attir is probably this Christian town. Not on the main
road (cf. K. 110:18), represented on the Madaba map as a small tower south of Gerara. For
Malathen see K. 14:3 and Appendix II. 546. Ianoun (Ianum). Joshua 15:53; K. 108:5; L.
268:46. Textual variant Ianun (Latin). The strange addendum may be an editor's questioning
the source. The biblical site is not clearly identifiable but near Kh Gile 'adi with Iron
and Persian evidence. But Ianoua is perhaps el Yamun south of Taanach (K. 100:7) about 5
miles instead of 3 from Legeōn (K. 14:21) or Kh Niba with some Roman sherds. The 3 miles
may be where one left the main road via Taanach.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ianum, sleeping" (94). 547. Iettan. Joshua 15:55; K.
108:8; L. 268:49. Textual variant Iethan (Latin). Another of the all Jewish towns of the
fourth century (cf. Note on 22:9 and Appendix II). The localization points to the present
Yatta 6 miles south of Chebrōn (K. 180:25). It is southeast of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12)
but within the Eastern quadrant (cf. Joshua 21:16). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Ietta, they will stretch out" (94). 548. Iezrael. Joshua 15:56; K. 108:11; L. n/a; Lacuna
in Greek Text. This entry is missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Jerome's notation is
obscure. What entry "above" is intended? Possibly 34:11? A marginal gloss? Simple tribal
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iezrahel, seed of God" (95). 549. Iezrael.
Joshua 17:16; K. 108:12; L. 268:52. Textual variant Efratae (Latin). This entry is out of
order unless confused with the previous one from Iouda. The Greek Vatican manuscript
perhaps conflated the two. In the Commentary on Hosea 1:5. Jerome identifies Jezraelem as
near Maximianopolis which is Legeōn (K. 14:21). The plain or valley was named after this
town. The Itin. Bourd. 1, 19 (PPT I, 17) locates it 10 miles from Maximianopolis and 12
miles from Skythopolis (K. 16:2). This points directly to Zir 'in (cf. Joshua 19:18 and I
Chronicles 4:3).

550. Iekdaan. Joshua 15:56; K. 108:17; L. 268:57. Textual variant Iekdaad (Greek). Simple
tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iecdom, the people dwelled in" (95).
551. Iephlithi (Ierflethi). Joshua 16:3; K. 108:18; L. 268:58. Textual variant Iefleti
(Latin). Simple tribal listing. 552. Iano. Joshua 16:6; K. 108:19; L. 268:59. Summary of
biblical information (cf. II Kings 15:29). Very close to Akrabbein (K. 14:7) is modern
Yanum which fits the location and retains the sound of the Onomasticon's place name. Just
north is Kh Yanum with Roman-Byzantine remains. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ianua,
rest" (95). 553. Iamein (Iamin). Joshua 17:7; K. 108:22; L. 268:62. Hexaplaric
information. In LXX this is a place name. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iamin, right
hand" (96). 554. Iasēb. Joshua 17:16; K. 108:23; L. 268:63. Hexaplaric information. Out of
order and doubly suspect as a gloss. 555. Ieblaam. Joshua 17:11; K. 108:24; L. 268:64.

Textual variant Iebalam (Greek). Simple biblical notation (cp. K. 72:24). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ieblaam, foolish people" (95). 556. Ierphēl. Joshua 18:27;
K. 108:26; L. 268:66. Textual variant Ierdēl (Greek). Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ierfel, God sent forth" (95). 557. Ieknal. Joshua 19:11;
K. 108:27; L. 269:67. Simple biblical notation (Joshua 21:34). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Iecnaam, possession of the people" (95). 558. Iapheth (Iafthie). Joshua 19:12; K.
108:29; L. 269:69. Iapheth is said to be the coastal port of Ioppē. Apparently it was
sometimes confused with 'ēpha or Sykaminos around Mt.Karmēl. Neither 'ēpha nor Sykaminos
are important to the Onomasticon but Ioppē is (cf. 110:24). In Joshua 19 an Iaphia in v.12
and an Iapho in v.46. The former is in Zebulōn and the latter in Dan. The Onomasticon
conflates the two in this entry unless they switched loyalty in biblical times. Iaphia-
Iapheth is falsely equated with Ioppēe. The identity of Iaphia and 'Epha are not made
clear.

Four sites are involved. Iaphia of Zabulōn is not really localized in the Onomasticon. It
is probably Yafe near Nazareth. Ioppē was a well known port and referent for the
Onomasticon and needed no localization. Sykaminos is located near Mt.Karmēl identified
with 'ēpha but Sykaminos is probably south of Mt.Karmēl, Tell es Samak and Epha is north
and is ancient area of present day Haifa. Sykaminos is an "oppidum" in Latin (cp. K. 10:25
and Appendix I). Iapho which is probably Ioppē is not mentioned here or in the entry at K.
110:24. But Vespasian made Ioppē a municipality. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iafie,
open or exposed or surface" (95). 559. Iephthaēl. Joshua 19:14; K. 110:1; L. 269:72.
Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 10:6). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iafthehel, God
reveals" (95). 560. Iadela. Joshua 19:15; K. 110:2; L. 269:73. Textual variant Ioudēla
(Greek) Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iedala, abuse of the
hand" (95).

561. Iermoth. Joshua 19:21; K. 110:3; L. 269:74. Summary of biblical information from
Joshua 21:29 and Hosea 5:8 (cf. K. 106:9). 562. Iamnēl (Iabnel). Joshua 19:33; K. 110:5;
L. 269:76. Textual variant Iamel (Latin). Simple tribal listing (cp. K. 106:20). 563.
Ierōn. Joshua 19:38; K. 110:6; L. 269:77. Textual variant Ierron (Greek). Simple tribal
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ieraon, they will fear" (95). 564. Iethlan
(Iethlam). Joshua 19:42; K. 110:7; L. 269:78. Jethela (Vulgate) Seilatha (LXX). Simple
tribal listing. 565. Iēlōn. Joshua 19:43; K. 110:8; L. 269:79. Simple tribal listing. 566.
Ioud (Iud). Joshua 19:45; K. 110:9; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry missing in
Greek Vatican Manuscript Simple tribal listing. 567. 'Ierakō (Ieracon). Joshua 19:46; K.
110:10; L. 269:80. Some take "waters" me (mai) as the first syllable of a proper name.
Simple tribal listing. This may be the same as K. 96:3, but the Greek may have conflated
or confused two Hebrew place names. LXX has "sea of Ierakōn with border near Ioppē." The
words border and mountain are quite similar in Greek and Hebrew for mountain is har which
could be found in MT harakkon.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ieracon, yellowish which Greeks call jaundiced" (95).
568. Iabeis Galaad. Judges 21:8; K. 110:11; L. 269:81. In K. 32:6 Iabis is a large city,
but a village of Iabeis here. Procopius 1049A has the distance 20 from Pella (K. 14:19)
and 60 from Gerasa (K. 64:2) which are obviously wrong unless the milestones were taken
from other referents than those now in our text. The name continues in the Wadi Yabis.
Onomasticon seems to point to Kir Isna or nearby Deir el Halaweh, with the former a Roman-
Byzantine site to be preferred. This is not necessarily the identification of the biblical
site, which may be Tell Maqlub. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iabes, dry or dryness"
(100). KINGS 569. Iaar. I Samuel 14:25; K. 110:15; L. 269:86. The etymology is in the LXX.
This is not a proper name in the MT. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Iaare, salt"
(108).

570. 'Ieramēlei. I Samuel 30:29; K. 110:16; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is
missing in Greek Vatican manuscript and out of order in Latin. Jerome transliterates
rather than translates the "foreigners." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ierameheli,
God have mercy on me" (104). 571. Iether. I Samuel 30:26; K. 110:17; L. 269:87. Textual
variants: Iethoeira (Greek) and Ieththira (Latin). Onomasticon identifies this with K.
88:3 and K. 108:2. 572. Iekmaan. I Kings 4:12; K. 110:19; L. 269:89. Simple biblical
notation. 573. Itaburion. Joshua 5:1; K. 110:20; L. 269:90. Cf. K. 98:23. Thabor, perhaps
out of order and suspect. 574. Iekthoēl. II Kings 14:7; K. 110:22; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek
Text. Interpretative biblical comment (cf. K. 142:7). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Ieethel, meeting God or help of God" (116). 575. Ietaba. II Kings 21:19; K. 110:23; L.
n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Iothaba, sinning in him" (116).

576. Ioppē. Jonah 1:3; K. 110:24; L. 269:92. Madaba map notes this was the home of Jonah.
So also does Paula (PTT I, 4) (cf. K. 108:30 and Joshua 19:46. No details regarded as
necessary for a flourishing "oppidum" (cf. K. 10:25; K. 163:6 and Appendix I). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ioppe, beauty" (124). THE GOSPELS 577. Itouraia, Also
Trachonitis. Luke 3:1; K. 110:27; L. 269:93. This is the extreme northeast of the
Onomasticon. On Trachonitis see K. 166:1. It is related to Basan (K. 44:9) and Batanaia
(cf. K. 12:11). Arabia (K. 10:17) is the most frequently used of these geographical names
but they are not clearly delineated in the Onomasticon, probably because the lists
developed over several centuries of Jewish compilers, Eusebius and later editors and
glossators. In the early fourth century there was an important town Maximianopolis not to
be confused with the similarly named town in Jesreel.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ituraeae, mountainous; this in Syria" (140).

SECTION K

GENESIS K. 112:2; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. In Greek the sub-division under this
alphabetic section is "Genesis" but in Latin it is more correct as "Pentateuch." 578.
Karnaeim. Astaroth Karnaeim. Genesis 14:5; K. 112:3; L. 269:98. The large village in
Batanaia is one of the two villages of K. 6:4. The probability is that it is Sheikh Sa'ad
about 16 miles northwest of Dera near Tell 'ashtarah (K. 12:11). The home of Job is noted
in K. 142:3 and such a tradition from pilgrim times continued into the 20th century at
Sheikh Sa'ad (cf. K. 76:10) For Batanaia see K. 44:11. The second Karnaia (I Maccabees
5:27ff.) belonging to Ailia perhaps is Ataroth (K. 26:25). Nine miles marks the turn off
from main road northwest toward Bethoron from Jerusalem. All these are to be distinguished
from Ataroth of Ephraim (K. 26:19) near Bir Zeit. 579. Kadēs. Genesis 14:7; K. 112:7; L.
269:3.

Simple biblical notation. In Hebrew Questions Jerome says "Cades is a place near Petra
called the spring of judgment where God judged the people" (18). 580. Kadēa Barnē. Numbers
32:8; K. 112:8; L. 270:4. Textual variant city of Palestinē (Greek) instead of Arabia.
This reflects again the uncertainty of editorial additions and of the use of Arabia in the
Onomasticon (K. 110:27). Latin combines K. 112:7 and K. 112:8. Some confusion in order of
this and the next three entries. A summary of biblical information from Numbers 21:1, 11;
Numbers 27:14 and Genesis 14:7. A tomb tradition is here. No location is given other than
near Petra (K. 142:7). Procopius repeats the entry in 332D and 1021D. It also is
reaffirmed by Jerome in Commentary on Ezekiel 38:23(cf. K. 46:26). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Cades, holy or change" (63); "Cades, alteration or holy" (80); "Cadesbarne,
selected change or changeableness" (80).

581. Kenaz. Genesis 36:11; K. 112:13; L. 270:9. Simple biblical notation. In Hebrew
Questions (44) Jerome equated Theman (K. 96:18), Cenaz, Amalec (K. 16:5) with Idumaia (K.
46:11). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cenez, jealous or his possession" (63). 582.
Kariathaeim. Numbers 32:37; K. 112:14; L. 270:10. Textual variants: Kariathieim (Greek).
For contemporary site Coroiath and Eoraiatat (Latin). Another wholly Christian town (cf.
K. 26:14) is located west of Madaba and probably indicates Kh el Qureiyat which is near
the hot springs of Barē (cf. K. 44:22). Mileage indicates turn off from main Roman
highway. Must be distinct from Kariathiareim of Jerusalem (K. 14:23). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Cariathaim, towns or their city (oppidum)" (80). 583. Kariatharbo. Genesis
23:2; K. 112:18; L. 270:14. Textual variants: Kariathirbo (Greek) and Ceriath arbeae
(Latin). Etymological information and identification with Chebrōn (K. 6:8 and K. 170:25).
It is out of regular order and probably suspect as addition. See all three entries above.

584. Kanath. Numbers 32:42; K. 112:20; L. 270:15. Vatican manuscript is incomplete here.
Textual variants: Cannatha and Chanatha (Latin). Summary of biblical information and
generalized location. The village is probably el Kanawat and along with Damascus and
Bostra forms the eastern limit of the Onomasticon. In Tabula Peutinger it is 20 Miles from
Bostra. Onomasticon confused Nabo (Numbers 32:42) and Naboth (Numbers 32:3, 78 and K.
136:6, 9) and perhaps is too far northeast for the biblical site. The Syriac has this
"near Petra" which is an attempted correction getting nearer to Kerak. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Canath, striving after or zealous" (80). 585. Kata ta Krusea
(Catatachrysea, i.e. to gold). Deuteronomy 1:1; K. 114:1; L. 270:19. Vatican manuscript
adds "Deuteronomy" division marker here. The LXX and Vulgate translate the biblical
Dizahab. The area is located by the Onomasticon as near Phainon (K. 81:16 and K. 168:8) in
the Arabah (K.12:25) somewhere near Aqabah (cf. Deuteronomy 1:5 and Numbers 33:42).
Perhaps Umm el Dahab which retains the sound and etymology. The mines were worked in
Roman-Byzantine times as well as earlier. Smelters also in later era.

586. Kadēmōth. Deuteronomy 2:26; K. 114:5; L. 270:23. Simple biblical summary (cf. K.
114:10 below). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cademoth, beginning of death" (86). 587.
Kariath. Joshua 9:17; K. 114:7; L. 270:25. Simple biblical summary (cf. K. 114:23, K.
48:9, K. 48:24, and K.172:15). And for Gabaon see K. 66:11. 588. Kades. Joshua 12:22; K.
114:8; L. 270:26. Simple biblical notation (cf. Joshua 15:3). 589. Kademoth. Joshua 13:18;
K. 114:10; L. 270:28. Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 114:5). Here "another" is in the
proper order. One of six only in the Onomasticon. All others are out of order. 590.
Kedsōn. Joshua 21:37; K. 114:11; L. 270:29. Part of this entry missing in Vatican
manuscript possibly by scribal homoioteleuton after Roubin. Gloss. JOSUE 591. Kapseēl.
Joshua 15:21; K. 114:13; L. 270:31. Note "Iesoue" division here but four previous entries
were from that book. Simple tribal listing. Possibly the same as K. 118:10.

592. Kina. Joshua 15:22; K. 114:14; L. 270:32. Simple tribal listing (cf. Tina (K.
164:14)). 593. Keeila. Joshua 15:44; K. 114:15; L. 270:33. Textual variant in Vatican
manuscript 17 miles. Probably at Kh Qila today about 7 miles east of Eleutheropolis (K.
18:12) but 7 miles more properly a turn off. The tomb is also indicated as elsewhere (K.
70:24 and K. 88:27). This is also called Enkēla (K. 88:26). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Cena, throw a slingstone or arousing him or bearing oneself" (92). 594.
Kariathbaal. Joshua 15:60; K. 114:19; L. 270:37. A simple biblical notation (cf. K. 106:8,
K. 114:23 and K. 48:24). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cariathbaal, he possessed
cities or had possessed cities" (92). 595. Kana. Joshua 16:8; K. 114:20; L. 270:38. Simple
tribal listing. A river (cf. K. 114:22). 596. Kabsaeim (Capsaim). Joshua 21:22; K. 114:21;
L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Not in Vatican manuscript and out of order. Textual variant
Camsaim (Latin).

Simple tribal listing. 597. Kane. Joshua 17:9; K. 114:22; L. 270:39. Simple tribal
listing. A river (cf. K. 114:20). 598. Kariathiareim (Kariathbaal). Joshua 18:14; K.
114:23; L. 271:40. Summary of biblical items which are divided into two sections by a
location indication. The additions after are perhaps from a later hand (Joshua 26:22, I
Chronicles 2:50, Joshua 15:60, and Judges 10:4). Same as K. 114:19 above. Procopius 1024A
agrees with the location and distance. In K. 48:24 however it is 12 miles not 9 as here
(cf. K. 106:8 and K. 128:1). This location generally points to Qaryat al 'Inab area for
the Byzantine site; possibly Deir el Azhar (cf. K. 116:20). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Cariathiarim, city or village of the woods" (91). 599. Kisōn (Kision). Joshua
19:20; K. 114:28; L. 271:46. Simple biblical notation (Joshua 21:28). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Cison, they drive against or their hardness or joy" (99).

600. Kartha. Joshua 21:34; K. 116:1; L. 271:47. Simple biblical notation, possibly out of
order. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cartham, complete a summons" (92). 601. Katta.
Joshua 19:15; K. 116:2; L. 271:48. Textual variants: Kouta (Greek) and Cotta (Latin).
Simple biblical notation, also possibly out of order. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Catath or Caath, bite or society" (92). 602. Kana. Joshua 19:28; K. 116:4; L. 271:50.
Summary of biblical information including New Testament (John 21:1,2 and John1:48). Only a
general location is given. The Latin text calls the contemporary town an "oppidum" (cp. K.
10:25 and Appendix I). The Onomasticon equates Kanah with Cana. Kanah of Asher should be
near Aidōn and possibly is at Qanah 6-7 miles southeast of Tyre (K. 162:15). The New
Testament site is quite older, being in Galilee. It is close to Nazareth (K. 138:24) and
Kapharnaum (K. 120:2), according to Jerome's Epistle 108 (Migne PL 22, 889 and PPT I, 15).
In Epistle 46 (Migne PL 22, 91) it is very near Nazareth. It is probably to be located at
Kh Qana but could possibly be Kefr Kenna closer to Nazareth. A late 4th century church is
there.

Some scholars think Jerome's note on greater and lesser refer to Kana rather than to
Sidōn. If so, the greater is the New Testament site and the lesser the Old Testament site.
However, the text hardly supports this opinion. 603. Kades (Cades). Joshua 19:37; K.
116:8; L. 271:53. Summary of biblical information (Joshua 21:32, Joshua 20:7 and II Kings
15:29). Procopius 1049A has the first part of the entry only. Kydissos probably also known
as Cadasa is located southeast of Tyre (K. 162:15) and is still known as Qades in Upper
Galilee, north of Safed. 604. Kartham. Joshua 21:32; K. 116:12; L. 271:57. Simple biblical
notation. JUDGES 605. Ketrōn. Judges 1:30; K. 116:15; L. 271:60. Simple biblical notation.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cetron, their darkness or incense" (99). 606. Karka
(Carcar). Judges 8:10; K. 116:17; L. 271:62. Biblical summary plus location. No direction
is given. If north, it is near Shobek but it could just as well refer to south or
southeast area (cf. Kerak sound).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Carcar, investigation" (99). 607. Kamōn. Judges 10:5;
K. 116:20; L. 271:65. The identification by the Onomasticon is probably erroneous for the
biblical site which should be in Transjordan. Kammona is near present Qamun which retains
the sound of the name and is approximately 8 miles northwest of Legeōn (K. 14:21) and may
be the Jokneam of the Old Testament for Iaeip (see K. 48:24 and K. 114:23). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Camon, unprofitable reappearance" (99). The next four
entries are all out of order and are not really names of places so are suspect as later
editorial or scribal additions. 608. Kisōn. Judges 4:7; K. 116:23; L. 271:69. Simple
biblical summary for the Wadi (cf. K. 114:28). 609. Kadēmim (Cademi). Judges 5:21; K.
116:25; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Procopius 1061B puts these two places together and
notes the possible confusion of Kisōn and Kadēmim in the Sisara and Debbōra story.

610. Koilas of the Titans (i.e. valley of giants). Judges 1:19; K. 116:26; L. 271:71.
Procopius 1125C suggests "valley of the giants who are called Titans" (cf. II Samuel
5:18ff.). A gloss. 611. Klauthmōn. Judges 2:1; K. 118:1; L. 271:72. Etymological
information not customary in the Onomasticon. This and the previous three entries are
suspect on various grounds. KINGS 612. Keni. I Samuel 27:10; K. 118:4; L. 271:75. The
order of entries in this entire section on "Kingdoms" is confused. Here the Latin
identifies the "foreigners" as Pylistii. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ceni, my
copper or my bereaved or passion" (80). 613. Karmēlos. I Samuel 25:2; K. 118:5; L. 271:76.
In the Vatican manuscript this and the following item have been conflated. The village
still retains its old name at Kermela 10 miles south (not east) of Chebrōn (K. 6:8). This
direction in the Onomasticon is obviously an error since even the East quadrant which is
sometimes intended in directions in the Onomasticon would not cover the road to Malatha.
The "South" is in the entry for Chermel (K. 172:20 and cf. K. 92:21). Near Zeif is the
home of Nabal at Chermela. Chermala probably had been fortified by Herod along with Zelph.
The garrison is reaffirmed by Notitia Dignitatum (72:6 and 73:20)(cp. Procopius 1020C).
Chebrōn is an "oppidum" in Latin (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I).

614. Karmēlos. Mountain. I Kings 18:42; K. 118:8; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. The
confusion with the above is possible because most mountains are suspect entries in the
Onomasticon. The Greek manuscript lacks the first two words. The Latin does not have this
entry. Jerome in Commentary on Amos 1:2 sees two mountains: one the home of Nabal, the
other near Ptolemais. He repeats this distinction in Commentary on Isaiah 29:17. The home
of Nabal near Chebrōn (K. 6:8) is in the previous entry as well as K. 172:20. This item is
one of the few entries in the Onomasticon giving borders of the Roman-Byzantine period.
The northern boundary of the Province of Palestinē is marked by the mountain. 615. Kabseēl
II Samuel 15:23; K. 118:10; L. 272:81. Simple biblical notation not in the Latin text.
Perhaps same as K. 116:13. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cabseel, assembly of God"
(107).

616. Kedrōn. I Samuel 15:23; K. 118:11; L. 272:82. Not originally a place name entry. The
Latin adds New Testament John 18:1 note. Simple biblical location (cf. K. 174:26 and K.
70:2). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cedron, sadness or sorrow" (126). 617. Kurinē
(Cyrene). II Kings 16:9; K. 118:13; L. 272:84. Probably outside the Onomasticon's limits
for Holy Land. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cyrene, heir" (144). 618. Kōa. I Kings
10:28; K. 118:15; L. 272:87. Textual variant Kōd (Greek). Not in MT, an LXX word. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Caue, endurance or sound of trumpet" (110). 619. Karchēdon
(i.e. Carthage). Isaiah 23:1; K. 118:16; L. 272:88. Probably outside of the Onomasticon's
limits for Holy Land (Ezekiel 27:12 and cp. K. 100:25). The reference to Hebrew Tharseis
is repeated by Jerome in Commentary on Isaiah 33:1 and Commentary on Ezekiel 37:12. The
Latin makes the clear identification with Carthago.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Carthaginis, investigation" (120). 620. Kollas
Iōsaphat. Joel 13:2; K. 118:18; L. 272:89. Another detail of Jerusalem. The location given
is the same as that for the Chebrōn (cf. K. 70:2, K. 118:11, and K. 174:26). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names Jerome adds nothing new. This is possibly only a marginal
gloss in the Latin text. 621. Kedam. Ezekiel 25:4; K. 118:20; L. 272:91. Hexaplaric
information. 622. Kēdar. Ezekiel 27:21; K. 118:21; L. 272:92. Summary of biblical
information (Jeremiah 49:28, Isaiah 21:16 and Genesis 25:13) and a generalized location.
The desert of Sarakēnē (K. 60:13) is related to the area of the Ishmaelites by Jerome in
his Commentary on Jeremiah 2:10. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cedar, sad or dark"
(130). 623. Kariōth. Jeremiah 48:24, 41; K. 120:1; L. 272:95. Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Carioth, meeting of signs" (126). 624. Kapharnaoum.
Matthew 4:13; K. 120:2; L. 272:96.

No special section in this listing for New Testament text. This is an "oppidum" in Jerome
(see Appendix I). Localization is general because in Eusebius' time this city at Tell Hum
was flourishing. It was two miles from Chōrazein (K. 174:25). There is debate as to
whether the New Testament site was here. Paula and the pilgrims visited this site (Epistle
108; PPT I, 16; Epistle 46 and Migne PL 22, 491). Here ends our reading for the letter C
i.e. the Greek Kappa the rest are under the letter Chi, which has aspiration in itself and
of which there is very little use in Latin. At the end of this alphabetic section Jerome
adds another of his linguistic notes differentiating Greek and Hebrew letters and
pronunciation.

SECTION L

GENESIS 625. Lasan. Genesis 10:19; K. 120:7; L. 272:1. Simple biblical location. Jerome in
Hebrew Questions has "Lece which is not Callirhoe where the hot water pours out and flows
into the dead sea" (14). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Lesa, in salt" (68). 626.
Louza (Luza). Genesis 28:19; K. 120:8; L. 272:2. Textual variant Louzan (Greek). General
directions for Baithel-Louza are correct (K. 40:20ff and cf. Joshua 18:13). The road
described in opposite direction in K. 40:20. Site is east and off the main road. 627.
Louza (Luza). Judges 1:23; K. 120:11; L. 272:5. This "another" entry is out of order as
frequently appears and seems to be a marginal gloss on the previous entry which has been
incorporated into the text by a later scribe. The Onomasticon confuses a contemporary,
continuing city with the above. The Greek has 9 miles and the Latin 3 miles from Neapolis
(K. 4:28). The Latin is probably correct for Luza on Mt.Garisim still known as Kh al-loze.
The 9 miles northeast may point to at talluza.

628. Lōtan. Genesis 36:20; K. 120:13; L. 272:7. Textual variant Lōtam (Greek). Possibly a
name of a person has been confused with a place. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Loyan,
their chain or he was confined" (82). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 629. Lebōna. Numbers 33:20;
K. 120:15; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This and the next entry are missing in Vatican
Greek manuscript. Simple listing of station. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Lobna,
white or shining white" (82). 630. Lobon. Deuteronomy 1:1; K. 120:16; L. n/a; Lacuna in
Greek Text. This and the previous entry are missing in Vatican Greek manuscript. Simple
biblical notation. 631. Lacheis. Joshua 10:3; K. 120:19; L. 272:9. Summary of biblical
information (Isaiah 36:2, Jeremiah 34:7, Joshua 15:19). The Old Testament Lachish being
re-excavated at Tell ed Duweir is not Lacheis as far as the Onomasticon indicates. The Old
Testament site is about four and half miles, from Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12). Tell el Hesi
(once identified as Old Testament Lachish) is almost twice the distance as here in the
Onomasticon. A Byzantine site at Daweima is about 7 miles southeast and could be the one
intended by Eusebius. Near Tell ed Duweir is an el Qubeibe which is more likely intended.
Procopius 1020e repeats the Greek material here.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Lachis, it is march or man himself" (95). 632. Lebna.
Joshua 10:29; K. 120:23; L. 273:13. Textual variant Leena (Greek). After the biblical
summary (Joshua 15:42, Joshua 21:13 and Isaiah 37:8) only a generalized location is given.
The Old Testament may be Tell Judeidah or Tell es-Safi. The later is Saphitha for the
Madaba map. Lobana is not on the map. Eusebius may see Tell Bernat. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Lohna, dazzling white or tiles" (95). 633. Laserōn (Lasaran). Joshua 12:18;
K. 122:1; L. 273:17. Simple biblical notation. 634. Lithos Boen. Joshua 15:6; K. 122:3; L.
273:19. Textual variant Boethou (Greek). The "stone" has been translated into a proper
name. 635. Labōth. Joshua 15:32; K. 122:4; L. 273:20. Textual variant Labōn (Greek).
Simple tribal listing (cf. K. 52:15). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Lebo, entrance or
coming" (5). 636. Lamas. Joshua 15:40; K. 122:5; L. 273:21.

Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Laamas, to iniquity" (95). 637.
Labōth. Joshua 19:6; K. 122:6; L. 273:22. Textual variant Laboth (Latin). Simple tribal
listing. 638. Labanath. Joshua 19:26; K. 122:7; L. 273:23. Simple tribal listing. 639.
Lakoum. Joshua 19:33; K. 122:8; L. 273:24. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Lacum, to honor" (95). JUDGES 640. Labōemath. Judges 3:3; K. 122:10; L.
273:26. Textual variant Lamoemath (Greek). Hexaplaric information (cf. K. 88:20). Note
order shift in these entries. 641. Lesem. Joshua 19:47; K. 122:11; L. 273:27. Simple
biblical notation (cp. K. 76:6). Order confused. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Lesem,
to name" (95). 642. Louza. Judges 1:26; K. 122:12; L. 273:29. "Another" is frequently
suspect but if previous entries are confused this is one of the few in the proper biblical
order (cf. K. 120:8, 11 and Baithēl K. 40:20). 643. Lechei. Judges 15:19; K. 122:16; L.
273:32.

Hexaplaric Information. The Latin lacks the first "in jaw" but it may stand for Enlechi
and is not a translation (cf. K. 88:21). 644. Laisa. Judges 18:27ff.; K. 122:17; L.
273:33. Textual variant Leisa (Greek). Summary of biblical information and geography
(Judges 20:1, Isaiah 10:30. Old Testament Laisa probably Tell el Qadi. Perhaps refers to
K. 122:11 and K. 76:6 (Tell Dan) or else to other references to Paneas and sources of the
Jordan. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Laisa, lion" (121). KINGS 645. Lemattara. I
Samuel 20:20; K. 122:23; L. 273:38. Procopius 1108A has Lamattaran. Simple biblical
notation and Hexaplaric information. Hebrew has become a proper name through
transliteration (cf. K. 88:24). 646. Ladabar. II Samuel 9:4; K. 122:25; L. 273:40. Textual
variants: Lakamer (Greek) and Memphybosthe and Miphiloseth (Latin). Simple biblical
notation. 647. Lōdabar. II Samuel 17:27; K. 122:26; L. 273:41. Simple biblical notation.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Lodabar, the word itself" (108).

648. Libanos. I Kings 5:9; K. 122:27; L. 273:42. A mountain, therefore a suspect entry
(cf. K. 18:8). 649. Loueith (Luith). Isaiah 15:5; K. 122:28; L. 273:43. The location is
very general. Some identify Loueitha near Mt.Nebo and others nearer Areoplis (K. 10:17).
Perhaps still best at Kh Fas. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Luith, jaw or cheek"
(121).

SECTION M

GENESIS 650. Manassē. Genesis 10:30; K. 124:3; L. 273:47. Simple biblical notation.
Outside of Holy Land proper according to Onomasticon's limits. Procopius 312B says "Massē
territory in India is called thus". In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mesa, infrequent
water or from the Lord" (69). 651. Mambre. Genesis 13:18; K. 124:5; L. 273:49. Identified
with Chebrōn (K. 170:25) and Arboc (K. 6:8) (cf. also Oak of Mamrē in K. 76:1). The "see
above" interrupts the biblical information so the later notations after that are suspect
(Genesis 14:13). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mamre, division or clear" (69). 652.
Madiam. Genesis 25:2; K. 124:8; L. 274:52. Textual variants: Cethura and Cettura (Latin).
Greek lacks "near Arnon." Procopius 405A says, "City Madiam extends beyond the Arabian
desert, formerly Pharan, to the east of the Red Sea. Whence the Madianites, the people of
Madiam, son of Abraam and Chettoura as is clear. Iothor, the father-in-law of Mōuses was
descended from Abraam and of the family of Madiam" (cf. Exodus 2:16 and Numbers 10:29).
Josephus Antiquities II, 2, 1 reports a town of Madian situated by the Red San "named
after one of Abraham's sons by Katura (cf. Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah 60: 6 "now Saba"
is added by way of identification. Text does not really locate this city.

The second deserted city near the Arnonas (K. 10:15) and Areopolis (10:17) is perhaps el
middin southeast of Kerak. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Madan, measuring or
answering" (69). 653. Mōab. Genesis 36:35; K. 124:15; L. 274:59. Genealogical reference to
Genesis 19:37. Moab is around Areopolis (10:17) which is also called Rabbath Moab (cf. K.
10:13 and K. 36:24). In Jerome's Commentary on Amos 2:1 "Moab or metropolis of the
Moabites which is applied to the whole complete province." In his Commentary on Zephaniah
8 "Moab which is now called Areopolis." Probably the present town of Rabba. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Moab, from the father" (69). 654. Masrēka. Genesis 36:36;
K. 124:18; L. 274:62. Textual variant Maasrēka (Greek). A personal name becomes a place
name. Located in general Gebalēnē (K. 10:62). The name may be preserved in jebel mushraq.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Masreca, void tax or hissing or dragging" (69).

655. Mabsar. Genesis 36:42; K. 124:20; L. 274:63. Textual variant Masaris (Greek). A large
village dependent upon Petra (K. 142:7) in the Gebalēnē (K. 8:10). This may be a
bastardization of Bosor (K. 46:11) in Idumaea, not Bostra north toward Damascus. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mabsar, fort" (69). 656. Magediēl. Genesis 36:43; K.
124:22; L. 274:65. A proper name of a person given to a place (cf. K. 124:18 above). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Magdihel, from promise of God or tower of God or God makes
me great" (69). EXODUS 657. Magdolos. Exodus 14:2; K. 124:25; L. 274:68. Vatican
manuscript lacks the name at beginning of the entry. A station (cf. K. 44:2) with
additional biblical information (Ezekiel 29:10, Jeremiah 44:1 and Jeremiah 46:14).
Possibly two places are combined in this entry. For Soene see K. 162:16. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Magdolon, how great or tower" (76).

658. Merra. Exodus 15:23ff.; K. 126:3; L. 274:73. Summary of biblical information after
etymology. No location given. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mara or Merra,
bitterness" (76). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 659. Mnemata epithumias. Numbers 11:34; K.
126:6; L. 274:76. The MT proper name has been translated into Greek and etymology given.
Simple station listing. 660. Makēlōth. Numbers 33:25; K. 126:8; L. 274:78. Simple station
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maceloth, church" (82). 661. Mathekka. Numbers
33:28; K. 126:10; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is missing in Greek Vatican
manuscript. Simple station listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mathca, sweetness
or satiated" (82). 662. Masourouth. Numbers 33:30; K. 126:12; L. 274:80. Simple station
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maseroth, excluding or chains or succeeding or
of discipline. In our codex we read Mazureth" (82). 663. Maththanem. Numbers 21:18; K.
126:14; L. 274:82. This entry is out of order and is therefore suspect.

The location is on the edge of the desert. Kh or Tell el Medeiyineh is approximately at
this indicated location and would be the eastern outpost for Madaba (K. 128:19). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mathana, gift" (82). 664. Misōr. Deuteronomy 3:10; K.
126:16; L. 274:84. Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 128:17). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Misor, straight or plain or field" (87). 665. Machanarath. Deuteronomy 3:7; K.
126:17; L. 274:85. Simple biblical notation. The MA may be the Hebrew "from." The LXX also
has this form. 666. Madbaris. Deuteronomy 4:43; K. 126:18; L. 275:86. Textual variant
Mambrēs (Greek). An etymological entry. 667. Misadai. Deuteronomy 10:6; K. 126:19; L.
275:87. Greek confused the Hebrew R for D. Onomasticon and LXX often make this error. Is
this distinguished from K. 176:71? Bible and Onomasticon are not clear. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Mosera, teaching or his instruction" (87). JOSUE 668. Makēda. Joshua
10:10; K. 126:22; L. 275:90.

Procopius 1021A includes this same location. Eusebius does not agree with the biblical
information on location. He seems to locate it southeast at Kh Beit Maqdum off the main
road. Some think the text should read "North." Tell es Safi is northwest at this distance
and may be the ancient Makkedah. The Old Testament site is still unidentified with
scholarly debate. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maceda, burning or east or
antecedent, that is prior" (95). 669. Madōn. Joshua 11:1; K. 126:26; L. 275:94. Textual
variant Modad (Greek) (cf. LXX Mōdōn). Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Madon, contradiction or habitation" (95). 670. Massepha. Joshua 11:3; K.
128:1; L. 275:96. A confused summary of biblical information (Joshua 15:38; I Samuel 7:1;
Jeremiah 40:6 and Judges 20:1) seems to combine several different sites into this one
entry (Judah, Galaad and Benjamin). It is quoted by Procopius 1024A (cf. K. 130:2
Masseba).

For Kariathiareim see K. 114:23.I In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Masefa, watchtower"
(95). 671. Merran. Joshua 11:7; K. 128:4; L. 275:99. The identity of this site is not
known by the Onomasticon. Eusebius seems to be confused by the similar sound of Merrous
(cf. Marous below K. 128:13). The distance is quoted exactly by Procopius 1021D. Probably
just east of Dothan (K. 76:13) at Qasr Mahrun, in Sebaste Territory. Dothan is also "12
miles" so perhaps this was turn off to the east. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Marom,
high or from height" (95). 672. Mastraiphōth Maim. Joshua 11:8; K. 128:7; L. 275:2.
Hexaplaric information. Procopius 1021D notes others call it the water or sea of Massepha
(cf. above K. 128:1). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Masarfoth, fire or from the
tribulation of the platform" (96). 673. Machathi. Joshua 12:5; K. 128:9; L. 275:4. Simple
biblical summary (Joshua 13:11, 13).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maachathi, cut belly or broken by me" (96). 674. Marōm.
Joshua 12:20; K. 128:12; L. 275:7. Simple biblical notation. Perhaps "above" refers to K.
128:15. Most of this entry missing in Vatican manuscript. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Marom, another unpleasant or sadness" (96). 675. Maggedo. Joshua 12:21; K. 128:14;
L. 275:9. Textual variant Magsddō (Greek). Simple biblical information. Jerome speaks of
the plain of Megiddo in Epistle 103:8 (PPT I, 4). In his Commentary on Zachariah 12:11 he
notes Hadadrimmon is in valley of Megiddo. Ancient Megiddo has been well excavated. No
indication here is made of its connection with Legeōn (K. 14:21) or the Byzantine name
Maximianopolis. Procopius also only summarizes biblical material without location (1048A
and 1061A). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mageddo, of his fruit or his disgrace"
(96). 676. Misōr. Joshua 13:9, 16; K. 128:17; L. 275:11. Hexaplaric information plus
biblical summary (Joshua 20:8 and 21:36). On Meddaba (cf. K. 128:19 and K. 126:16.

677. Meddaba. Joshua 13:9; K. 128:19; L. 275:13. An important referent for the
Onomasticon. It is an autonomous city in the province of Arabia between Esebōn (K. 84:1)
and Dibōn (K. 76:17). The Valley (K. 128:17) may be the plain from Meddaba to Dibōn. The
famous Madaba map is here, recently cleaned and in part restored. There are vast ruins at
Medaha. The source of the Madaba map may have been the sketch Eusebius claims to have
prepared for this work plus of course the entries of this work itself (cf. K. 2:8 and
Introduction). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Medab, hunger of water" (96) and
"Madaba, nativity" (96). 678. Mēphaath. Joshua 13:18; K. 128:21; L. 275:15. Two sites
combined here. One only a tribal listing. The other a similar sounding name in
Transjordan. The second may be Mophath (K. 134:14). A garrison reported by Notitia
Dignitatum (81:19) at a place called Mefa. This is near the Syrian or Arabian desert
probably at Nefa'a northeast of Esebōn (K. 84:1) which in part preserves the name but it
is not pre-Christian in date.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mefaath, motion of matter or from this time" (96 and
127). 679. Maspha. Joshua 13:26; K. 130:1; L. 275:18. Textual variants: Massēma (Greek)
and Messafa, Masafa, and Masfas (Latin). Three items are combined in one in Greek. A
simple tribal listing (Josh 21:36). A contemporary town near Eleutheropolis (18:12) and
another near Aelia (Joshua 15:38). Jerome corrects this to make one separate item of the
last. The best identification is Kh Safiyeh just over a mile northeast of Eleutheropolis.
The biblical Mizpeh is most complicated and perhaps led to the confusion in this entry as
well as in K. 128:1. 680. Manaeim. Joshua 13:26; K. 130:4; L. 275:21. Textual variant
Maanaim (Latin). Simple biblical summary with generalized location (Joshua 21:36). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Manaim, camps" (96). 681. Mōlada (Moladab). Joshua 15:26;
K. 130:6; L. 275:23. Simple tribal listing (Joshua 19:2). Perhaps same as Malaatha (K.
14:3).

682. Medebēna (Medemena). Joshua 15:31; K. 130:7; L. 276:24. Textual variant kōmē
(village) Noeis (Greek). Eusebius makes an identity here which is followed by the Madaba
map: "Madebēna which is now Mēnois." He has probably confused two similar Hebrew names
with the contemporary site (Isaiah 10:31). Madmannah is in the Negev northeast of Bērsaba
and falsely equated with Menois. Madmenah is near Jerusalem but not clearly identified as
yet. Menois is 11 miles southwest of Gaza just off the way to Raphia (K. 50:18). Probably
it is at Kh Ma'in. It is possible that "near Gaza" reflects still a fourth site that
increases the confusion of the Onomasticon perhaps pointing to Maiumas, the port of Gaza.
At Menois the Notitia Dignitatum (73:19) reports a Roman garrison which is overlooked in
our text. Called "oppidum" in the Latin (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I while Greek has Gaza
polichne, a rare use (cf. K. 22:11 and Appendix II).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Medabena, from burden" (96). 683. Magdala. Joshua
15:37; K. 130:9; L. 276:26. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Magdalgad, tower of pirate or tower of armed" (96). 684. Marēsa. Joshua 15:44; K. 130:10;
L. 276:27. The village no longer existed but ruins were identifiable in Eusebius' time
just south of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) at Tell Sandahannah. No direction is given in the
Onomasticon. Only five other villages are in ruins or deserted according to the
Onomasticon. Near the Tell is Kh Mar'ash which retains the name. This town was destroyed
in 40 B.C. and from then on the site which became Eleutheropolis began to be developed. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maresa, from the head" (96). 685. Maōn. Joshua 15:55; K.
130:12; L. 276:29. Textual variant Manōn (Greek). Also by dittography from above K. 130:10
"it is now deserted" but could be correct information also (cf. K. 134:16).

The tribal entry has only a general localization. Possibly Tell or Kh Ma'in south of
Chermēla (K. 92:20) and Chebrōn (K. 6:8). Perhaps border of Daroma (K. 26:10). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maon, little habitation" (96). 686. Marōth. Joshua 15:59;
K. 130:13; L. 276:31. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maaroth,
canes" (96). 687. Maddei (Maddi). Joshua 15:61; K. 130:14; L. 276:32. Simple tribal
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Meddin, judgement" (96). 688. Maspha. Joshua
18:26; K. 130:15; L. 276:33. Simple tribal listing. Possibly out of order. 689. Machtrōth.
Joshua 17:7; K. 130:16; L. 276:34. Textual variants in Greek sometimes ascribed to
Zaboulōn or Beniamin. Simple tribal listing. 690. Marala. Joshua 19:11; K. 130:17; L.
276:35. Textual variants in Greek sometimes ascribed to Manassē or Beniamin. Biblical
information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Marala, bitter embarkation" (96). 691.
Masan. Joshua 19:26; K. 130:18; L. 276:36. Tribal listing plus biblical information and
location (Joshua 21:30).

692. Meeleph (Maeleb). Joshua 19:33; K. 130:20; L. 276:38. Textual variant Methlem
(Greek). Simple tribal listing but the Greek confused the Hebrew M of "from" with the
proper name. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maalaf, from thousand or from teaching"
(96). 693. Magdiel. Joshua 19:38; K. 130:21; L. 276:39. One of the few villages in the
Onomasticon called "Great" in the Greek text (K. 22:10 and K. 96:25). Did the size of the
town change in the century between Eusebius and Jerome or is it all a matter of
relativity? The location is in error. Some Greek texts have 9 miles but the Latin 5 miles
is well attested in Greek also. At 5 miles is Kh Maliha which is Migdal Malha of the
Talmud. Nine miles brings one slightly beyond Atlit where road could have turn off to
mitilia. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Magdalahel, tower of my God" (96).

JUDGES 694. Mosphetham (Mosfethaim). Joshua 5:16; K. 130:24; L. 276:42. Textual variants:
Mosphethaim (Greek) and Mosfethain, Mosfetham (Latin). Hexaplaric information which is
reflected in Procopius 1060A. 695. Mōre. Judges 7:1; K. 130:25; L. 276:43. Biblical
information only. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Mere, manifest or lightened or
opening" (100). 696. Mannēth. Judges 11:33; K. 132:1; L. 276:44. Textual variants Mensēth
(Greek), Manith (Latin). The geography in the biblical account itself is difficult to
understand. The identity with Maanith by the Onomasticon is questionable since it is a
battle area not a village. Some suggest Umm el Hanafish but the location is most uncertain
especially since the Vulgate does not make the name that of a town but merely translates
the Hebrew word. 697. Machmas. I Samuel 13:2; K. 132:3; L. 276:47. Textual variant Machma
(Greek). Geographical identity made with present Mukhmas northwest of er-Ram. The distance
given from Jerusalem is accurate for this identification.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Machemas, submission or misappropriated" (104). KINGS
698. Messab. I Samuel 14:1; K. 132:6; L. 276:50. Textual variant Greek adds Gaba of Saoul.
Even though biblical information, Jerome calls this "oppidum." Here he is literally right
since it is a fortified town. It is however difficult to consistently relate his use of
"oppidum to fortified city" or "shrine with suburbs" in most other entries (cf. K. 10:25
and Appendix I). 699. Magdōn (Magrōn). I Samuel 14:2; K. 132:8; L. 276:51. Textual variant
Magaōn in Greek after LXX. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Margeddon, holding on" (104). 700. Massēpha "of Moab." I Samuel 22:3; K. 132:9; L.
276:52. Simple biblical information. Another of the many biblical Mizpeh's (cf. K. 128:1
and K. 130:1,15). 701. Masereth. I Samuel 23:14; K. 132:11; L. 276:54. Biblical
information plus Hexaplaric. It is deserted in the 4th century according to the Latin.
Greek may suggest biblical "wilderness."

702. Masbak. II Samuel 8:8; K. 132:13; L. 276:56. The MT is confused but the Greek again
seems to have used the Hebrew M "from" as part of the proper name. LXX has Masbach. 703.
Mela (i.e.,) Gemela. II Samuel 8:13; K. 132:14; L. 276:57. Textual variants: Malagēmala,
Mala ē Gēmala (Greek), Latin has "valley of salts." Hexaplaric information only (cf. K.
72:28). 704. Maacha. II Samuel 10:6; K. 132:15; L. 276:58. Textual variant Malaka (Greek).
The text is confused in MT and LXX. It seems as if a personal name has been made into a
place name. 705. Mōdeeim. I Maccabees 2:1; K. 132:16; L. 276:59. Out of the order of the
text. Madaba map has "Mōdeeim which is now Mōditha home of the Makkabai" located east of
Diospolis (K. 8:14). This location fits el Midjeh. The interest in graves is high in our
text but possibly not with the original text of Eusebius. The Madaba map alternate name is
a late Aramaic name for this most significant site.

706. Mapsar Turou. II Samuel 24:7; K. 132:18; L. 276:61. Textual variants are many and so
are suggested emendations. Hexaplaric information. It is the Fort of Tyre (K. 162:15).
707. Masa. I Kings 2:35 and I Kings 9:15; K. 132:20; L. 277:63. Textual variants: Magaō
and Magdō (Greek). Simple biblical notation. Difficult to relate this to Megiddo in its
present form (cp. K. 128:14). Possibly relates to Hazor (K. 34:18 and K. 90:9). 708.
Meebra. I Kings 4:12; K. 132:21; L. 277:64. Hexaplaric information. Perhaps emend to
Meeber. A gloss. 709. Makes. I Kings 4:9; K. 132:22; L. 277:65. Simple biblical notation.
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Maces, from the end" (111). 710. Melō (Mello). I Kings
9:15; K. 134:1; L. 277:66. Textual variant Melo (Latin). Simple biblical notation plus
Hexaplaric information. Perhaps related to similar Millo at Shechem as in Judges 9:6, 20.
711. Maidan. I Kings 9:15; K. 134:3; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text.

Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 132:20). Maidan often used for the eastern country beyond
the desert but not here. 712. Memphis. Hosea 9:6; K. 134:4; L. 277:67. Out of the proper
Onomasticon's limits of the Holy Land. Summary of biblical information (Ezekiel 30:13;
Jeremiah 2:16 and Jeremiah 44:1). On Egyptian sites see K. 58:7. 713. Macha. Hosea 9:16;
K. 134:6; L. 277:70. Hexaplaric information. Perhaps same as above. LXX text confused (cf.
K. 164:24). 714. Milētos. Ezekiel 27:18; K. 134:7; L. 277:71. This is from the LXX only
and is not MT. It is also outside the proper Onomasticon's boundaries for the Holy Land
and is therefore suspect as an entry from a later hand. 715. Maribōth. Ezekiel 48:28; K.
134:8; L. 277:72. Textual variant Marimōth (Greek) and Marimoth (Latin). Simple biblical
notation plus Hexaplaric information. These are near Kadēs (K. 112:8). 716. Mōrathei
(Morasthi). Micah 1:1; K. 134:10; L. 277:74.

The village is northeast of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) as in the Madaba map, but the
Onomasticon "east" means the quadrant and the road can be located in the eastern quadrant
from Eleutheropolis. The map quotes Eusebius. The tomb was known in Jerome's day and was
visited by Paula (Epistle 108:14 and PPT I, 15). In Commentary on Micah Jerome notes
"Morasthia a little village near Eleutheropolis." The Madaba map notes a church which was
built later than the time of Eusebius. The Byzantine site Kh Umm el Basak is not the Old
Testament site which is more likely at Tell el judeideh. This is distinct from Marēsa (K.
130:10). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Morasthi, my heir" (123 and 127). 717.
Masogam. Jeremiah 48:1; K. 134:12; L. 277:76. Taken from the New Testament Qere reading.
Not in LSX Simple biblical notation. 718. Misōr. Jeremiah 48:21; K. 134:13; L. n/a; Lacuna
in Greek Text.

This and the next entry are missing in Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple biblical notation.
719. Mōphath. Jeremiah 48:21; K. 134:14; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This and the
previous entry are missing from Greek Vatican manuscript (cf. K. 128:21). Simple biblical
notation. 720. Maōn. Jeremiah 48:23; K. 134:16; L. 277:78. Simple biblical notation (cp.
K. 130:12). 721. Molchom. Jeremiah 49:1; K. 134:17; L. 277:79. Textual variants: Melchon
and Melconi (Latin). Not an original entry. Other idols are also additions to the
Onomasticon (see K. 36:15; K. 58:9; K. 138:19; K. 146:26 and Appendix II). 722. Magedan.
Matthew 15:39; K. 134:18; L. 277:81. No Gospel section division indicated here. Textual
variant Magaidanē (Greek). Summary of New Testament information. In the New Testament
Magedan, Magdala and Dalmanoutha are all related. The Hebrew sound Migdol (K. 130:9) is
suspected as background. In Matthew 15:39 there is a region of Magadan or Magdala. In Mark
8:10 it is a district of Dalmanutha located by the Onomasticon as near Gerasa (K. 64:2)
but in New Testament times it seems to be in Galilea. The New Testament site is on the
west side of the Sea at Mejdel. What site Eusebius had intended is unknown. This is one of
three references to Mark in the Onomasticon (K. 64:4 and K. 74:13).


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE continued

SECTION N

GENESIS (Five Books of Moses) Greek has the subsection division for Genesis but Latin for
five books of Moses. 723. Naid. Genesis 4:16; K. 134:23; L. 277:86. Textual variant Nain
(Greek). Simple biblical notation plus Hexaplatic information. Procopius 253A and Jerome
in Hebrew Questions (7) follow the etymology of the bible. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Naid, motion or fluctuation" (69). 724. Nineve. Genesis 10:11; K. 136:1; L. 277:88.
Textual variants for the last line: Neneuen, Ninewen and Neuen (Latin). Outside the normal
limits of the Holy Land for the Onomasticon. The second city, one of the Jews, is the only
contemporary Jewish city called a polis in the Onomasticon (cf. Note on K. 22:9 and
Appendix IX). This probably is nawa 36 miles from Capitolias in the pilgrim itineraries.
The Gōnia is part of the Hauron but not clearly identified. In Hebrew Questions Jerome
notes the derivation of the name Nineve and identifies it as Rooboth (K. 142:11).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ninive beauty or bud of beauty" (69). 725. Naaliēl.
Numbers 21:19; K. 136:4; L. 277:91. Textual variant Naaniēl (Greek). Biblical location and
station listing. 726. Nabau. Numbers 32:3; K. 136:6; L. 277:93. Textual variant. Syriac
lacks "where Moses died." Suspected entry. Biblical summary (Deuteronomy 34:1) and
location west of Esbous. The city of Naboth (K. 136:9) below is the 8 miles south. This
could mean southwest since quadrants are involved. Agri specula (K. 12:16), Phasga (K.
168:28) and Phogōr (K. 168:7, 25) are names also in this general area. The Mt. of Siyahah
with the Byzantine church fits the 6 miles distance. It could also be located at jebel
Nebo. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nabau, we will come or in conclusion" (83). 727.
Nabōth (Nabo). Numbers 32:38; K. 136:9; L. 277:96. Textual variant Nabōr (Greek). Summary
of biblical information (Deuteronomy 32:49; Isaiah 15:2; Jeremiah 48:1 and Numbers 32:42).
The city is in a different quadrant and is 2 miles farther than the mountain above (K.
136:6). It is abandoned or in ruins by the time of Eusebius. The city is probably Kh
Mehaiyet. It was rebuilt as a shrine after the time of Jerome.

728. Nageb. Numbers 34:3; K. 136:14; L. 278:10. Textual variant. Syriac lacks the
Symmachus reference. The etymology and the Hexaplaric information. The equation of Hebrew'
names with the Latin and Greek is difficult. In Vitruvius on Architecture I, vi, 12, 13
Auster and Meridia are the southern half quadrant. Africas is southwest and Eurus is
southeast. No evidence that Jerome and Fuschius were this scientific. Any name could be
the entire quadrant from southwest through southeast or even from west-southwest and east-
southeast. JOSUE 729. Naphethdor (Nafeddor). Joshua 11:2; K. 136:16; L. 278:3. Dor is
located properly by the Onomasticon about 9 miles north of Caesarea. The emphasis in Latin
suggests some change may have taken place in the fourth century since it is then deserted.
An "oppidum" (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I). Naphoth really means "hilly region" rather
than Maritine (cf. K. 78:8) In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nafeddor, change of
generations" (96).

730. Naphthō. Joshua 15:9; K. 136:18; L. 278:5. Textual variant Naphthae (Greek). Summary
of biblical information and tribal listing (Joshua 18:15). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Neptoe, of destruction or beguiling" (96). 731. Naam. Joshua 15:41; K. 136:20; L.
278:7. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Naama, comeliness" (112).
732. Nesib. Joshua 15:43; K. 136:21; L. 278:8. Textual variant Negib (Latin). The distance
varies between Greek and Latin. The 7 miles brings the location to Kh Beit Nesib due east
of Marisa off the main road. The 9 miles seems an error since it brings the location to
Tricomias. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nasib, title or station" (96). 733. Nebpsan.
Joshua 15:62; K. 136:23; L. 278:10. Simple tribal listing, In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Naabsan or Nabas, dried up (96). 734. Naaratha. Joshua 16:7; K. 136:24; L. 278:11.
Textual variants: Narath, Naarta and Naurath (Latin). The location fits 'Ain Duq better
than 'Aujah which may be Archalais and is too far away. Perhaps the synagogue a few miles
from Duq is Noorath. It is another of the all Jewish cities of the Onomasticon (cf. Note
on K. 22:9 and Appendix II). This site does not fit the Old Testament location
archaeologically.

735. Napheth. Joshua 17:11; K. 138:1; L. 278:13. Simple tribal listing. The word Napheth
(see K. 136:16) becomes a proper name. 736. Naalōl. Joshua 19:15; K. 138:2; L. 278:14.
Summary of biblical information (Joshua 21:35 and cf. K. 138:6). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Naalal, they praise" (96). 737. Nakeb. Joshua 19:33; K. 138:4; L. 278:16.
Textual variant Nekem (cf. Annekem) (Greek). Simple tribal listing. JUDGES 738. Neala.
Judges 1:30; K. 138:6; L. 278:18. The Greek is closer to the MT than the LXX. Perhaps
entry is the same as K. 138:2 but falsely equated with a Transjordan Neeila, perhaps at Kh
en Nile where the name is preserved. For Batandea see K. 144:11. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Nahellel, praise, hymns" (101). 739. Nobba (Nabe or Nobba). Judges 8:11; K.
138:8; L. 278:20. Textual variant Nomba (Greek). Summary of biblical information confusing
two sites (I Samuel 22:19). In Epistle 108:8 (PPT I, 4) Jerome notes the tomb of those
killed near Beit Nuba.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nobe, barking" (101). 740. Nemra. Joshua 13:27; K.
138:10; L. 278:22. This seems related to the earlier entries K. 44:16; K. 48:16 and
possibly K.138:20). The location is vague and no evidence that the Onomasticon made an
identification. The Batanaea usually does not include the valley. The large village maybe
in the northern region at Nimra. This item is out of order. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Namra, panther or bitterness" (183). 741. Naniōth. I Samuel 19:18; K. 138:13; L.
278:25. Summary of biblical information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nuath, beauty"
(104). 742. Nachōn. II Samuel 6:6; K. 138:14; L. 278:26. Hexaplaric information. At best a
personal name is indicated. 743. Naphath. I Kings 4:11; K. 138:15; L. 278:27. Simple
biblical notation. Confused again with "region" (cf. K. 136:15 and K. 138:1). 744.
Nērigel. II Kings 17:30; K. 138:16; L. 278:28. Simple biblical notation.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nergal, lamp of the many" (117). 745. Nazeb. II Kings
17:31; K. 138:18; L. 278:30. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Nabaaz, he prophesied thus or futile session" (117). 746. Nasarach. II Kings 19:37; K.
138:19; L. 278:31. Textual variant Nesareth (Latin). Another idol not original to the
Onomasticon (cf. K. 134:17; K. 146:26; K. 58:4; K. 36:15 and Appendix II). 747. Nebēreim
(Nemerim). Isaiah 15:6; K. 138:20; L. 278:32. Textual variants: Memerein, Nebērein
(Greek), Bennamerim (Latin) for contemporary site. Summary of biblical information
(Jeremiah 43:34.). The wadi or waters of Nimrin. Perhaps related to K. 138:1; K. 44:16;
and K. 48:16. Jerome in Commentary on Isaiah 15:6 locates it by the Dead Sea and calls it
there an "oppidum" (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I). Tell Nimrin is Bennamareim (see
Introduction). 748. Nabeōth. Isaiah 60:7; K. 138:22; L. 278:35. Simple biblical notation.
Perhaps out of limits of Holy Land. Region is an interpretation, perhaps from a marginal
gloss (K. 74:9).

THE GOSPELS 749. Nazareth. Matthew 2:23; K. 138:24; L. 278:37. The Vatican manuscript does
not have the "Gospel" division marker before this entry. Textual variant for Christians in
Latin is "Nazorei." In Historia Ecclesiastica I, 7, 14 Eusebius notes that after the fall
of Jerusalem the relatives of Jesus scattered throughout the countryside. It was a Jewish
town in the third century. In the 4th century a few shrines were built by Christians but
the Jews were dominant. A city Helenopolis was located in the general region, named after
Constantine's mother, but it is never referred to in the Onomasticon any more than the two
towns named after his sister Constantia. Origen didn't know of it. No church was built
here by Constantine. First reference to a church is 355 A. D. Paula visited it but no
church noted there either (PPT I, 15). It was near Cana (K. 116:4) and Caphernaum (K.
120:2) on the itinerary of Paula. It is adequately located at en Nasireh which was in the
region of Legeōn (K. 14:21).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Nazareth, flower or his slip or of cleanness or
separate or guardian." In Epistle 46 (Migne PE 22, 49) Jerome's etymology has "his
flower." 750. Naein (Naim). Luke 7:11; K. 140:3; L. 279:41. This name continues near
Aendōr (K. 34:8). Region is not indicated. The location next is repeated by Jerome in
Epistle 108:13 (PPT I, 14) Jerome in 141:4 calls it an "oppidum" (cp. K. 10:25 and
Appendix I). In Epistle 46 (Migne PL22:49) it can be seen from Thabōr. The distance in
Greek 12 miles is erroneous if present Nein is involved. The Latin has 2 miles from Thabōr
points to Nein. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Naa, beauty" (111).

SECTION X

JUDGES 751. Xil. Joshua 15:30; K. 140:8; L. 279:46. Vulgate has Cesil. Simple tribal
listing (cf. K. 172:18).

SECTION O

GENESIS 752. Orech. Genesis 10:10; K. 140:11; L. 279:49. Outside limits of the Holy Land
and therefore suspect. Arach is identified in Hebrew Questions as Edessa (13). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Orech, length" (70). 753. Our of the Chaldees. Genesis
11:28; K. 140:12; L. 279:50. Also outside the limits of the Holy Land and therefore
suspect. Josephus in Antiquities I, vi, 5 notes the sepulchre is still in Ur of the
Chaldees. In Hebrew Questions Jerome notes "region of Chaldaea really is 'in Ur Casdim' in
Hebrew and means fire of Chaldaea" (15). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ur, fire or
light" (77). 754. Oulammaous. Genesis 28:19; K. 140:15; L. 279:53. Textual variant Ulamma
for the other site in Latin text. For the Baithēl-Louza equation see K. 40:20. For the
other east of Nazareth there is 'Ulam which has Byzantine remains. The distance is
incorrect and short. In Hebrew Questions Jerome notes "Ulam is not a name of a city, but
means 'former'" (34).

755. Olibama. Genesis 36:14; K. 140:19; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is
missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Olibama, my tabernacle somewhere, or high tabernacle" (70). 756. Odollam.
Genesis 38:11; K. 140:20; L. 279:57. Cf. K. 84:22; K. 24:21 and Micah 1:25. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Odollamites, contesting somewhat or witness in water"
(70). EXODUS 757. Othom (Othon). Exodus 13:20; K. 140:23; L. 279:60. Summary of biblical
information on station. JOSUE 758. Opher. Joshua 12:17; K. 140:26; L. 279:63. Simple
biblical notation. Could be Joshua 19:12 and so cf. K. 108:29, Epha. 759. Oolei. Joshua
19:25; K. 142:1; L. 279:65. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Oli,
weakness" (90). 760. Ophra. I Samuel 13:17; K. 142:2; L. 279:66. Simple biblical notation
(cf. K. 29:4 and K. 86:1). [Here we read through O the short letter, later we record the
long vowel.]

761. Ous. Job 1:1; K. 142:3; L. 279:67. Before this entry the Latin notes the end of the
short O but this entry still follows, possibly an editor's edition. Summary of biblical
information (Genesis 36: 28). Other references to Job are in K. 76:10 and K. 112:3.

SECTION P

THE PENTATEUCH 762. Petra. Judges 1:36; K. 142:7; L. 279:71. No letter division in the
Vatican Greek manuscript here. Procopius 1048B has Petra in Idumala (K. 102:23). On Tabula
Peutinger it is 48 miles south of Theman (K. 96:18). It is an important referent for the
Onomasticon and all the Roman road systems. It is also called Rekem (K. 144:7 and K.
36:13). Mt. Nor (K. 176:7) is nearby. The Nabatean influence lasted into the Roman period
of the Onomasticon. Petra was one of the Nabatean cities given autonomy about 106 A.D.
with the establishment of the Roman Province of Arabia. It was a great city in the 3rd and
4th centuries. The Christians of Petra were persecuted by Diocletian.

SECTION R

1 THE PENTATEUCH 763. Roōbōth. Genesis 10:11; K. 142:11; L. 280:75. Outside the limits of
Holy Land proper as so often the first entry in a new alphabetic section. In Hebrew
Questions (13) Jerome believes this is the same as Nineve (K. 136:1) 764. Roōbōth. Genesis
36:37; K. 142:13; L. 280:77. Textual variant Assyrian for Idoumaien (Greek). This is
probably the Rabath where the Notitia Dignitatum (73:27) locates a garrison. Jerome sees a
large town but the Greek apparently only a garrison. Some scholars relate this to
Areopolis and Rabbath Moab (K. 10:17). The Onomasticon is too vague to ascertain a
location. Some suggest Kh Musrab. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rooboth, bending or
streets" (70). 765. Ramesse. Exodus 1:11; K. 142:15; L. 280:79. Outside the Holy Land
proper (cf. Gen 47:11). 766. Roōb. Numbers 13:21; K. 142:18; L. 280:82. Summary of
biblical event, location and added item Levitical city (K. 144:22 and Joshua 21:31. This
is not an accurate identification. Two sites seem confused. Contemporary site is located
four miles south of Scythopolis (K.16:2) may be at Tell es aa'ram or Sheik er rahab which
has Roman-Byzantine sherds.

2 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Roob, streets or wide" (83). 767. Raphaka. Numbers
33:12; K. 142:21; L. 280:85. Station listing. The Greek confused Hebrew D with R. 768.
Raphidim. Numbers 33:14; K. 142:22; L. 280:86. Summary of biblical information (Exodus
17:6f., 13). The Madaba Map has a "Raphidinn where Israel and Amalak fought." It is near
Mt.Sinai (K. 154:1) or Paran (K. 166:12). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rafidim, wide
hands or good judgment or eye sight or his suffering" (77). 769. Ratima. Numbers 33:18; K.
144:1; L. 280:90. Simple listing of station. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rathma,
complete vision or juniper or sound." (83). 770. Remmen Prares. Numbers 33:19; K. 144:2;
L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Simple listing of station. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Remmonfares, very bad division or high division" (83). 771. Ressa. Numbers 33:21; K.
144:3; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Simple listing of station.

3 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Recsa, bridle" (83). 772. Ramōth. Deuteronomy 4:43;
K. 144:4; L. 280:91. Summary of biblical information (Joshua 13:26 and 21:37). The Latin
has east for the Greek west. The Syriac agrees with the Greek in this entry while usually
it follows the Latin text. The ruin of biblical site, Tell er Rumeith could fit the
Onomasticon, especially if this is the same as (K. 146:4) where it is located near Iabbok
(K. 102:19). There is little Roman evidence. Better Roman site at Kh jal'ad. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ramoth, high sign or he say death or height" (87). 773.
Rekem. Numbers 31:8; K. 144:7; L. 280:94. Identity and summary of biblical information
(Joshua 13:21; Numbers 31:8; cf. K. 142:7 and K.36:13, for Petra, named Rekim by
Josephus). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Recem, variety or painting" (83). JOSUE 774.
Remmōn. Joshua 15:32; K. 144:11; L. 280:98.

4 The Madaba map follows Eusebius and has a Remmōn northeast of Jerusalem. This is an
error for the Old Testament border town (Joshua 19:7). The name for the Onomasticon's site
continues today at Rammun 3 1/2 miles east of Bethel (K. 40:20) which is 12 miles south of
et-taiyibeh. This fits the 15 miles of the Onomasticon and may be the biblical Rimmon of
Benjamin. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Remmon, heights" (97). 775. Rōgēl. Joshua
18:16; K. 144:13; L. 280:00. A spring and so not a proper entry for the Onomasticon. Near
Zōeleth according to K. 94:6. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rogal, foot or bearing
down" (97). 776. Rama. Joshua 18:25; K. 144:14; L. 280:01. In Commentary on Hosea 5:8
Jerome reconfirms this location. Not a city of Saul (cf. Isaiah 10:24). On the Madaba map
Rama is a bit farther north because of crowding. It is near Gabaon (K. 66:11) and Michmas
(K. 132:3) and probably the name continues in er-Ram. The "opposite" Baithel is from the
biblical text and doesn't contradict the Jerusalem location (cf. Jeremiah 31:15).

5 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rama, high" (97). 777. Rekēm. Joshua 18:27; K.
144:16; L. 280:03. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Recem,
variety or of death" (97). 778. Remmōn. Joshua 19:13; K. 144:17; L. 280:04. Biblical
information and tribal listing. Probably related to K. 144:11. 779. Rabbōth. Joshua 19:20;
K. 144:19; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Textual variants: Raboth and Rabooth (Latin).
This entry is missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript. No identity is made here. Robbo or
Rebbo is only vaguely located in the region of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12). About 7 miles
northeast is Kh Ribba, not on a Roman road, which retains the name. Perhaps same as K.
26:17. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rabboth, many" (97). 780. Rethōm. Joshua 19:21;
K. 144:21; L. 280:06. The first part of this entry is missing from the Greek Vatican
manuscript. Simple tribal listing. 781. Roōb. Joshua 19:28; K. 144:22; L. 280:07.

6 The last part of this entry is missing from the Greek Vatican manuscript. Summary of
biblical information (Joshua 21:131, possibly Tell Birah). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Roob, widely" (97). 782. Rama. Joshua 19:29; K. 144:23; L. 280:08. First part of
the entry is missing from the Greek Vatican manuscript. Summary of biblical information.
783. Rama. Joshua 19:36; K. 144:25; L. 280:09. Simple tribal listing. Jerome notes that K.
144:14, 23 and 25 are all similar and explains them on the differences in the Hebrew
alphabet. [Some of the names of the villages are assigned to different tribes because with
us we see only one name to pronounce, when among the Hebrews they are written with various
letters.] 784. Rekkath. Joshua 19:35; K. 144:26; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry
is missing from the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Raccath, jaw bones or cheeks" (97).

7 785. Rouma (Arima also). Judges 9:41; K. 144:27; L. 281:10. Textual variant for
contemporary site Remfthis (Latin). The identity of this Rouma is given as present day
Rentia and equated with Arimathaia (cf. K. 32:21) by Eusebius and Jerome but the Old
Testament Arumah (K. 32:11) is probably Kh el-'Urmeh. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Ruma, high" (117). KINGS 786. Remmōth. I Samuel 30:26f.; K. 146:2; L. 281:14. Simple
biblical notation on "spoils." 787. Rachel. I Samuel 30:26, 29; K. 146:3; L. 281:15.
Simple biblical notation on "spoils." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rachal,
negotiation but Rachel, truly means sheep or God seeing" (104). 788. Remmōth Galaad. I
Kings 4:13; K. 146:4; L. 281:16. Textual variants: Remmōd (Greek) and Iakōb (Greek and
Latin) for wadi name (cf. K. 144:4). This may be Tell er Rumeith. A gloss. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ramoth, vision of death" (112). 789. Rabbath. II Samuel
12:26; K. 146:6; L. 281:18.

8 Textual variant Rabba (Greek). This identity of Rabbath Amman with Philadelphia is made
by Jerome in Commentary on Ezekiel21:18 (cf. Jeremiah 49:2; cp. K. 12:1 and K. 16:15
above). 790. Raōs (Roos). II Samuel 15:32; K. 146:8; L. 281:20. Simple biblical notation
plus Hexaplaric information. Not a proper name. 791. Rogellein. II Samuel 17:27; K. 146:9;
L. 281:21. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ragalim, feet"
(108). 792. Raphaein (Raphaeim). II Samuel 23:13; K. 146:11; L. 281:22. Latin
transliterates "foreigners" rather than translate or identify them. Biblical information
and geography. 793. Remman. I Kings 15:17; K. 146:13; L. 281:24. Textual variant Remmam
(Latin). Biblical information and geography. Not clear if Syria is the Roman province or
not (cf. K. 146:19). 794. Reth. I Kings 15:20; K. 146:15; L. 281:25. Simple biblical
notation. This text is corrupt in the LXX (cf. K. 34:28). 795. Rathem. I Kings 19:4; K.
146:16; L. 281:26.

9 Textual variant Remth (Greek). Hexaplaric information. This and the next entry are late
additions. 796. Remmōn. Isaiah 15:9; K. 146:17; L. 281:27. Simple biblical notation. MT
has Hebrew D which is confused in the Greek here with the Hebrew R (see above). 797.
Raseph. Isaiah 37:12; K. 146:19; L. 281:28. Simple biblical notation (cp. K. 146:13 and K.
146:20). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "'Rasef, pavement" (121). 798. Rapheth. Isaiah
37:12; K. 146:20; L. 281:29. Textual variant Rapheph (Greek). Possibly the same as above
K. 146:19. Syria and Assyria are occasionally equated. 799. Rebla. II Kings 23:33; K.
146:22; L. 281:31. Textual variant Rebas (Greek). Summary of biblical information (cf. K.
146:27). This may be out of order or else all the prophetic entries are later addition.
For Aimath see K. 22:23. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Rablai, this many or many"
(117). 800. Remma. Amos 4:3; K. 146:14; L. 281:33.

10 Textual variants Remona (Greek) and Emous (Latin). A mountain and not properly original
to Onomasticon's list. It is also out of order if the other King's entries are correct.
Hexaplaric information indicating another error in Greek transcription. "In Daroma" is
perhaps same as Eremmo in K. 88:17 at Umm er ramamin. Idols of Damascus refer to II Kings
5:18, "house of Rimmon" (Appendix II). 801. Reblatha. II Kings 25:6; K. 146:27; L. 281:36.
Outside of the Holy Land limits of the Onomasticon. Latin adds a contemporary
identification. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Roblath, many of you or multitude"
(117). 802. Ramade (Ramale). Zechariah 14:10; K. 146:28; L. 281:37. Textual variant Rabede
(Greek). Hexaplaric information plus an irrelevant remark on Jeremiah 31:15 and Matthew
2:18. The Madaba map quotes the Greek text "Rama a voice heard in Rama." It is located
just west of Bethleheem (K. 42:10) about at the present Rachel's tomb tradition (PPT I, 26
Itin. Bourd. The confusion is all Christian (cf. K. 82:10 and K. 172:5).

11 803. Rinokoroura. Isaiah 27:12; K. 148:3; L. 281:40. The border or river of Egypt in
MT. One of the few additions from LXX noted in Onomasticon by Jerome as such. Procopius
1025B has "Wadi of Aigyptos is said to be the Romokorouros. Together in the Madaba map are
the borders of Aegyptos and Palaistinē, Rinokoroura." Jerome locates Ostracine in the same
area (K. 39:9). In Tabula Peutinger Ostraciana is 24 miles and Rinocura 34 miles from
Rafia (K. 50:19). The Madaba map has followed Josephus Wars IV, ii, 5 here. Probably el
'arish today. For other sites in Egypt see note on K. 58:7.

SECTION S

[What we have said in the book on Interpretation of Hebrew Names, even now in the heading
of the letter S we see that among the Hebrews there are three S's: Samech, Sade and Sin.
Yet these are pronounced as one sound among the Greek and Latin which in the Hebrew
language are differentiated. So it is that each name appears to us to sound differently,
and further each has another letter. Not only from one but from three letters places and
cities and villages are described.] 804. K. 148.4 The Latin again inserts remarks about
the difference in the alphabets. The three S's in Hebrew are all under one section in
Greek and Latin. GENESIS 805. Sidōn. Genesis 10:15; K. 148:6; L. 281:43. Summary of
biblical information Judges 1:31. This city is not located but occasionally is used as a
referent. Jerome here translated "foreigners" of the Greek text into "enemy."

806. Sennaar. Genesis 11:2f.; K. 148:11; L. This entry is out of the Holy Land proper
(Genesis 10:11). It includes a quotation from Josephus Antiquities I, 4, 3 after a simple
biblical summary. Procopius 312B has the same information but calls it a "city" as well as
a "plain." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sennaar, knocking out teeth, or their stink"
(71). 807. Suchem (Sikima) (Salēm). Genesis 12:6; K. 150:1; L. 282:55. This is a much
worked over entry. A simple biblical summary (Genesis 33:18) and traditional location is
followed by additions from scripture including an additional town (Judges 9:45; I Kings
12:25; I Chronicles 7:28; Genesis 33:19 and Joshua 20:7). Procopius 320A practically
quotes the original two items: "Suchem and Sikima and Sēlon in the suburbs of Neapolis."
Madaba map also follows Eusebius and separates "Suchem and Sikima and Salēm" from
"Neapolis." Sychar (K. 164:1) seems to be to the left and Jacob's well to the right on the
map. An entry on Salēm is incomplete in the Greek text at K. 152:4. The church at Jacob's
well is seen on the Madaba map and affirmed by Jerome (K. 165:3). That entry does not say,
however, that the well is at Sychar but around Neapolis. Paula "passed through Sichem, not
as most travellers spell it, Sichar, which now is named Neapolis and entered the church
built upon the side of Mt. Gerizim round about Jacob's well" (Epistle 108: 13 and PPT I,
13).

In the time of Eusebius and Jerome the traditional site of Shechem was "a deserted place."
It seems correct to point this to the well-excavated site of Tell Balata in the pass
between Ebal and Garizim east-southeast of Nablus. The pilgrims followed Eusebius and
locate the tomb of Joseph in Shechem (not in Neapolis) and about a mile from it they
locate Sechar (Itin. Bourd. and PPT I, 18). The oak of Sikimon and the tomb of Joseph are
located in the suburbs of Neapolis in K. 54:23 also. Not until much later does the
Christian tradition identify Neapolis with Shechem. The terebinth of Sikimon (K. 164:11)
is located near Neapolis. In Genesis 33:18 Shalem is not identified with Shechem itself
but is "a city of Shechem." Eusebius seems to make this identification. The present
village of Salim has many Roman-Byzantine remains with some earlier artifacts as well. A
late 4th century church has been discovered near the well of Jacob.

For the other Suchem see the confusion in K. 158:1 below. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Sichem, of the shoulder or labor" (71). 808. Sennaar. Genesis 14:1; K. 150:8; L.
282:63. Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 148:11). 809. Sodoma. Genesis 14:2; K. 150:10; L.
282:65. The chief city of the Pentopolis with only biblical location. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Sodoma, silent beast or blindness or their likeness" 71). 810. Sebōeim.
Genesis 14:2; K. 150:12; L. 282:67. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Seboim, of the roes or of damages or his place on the sea or place of the sea"
(71). 811. Sōpheira. Genesis 10:30; K. 150:14; L. 282:69. This entry is outside the proper
limits of the Holy Land and out of order. Josephus Antiquities I, 6, 4 plus summary of the
biblical information (I Kings 10:11 and cf. K. 160:20 below). This same quotation from
Josephus appears in K. 82:2 and K. 176:14. Josephus' Antiquities VII, 6, 4 had, "These
(ships) Solomon ordered to sail along with his own stewards to the land anciently called
Sopheir but not the land of gold; it belongs to India."

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sefar, story or book" (71). 812. Soora. Genesis 14:2;
K. 150:19; L. 282:74. Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 42:4; K. 94:2 and K. 152:8. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names we find "Segor, which is called Zoara in the Syrian
language" (17). This is repeated in Procopius 373B. 813. Sauē. Genesis 14:5; K. 150:21; L.
282:76. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sau or Saube, worthy
or high" (72). 814. Sēeir. Genesis 14:6; K. 150:23; L. 282:78. Procopius 332C quotes the
entry entirely which in part depends on Josephus' Antiquities 1, 20, 3. Jerome in
Commentary on Obadiah 1 repeats the etymology and the location. This is a summary of
biblical information (Genesis 32:1, 14:6, 25:25, 27:11 and Isaiah 21:11) and no specific
location. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Seir, covered with hair or hairy" (72). 815.
Salēm. Genesis 14:18; K. 152:4; L. 282:84.

The beginning of this entry is only a revision of K. 150:1. The use of Salēm as identical
to Shechem seems to be the result of the LXX text for Joshua 24:1, 25. There the LXX has
Sēlō. Procopius 333A has the Greek of Eusebius word for word and then continues following
Jerome. Another village west of Ailia is unidentifiable, perhaps Kh Selma preserves the
name, but perhaps represents the Josephus' tradition that Jebus, Salem and Jerousalem are
all one place. In Hebrew Questions Jerome says "Salem is the name of the king of Jerusalem
which was formerly called Salem" (19). Salumias is located 8 miles south (direction not
given in the text) of Scythopolis (K. 16:2) at Umm el 'umdan or on the Jordan at Tell
Rijba where there is a Sheik Salim nearby. This could be the tradition of Salem-Aenon (K.
40:1). In Jerome's Epistle 73:7 he attaches the tradition of Melchizedek to this site
called an "oppidum" (see Appendix I), where the ruins were shown (Migne PL 22, 680). The
archaeological remains are not decisive.

The Salim which belongs to Shechem is perhaps in the plain about 4 miles east of Shechem
at present Salim. But Eusebius does not make a distinction here (cp. Judith 4:4). This is
probably because LXX and Syriac identify Salem and Shechem as above in K. 150:1 and the
first part of this entry. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Salem, peace or returning"
(72). 816. Sour. Genesis 16:7; K. 152:6; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. The Greek text is
lost. The Greek of Procopius 352D says, "The desert of Sour extends opposite Egypt where
the Hebrews came when about to cross the Red Sea, as Exodus says." In Hebrew Questions
(20) Jerome notes the Way of Sur "leads through the desert to Egypt." For Kades see K.
112:7, 8. Jerome seems to be correcting Eusebius on the basis of scripture. 817. Sēgōr.
Genesis 19:22; K. 152:8; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text.

The first part of the Greek is lost (Isaiah 15:5). No real place is pointed here. In
Hebrew Questions (23) Jerome writes, "Segor which is frequently earth and more frequently
destroyed, was first called Bale and later Salissa" (cf. K. 150:19; K. 42:4 and K. 94:2).
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Segor, poor. It is the same as Seor above" (72). 818.
Skēnai (Scenae). Genesis 33:17; K. 152:13; L. 283:87. Simple biblical notation. EXODUS
819. Sokchōth. Exodus 12:37; K. 152:16; L. 283:90. Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Socchoth, tabernacle" (77). 820. Sin. Exodus 16:1; K.
152:18; L. 283:93. Summary of biblical information (Exodus 17:1, 19:1 and Numbers 33:36).
LXX and MT texts disagree as noted in the Onomasticon. Probably this extends from Red Sea
to Sinai. On the Madaba map the desert of Sin is also: "the place of Manna and quails."
NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 821. Selmona. Numbers 33:41; K. 154:5; L. 283:00.

Last part of this entry is missing in Greek Vatican manuscript. A Simple listing of
station. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Salmona, shade of the part or he reckoned the
shade or his image" (85). 822. Saphar. Numbers 33:23; K. 154:7; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek
Text. First part of this entry is missing in Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple listing of
station. 823. Sattein (Sattim). Numbers 25:1; K. 154:9; L. 283:01. Summary of biblical
information and geography (Numbers 25:3 and Joshua 2:1) On Phogōr see K. 18:1 and K.
168:25. This and the next entry seem to be late editorial additions. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Settim, thorns" (84). 824. Sabama. Numbers 32:3, 38; K. 154:12; L. 283:04.
Textual variant Saba (Greek). Summary of biblical information (Joshua 13:19 and Isaiah
16:8. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sabama, turning around of someone, or lift on him
or lifted high" (85). 825. Selcha. Deuteronomy 3:10; K. 154:15; L. 283:07.

Simple biblical notation. 826. Senna. Numbers 34:4; K. 154:16; L. 283:08. A border listing
(Joshua 15:3). The mileage in the two texts is different. This could be the result of the
older Jewish text locating from Roman Jericho (K. 104:25) and Jerome's from er-riha. The
Magdalsenna is hardly in Ioudaia with this location. On the Madaba map east of Archelais
is a small unlabeled town which could be Magdalsenna but cannot be the Zin of Numbers (cf.
K. 84:14) but could be identified with Sennaah of Ezra. This is possibly located now at Kh
el Beiyudat. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Senna, wished or his teeth" (85). 827.
Sephama. Numbers 34:10; K. 154:18; L. 283:10. Textual variant Sephema (Greek). Simple
biblical listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Safan, life or hair on the upper lip
which the Greeks call a moustache" (85). 828. Sadada. Numbers 34:8; K. 154:19; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text.

Not in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "from his tile" (85). JOSUE 829. Somerōn. Joshua 12:20; K. 154:21; L. 283:12. A
biblical note and identification followed by additional biblical information probably
added by a later hand (I Kings 16:24). Onomasticon recognizes a region of Sebastē called
polichnē (cf. K. 22:11; Appendix II), Samaria was called Sebastē in honor of Augustus
(Epistle 108:13, Migne PL 22, 889; PPT I, 13 and cf. K. 162:13). Herod had much to do with
its redevelopment. Jerome notes the graves of Obadiah, Elisha, and St. John the Baptist
are traditionally located here (Epistle 46; Migne PL 22, 491 and Commentary on Obadia
Migne PL 25, 1099 etc.). In this entry only the Latin text notes the relics of John. Also
called an "oppidum" (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix I). A bishop was present from here at the
Council of Nicea.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Semronmaron, custodian of the bitter walls" (97). 830.
Sēeira. Joshua 11:17; K. 156:1; L. 283:17. Simple biblical notation. 831. Selcha. Joshua
13:11; K. 156:2; L. 283:18. Simple biblical notation. 832. Siōr. Joshua 15:54; K. 154:21;
L. 283:19. Two sites are involved in this entry. Sior is from the Onomasticon perhaps
located at Siler north-northeast of Chebrōn (K. 6:8) on the border of Eleutheropolis and
Aelia regions. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sior, very small or disturbed" (97).
833. Saorth. Joshua 13:19; K. 156:5; L. 283:21. Textual variants: Saor (Greek) and Saorh
(Latin). Simple tribal listing and biblical location. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Sarth, chains or his narrowness" (97). 834. Sachoth. Joshua 13:27; K. 156:6; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text. This entry is not in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple tribal
listing and biblical location. 835. Saphōn. Joshua 13:27; K. 156:7; L. 283:22. Simple
tribal listing and biblical location.

836. Sachōron. Joshua 15:11; K. 156:8; L. 284:23. Textual variant Sachorona (Latin).
Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sechrona, intoxicated or
tabernacle" (97). 837. Sama (Samen). Joshua 15:26; K. 156:9; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text.
This entry is not in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple tribal listing. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Seme, hearing" (97). 838. Soual. Joshua 15:28; K. 156:10;
L. 284:24. Double tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sualim, foxes" (97).
839. Sikelag (Secelec). Joshua 15:31; K. 156:11; L. 284:25. Textual variant Sicelec
(Latin). Summary of biblical information (I Samuel 27:6; Joshua 19:5 and cp. Thalcha
98:26). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sicileq, clearing a tight voice or pouring
forth the sixth part" (97). 840. Sansana. Joshua 15:31; K. 156:31; L. 284:27. Simple
tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Senesanna, bearing a bramble or
holding" (97). 841. Saleei. Joshua 15:32; K. 156:14; L. 284:28.

Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Saloim, comings forth or
emissions" (97). 842. Saraa. Joshua 15:33; K. 156:15; L. 284:29. Textual variant Sarda
(Greek). Tribal listing of Joshua 19:41 (cf. K. 160:4). Esthaol (K. 88:2) is also 10 miles
north of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12). The distance is somewhat short for both Eathaol and
Saraa unless it marks turn off from the main road to lesser road. They are near each other
about 14-15 miles north. Today at sar'a southeast of Nicopolis (K. 30:27). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Saraa, hornets or shortness of evil" (97). 843. Sokchō.
Joshua 15:35; K. 156:18; L. 284:32. Twin villages. The Madaba Map has only one Sōchō on
the edge of the valley. They are a few miles west-southwest of Bait Nettif at Kh Abbad and
Kh Shuweikeh. The sound of the name may survive in the second, where there are late
remains.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Socha, little tabernacle or shady arbor" (97). 844.
Saraein. Joshua 15:36; K. 156:21; L. 284:35. Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Saarim, doors" (97). 845. Sennaan (Senam). Joshua 15:37; K. 156:22; L.
284:36. Textual variant Senna (Latin). Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Sanam, abundant or their departure" (97). 846. Sapheir. Joshua 15:48; K. 156:23; L.
284:37. This is not located along any main road and does not seem to be the Sapharea of
the Madaba map. It is best located at Sawafir 10 miles northeast of Ascalōn (K. 22:15) on
the road to Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12). Perhaps on the border. 847. Sokchō. Joshua 15:48;
K. 156:25; L. 284:39. Textual variant Socho (Latin). Cf. II Kings 17:30 and cp. K. 156:18
above. 848. Skacha. Joshua 15:61; K. 156:27; L. 284:41. Textual variants: Sakcho (Greek)
and Scaca and Scatha (Latin). Simple tribal listing.

849. Selo. Joshua 16:6; K. 156:28; L. 284:42. Two biblical items (Genesis 38:5) separated
by a location. The distance varies by two miles between Latin and Greek. In the Madaba map
"Silo where the ark was" following Eusebius. The present Kh Seilun is over 12 miles from
Neapolis (K. 4:28). But turn off from the main road is at 12 milestone. Paula saw a
destroyed altar there (Epistle 108:13, PPT I, 13). Perhaps the 10 miles of Jerome locates
Akkrabein. 850. Suchem (Sechem). Joshua 17:7; K. 158:1; L. 284:46. Manssseh and Ephraim
both hold biblical Shechem. K. 150:7 seems to distinguish Joshua 20:7, Joshua 21:21 from
the area around Neapolis. Yet this entry has been corrected and the same site is the
Ephraim city of refuge and the Manasseh city with the tomb of Joseph. No location is given
here other than reference back to K. 150:1 which is probably a marginal gloss.

851. Sama. Joshua 18:17; K. 158:4; L. 284:49. Textual variant "spring of Sam" (Greek).
Biblical and Hexaplaric information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sames, sun" (97).
852. Semreim. Joshua 18:22; K. 158:5; L. 284:50. Textual variants: Sereim (Greek) and
Semeri (Latin). Simple tribal listing. 853. Sela. Joshua 18:28; K. 158:6; L. 284:51.
Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sela, bear from, to bear, not
from breadth" (97). 854. Sabe (Sabēe). Joshua 19:2; K. 158:7; L. 284:52. Simple tribal
listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sabe, seven or seven times" (97). 855. Sarith
(Sarid). Joshua 19:10; K. 158:8; L. 284:53. Textual variant Sarith (Latin). Simple tribal
border. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sarith, remains" (97). 856. Sams. Joshua 19:12;
K. 158:9; L. 284:54. Textual variants: Sam (Greek) and Samis, Samus (Latin). Hexaplaric
information. 857. Semerōn. Joshua 19:15; K. 158:10; L. 284:55. Simple tribal listing. 858.
Sounēm (Sunem). Joshua 19:18; K. 158:11; L. 284:56.

Textual variant Soubēn (Greek). Perhaps the tradition confuses this with the Shulamite of
Canticles. It is at Sulem about 3 miles south of Naim (K. 140:3) and correctly located 5
miles from Thabor. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sonim, scarlet colored" (97). 859.
Sion (Seon or Soen). Joshua 19:19; K. 158:13; L. 284:58. Vague location may point to 'ajun
esh sha'en, but it could be the same as the previous location. Jerome alone gives an
alternate. A' has Seian. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Seon, his seeds" (97). 860.
Sasima. Joshua 19:22; K. 158:15; L. 284:60. Simple border listing. In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Sassim, going out he stayed" (97). 861. Sior. Joshua 19:26; K. 158:16; L.
284:61. Simple tribal listing. 862. Sennanein. Joshua 19:33; K. 158:17; L. 284:62. Textual
variant Sennanim (Latin). Biblical notation and tribal listing. A corrupt LXX test wherein
two Hebrew names in the MT become coalesced into one.

863. Sorek (Sorec). Joshua 19:41; K. 158:18; L. 285:63. Summary of biblical information
and geography (Judges 13:25 and cf. K. 88:12). This form is from the MT not from the LXX
(cf. K. 160:2). 864. Sames. Joshua 19:41; K. 158:20; L. 285:65. Textual variant Samer
(Greek). Cf. K. 54:11 and K. 32:26. 865. Salabein (Salabeim). Joshua 19:41; K. 158:21; L.
285:66. Salaba is only vaguely located, perhaps Onomasticon points to site (not the Old
Testament site) at Kh Selhab north of Tubas (cf. K. 100:11). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Salabin, growing intelligence" (91). 866. Sepheth. Judges 1:17; K. 158:23; L.
285:68. Textual variants: Sephet, Seth and Sapeth (Latin). Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Safeth, watchtower" (101). JUDGES 867. Seirōtha. Judges
3:26; K. 158:25; L. 285:70. Textual variants: Ahod, Aioth and Ahud (Latin). Simple
biblical notation (cf. K. 156:1 related to Mt.Se'ir) In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Sairath, she goat" (101).

868. Sour Oreb. Judges 7:25; K. 158:27; L. 285:72. Textual variant. A' is lacking in
Vatican Greek manuscript. Hexaplaric information. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Suroreb, rock of the raven" (101). 869. Selmon. Judges 9:48; K. 158:28; L. 285:73. Simple
biblical notation. This is not Shechem but Sikima near Haifa (K. 108: 30). It is probably
located at Tell es Samak. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Salmana, preventing shade or
shade of movements" (101) and "Salma, feeling or perfect or peace making" (101). 870.
Sephina. Judges 12:1; K. 160:1; L. 285:75. Hexaplaric information. 871. Sōrēch. Judges
16:4; K. 160:2; L. 285:76. Identified with Cafarsorech northwest of Saraa (K. 56:15)
possibly Eusebius points to Kh Surik (not the Old Testament site) Judges 13:2, 25. It is
not on a Roman road. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sorec, best choice" (101). KINGS
872. Sōpheim. I Samuel 1:1; K. 160:6; L. 285:80. Textual variants: Armathe and Armathaim
(Latin).

Simple biblical location. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sofim, watchtower or crag."
(105). 873. Salisa. I Samuel 9:4; K. 160:7; L. 285:81. Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Salisa, third" (105). 874. Senna. I Samuel 14:4; K. 160:8;
L. 285:82. Textual variant Sanna (Latin). This entry and part of the next are missing in
the Greek Vatican manuscript. As a rock it does not belong to the place names. It is also
out of proper order and doubly suspect (cf. K. 94:5). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Sena, borne or narrowness or good" (105). 875. Saaleim. I Samuel 9:4; K. 160:11; L. n/a;
Lacuna in Greek Text. The first part of this entry and the previous one are missing in the
Greek Vatican manuscript (cp. K. 156:14). Probably Kh Shaikha 7 miles due west of
Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12). Some scholars see it on the road at Araq el Manshiya but
Eusebius' location seems to be off the road (cf. K. 68:4).

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Salim, foxes but better written Sualim" (105). 876.
Seiph (Sthif). I Samuel 9:5; K. 160:11; L. 285:84. Textual variant Seim (Greek). Simple
biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Suf, watchtower or pouring forth"
(105). 877. Sabeim. I Samuel 13:18; K. 160:12; L. 285:85. Simple biblical notation. 878.
Sōnam. I Samuel 28:4; K. 160:13; L. 285:86. Cf. K. 158:11 and K. 158:13. Perhaps also
Salim east of Nablus is intended, in the Akrabattinē (I Kings 1:3 and Song of Solomon
6:12). It could be sanur north of Samaria as well. Neither site is the Old Testament
location. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sonaim, scarlet colored or his standing."
879. Saphamōth. I Samuel 30:28; K. 160:15; L. 285:89. Textual variant Sophamoth (Latin).
Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Safathmoth, lip of death."
(105). 880. Seeira. II Samuel 3:26; K. 160:16; L. 285:90. Simple biblical notation.

881. Souba. II Samuel 8:3; K. 160:17; L. 285:91. Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Soba, divided from cutting, not from following" (105).
882. Sarthan. I Kings 4:12; K. 160:18; L. 285:92. Simple biblical notation. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sarthan, their tribulation or demolition or limitation "
(112). 883. Sōpheira (Soupheir). I Kings 9:28 and I Kings 10:11; K. 160:19; L. 285:93.
Textual variant Sophira (Latin). This variant name is a LXX error. Out of the Holy Land
proper (cf. K. 150:14 and K. 176:13). 884. Serōra. I Kings 11:26; K. 160:21; L. 285:95.
Textual variant Serora (Latin). Simple biblical notation. 885. Saba. I Kings 10:1; K.
160:22; L. 285:96. This entry is out of the Limits of the Holy Land and out of order as
well, so is quite suspect. In Josephus Antiquities II, 10, 2 we have "Saba, the capital of
the Ethiopian realm which Cambyses later called Meroe after the name of his sister."

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Saba, captured" (112). 886. Sela. II Kings 12:21; K.
160:25; L. 285:99. Simple biblical notation. LXX has Gaalad or Gaalla for the MT "to
Silla." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sela, always" (117). 887. Sephpharouem
(Saffaruaim). II Kings 17:24; K. 160:26; L. 285:00. Simple biblical notation (Isaiah
36:19). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Safaruahim, books or letters" (118). 888.
Sademoth. II Kings 23:4; K. 160:28; L. 286:03. Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Sademoth, ploughed land or region" (118). 889. Sarepta. I Kings 17:9; K.
162:1; L. 286:04. This item is perhaps out of order. This is the only site between Tyre
(K. 162:15) and Sidon (K. 148:6) mentioned in the Onomasticon. Jerome adds it is on the
main highway. Tabula Peutinger locates it 9 miles from Sidon and 12 from Tyre. The
Pilgrims note it is on the coast also 9 miles from Sidon (Paula PPT I, 4 and Itin.
Bourd.18:22). It is the present Sarafand (MT, cf. Luke 4:26 not noted in our text). In
Latin "oppidulum" used only here, the diminutive is "oppidum" (cf. K. 10:25 and Appendix
I).

890. Sarōn. Isaiah 33:9; K. 162:3; L. 286:06. Part of this entry is missing in the Vatican
manuscript. Ioppa is an "oppidum" in Jerome here (cf. K. 111:25; cp. K. 10:25 and Appendix
I). In Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah 33:7 and elsewhere he describes the plain of Sharon
as near Ioppa and Lidda. This may describe the limits of the plain. The added notation is
more precise for biblical Sharon. The first Saronas is connected with Aphek and Endor (K.
34:11) of the Esdraelon plain, northeast of Tabor toward the Sea of Galilee, perhaps named
after a town Saruna but not the biblical site. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Saron,
first wall or gloomy singing" (122). 891. Sephela. Isaiah 32:19; K. 162:7; L. 286:09.
"Another" as the above plain. In Jerome's Commentary on Obadiah 19 he describes this area
of Diospolis (K. 8:14) to Nicopolis (K. 30:27) but notes, as in Onomasticon that others
see it as near Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12). The Onomasticon locates it between
Eleutheropolis and Ioppa (K. 110:24 and cp. I Maccabees 12:38).

892. Sennaar. Micah 1:11; K. 162:10; L. 286:12. Textual variants: Sennaan (Greek) and
Sennam (Latin). Hexaplatic information and references (cp. K. 156:22). 893. Sedrach.
Zechariah 9:1; K. 162:11; L. 286:13. Simple biblical notation. LXX has confused the Hebrew
of MT here. 894. Siōn. Zechariah 9:9; K. 162:12; L. 286:14. Mountain and simple biblical
location. One of the details of Jerusalem but no real location given. In Jerome's
Commentary on Isaiah1:21 he says, "Sion is the mountain on which the city of Jerusalem was
founded." 895. Samareia (Samaria). Ezekiel 16:46; K. 162:13; L. 286:15. Samaria is Sebaste
and gives its name to the territory (cf. K. 154:21). 896. Sor (Tyre). Ezekiel 26:2; K.
162:15; L. 286:17. Simple biblical summary (Joshua 19:35). The Onomasticon uses
"metropolis" only rarely for Tyre and Jerusalem. Difficult to know if this is in reference
to biblical or contemporary times. Tyre was the capital of the Roman province of Phoenicia
north of Karmel and Palaistinē. It was 73 miles between Caesarea and Tyre according to
Itin. Bourd. (PPT I, 17). Tabula Peutinger has 12 miles from Sarepta, 24 from Sidon and 32
from Ptolmais. It is presently called Sur (perhaps cf. K. 164:17).

897. Soēne. Ezekiel 29:11; K. 162:16; L. 286:19. This is outside the proper limits of the
Holy Land. This is one of the most distant Egyptian cities mentioned (cp. K. 126: 1).
Hebrew has migdol. Eusebius follows the LXX here. For other sites in Egypt see note on K.
58: 1. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Soene, his circle or expected" (130). 898. Sais.
Ezekiel 30:15; K. 162:17; L. 286:20. This is outside the proper limits of the Holy Land.
Greek text is corrupt. The Madaba map has "Sais." In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sais,
proof" (132). 899. Sadala. Ezekiel 47:15; K. 162:18; L. 286:21. Simple biblical notation
of border. Name follows Qere vocalization. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sadada, has
the same meaning as Sela" (132, cf. 97 also cf. K. 158: 6). 900. Sabareim. Ezekiel 47:16;
K. 162:19; L. 286:23. Simple biblical notation and geography. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Sabarim, to go around the mountains" (132).

901. Salisa. Jeremiah 48:34; K. 162:21; L. 286:25. Hexaplaric information. 902. Suchar.
John 4:5; K. 164:1; L. 286:26. This is not related to Shechem (K. 150:1) by this text. Yet
it is east of Neapolis (K. 4:28) near the field of Jacob and the well where the Samaritan
came. In this entry the well seems to be near or to belong to the village from which the
woman came. Jerome notes a church is now built at the well (cf. Note on K. 7:13). Paula
sees Sychar as near the well but one mile from Shechem (Epistle 108:13 and PTT I, 18).The
Madaba map is unclear, "Sychar now Sychchōra" is usually separated from "Where the well of
Jacob is" as well as from "the tomb of Joseph." None of these is equated with Shechem. The
oak of Sikimon and the tomb of Joseph however are connected in K. 54:23. The well and
church tradition has remained constant since the 4th century (Latin text). Shechem is
clearly Balata although later pilgrims identified it with Neapolis. Sychar is the small
village of Samaritans which clustered around the well a bit south of Balata. The name
Sychar has been preserved perhaps in present 'Askar at the foot of Mt.Ebal.

The reality of a Sychar was already questioned by Jerome. He notes that Sicima was called
Sychem in Hebrew but the Gospel of John through an error wrote Sychar (Migne PL 23, 1055).
In Epistle 108:13 he also remarks on this error and equates Sychem with Neapolis (Migne PL
22, 888). Many scholars favor this argument: Sychar is a copyist's error or alternate form
for Sychem in the New Testament. This would mean between the well and Balata were located
the Samaritan inhabitants of Sychem. The fact that no Roman remains are found on Tell
Balata does not preclude the existence of a small village around the well and under the
present village of Balata. After the 4 century the village north of Sychem was pointed out
as Sychar. It is a Byzantine settlement. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Sichar,
conclusion or twig. However in error for Sichem, which means shoulder, Schar was written."
(142).

SECTION T

1 GENESIS 903. Tigris. Genesis 2:14; K. 164:7; L. 286:32. A river and outside the Holy
Land limits proper. Also as often in the first entry to a new alphabetic section this is
suspect. The rivers of Paradise are all in the Onomasticon (see note on K. 60:3). Josephus
Antiquities I, 1, 3 says, "The Euphrates and Tigris end in the Red Sea" apparently meaning
the Red Sea includes both gulfs. "Tigris Diglath expressing at once its narrowness and its
rapidity" (Ibid.). 904. Terebinthos in Sikemon. Genesis 35:4; K. 164:11; L. 286:36.
Textual variant Tereminthos (Greek). Sikemos and other idols (see Appendix II). Simple
biblical notation (cf. the oak K. 54:23). Is it possible that terebinthos or balanos may
relate to the Matzevoth? On Sykem see K. 150:1 and K. 158:1. JOSUE 905. Tina. Joshua
15:22; K. 164:14; L. 287:39. Simple tribal listing (cp. K. 114:14). 906. Telem. Joshua
15:24; K. 164:15; L. 287:40.

2 Simple tribal listing. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Talam, their dew or moistened
with dew" (97). 907. Tessem. Joshua 15:52; K. 164:16; L. 287:41. Simple tribal listing
(cp. K. 16:10. Here the guttural is expressed in Greek). 908. Turos. Joshua 19:35; K.
164:17; L. 287:42. Simple tribal listing (cp. K. 162:15). In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Tyrus which is called Sor in Hebrew and interpreted tribulation or difficulty or
strength" (97). JUDGES 909. Tabath. Judges 7:22; K. 164:19; L. 287:44. Textual variant
Tabam (Greek). Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Tabath, good"
(101). 910. Tōb. Judges 11:3; K. 164:20; L. 287:45. Simple biblical notation. 911. Tapheth
(Tofeth). II Kings 23:10; K. 164:21; L. 287:46. Simple biblical summary with generalized
location (cf. K. 102:14). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Thof, protection of the face
or gehenna" (118). 912. Tanis. Isaiah 19:11; K. 164:23; L. 287:48. Located outside the
proper limits of the Holy Land.

3 Here the Madaba map has "Tania" the only site in the delta of Egypt mentioned in the
Onomasticon. On other sites in Egypt see K. 58:7. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Tanis, commanding humility" (122). 913. Taphnas. Hosea 9:6; K. 164:24; L. 287:49. Located
outside the proper limits of the Holy Land. Summary of biblical references as Ezekiel
30:14, 18 and Jeremiah 43:7. In the Greek a confused text (cf. K. 134: 6). On other sites
in Egypt see K. 58:7. THE GOSPELS 914. Trachonitis territory or Itouraia. Luke 3:1; K.
166:1; L. 287:53. Cp. 110:27. The limits are clear. Bostra was probably the border in
Herod's time. Eusebius equates the two regions but they are not really identical. Philip
did not control up to Damascus. Josephus called the region south of Damascus Trachōn,
roughly equivalent to the basalt desert.

SECTION PH

1 GENESIS TH 915. Jerome notes that in the Latin text the TH is followed next as in Hebrew
and Latin alphabet. In Greek they are already included earlier in the alphabet. PH 916.
Pheisōn (Fison). Genesis 2:11; K. 166:7; L. 287:59. A river outside the limits of Holy
Land proper and again suspect as the first entry in alphabetic section. Again Josephus and
the Bible are the simple sources for the entry inserted by a late editor. In Antiquities
I, 1, 3 "one of these (four rivers) Phison, a name meaning multitude, runs toward India
and falls into the sea, being called by the Greeks Ganges." In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names Jerome repeats this identity of Fison with Ganges (4). On rivers of Eden see note on
K. 60:3. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Pison, mouth of an orphan or change of mouth"
(66). 917. Pharan. Genesis 14:6; K. 166:12; L. 287:64.

2 Summary of biblical information separated by location (Numbers 10:12 and Genesis 21:21,
14:6). Several different hands have been at work adding to this text. Procopius 332D
repeats the first part of this entry. It is three days from Bluth or Aqabah (K. 6:17). It
is south of the Roman province of Arabia. In Jerome's Commentary on Habakkuk 3:3 he says
it is near Mt.Sina. Probably generally from Aqabah to Suez. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Faran, their courage" (66). 918. Pulistieim. Genesis 21:34; K. 166:18; L. 287:71.
The city is Askalōn (K. 22:15) and the territory around it. Does Eusebius mean Philistine
coastal area of the five cities or does he mean Palaistinē the Roman province? Probably
here it is the former although in the Onomasticon the usage is quite irregular. Jerome at
times translated Greek "foreigners" with Filistine (K. 7:15, K. 21:2, K. 33:25 and
K.119:3) but more frequently with the Greek transliteration Allofylus, but most often as
translated into "foreigners" or "enemy" (see Appendix I).

3 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Filistiim, double ruins" (66). 919. Phrear. Genesis
21:31; K. 166:20; L. 287:73. A series of wells all of which are additions to the text. Not
all the wells of the Bible are inserted by this later scribe into the Onomasticon. Usually
only a biblical notation and no attempt at specific location is made. The Greek is
transliterated above and the Latin is translated. Here identical with Bērosoba (K. 50:1)
in the Geraritikē (K. 60:7). Confused entry. In Hebrew Questions21:30 these two are
equated, perpetuating an obvious error. 920. Phrear. Genesis 24:62; K. 166:22; L. 287:75.
Simple biblical notation. 921. Phrear. Genesis 26:20f.; K. 166:23; L. 288:76. Berdan has
the etymology given. It is in the Geraritikē (K. 60:7 and cf. K. 166:20 above). In the
Vulgate the well is called Calumnia. The location is uncertain, perhaps barade. 922.
Phrear. Genesis 26:33; K. 168:1; L. 288:78.

4 Summary of biblical information and a general statement on the many wells in southwest
Palaistinē. This may also be around Bēroeaba (K. 50:1 and cf. K. 166:20). Some early
Christians confused this with Askalon possibly here. 923. Phanouēl. Genesis 32:30; K.
168:4; L. 288:83. The Greek text is corrupt here. Biblical summary of Genesis 32:24, 28.
The location here is not specific, but location on the Iabok (K. 102:19). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Fanuhel, face of God" (66). 924. Phogōr (Fogo). Genesis
36:39; K. 168:7; L. 288:84. Simple biblical notation and geography (cp. K. 48:3 and K.
168:25). 925. Phinōn. Genesis 36:41; K. 168:8; L. 288:86. Summary of biblical information
for two locations. Phainon is probably present day Fenan. In K. 80:15 it is 4 miles from
Daidan. On these mines see K. 114:1ff. Roman fort remains are nearby, Jerome reports on
labor supply. This may be quite distinct from the station on the desert (Numbers 33:42).

5 In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Fiennon, their mouths or mastered faces" (66). EXODUS
926. Phithōm. Exodus 1:11; K. 168:12; L. 288:89. This entry is out of the limits of the
Holy Land proper. Simple biblical notation. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 927. Pharagx. Numbers
13:24f.; K. 168:15; L. 288:92. Several wadies or ravines are listed in this section (cf.
Deuteronomy 1:25). Most of them are not in the Latin. Not all of the wadies of the Bible
are in the Onomasticon. Just as the wells above, so the wadies are suspect as being of a
later hand. On Gouphna see Gophna (K. 26:2 and K. 74:2) here wrongly equated with Eshkal.
The text seems to hint of a doubt in the unknown source which makes the spies come so far
North. Fifteen miles from Jerusalem is Jifna on the Nablus road. It is 16 miles on the
Tabula Peutinger and 20 from Neapolis. On the Madaba map it crowds Baithēl (K. 28:5) but
"Gophna" is generally located as here (cf. Joshua 18:24).

6 928. Phin. Numbers 33:42; K. 168:19; L. 288:96. Simple listing of station. 929. Pharagx
Zare. Numbers 21:12; K. 168:20; L. 288:97. Not in the Latin text. Another wadi or ravine
(cf. K. 92:10). Simple biblical notation. 930. Phear. Numbers 21:16; K. 168:21; L. 288:98.
Not in the Latin text. A well. Simple biblical notation. 931. Phathoura. Numbers 22:5; K.
168:22; L. 288:99. This entry is outside the limits of the Holy Land. But the "another"
not in the Roman province of Mesopotamia or biblical Mesopotamis is Kh Furt about 5 miles
southwest of Eleutheropolis (K. 18:12) off the main road. In Interpretation of Hebrew
Names "Fethora, exploring mouth or mouthful of light or mouth of the turtle dove." (81).
932. Phogōr (Bēthphogōr). Numbers 33:28; K. 168:25; L. 288:03. Textual variants:
Phephphogōr (Greek) and Fara (Latin). Greek dittography from K. 168:24. The city
Bethphogōr, Mt.Phogōr and another village Phogōr are all combined in this entry. It is in
Moab (K. 12:23; K. 44:13 and K. 64:22). Bethphogor see K. 48:3. The cities of Phogōr and
Phogō (K. 168:7 and K. 170:13) are probably one and the same in the Scriptures. The
mountain as located here is related to Phasga (K. 16:23; K. 18:3 and K. 168:28) and Nebo
(K. 136:6). Dannaba also is near Mt.Phogōr (K. 76:9) as Sattein (K. 154:10). Bēthphogōr is
on this mountain (cf. Deuteronomy 3:28, 4:46).

7 The one near Bethlehem is based on the LXX of Joshua 15:59 and probably located at Kh
Fajjar or Beit Fajjar southwest of Tekoa (K. 98:17). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Faqur, skin of the mouth or he opened" (81). 933. Phasga. Deuteronomy 3:17; K. 168:26; L.
288:05. Summary of biblical information and Hexaplaric data. The city and mountain are
related to Phogōr (K. 168:25) and to Nebo (K. 136:6). The equation of Phasga and Phogōr is
made also in K. 18:3. The etymology of Phasgō for cliff or cutting is also in K. 16:24
(cf. K. 12:17). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Fasga, cut off or hewn or mouth
selected" (87). JUDGES 934. Phanouel. I Kings 12:25; K. 170:2; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek
Text. This entry missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple biblical notation (I
Chronicles 4:4). 935. Phanouēl. Judges 8:8, 17; K. 170:3; L. 288:09. Textual variants: Hor
and Cham (Latin).

8 Summary of biblical information (cf. K. 168:4). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Fanuhel, face of God" (100). 936. Phraathōn. Judges 12:13ff.; K. 170:5; L. n/a; Lacuna in
Greek Text. This entry is missing in the Greek Vatican manuscript. Simple biblical
notation and geography. KINGS 937. Pharagx Ennom. Judges 15:8; K. 170:8; L. 288:12. A
ravine and suspect as later addition (cf. K. 70:2; K. 164:21 and K. 102:14). The more
recent name is also reported here. 938. Phelmoni Almoni. I Samuel 21:2; K. 170:11; L.
289:15. Hexaplaric information. This is not a Hebrew proper name in MT. A vague statement
of a king's right to assign his underlings where and how he sees fit. 939. Phogō. I
Chronicles 1:50; K. 170:13; L. 289:17. Textual variants: Phobō (Greek) and Fogor (Latin).
Simple biblical notation (cf. K. 168:7). 940. Pharphar. II Kings 5:12; K. 170:14; L.
289:18. A River and therefore suspect.

9 Simple biblical geography. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Farfar, digging or
scattering or moles" (115). 941. Phathori. Ezekiel 29:14; K. 170:15; L. 289:19. Textual
variants: Fatore, Fature and Fathure (Latin). Cf. Jeremiah 44:15.

SECTION X

GENESIS 942. Chalannē. Genesis 10:10; K. 170:19; L. 289:23. Again the first entry in an
alphabetic section is outside the Holy Land proper and suspect as a late addition (Isaiah
10:9 and cf. K. 174:8 below). Summary of biblical information and geography (cf. K.
148:11) Sennaar and K. 40:7 Babel. In Hebrew Questions Jerome notes Chalaane was called
later Seleucia after the name of the king and is also to be known as Ktēsiphōn (13). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chalanne, future completion or all of us." (63). 943.
Chalak. Genesis 10:11; K. 170:21; L. 289:25. Outside the proper limits of the Holy Land.
Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chalech, as if green" (63).
944. Charran. Genesis 11:31; K. 170:23; L. 289:27. Outside the proper limits of the Holy
Land. Probably still retains the name. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Charran, hole or
wrath or his digging" (64).

945. Chebrōn. Genesis 13:18; K. 170:25; L. 289:29. Summary of biblical information
(Genesis 23:2; Numbers 13:23 and Joshua 14:15 also cf. Arbō (K. 6:8 as well as K. 76:1)).
In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chebron, united or enchanted or everlasting sight"
(64). 946. Chōba. Genesis 14:15; K. 172:1; L. 289:32. Textual variants: Choba and the town
Coba (Latin). This is the only mention of the Ebionites in the Onomasticon. This is
probably not a correct identification of the biblical site. The name is continued in at
least three locations from Byzantine times. Probably Greek text pointed to today's kokaba
southwest of Damascus. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Choba, condemnation" (64). 947.
Chabratha. Genesis 35:16; K. 172:4; L. 289:35. The Hexaplaric information is supplemented
with the late tradition of Rachel's tomb near Bethlehem (K. 42:10 and cf. K. 146:28). In
Ephata (K. 82:10) the tomb is located near a Hippodrome. In Hebrew Questions (54) Jerome
notes Chabratha is not a proper name.

In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chabratha, as if chosen or heavy" (64). 948. Chasbi.
Genesis 38:5; K. 172:6; L. 289:37. Textual variants: dollōm (Greek) and Adollam (Latin).
Possible located in the region of Eleutheropolis (K. 8:12) about 10 miles northeast at
'Ain el Kazbeh. No indication it was a ruin in the earlier Greek text (cf. Adullam K.
24:21). In the Hexapla (not noted here) Aquila translated this word and Jerome in Hebrew
Questions (46) writes 'Chasbi therefore is not the name of a place, but is a lie." In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chazbi, a lie" (64). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY 949. Chōrēb.
Deuteronomy 1:2; K. 172:9; L. 289:40. Outside the limits of the Holy Land proper. The
Onomasticon separates this from Mt.Sinai but Jerome believes Sinai and Horeb are names for
the same mountain. 950. Charada. Numbers 33:24; K. 172:11; L. 289:43. Simple listing of
station. 951. Chenereth. Numbers 34:11; K. 172:12; L. 289:44.

A summary of biblical information (Joshua 19:35) with added identification with Tiberias.
At the death of Agrippa II Tiberias became an autonomous city. Called "oppidum" in Latin
(K. 10:25 and Appendix I). This is not an exact equation since Tiberias is quite far south
of the location of Chennereth, Gennesaret at Tell el 'Oreimeh. No location is given in the
Greek. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chenneroth, sign of lutes or as if lamps" (80).
JOSUE 952. Chepheira. Joshua 9:17; K. 172:15; L. 289:46. Textual variants: Chepherra
(Greek) and Cheffira (Latin). Simple biblical summary (Joshua 18:26). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Chifara, his whelp or scattered hands or atonement" (92). 953. Chasalōn.
Joshua 15:10; K. 172:16; L. 289:47. Textual variant Chalasōn (Greek). A large village with
nothing but the biblical location written here. Perhaps this is Kasla southwest of
Jerusalem near Esthaol (K. 88:12). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Cheslon, their
revelation" (92).

954. Chsil. Joshua 15:30; K. 172:18; L. 289:49. Textual variant Choilē (Greek). Simple
tribal listing (cf. K. 140:8). 955. Chaphtheis. Joshua 15:40; K. 172:19; L. 290:50.
Textual variant Chasthis (Latin). Simple tribal listing. 956. Chermel. Joshua 15:35; K.
172:20; L. 290:51. Chermel is now south of Chebrōn (cf. K. 118:5 and I Samuel 25:2).
Notitia Dignitatum 73:20 confirms the garrison (cf. Procopius 1020C). In Interpretation of
Hebrew Names "Chermel, softly or delicate or knowing the circumstances" (92). 957. Chabōn.
Joshua 15:40; K. 172:23; L. 290:54. In Latin this appears before Chermel (K. 173:25).
Simple tribal listing. 958. Cheilōn. Joshua 15:51; K. 172:24; L. 290:55. Simple tribal
listing. 959. Chephrei. Joshua 18:26; K. 174:1; L. 290:56. Simple tribal listing. 960.
Cheselath Thabor. Joshua 19:12; K. 174:2; L. 290:57. Cf. below K. 174:11 and Chsalous K.
28:22. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chsiloth, foolish signs" (92). KINGS 961.
Chettieim. Judges 1:26; K. 174:4; L. 290:59.

This entry is not in the Holy Land limits proper to the Onomasticon. Procopius 1047A
follows the Latin here. But see K. 122:14 for possible relationship to Bethelarea. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chetim. raging or dreading or marked" (99). 962. Charrei.
II Samuel 20:14; K. 174:6; L. 290:61. Simple biblical notation. The CH in Greek seems to
be for the Hebrew guttural, following the LXX. 963. Chomarreim. II Kings 23:5; K. 174:7;
L. 290:62. Textual variant Chōmarrei (Greek). Simple biblical notation. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Chomarim, keepers of the temple" (115). 964. Chalannē. Isaiah 10:9; K.
174:8; L. 290:63. Outside the limits of the Holy Land proper as in Onomasticon (cf. K.
170:19). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chalanne, all" (115). 965. Charran. Isaiah
37:12; K. 174:10; L. n/a; Lacuna in Greek Text. Textual variant Charan (Latin). Outside
the limits of the Holy Land proper (cf. K. 170:18).

966. Chaselath tou Thabōr. Joshua 19:12; K. 174:11; L. 290:64. Textual variant Chaselous
(Greek) cf. K. 174:2 and K. 28:22. 967. Chōbal. I Kings 9:13; K. 174:13; L. 290:66.
Textual variant Chōbar (Greek). Simple tribal border (cf. Joshua 19:27). 968. Chalab.
Judges 1:31; K. 174:14; L. 290:67. Textual variants: Chalobter and Chalath (Latin). Simple
biblical notation. 969. Chorra. I Kings 17:3; K. 174:16; L. 290:69. Simple biblical
notation and geography. LXX has Chorrath for the Wadi. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Charith, division or knowing" (110). 970. Chōtha. II Kings 17:24; K. 174:17; L. 290:70.
Outside the limits of the Holy Land proper (cf. K. 36:9, 10) for other regions of Assyria.
971. Chōbar. Ezekiel 1:1; K. 174:18; L. 290:71. A River and also outside the limits of the
Holy Land proper and so doubly suspect as later addition. Simple biblical notation and
geography. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chobar, heaviness or heavy or near choice"
(130).

972. Charchamus. Jeremiah 46:2; K. 174:19; L. 290:72. Outside the limits of the Holy Land
proper. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Charchamos, group of sheep or recognize as if
twigs" (126). 973. Chamōam. Jeremiah 41:17; K. 174:20; L. 290:73. Textual variant Chamoar
(Greek). Simple biblical notation and geography. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Chamoan, his likeness" (126). 974. Chelōn (Elōn). Jeremiah 48:21; K. 174:21; L. 290:74.
Textual variant Aealon (Latin) (cf. K. 176:20). Simple biblical notation. 975. Chamōs.
Jeremiah 48:7; K. 174:22; L. 290:75. Another idol. It is out of order and suspect double.
For other idols see K. 36:15; K. 44:13; K. 58:9; K. 134:17; K. 138:19; K. 146:26 etc. and
Appendix II). In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Chamos, assembly" (126). 976. Chōrazein.
Matthew 11:21; K. 174:23; L. 290:77. No Gospel section is indicated by division here. One
Latin manuscript does have it. Textual variant has 12 miles for two.

Two miles from Kapernaoun (K. 120:2) north of the lake are the ruins of Kh Kerazeh which
preserves the name. Deserted in the time of Eusebius and Jerome. Jerome in Commentary on
Isaiah puts Tiberias, Bethsaida, Capharnaum and Chorazin all along the shore. Called
"oppidum" in Latin (K. 10:25 and Appendix I). A synagogue of early 2nd or 3rd century
testifies of the rapid decline, it was rebuilt in the 5th century A. D. In Interpretation
of Hebrew Names "Chorazaim, this my mystery" (135). 977. Cheimarrous Kedrōn. John 18:1; K.
174:26; L. 290:80. A wadi in Jerusalem (cf. K. 70:2 and K. 118:11).

SECTION O

1 PENTATEUCH 978. ōn. Exodus 1:11; K. 176:3; L. 290:84. Outside the limits of the Holy
Land. Along with Soēnē one of the most southern cities mentioned in the Onomasticon.
Summary of biblical information (Genesis 41:25). The form of the name is from the LXX. It
is not in the MT. There is some debate therefore on its construction (cf. K. 94:13). In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "On, work or sorrow" (77). 979. ōr. Numbers 20:22, 28; K.
176:7; L. 291:88. Mt. near Petra (K. 142:7). Cf. K. 126:19 and K. 46:14 for Aaron's death.
See K. 150:23 for Mt. Seir. Josephus Antiquities IV, 4, 7 tells of Aaron's death up on the
mountain range that encloses Petra. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Or, passionate"
(77) and "Or, light" (83). 980. ōbōth. Numbers 21:10; K. 176:9; L. 291:91. Simple listing
of station. JOSUE and KINGS 981. Osa. Joshua 19:29; K. 176:11; L. 291:93.

2 Simple tribal listing. Only here are Joshua and Kings combined as a section heading. In
Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Osa, hope" (96). 982. Oram. Joshua 19:38; K. 176:12; L.
291:94. Simple tribal listing. 983. Opheir. I Kings 9:28; K. 176:13; L. 291:95. Outside of
the Holy Land proper (cf. Genesis 10:29). This quotation of Josephus Antiquities I, 6, 4
is repeated in K. 82:2 and K. 150:14. Probably the same site as in K. 160:19 after the
LXX. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "Ofir, weakening" (112). 984. ōn. Hosea 10:5; K.
176:18; L. 291:00. Textual variants: Aun and Auna (Greek). Probably the same as Bēthaun
(K. 50:24) an epithet possibly for Baithēl (K. 40:20 cf. Joshua 21:15). Hexaplaric
information on the meaning. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names "On, useless or sorrow or
labor or injustice" (122). 985. ōlō. Joshua 21:15; K. 176:20; L. 291:02. Simple biblical
notation (cp. K. 174:21).

3 986. ōronaeim. Jeremiah 48:34; K. 176:21; L. 291:03. Textual variants: Oranaim and
Ornaim (Latin). Simple biblical notation and geography. In Interpretation of Hebrew Names
"Oronaim, opening of the wall" (128). This text was transcribed by Noel Wolf, 2005.

INTRODUCTION

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE.

1 [Translated by C. Umhau Wolf] Preface by Eusebius Latin preface by Jerome Alpha Genesis
Exodus Numbers and Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Kings The Gospels Beta Genesis Exodus Numbers
and Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Kings The Gospels Gamma Genesis Numbers and Deuteronomy
Joshua Kings The Gospels Delta Genesis Numbers and Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Kings The
Gospels Epsilon Genesis Exodus Numbers and Deuteronomy Joshua (of Naue) Kings The Gospels
Zeta Genesis Numbers and Deuteronomy Joshua Kings Eta Genesis Joshua Judges Kings Theta
Genesis Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Kings Iota Genesis Numbers and Deuteronomy Joshua Kings
The Gospels Kappa Genesis Joshua Judges Kings Lambda Genesis Numbers and Deuteronomy
Joshua Judges Kings Mu Genesis Exodus Numbers and Deuteronomy Joshua Judges Kings Nu
Genesis Joshua Judges Kings The Gospels Xi Joshua Omicron Genesis Exodus Joshua Pi The
Pentateuch Rho The Pentateuch Joshua Kings Sigma Genesis Exodus Numbers and Deuteronomy
Joshua Judges Kings Tau Genesis Joshua Judges The Gospels

2 Phi Genesis Exodus Numbers and Deuteronomy Judges Kings Chi Genesis Numbers and
Deuteronomy Joshua Kings Omega The Pentateuch Joshua and Kings

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE — by Eusebius of Pamphilia, Bishop of
Caesaria Palestine

3 As a kind of preface to the work proposed by you, O Paulinus, holy man of God, I have
previously presented the subjects suggested. First I translated into the Greek language
the names of the nations throughout the world which have Hebrew names in the sacred
Scriptures. Then on the basis of the whole Bible I composed a map of ancient Judea and
defined the allotments of the twelve tribes within it. Furthermore, using the "blueprint"
as it were, provided by Scripture, I sketched a representation of their ancient and
renowned capital, i.e., Jerusalem, and of its temple with appended notes of its areas.
Now, in this work and in accordance with those things previously prepared for the
usefulness of the completed project, I continue your proposal and set forth the names of
the cities and villages mentioned in the Sacred Scriptures in their native language, of
what sort of territory they were, and whether our contemporaries call them by the same
name as the ancients or otherwise. I shall gather the materials sought from all of the
inspired Scripture, but for easy reference I shall organize in alphabetic order each of
the citations scattered among the readings.

Latin Preface by Jerome

4 Eusebius who received his cognomen from the sainted martyr Pampilius had already written
the following: 1) The Ten books of the Church History 2) The Canons of the Times (which we
rendered into Latin) 3) Names of the various Nations (in which he explained how these were
formally spoken among the Hebrews and are now spoken) 4) Description of the land of Judea
and the lots of the separate tribes 5) Also a Plan of Jerusalem and its temple with a most
succinct description Finally he worked on this little book and gathered together for us
from the Holy Scriptures almost all the names of cities, mountains, rivers, villages and
other places indicating if they still exist, are unchanged or are in part corrupted. And
so we have translated the study of this remarkable man according to the order of the
alphabet in Greek. We have left unchanged those proper records we have not seen, but have
changed a few.

5 As formerly in the preface to The Canons of the Times, I debated whether I should be
only a translator or an author of a new work. Especially because someone hardly instructed
in the language dared to translate this same book into the Latin language which is not
really Latin. The wise reader will quickly discover the ignorance of him by comparison
with what we have translated. Even though I do not claim for myself eminence, nevertheless
I believe I can surpass those who are farmers.


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE continued

SECTION A

1 GENESIS Ararat, Armenia.1 Scripture says that the ark came to rest (after the deluge) in
the mountains of Ararat. It is asserted that the remains of the ark are still shown on the
mountains of Armenia. Jeremiah also mentions Ararat in his vision against Babylon. In the
first book of the Antiquities of the Jews Josephus likewise sets forth the story of the
place. Upon the testimony of non-scriptural witnesses he derives this information: "Noah,
thus learning that the earth was delivered from the flood, waited yet seven days, and then
let the animals out of the ark, went forth himself with his family, sacrificed to God and
feasted with his household. The Armenians call that spot the Landing-Place, for it was
there that the ark came safe to land, and they show the relics of it to this day. This
flood and the ark are mentioned by all who have written histories of the barbarians. Among
these is Berosus the Chaldean who in his description of the events of the flood writes
somewhere as follows: 'It is said, moreover, that a portion of the vessel still survives
in Armenia on the mountains of the Cordyaeans, and that persons carry off pieces of the
bitumen, which they use as talismans.' These matters are also mentioned by Hieronymus the
Egyptian, author of the ancient history of Phoenicia, by Mnaseas and by many others.
Nicolas of Damascus in his 96 book relates the story as follows: 'There is above the
country of Minyas in Armenia a great mountain called Baris, where, as the story goes, many
refugees found safety at the time of the flood, and one man, transported upon an ark,
grounded upon the summit, and of the timber were for long preserved; this might well be
the same man of whom Moses, the Jewish legislator wrote.'"

2 Achad.2 City of King Nebrod in Babylon. [According to the Hebrews this is said to be the
Mesopotamia city which today is called Nisibis. It was once besieged and captured by
Lucullus the Roman consul and within a few years was given over by Emperor Iovianus to the
Persians.] Aggai (Ai).3 To the west of Bethel. They are not far distant from one another.
Bethel is now located on the left side of the road going from Neapolis to Jerusalem at
about the 12th milestone from Jerusalem. Bethel even now exists. [A church has also been
built there where Jacob slept on the way to Mesopotamia whence this place was given the
name Bethel which means "house of God". But for Aggai, a deserted place, there are shown
only ruins. This is also called in Scripture Gai. [It should be remarked that there is no
letter G in Hebrew but it was called Ai, written with the letter called by them Ain.]

3 Astarōth Karnaein.4 Territory of the giants situated above (on the ridge). Sodom which
Chodollagomor captured (destroyed). Today there are two towns (forts) of this name in
Batabia or Beloloun the cities of Adara and Abila, about nine miles apart. Arbō. [Arboc.5
In our codex written corruptly as Arboc, Arbo is the reading in the Hebrew. That means
"four" since this is where the three patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob along with the
"great Adam" are buried. So in the book of Josue. Perhaps some suppose this tradition that
he was buried in the location of Calgary.] "That is, Hebron" now a large town which was
formerly a metropolis of the foreigners where giants dwelled. Afterwards the capital of
David. It was allotted to the tribe of Juda and was a Levitical city and one of the cities
of refuge. It is twenty-two miles south of Jerusalem. The oak of Abraham [which is also
Mamrē, was pointed out up to the time of Constantine, emperor of Rome] and his tomb are
seen there [a church has been constructed there by us]. The terebinth where angels were
entertained by Abraham is openly revered by the people (in the vicinity as a religious
place). Formerly it was called Arbo but later Hebron after Hebron one of the sons of Caleb
according to Paralipomenon.

4 Ailam (Ailath).6 Is situated at the extremity of Palestine between the southern desert
and the Red Sea where cargo was transported by ship from both Egypt and India. A
detachment of the Tenth Roman Legion is stationed there. Properly called Aila today (it
was formerly pronounced Ailath) from whence the ancient people the Ailamites whose king
was Chodollagomor [who is mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles]. Another Ailam of the
foreigners (of Palestine) is noted in Kings. Adama.7 One of the five cities of Sodom which
was destroyed with the others. Asasan Thamar (Asasonthamar).8 Where the Amorrites dwelled
whom Chodollagomor destroyed is located near the wilderness of Cades. It is said there is
a village Tharmara (a fortThamara) one day journey from Mapsis on the road from Hebron to
Ailam. Today there is a garrison (Roman fort) of soldiers there." Aloua (Allus).9 Region
of the princes of Edom (the Edomite) which is now in the Gebalene near the city of Petra.

5 Ainan (Aenam).10 "On the road to Thamna." Now Ainan is a deserted place near Thamna
which today is a large populous town situated between Jerusalem and Diospolis. There is a
spring near the place said to be Ainan beside which an idol used to be worshiped by the
inhabitants. [There is a spring at the above mentioned place Aena whence Aenan, that is
"spring" gets its name, where a strange, large idol is revered by the inhabitants. But the
Hebrews declare that Aenan does not designate a place but a crossroad where a clear
prospect is required to choose one road from another.] [Ailōn Atad (Areaatad).11 "Which is
beyond the Jordan" where they mourned Jacob. The place is three miles from Jericho and two
from the Jordan. It is now called Bethagla which is interpreted "place of circling"
because there (according to custom) they were circling in lamentation over Jacob.]

6 EXODUS Ailim (Aelim).12 "Where there were twelve springs of water and seventy palm
trees." A station of the children of Israel on the desert (to which Moses came after
crossing the Red Sea). [Ailous (Aelim).13 Station of the children of Israel in the desert
(in the desert where the children of Israel made camp).] NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY
Aserōth.14 Part of the desert where "Mariam and Aaron spoke against Moses." Once the Avvim
dwelt in Aseroth as far as (the city) Gaza. [But rather this is not called Aseroth but
Aserim in Hebrew.] Asemōna.15 Station of the children of Israel in the desert. Aētharim.16
For Aquila and Symmachus (interpreted) "road of the spies." There "the Canaanite who lived
in the Negreb" (south) came and fought the Israelite in the desert. Aiē or Achelgai.17
Symmachus (interpreted) "on the hills." It is said to be "fronting Moab" (now) Areopolis,
"on the east." Arnōn.18 [A high cliff] "which extends from the territory of the Amorrites"
situated between "Moab and the Amorrites" it is also the "border of Moab." Which is
Areopolis in Arabic. Today a place called Arnon is pointed out by the nearby inhabitants
extending north to Areopolis. Units of soldiers are spread out there to guard it because
of the dangers in that place (soldiers from many forts are spread out because of the many
bloody and formidable invasions). Once Sehon, king of the Amorrites, took it from the
Moabites. (Once this belonged to the Moabites but Sehon, king of the Amorrites, waged war
against it and took it.) Afterwards it was given to the children of Israel who took
possession of the territory beyond the Jordan reaching from the Arnon to Mt.Hermon and
Lebanon. (The territory of the children of Israel beyond the Jordan beginning at the Arnon
extends up to Mt.Hermon and Lebanon.)

7 Ar.19 Place (or city) on the Arnon which according to the Septuagint LXX (hereafter LXX)
[the Septuagint interprets with a long vowel] Er. Aēsimōn.20 Place in the desert [in short
this word itself signifies arid land or desert]. Abelsattein (Abelsattim).21 Place in the
desert "to the west of Moab" (south). Azōr (Iazer).22 "Boundary of the children of Ammon"
(border city of Ammon) which is called Philadelphia now. It along with Philadelphia
delimits the region of the Amorrites. There is eight miles (about) from Philadelphia a
village Azer (Iazer) remaining today. Aroēr.23 "It is on the edge of the Wadi Arnon." A
city of Moab which the Emin, an ancient people, once possessed, which the children of Lot,
that is those from Moab, seized [and overthrew the former inhabitants]. It is today
pointed out perched on the brow of the mountain where the torrent flows through the gorge
(abruptly) to the Dead Sea. Aroer was given by lot to the tribe of Gad and is said to be
"toward" (opposite) "Rabba."

8 Astarōth.24 The ancient city of Og [king of Basan] where giants dwelled. It was given to
the tribe of Manasse. It is located in the Batanea six miles from Adraa a city of Arabia.
Adraa is twenty-five miles from Bostra. Note also the previous Astaroth Karaein. Agrou
Skopia.25 (Lookout). Mountain of Moab to which Balac [son of Sepphor] brought Balaam "on
the peak of cursing" overlooking the Dead Sea. It is still pointed out not far from the
Arnon. (Diviner to curse against Israel above the precipice which because it falls quite
strongly is called "cleft" and impinges over the Dead Sea not far from the Arnon.) Arabōth
Mōab.26 Where the people were numbered a second time. Aquila "on the plain of Moab."
Symmachus "on the field of Moab." "It is on the Jordan opposite Jericho." A place is
pointed out now near Mt.Phogor which is located on the road from Livias to Hesebon of
Arabia opposite Jericho.

9 Araba. Aquila 27 "In the plain." Symmachus "in the field." Theodotion "in the west."
Symmachus also once "uncultivatable." Astarōth (Ataroth).28 Ancient city of the Amorrites
in Peraia [across the Jordan] which was given by lot to the tribe of Gad. Adtaroth is also
the name of the son of Salma or Salomon according to Paralipomenon. Astarōth Sōphar
(Ataroth Sofan).29 This is also a city of the tribe of Gad. Arad.30 City of the Amorrites
near the desert of Cades. There is now (shown) a village four miles from Malaatha, and
twenty from Hebron. Tribe of Juda. Asemōna.31 A city in the desert south of Judaea. It
determines the border between Egypt and the sea [and the lot of] the tribe of Juda. Note
another [Asemōna above], a camp [of the children of Israel]. Akrabbein (Acrabbi).32
Eastern boundary of Judaea. Tribe of Juda. There is a large village nine miles east of
Neapolis on the road descending via the so-called Akrabattine toward the Jordan at
Jericho. The Akrabbein is said to be also the region of the Amorrites from which according
to Judges "the tribe of Nephthali did not drive out" the heathen.

10 Asadadda (Asadada).33 Northern boundary of Judaea. [Arad.34 This is also a boundary of
Judaea], twenty miles south of Hebron. Note another above. Asarēnan (Asarenam).35 Northern
boundary of Judaea. Aserna (Asernai).36 This is also a boundary of Judaea. Arbēla.37
Eastern boundary of Judaea. There is a village of Arbela across the Jordan in the region
of Pella, a city of Palestine. Another Arbela lies in the Great Plain nine mile north from
Legeon. Aulōn.38 [Not Greek as one might think since this is a Hebrew word] The Great long
plain is still called the Aulon. It is bordered on both sides by mountains [and is very
long] extending from Lebanon to the desert of Pharan. In the Aulon [that is the valley
plain] is the famous city [Tiberias] and nearby the lake, Scythopolis, Jericho and the
Dead Sea and their surrounding regions. The Jordan flows through the midst of the whole
region (which river) arising from the springs near Paneas and disappearing into the Dead
Sea.

11 Amalēkitis (Amalecitis).39 Territory in the desert to the south of Judaea beyond the
city called Petra going toward Aila. The Scripture emphasizes this, "Amalek lived in the
region of the Negeb (south)." From this region other Canaanites came and fought the
children of Israel in the desert. The same Scripture testifies "The Amalecites and
Canaanites are living in the valley." Araba.40 [Aquila "plain." Symmachus] "field." Note
above also. There is a village called Araba in the district of Diocaesarea [which was
formerly called Safforinia] and another about three miles west of Scythopolis. Amman.41
This is now Philadelphia, a famous city of Arabia. "The Raphaim formerly lived" there. The
sons of Lot drove out the inhabitants who lived there in Amman before them. Argob.42
Territory of the kingdom of Og [king of Basan] above the Jordan which was taken [by lot]
by the half tribe of Manasse. There is even now a village called Erga near Gerash, a city
of Arabia, fifteen miles to the west. It is interpreted by Symmachus "outskirts."

12 Asēdōth.43 City of the Amorrites which was given [by lot] to the tribe of Ruben. It is
called Asedoth Phasga which is "hewn in rock" (in our tongue "cut away"). Abareim
(Abarim).44 The mountain on which Moses died. It is said to be "Mt.Nebo which is in the
land of Moab facing Jericho "beyond the Jordan on the summit of Phasga." The very same
names are pointed out when one goes from Livias to Hesebon near Mt.Phogor itself which
still bears that name, from which the territory is also even now called Phasga. Auōth
Iaeir (Avothiair).45 [Which is interpreted "home of Iair."] It is in Basan (where there
are sixty villages in Mt.Galaad). There is a village Iaeir in the mountains of Galaad
which was taken (by lot) by the half tribe of Manasse. It is now in the place called Gonia
(Golan) in the (region of) Batanaea. JOSHUE Antilibanos (Antilibanus).46 What is beyond
the Lebanon to the East toward (near) region of Damascus (is called Antilibanus). Tribe of
Manasse (which the tribe of Manasse received by lot).

13 Azēka (Azeca).47 City of the Chanaanites to which Josue pursued the five kings. It was
given to the tribe of Juda. There is even now a village called Azeka between
Eleutheropolis and Jerusalem. Ailōm (Aialon).48 Ravine. Where "the moon" stood when Josue
prayed, near the village which is even today called Aialon, three miles from Bethel to the
east. It is near Gabaa and Rama, cities of Saul. [The Hebrews assert the town of Aialon to
be near Nicopolis in the second mile on the road to Jerusalem.] Achōr.49 The valley called
Achor [in Hebrew emecachor which means valley of confusion or violence because of the
confusion or violence in Israel] where they stoned Achor (Achan), who stole what was under
ban from whom Achor is named. It lies north of Jericho and is even now the name by those
nearby [by the inhabitants. Mentioned by Osee the prophet.] Asēdōth.50 This is another
city [not that which has the same name above] which Josue fought, killing its king.

14 Asōr.51 City of King Jabin which Josue burned because it was alone "chief of all the
kingdoms of the foreigners (Philistines)." There is even now another village called Asor
in the eastern region of Ascalon. Give [by lot] to the tribe of Juda. Scripture also knows
the new Asor [calling it so to distinguish it from the old]. Aermōn.52 Territory of the
Hevites captured by Josue. [The Hebrews properly as the reading indicates, affirm that Mt.
Hermon is near Paneas which was once held by the Hevites and the Amorrites, from where in
summer delicacies of snow are brought down now to Tyre.] Alak (Aalac).53Aquila "division
of the mountain." Symmachus "smooth mountain" [that is clear or slippery]. A mountain
above Paneas. Aermōn.54 Mountain of the Amorrites [which is reported] the Phoenicians
called Sanior and the Amorrites called it "This Sanir." They say it is the mountain even
now called Mt. Hermon which is revered as a shrine by the gentiles (on its summit is a
wonderful temple where the people worship) opposite (near) Paneas and Lebanon. To the east
is the boundary of the inheritance of the children of Israel beyond the Jordan (extends)
from Mt.Hermon to the Wadi Arnon.

15 Anōb.55 A city which Josue fought. There is even now a village near Diospolis, four
miles to the east called Betoannaba. [Others however affirm it located eight miles from
there and is called Bethannaba.] Asdōd.56 Which is also (now called) Azotus. The Enacim
remained in it (giants as they were called). Today it is a famous city of Palestine. It
was in the lot of the tribe of Juda. Ader.57 A city which Josue fought, killing its king.
Aphek (Afec).58 A city which Josue also fought, killing its king. Aksaph (Acsaf).59 This
king Josue also fought. It is reported there is a village (called) Chasalous in the plain
below Mt.Thabor eight miles from Diocaesarea. Akkarōn (Accaron).60 (In) tribe of Dan [or
as I determine in the tribe of Juda]. "It is counted among the Chanaanites." One city of
the five satrapies of the heathen (Palestine) which was also allotted to the tribe of
Judah. But they did not possess it since they did not destroy the heathen (never were able
to expel the original inhabitants from it). There is also a large village of Jews called
Accaron between Azotus and Iamnia to the east. [Some believe Accaron to be the Tower of
Strato afterwards called Caesarea.]

16 Azōtos (Azotus).61 Which is called (above) Asdod. The (not ignoble) city of Palestine
still remains. Formerly one of the five satraps of the heathen which was also allotted to
Juda, but they did not possess it because they did not destroy the heathen (were not able
to expel the original inhabitants). Askalōn (Ascalon).62 A renowned city of Palestine.
Formerly one of the five satrapies (of the heathen) which was allotted to Judah but they
did not possess it because they did not destroy the heathen (were not able to overcome its
inhabitants). Apheka (Afeca).63 Boundary "of the Amorrites" beyond the Jordan which was
given to the tribe of Ruben. There is now a large village (castle) called Aphec near
Hippos a city of Palestine. Algad (Agad).64 (Located) "at (the foot of) Mt.Hermon." Aimath
(Aemoth).65 City of the valley was given to Ruben. They say there is now a village
Amathous in the lower Peraea (beyond the Jordan), south of Pella. Another village near
Gadaranis (named) Emmath where there is hot water (where hot water flows forth) for hot
baths. In Kings it is said, "from the entrance of Emath unto the sea of the Arabia" (that
is wilderness) which is the Dead Sea. [I have however discovered upon investigation a city
of Coele Syria called Aemath which is now called Epifania in the Greek tongue.]

17 Ammon.66 Beyond the Jordan. City of the tribe of Gad. It is Amman or Philadelphia, a
famous city of Arabia. Adira.67 (In) the tribe of Juda near the desert. There is another
village in the region of Diospolis near Thamnitike which region itself is called after the
village Thamna. Akarka.68 Symmachus "the ground." A village near the desert. Tribe of
Juda. Achōr.69 (In) the [tribe of Juda. Note also above. Adommim].70 (Lot of) the tribe of
Juda. (Once) a little village, now deserted. The place is called Maledamim on the road
going down from Jerusalem to Jericho. A garrison is there. [In Greek "the ascent of
blood." The Latin also calls it the ascent of red or redness for the blood of those so
often poured out by the soldiers. It is also on the boundary of the tribes of Juda and
Benjamin. A fort of soldiers is located there to help travelers. This is the place of the
wounded and bloodied of which the Lord speaks in the Parable of the one going down from
Jerusalem to Jericho.]

18 Amam.71 (In) the tribe of Juda. Aser.72 (In) the tribe of Juda. There is now a large
village called Aser on the road from Azotus to Ascalon. Asarsoual (Asarsual).73 (In) the
tribe of Juda. Ain.74 (In) the tribe of Juda. (City) set aside for priests. There is now a
village called Bethanin two miles from the terebinth (that is the tent of Abraham) and
four from Hebron. Asthaōl.75 (In) the tribe of Juda. There is (remains today) now a
(little) village called Astha between Azotus and Ascalon. Asna.76 (In) the tribe of Juda.
Adolam (Adollam).77 (In) the tribe of Juda. A large (not small) village (called by that
name) is now ten miles east of Eleutheropolis. Adiathaim (Adithaim).78 (In the lot of) the
tribe of Juda. It is reported that there is a village Adia near Gaza and another Adatha
near Diospolis to the east. Adasa.79 (In) the tribe of Juda. There is now even a village
near Gophna. [But I wonder how Gufna region can possibly be in the tribe of Juda.
Evidently it should be as again in the Book of Josue I is given to the lot of Ephraim.]

19 Ather.80 (In) the tribe of Juda. Asan.81 (In) the tribe of Juda. There is now also a
village called Bethasan in the region of Jerusalem sixteen miles (in the fifteenth) to the
west. Asema.82 (In) the tribe of Juda. Achzeib (Agzif).83 (In) the tribe of Juda. Anab.84
(In) the tribe of Juda. It is even now in the in the boundary of Eleutheropolis. Also
another large village of the Jews called Ania in the Daroma nine miles south Hebron.
Asthemō (Asthemof).85 (In) the tribe of Juda. This village (of the Jews) is also in the
Daroma north of Aneon. Aneim (Anim).86 (In) the tribe of Juda. Another Anaia near the
former (of which we spoke above) now happens to be wholly Christian (all its inhabitants
are Christians) to the east of the first. Aphaka (Afeca).87 (In) the tribe of Juda. Amata
(Ammata).88 (In) the tribe of Juda. Arebba.89 (In) the tribe of Juda.

20 Archiatarōth (Ataroth).90 City of the tribe of Joseph [near Rama in the tribe of
Joseph]. Atarōth.91 (City of) the tribe of Ephraim. There is now also a village Ataros
four miles north of Sebaste (it is said). Adar.92 City of the tribe of Ephraim. Asēr.93
City of the tribe of Manasse. There is also now (pointed out) a village called thus on the
road (descending) from Neapolis to Scythopolis in the fifteenth mile near the main
highway. Atarōth.94 City of the lot (tribe) of Benjamin. There are now two Ataroths near
Jerusalem. Anathōth.95 City or the lot of Benjamin. Set aside for priests near Jerusalem
at the third milestone. The home of Jeremia the prophet. Adar (Addar).96 City of the lot
of Benjamin. Ailmōn (Aelomon).97 City or lot (tribe) of Benjamin. Set aside for priests.
Amekkasis (Amez-casis).98 City or lot of Benjamin [that is valley of Casis in tribe of
Benjamin].

21 [Aueim (Avim).99 (In tribe of) lot of Benjamin.] Aphra.100 (In tribe of) lot of
Benjamin. There is also even now a village Aphra (in of Bethel) five miles to the east.
Ammōenia (Ammoeniam).101 (In the tribe of) lot of Benjamin. Aphnei (Afni).102 (In tribe
of) lot of Benjamin. Alph.103 Lot of Benjamin. (This entry is missing in Latin.) Arēm
(Arim).104 (In tribe of) lot of Benjamin. It in now a village near Diospolis called
Bethariph. Amsa.105 (In tribe of) lot of Benjamin. Asar.106 (In tribe of) lot of Simeon.
Anan.107 (In tribe of) lot of Simeon. Amarchabob.108 (In tribe of) lot of Simeon. Ain.109
(In tribe of) lot of Juda or Simeon. Priestly city. Asenna.110 (In tribe of) lot of
Simeon. Ammathar.111 (In tribe of) lot of Zabulon. Anoua (Anua).112 (In tribe of) lot of
Zabulon. There is another village Anoua on the road from Neapolis to Jerusalem at the
fifteenth (tenth) milestone.

22 Anathōn.113 (In the tribe of) lot of Zabulon. Acheselōth (Achaseloth).114 City of
(tribe of) lot of Issachar. They say there is a village (called) Chaalous in the plain by
Mt.Tabor eight miles east of Diocaesarea (as we said above). Aiphraim (Aefraim).115 City
of (tribe of) lot of Issachar. There is a village Aphraia called Aphraia six miles north
of Legeōn. Anerth (Anereth).116 (In) lot of (tribe of) Issachar. Aims (Aemes).117 (In) lot
of (tribe of) Issachar. Achsaph (Achsaf).118 (In tribe of) lot of Aser. Alimelech.119Lot
of Aser. Amod (Amath).120 (In tribe of) lot of Aser. Abdōn.121 (In tribe of) lot of Aser.
[City separated to Levites.] Aneiēl (Aniel).122 (In tribe of) lot of Aser. There is a
village (named) Baitonnaia, fifteen miles east of Caesarea, lying in the mountains were
there are said to be healing baths. Achran.123 (In tribe of) city of Aser. Armmōn.124 (In
tribe of) lot of Aser.

23 Akchō (Accho).125 It is now called Ptolemais. Lot of Aser where Aser "did not destroy"
the heathen (drive out the former inhabitants). [Achzeiph (Achzif).126 (In tribe of) lot
of Aser, from which they did not destroy the heathen] (in which the foreigners remained).
It is Ekdippa, nine miles from Ptolemais, on the road to Tyre. Amma.Lot of Aser. Aphek
(Afec).128 Lot of Aser from which they did not destroy the heathen (in which the early
inhabitants remained). Ademmei (Ademme).129 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. Asedeim
(Aseddim).130 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. Amath.131 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali.
Adami.132 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. Asōr.Lot of Nephthali. (It is written) the King
of Assyria also destroyed this. Azanōth.134 Boundary of Nephthali. (Now there is also) a
village in the plain in the region of Diocaesarea. Ailōn.135 City of the lot of Dan.
Separated to the Levites. A village of Alon is near Nicopolis. Before "Ailon" Origen
(Septuagint) interprets "where there were bears."

24 JUDGES Arad.136 City where "the children of Iothor (omitted pr. n.), of Iobab father-
in-law of Moses" dwelled in the midst of Israel. Ared.137 Spring beside which Gadeon
camped. Arisōth.138 City of Sisara, general of Jabin. Tabis is now a great city (village)
beyond the Jordan six miles from the city of Pella on the road to Geresh. [Ares.139 Ascet
of Hares. Aquila "thicket." Symmachus "mountain."] Aroueir (Aruir).140 Where Jephte
fought. It is a village in the mountains six miles north of Jerusalem. Arima.141 Where
Abimelech was crowned. Aialon (Aialin).142 City "in the land of Zabulon." Home of Elon the
judge of Israel. Abel.143 Of the vineyards. Where Jephte fought. Land of the children of
Amman. There is even now a village Abela, a fertile vineyard, (to be seen in the seventh)
six miles from Philadelphia. Also another famous wine producing city called Abela is
twelve miles east of Gadara. And there is (still) a third Abela of the Phoenicians (in
Phoenicia) between Damascus and Paneas.

25 KINGS Armthem Seipha (Sofim).144 City of Elcana and Samuel. It is situated (in the
region of Thamna) near Diospolis. The home of Joseph who was from Arimathea in the
Gospels. Abenezer.145 A stone of help (hearing or of help). Place where "the heathen
carried away the ark of the covenant" between Jerusalem and Ascalon near the village of
Bethaamas. Aphesdomeim (Afesdomim).146 Where Saul fought. Aquila (interprets) "on the
boundary of Dommein." Anegb (Annegeb).Aquila "south." Symmachus "south." Arith.148 Where
David dwelled. There is a village (named) Arath west of Jerusalem. Aialim.Aquila
(translates) "of the deer." Theodotion "the stones of the deer." Aendōr.150 (Which is "in
Jezrahel" where the children of Israel prepared for battle. There is now a large town
Endor four miles south of Mt.Thabor. Aphek (Afec).151 Near Endor of Jezrahel where the war
broke out against Saul. Arma.152 Where David sent some of "the spoils." Athach.153 Where
David sent some of the "spoils."

26 Amma.154 "By the wilderness road of Gabaon." Aeththam Adassai (Aethon Adasai).155
(Which for Symmachus is (interpreted) "the lower road." Alōn Area Orna.156 This is
Jerusalem. Assour.157 City in Judaea which Solomon built. Abelmaelai (Abelmaula).158 One
of the capital cities of Solomon. Home of Eliseus (the prophet). There is now a village
called Bethmaela (Bethmaula) in the Aulon [of which we have spoken above], ten miles from
Scythopolis (to the south). There is also a (little village Abelmea seen on the road from
(between) Neapolis to (and) Scythopolis. Auothiaeir (Avothiair).159 One of the capital
cities of Solomon. Ailath.160 "On the shore of the red sea in the land of Edom." Note
above Ailas also. Ailōth (Aeloth).161 Azarias built this. Ainda (Aenda).162 Asa (the king)
fought against this (and overthrew it). Asiōn Babai (Asiongaber).163 (Which is also Asion
Gaber. There the ships of Josaphat were broken (the fleet was destroyed). It is said to be
Aisla (Essia) quite near Aila beside the Red Sea.

27 Alae (Alle), Abor, Gozan.164 (Names) of rivers in the territory of the Medes on whose
mountains Israel was resettled (was led away captive). Abena (Abana).165 River of
Damascus. Aophsith (Aofsithe).166 Or Aphousoth which Aquila (understands) "in freedom."
Aian.167 The "king of Assyria" captured this. Aia.168 [Place in the territory of Assyria.
Ainath] (Ameth).169 Territory of Assyria. Asimath (Asima).170 [City in the land of Judaea
which] those from Aimath (Emath) built there. Arkem (Arcem).171 According to Josephus this
is Petra the famous city of Palestine. Adramelech.172 Assyrian idol. The same as Anemelech
(Latin omits this phrase) [which the Samaritans worshiped] which were the gods of the
Samaritans. Arōnieim (Aroniim).173 A road (according to) Isaia. Aquila Oronaim, Symmachus
Aranneim. In the vision "against the Moabs." [Agalleim (Agallim).174 Isaia (also mentions
this) in his vision "against the Moabites."] There is now the village Aigalleim (Aegalim)
eight miles south of Areopolis. Aileim (Aelim).175 Well of Deimmon (Dimon). [This place is
also recorded in] Isaia in the vision "against the Moabites."

28 Arina (omitted in Latin) or also Ariel.176Aquila and Symmachus "lion of God." It is
asserted that this is (the same as) Areopolis since the inhabitants of Areopolis still
call their idol Ariel worshiping Ares (that is Mars) from whom the city (supposedly) is
named. [It seems to be, however, that as a consequence of the prophetic text Ariel
signifies allegorically Jerusalem or the temple itself, and that is the lion of God who
bears the rule strongly and powerfully. Concerning this I speak more fully in the book
Hebrew Questions.] Adama.177 (In Isaia). Aquila and Symmachus "ground," Theodotion
(interprets) "land." Agros (Ager).178 Of the fullers. According to Isaia. The place is
pointed out now in the suburbs of Jerusalem. [Asedek (Asedec).179 Isaia the prophet
predicts the future of this place in Egypt. Remember, however, that in Hebrew this name
should be written Aares which is dryness and some interpret "'in the sun," but others
translate "in the clay" probably designating either Heliopolis or Ostracinas. But these
disputed matters are discussed more fully in the book Hebrew Questions.]

29 Arphad (Arfad).180 City of Damascus against which the King of Assyria fought. (as it is
written) in Isaia, Jeremia and Kings. Anaeougaua (Aneugaua).181 In Isaia. Aquila [Ane and
Gaua]. Symmachus "rouse up" and "humiliate." [Perhaps the U syllable in the middle of the
word should be interpreted as the conjunction "and."] Also in Kings (we read about this
also in Kings). Armenia.182 (In) Isaia (Which is) Ararat. Sarasa (Latin omits). Asel
(Asael).183 Zachariah mentions this. Anamaēl (Anameel).184 Tower of Jerusalem [as written
in the book of] Zachariah. Asademōth (Assaremoth).185 In Jeremia. In Hebrew "of Sademoth"
(is written). Aquila "the suburbs." Aeniōth.186 In Jeremia. Aquila "workshop" (or shop).
Alōth (Alaoth).187 In Jeremia. (For which) in Hebrew Louith (Luith is written). Aitham
(Aethan).188 In Jeremia. (Which) Aquila (interprets) "firm" ("powerful"). Symmachus
"ancient." THE GOSPELS Akeldama (Aceldama).189 "Field of blood." in the Gospels. It is
even now pointed out on the north (south side) of Mt. Zion in Jerusalem.

30 Ainōn (Aenon).190 "Near Saleim" (Salim), where John baptized according to the Gospel of
John. The place is pointed out even now eight miles south of Scythopolis near Salalm
(Salim) and the Jordan.

SECTION B

1 GENESIS Babel (Which is also) Babylon.191 Interpreted "confusion." It was the city of
Nemrod, king of the giants. Where the tongues of those who designed the tower were
confused, whose chief, Josephus affirms, had been Nimrod. He also is a witness to the
story about the tower which the Greek Sibylline taught, saying. "The place in which they
built the tower" is now called Babylon because of the obvious confusion of their first
language. The Hebrews called that confusion Babel. [Because of the confusion of the speech
of those who were building the most high tower with all zeal since the Hebrews call
confusion Babel.] Concerning this tower and the dialects of man the Sibylline also recalls
writing thus. All mankind had one language but some built a high tower so they might climb
up to heaven by it. The gods sending winds overturned the tower and gave to each his own
(peculiar and unique) language. And so because of this the city is called Babylon."

2 Baithēl (Bethel).192 It is now a village twelve miles from Jerusalem to the right of the
road going to Neapolis. It was formerly called Oulamma and also Luza. It was given to (the
lot of) the tribe of Benjamin, near Bethaven and Gai. Josue also fought there killing the
king. [Further, since some hold Ulammaus to be the old form following the error of the
Greek volume, they err greatly. Surely the word is Hebrew and they appear to have confused
the name of the city with Ulam meaning "first," i.e., former, while Luza really means
"almond." So properly Bethel was first called Luza. Neither this nor Bathaun should be
looked for in another city since the Hebrews reckoned them to be Bethel. But from the time
of Jeroboam, son of Nabat, made there the Golden calves and the ten tribes worshiped
there, it has been called Betraun, i.e., "House of God." But we have spoken of this fully
in the book Hebrew Questions.]

3 Bala.193 "That is Sigor (Segor) It is now called Zoora (Zoara), the only one [of the
five cities] of the territory of Sodom [cursed by Lot] which escaped. It is now inhabited
(remains still) in the vicinity of the Dead Sea. A garrison of (Roman) soldiers is
(stationed) there (a peculiar people crowd in there.) The Balsam and the date palm in the
land surrounding it proves the ancient fertility of the place. [Nothing is wrong because
Segor is said to be Zoara, for they are the same word for "very little" or "little." It is
Segor in Hebrew and Zoara in Syriac. Bala however is interpreted "swallowed." On this we
have spoken fully in the book: Hebrew Questions.] Belanos (Belanus).194 "Mourning" (i.e.,
oak) under which Rebecca's nurse died and was buried. Barad.195 "Between Cades and Barad
the well of Agar is even now pointed out. Bēthlehem.196 [City of David. In the lot of the]
tribe of Juda (in which our Lord and Savior was born.] It is six miles south of Jerusalem
near the road descending to Hebron. There the tombs of Jesse and David are pointed out.
[One mile farther. near the tower of Ader, which means "tower of the flock," is where the
shepherds heard prophetically of the Lord's birth before it happened. Also near this same
Bethlehem is pointed out the tomb of one of the kings of Judaea, Archalaeus, which is
reached first on a narrow path diverting from the main highway to our cell.] Also called
Bēthleem is the son of Efratha, (i.e. of Mary) according to Paralipomenon (book it is
fully spoken. Read the story well!).

4 EXODUS Beelsephōn (Beelrefon).197 Station of the children of Israel near the desert
going out of Egypt through the waters, near the Red Sea. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Banēiakan
(Baneiacan).198 Station on the desert in the journey of the people (children of Israel).
Bamōth.199 City of the Amorrites near the Jordan in the region of the Arnon which the sons
of Ruben took. Basan.200 [Of which is written above] "Og, king of Basan." This is also the
Maachathites who are called Aouth Iaeir (that is resident Iair). And the (half-) tribe of
Manasse received it (by lot). Located in the Galaad, it is the region of the Basanites
which is now called Batanaia. Beelphegōr (Baelfegor).201 (Which is interpreted "idol of
shame." It is the idol of Moab which is Baal on Mt.Phogor [which the Latins call Priapus.
This is fully discussed in the book Hebrew Questions]. Baian (Baean).202 City of the
Amorrites which the sons of Ruben took.

5 Bēthnamran (Bethamnaram).203 Across the Jordan. Which the tribe of Gad built. There is
even now a village Bethnampris five miles north of Livias. [Betharran.204 Across the
Jordan. Which the tribe of Gad built.] Beelmeōn.205 Across the Jordan. Which the sons of
Ruben built. There is a large village near the hot waters of Baara [where the water
springs freely from the earth] called Beelmaous of Arabia, located nine miles from
Hesebon. Eliseus the prophet came from here. Baal.206 Across the Jordan. City of the sons
of Ruben. Bouthan (Buthan).207 Station of the children of Israel in the desert which is
also (called) Aitham (Aetham). Bēla.208 Eastern boundary of Judaea. Note also the above
(named) Arbela. Bosor.209 "In the desert," "across the Jordan," (given in the lot to) "the
tribe of Ruben," "east of Jericho," a priestly city of refuge. This is Bostra a metropolis
of Arabia. There is also another Bosor, city of Esau, now in the hills of Idumea which
Isaia mentions saying, "Who is this coming from Edom? The one in red garments from Bosor?"

6 Bēroth.210 "Of the sons of Jakeim (Iacim)." Place in the desert where Aaron died. It is
pointed out (still today) ten miles from Petra on the summit of the mountain. JOSUE
Bounos.211 (That is hill) of foreskins. Place at Galgal where Josue circumcised the people
(of Israel). At the second mile from Jericho is pointed out even now (today) the stones
which were brought up out of the Jordan (as scripture records). Bēthōrōn.212 To where the
(enemy) kings were pursued by Josue. Given (in lot) to the sons of Joseph, that is
Ephraim. There are two villages twelve miles from Jerusalem on the road to Nicopolis, [of
which the near] one called [Bethoron the Lower] set apart for the Levites. Barnē.213 This
is Cades Barne, on the desert which extends up to the city of Petra. Baalgad.214 In the
plain "of the Lebanon at the foot of Mt.Hermon. Josua also captured this.

7 Bethphogor (Bethfogor).215 Across the Jordan. City of the sons of Ruben near Mt.Phogor,
opposite Jericho, six miles above Livias. Bēthasimouth (Bethsimuth).216 Place of (home of)
Isimouth. [There is even now (up to today a village Ismouth] opposite Jericho, ten miles
to the south near the Dead Sea. Bērōth (Beeroth).217 At the foot (the hill) Gabaon. There
is now (pointed out today) a village near Jerusalem on the road to Nicopolis (Neapolis) at
the seventh milestone. Botnia (Bothnim).218 Also Poteein (Latin omits). Across the Jordan,
a city of the tribe of Gad. There is even now (today) a place called by this same name.
[Bētharam.219 City of the tribe of Gad near the Jordan,] which (is called) according to
the Assyrians (Syrians) Bethramphtha. It is now called Livias [so named by Herod in honor
of Augustus]. Bethnema.220 Across the Jordan. City (of the tribe) of Gad near Livias.
[Bethagla.221 Tribe of Juda.] There is now a village called Agla ten miles from
Eleutheropolis on the road to Gaza. Also another (maritime) Bethagla by the sea eight
miles (from Gaza).

8 Bētharaba.222 (In) the tribe of Juda.] Baal.223 "This is Carlatihjarim, city of Iarim,"
(i.e., town of the forest or as some think city of Iarim) tribe of Juda. There is a
village Cariathiareim (today) on the road descending from Jerusalem to Diospolis at the
tenth milestone. Baala.224 Also Bala (not in Latin). (In) tribe of Juda. Balōth.225 (In)
tribe of Juda. Bethphalei (Bethfali).226 Also Bethelei (not in Latin). (In) tribe of Juda.
Bērsabee.227 (In) tribe of Juda or Simeon. There is now a large village twenty miles south
of Hebron in which a garrison of (Roman) soldiers is stationed. Here the territory of
Judaea begins extending up to Dan near Paneas. Bersabee is interpreted "well of the oath"
because there Abraham and Isaac swore (a pact of alliance) with Abimelech. It is not
necessary to move the cities reported in Juda which are also found in Simeon and/or
Benjamin. For since the tribe of Juda excelled in war it is likely that through a
successful action, in the final description of the territory it was given a share of the
inheritance allotted to the other tribes. Scripture indicates quite clearly that Simeon
lived in the midst of Juda. [Once the men of the tribe of Juda were most warlike, strong
and numerous, dominating all as the chief tribe and so therefore the lots of other tribes
are occasionally reported as bound to it. Scripture also teaches quite clearly that Simeon
dwelled in the mist of the tribe of Juda.]

9 Balaam (Balam).228 (In) tribe of Juda. Baskōth (Bascath).229 (In) tribe of Juda.
Bethdagōn.230 (In) tribe of Juda. There is now (still today) a large village Keparadagōn
(Caferdago) [pointed out] between Diosopolis and Iamnia. Bēthalōth.231 (In) tribe of Juda.
Bēthphou (Bathaffu).232 (In) tribe of Juda. A village fourteen miles beyond Raphia on the
road to Egypt. It is the border of Palestine. Betharaba.233 Symmachus "near the
uninhabitable" [translates "in the place which is near the uninhabitable," meaning
desert.] Beesthara.234 (In) tribe of Manasse. Separated to the Levites "in the Basanite"
(region). Bethaun.235 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Near Gai and Bethel, opposite Machmas,
[which some regard to be the same as Bethel as said above]. [Baliloth.236 (In) tribe of
Benjamin.] Bethsour (Bethaur).237 (In) tribe of Juda or Benjamin. There is now a village
Bēthsōrō at the twentieth milestone on the road going from Jerusalem to Hebron. (Near)
there is also pointed out a spring coming out of the hill where it is said the eunuch
Candaces was baptized by Philipp. (There is a spring arises at the foot of the hill and
bubbles forth, and is swallowed by the ground.) There is also another Bethsour (in) the
tribe of Juda one mile (a thousand paces) from Eleutheropolis.

10 Boon.238 (In) tribe of Benjamin. [Bēthalōn.239 (In) tribe of Benjamin.] Symmachus
(interprets) "in the field." Bēthagla (Bethalla).240 (In) tribe of Benjamin. [Bērōth.241
(In) tribe of Benjamin.] Bola.242 (In) lot of (tribe of) Simeon. Bathoul.243 (In) lot of
(tribe of) Simeon. [Bēth.244 (In) lot of (tribe of) Simeon.] Baaleth.245 (In) lot of
(tribe or) Simeon. Bērammōth.246 (In) lot of (tribe of) Simeon. [Bēthlabaōth.247 (In) lot
of (tribe of) Simeon.] Bethleem.248 (In) lot of (tribe of Zabulon. There is another one of
Juda. (Distinct from the other named Bethleem of Juda.) Bēthphasis (Bethfases).249 (In)
tribe of Issachar. Batnai (Batnae).250 (In) tribe of Aser. Now a village called Bethbeten
(about) eight miles east of Ptolemais. Bēthdagōn.251 Linking up "with Zabulon." Lot of
Issachar. (Place where the two tribes Zebulon and Issachar have common borders.) Bēthaemek
(Bethemec).252 Symmachus (interprets) "of the valley" (place of the valley). Lot of Aser.
Bēthanatha (Bethana).253 (In) tribe of Nephthali. There is a village (named) Batanaia
fifteen miles from Caesarea in which there are said to be healing baths. Note also (under
the name) Anaia above.

11 Banē.254 (In) tribe of Dan. Barakai (Barac).255 (In) tribe of Dan. There is even now [a
little] village (called) Barka (Bareca) near Azotos. JUDGES Bezek (Bezec).256 City of
(king) Adonibezek. There are now two villages (named) Bezek near each other seventeen
miles from Neapolis on the road to Scythopolis (descending to). Bēthsan.257 The tribe of
Manasse "did not destroy" the heathen of this city (were not able to expel the original
inhabitants). It is (now called) Scythopolis, a famous Palestinian city. The Scriptures
call it also the house of San, which (in our language is interpreted "enemy") is "house of
enmity." Bethsames.258 Priestly city of (in) tribe of Benjamin. It is even now (today
pointed out about) ten miles east of Eleutheropolis toward Nicopolis. Bathma
(Bethnath).259 (In) lot of (the tribe of) Nephthali. They did not destroy the heathen
here. (But the tribe of Nephthali could not expel the former inhabitants from here.)

12 [Bethsames.260 Another one.] (The former inhabitants remained here.) Baalermōn.261
Mountain near Lebanon in the territory of the heathen (Allofylus). Baleth (Baaleth).262
(In) lot of (tribe of) Dan. Bethbēra.263 (Interpreted house of) water (or well) which
Gideon seized (by warlike expedition). Bēthasetta.264 Where Madian fled (turned in
flight). Balanos (i.e., oak of) Sikimōn.265 Where Abimelech reigned. It is pointed out (up
to today) in the suburbs of Neapolis toward the tomb of Joseph. Borkonneim
(Borconni).266Aquila "blackthorn" Symmachus (interpreted) "prickly plant." Bēra.267 Where
Joatham stood when he fled from Abimelech. The village (Bera) is eight miles north of
Eleutheropolis. Baalthamar.268 Near Gaba. Where the children of Israel prepared for war
against the tribe of' Benjamin. This place (little town) is also (even today) called
Beththamar (as noted above). KINGS Bēthchōr (Bethchur).269 Where (up to this place) the
people pursued closely (the fleeing) "heathen." It is also called "the s tone of help."

13 Bama.270 Where Saul ate with Samuel when he was about to be anointed king. Aquila
translates for Bama "hill." Bōsēs.271 Name of a rock. [About which we speak in the book
Hebrew Questions.] Basōr (Besor).272 Wadi to which David came. Bōrasan.273 Where (place to
which) David sent some of "the spoils." Baoureim (Baurim).274 Where (place to which) her
weeping husband followed Michol, Saul's daughter. Baalasōr.275 "Near Ehraim" where "(the
sheep) of Absalom" were shorn. [Bēthmacha.276 (Here Joab followed the fleeing Seba and
afterwards, we read, it was taken by the Assyrian king. There is now a village called)
Machamim] (in the eighth mile going up from Eleutheropolis to Jerusalem). Balth
(Balaath).277 City which Solomon built. Baithsarisa (Bethsarisa).278 Where the man came to
(the prophet) Eliseus (with his gifts). It is in the boundary of (a village of) Diospolis
fifteen miles to the north in the Thamnitica. Baithaggan (Bethagan).279 Road through which
(we read) Ochozias fled.

14 [Basekath (Bazeoath).280 Ancient city of Judaea.] Baithakath (Bethacath).281 (Village
of Samaria) to which Jehu went. There is a village of Samaria (located not more than)
fifteen Miles from (the city of) Legeōn in the great plain. Aquila (interprets) "house of
bending" Symmachus "separated house." [This is because of the narrow and low entrance of
such a separated house and because one is not able to stand up on entering.] Baithannē
(Baenith).282 Also Bainith. The Samaritans (who were brought from) Babylon built this.
Bublos (Byblus).283 City of the Phoenicians. In Ezechiel. For this the Hebrews have Gobel.
Boubastos (Bubastus).284 City of Egypt in Ezechiel. Bōz.285 In the land of Kedar. In
Jeremia (as Jeremia writes). Bēl.286 Idol of Babylon. THE GOSPELS Bēthsaida.287 City of
"Andrew and Peter" and Philipp (the apostles). Located in Galilee on (near) the Lake of
Gennesareth. Bēthphagē (Bethfage).288 (Little) village on the Mt. of Olives where the Lord
Jesus came.

15 Bēthania.289 Village two miles from Jerusalem on the slope of the Mt. of Olives where
the Christ (Savior) raised Lazarus. The place (tomb) of Lazarus is pointed out even now
[where a church has been constructed.] Bēthaabara (Bethabara).290 "Where John was
baptizing" (the penitent) "across the Jordan." The place is pointed out where many of the
brothers even now consider it an honor to wash. (Where today many of the brothers, the
believers, desiring a renewal of life are baptized in the Depths.) Bēzatha (Bethsaida).291
Pool in Jerusalem which is (called probatike and interpreted by us) "sheep." Once it had
five porticos. There are now pointed out twin pools, of which one is filled by the rain
water (winter rains) and the other it appears that the water becomes miraculously red, as
they say, bearing the traces of the sacrificial victims formerly washed in it. So it is
called the sheep after the sacrifice. (Red like blood which in itself is seen as a sign of
old. The sacrificial victims were brought unbound by the priests into the bath, whence it
received its name.)

SECTION G

1 GENESIS Gaiōn (Geon).292 The Nile according to the Egyptians, arising out of Paradise
and encircling "all of Ethiopia." Gomorra.293 One of the five cities of Sodom (which
divine punishment) destroyed at the same time as the rest. Gerara.294 The Geraritike is
now called after this, (the region) beyond the Daroma. Twenty-five miles south of
Eleutheropolis. It is the old southern boundary of the Chanaanites and a royal city of the
Philistines (metropolis of Palestine). It is located, as Scripture affirms, "between Cades
and Sur" (i.e., between) two deserts. The one adjoins Egypt whence the people came having
come through the (straits of the) Red Sea. The other (true) Cades extends up to the desert
of the Saracens. Galaad.295 Mountain to which Jacob went fleeing from Laban, a full "seven
days" journey from Haran. It is situated back of Phoenicia and Arabia, connected with (the
hills of) Lebanon, extending through the desert as far as Petra beyond the Jordan. There
Sehon the Amorrite dwelled. It (the above mentioned mountain) was given by lot to the sons
of Ruben and [Gad and the half-tribe of Menasse. In Jeremia it is said], "Galaad, [you are
to me] like the peak of Lebanon." There is also a city Galaad set on the mountain with the
same name. "The descendants of Machir son of Manasse" took Galaad from the Amorrites.

2 Gader.296 Tower where Jacob dwelled and Ruben violated the bed (of his father). [Since
the letter G is absent in Hebrew it is written Ader.] Gethem (Gethaim).297 According to
the Hebrew, Aueith (Auith). City of Adad, the fourth to rule the land of Edom in Idumaea
now called Gebalene. Gesem.298 District in Egypt in which Jacob dwelled with his sons.
NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Gasiōn (Gaber).299 Station of the children of Israel in the desert
as it is in Numbers and in Deuteronomy. It is the city of Esau. It is thought to be Asian
(Essiam) near the Red Sea and Aila. Gai.300 Station of the children of Israel in the
desert. There is even now (said to be) a city Gaia (of Palestine) near (the city of)
Petra. Gelmōn Deblathaeim (Gelmōn Deblathaim).301 Station (i.e., halting place of the
children of Israel) in the desert. Gadgad.302 Mountain in the desert. Station of the
children of Israel. (Where the children of Israel made camp.)

3 Gaza.303 City of the Avvim in which the Caphthorim dwelled who destroyed the Avvim (the
former inhabitants). The ancient boundary of the Chanaanites with Egypt. It was allotted
to the tribe of Juda but they did not possess it and did not expel the heathen from it.
[The Enacim, i.e., giants, of the Allofylus remained most strong.] It remains even now a
famous city of Palestine. [It is still to be inquired after since the prophet said Gaza
would be an everlasting mound in the future. The solution is: the place of the ancient
city hardly shows traces of foundations, yet that which is now seen was in a place
different from the one which was destroyed.] Gergasei (Gergasi).304 Located on the Jordan
near the city of the Galaad (City of Transjordan near tribe Mt.Galaad) which the tribe of
Manasse received. It is said to be Gerash the famous city of Arabia. Some affirm it to be
Gadara. But the Gospel mentions the Gerassenes (Gergessenes).

4 Gadgada.305 Where "there is a torrent of water" a place in the desert. Gaulōn or Gōlan
(Gōlam).306 (In) the tribe of Manasse. A priestly city of refuge "in the Basanitide." Now
a great city (large village) called Golan in the Batanaia. The city and the district have
the same name. (From this name the whole region is also named.) Gaibal (Gebal).307
Mountain in the Promised Land where Moses commanded an altar to be built (at the command
of Moses an alter was built). They say (there are) two neighboring mountains facing each
other located at (near) Jericho, one of which (is said) to be Garizin, the other Gaibal.
But the Samaritans erroneously point out two others near Neapolis (argue for two mountains
near Neapolis but they err greatly) since the great distance of one from the other there
shows that they are not able to hear one another when calling out from one (hear the
voices calling out in turn blessing or cursing as Scripture records).

5 Garizein (Garizin).308 Mountain where those calling out the blessing (curse) stood. Read
the above mentioned Gaibal (Gebal). Golgol or Galgal.309 The Scriptures teach this is near
Mt.Garisein and Mt.Gaibal. The place of Galgal is in the Jericho region (near Jericho).
[Therefore the Samaritans err who would point out Mt.Gairsin and Mt.Gebal near Neapolis
which Scripture testifies are near Galgal.] Gai.310 "In the land of Moab." Ravine of Moab.
"Near the house of Phogor" where Moses is buried. JOSUE Galgala.311 This is the above
mentioned Golgol, "to the east" of old Jericho going toward the Jordan. There Josue
circled with the people and made "the Passover" using wheat for the first time after the
cessation of the manna. (In this place) He set up stones from (carried from the bed of)
"the Jordan." The tent of witness remained there. Given by lot to the tribe of Juda. The
deserted place is pointed out [two miles from Jericho which the people] today worship as
holy (some men of that region hold in holy awe). Another Galgala is found (is looked for)
around (near) Bethel.

6 Gai.312 It is near Bethaun and Bethel. Josue attacked it killing its king. It is now
deserted. (Now only a ruined place is shown.) The Amorrites from the Jordan formerly
inhabited it. Gabaon.313 From whence came the Gabaonites in order to make supplication to
Josue. It was (once) a great metropolis and capital (royal city) of the Hevites which was
given by lot to (tribe of) Benjamin. There is even now a village called the same (pointed
out) near Bethel, four miles to the west on the road to Rama. (It lies near Rama and
Remmon.) Set aside for Levites near Remmaa. Here Solomon while he was sacrificing
(animals) was found worthy of an oracle from God. Gaibe (Gaba).314 Lot of Benjamin. [City
set aside for Levites. Gazer.315 (In) lot of (tribe of) Ephraim.] (City) set aside for
Levites. Josue attacked it killing its king. (Later) Solomon built it up. Now called
Gazara, a village four miles north of Nicopolis. (Quite obvious) the tribe of Ephraim did
not capture it from the heathen (were not able to expel from it the foreigners).

7 Goson.316 Josue also attacked this. Geth.317 (In which the giants) The heathen (called)
Enacim and the Philistines not being driven out remained here. There is (pointed out) even
now a village (in the fifth mile) on the road from Eleutheropolis to Diospolis five miles
from Eleutheropolis. Gesoureim (Gesom).318 City of the heathen. This is the same as
Gargasei in the Basanitide from which the children of Israel did not drive out the
Gesoureim (were not strong enough to drive out). Gader.319 Josue conquered (killed) its
king. (We read that) Jacob "pitched his tent beyond the tower of Gadar." Gōein of Gelgel
(Goim in Gelgel).320Aquila and Symmachus (interpret) "of nations of Gelgel." Gelgel.321
Josue also took this. Even now (is shown) a village (hamlet) called Galgoulis (Galgulis)
six miles north of Antipatris. Golathmaeim (Golathmaim).322 A place which is interpreted
"possessing water." Gadda.323 (In) tribe of Juda. There is now a village on "the border of
the Daroma to the east above (overlooking) the Dead Sea.

8 Gadeira (Gadera).324 (In) tribe of Juda. There is now a village (hamlet called) Gidora
(Gadora) in the district of (city of) Jerusalem around the terebinth. Gedour (Gedur).325
(In) tribe of Juda. There is now a large village (called) Gedrous (Geddrus) ten miles from
Diospolis on the road to Eleutheropolis. Gabli.326 Land of the heathen (Allofylus).
Gisōn.327 (In) tribe of Juda. Gelōn.328 (In) tribe of Juda. Gadērōth.329 (In) tribe of
Juda. Gethemmōn.330 (In) tribe of Manasse. City separated to the Levites. Gai.331 Ravine
(valley or gorge). Galennoum (Geennom).332 Which is interpreted ravine of Ennoum. This is
said to be (thought) Geenna. (Given by) lot of tribe of Benjamin. It is close to the wall
of Jerusalem to the East. [More fully discussed in the book Hebrew Questions.]
Geththepher.333 Lot of (in tribe of) Zabulon. Gēephthael.334 Ravine (i.e., valley)
Ephthael. Lot of (in tribe of) Zabulon. Gabathōn.335Lot or (in tribe of) Dan. City
separated to the Levites. There is a city called Gabe sixteen miles from Caesarea and
another village Gabatha on the boundary of Diocaesarea near the great plain of Legeon. And
there are villages Gabaa and Gabatha in the eastern region of the Daroma. Another Gabatha,
lot (tribe of) of Benjamin where Saul's home was. Still another Gabathon of the heathen as
noted in Kings [near Bethlehem in the tribe of Juda].

9 Gethremmōn.336 Another. (Another city in tribe of) lot of Dan. Separated to the Levites.
There is now a large village twelve miles from Diospolis on the road to Eleutheropolis.
Galeilōth (Galiloth).337 Place by (near) the Jordan where the sons of Ruben set up an
altar (to God). (In) tribe of Benjamin. Gaas.338 Mountain (in the tribe of Ephaim) where
Josue was buried north of it. His (the) monument (of Josue son of Nun) is now pointed out
near the village of Thamna. Gabass (Gabath).339Mountain of Ephraim (Latin omits). City of
Phineas son of Eleazar, where Eleazar was buried. There is a village Gabatha twelve miles
from Eleutheropolis where the monument of Habacuc is pointed out. (In) tribe of Benjamin.
Gabaan (Gabaam).340 As far as this place (here) Benjamin (the tribe of Benjamin) fought
(was fought against) as it is in Judges. KINGS Geththa.341 The ark (of the covenant) was
brought here from Azotos. Now it is a large village which is called Giththam on the road
between Antipatris and Iamnia. There is also another Geththeim (Geththim).

10 Gallei (Gallim).342 Home of Phalti, who after David fled got Michol "David's (his)
wife." Mentioned both here and in Isaia. They say there is a village called Gallaia
(Gallaa) near Accaron. Gelamsour (Gelamsur).343 Territory of the heathen (Allofylus).
Gelboue (Gelbua).344 Mountain of the heathen six miles from Scythopolis on which there is
a (large) village called Gelbous (Gelbus). Geddour (Gedud).345 Whence David went down.
Aquila "Marauder" (i.e., lightly equipped or armed). Symmachus "armed band." Gazēra.346
Where David struck down "the heathen." Also note Gazer previously (above). Gessour
(Gessur).347 Territory of the heathen in Syria. Gilōn.348 Home of Achitophel. Gob.349
Where a battle was fought. Gailaia (Gailaea).350 There are two Galilees. One of these is
Galilee of the nations located in the region of Tyre where Solomon gave "twenty cities to
Hiram." (In) lot of (the tribe of) Nephthali. The other is near Tiberias and its lake (the
Lake of Gennesareth) lot of (in tribe of) Zabulon.

11 Geiōn (Gion).351 Where Solomon was anointed (king). Gēr.352 Where Jehu (king of Israel)
struck down Ochozias (king of Juda) "Near Jeblaam." Geththachopher.353 Home of Jona the
prophet. Gaddei (Gaddi).354 Hazael (king of Damascus) defeated it. Note also Gadda above.
Gēmela.355Territory of Edam (Idumaeans). Aquila and Symmachus (interpret) "ravine of
salt." Gebein (Gebin).356 Isaia mentions this. There is now a village Geba five miles from
Gouphnis (Gufnis) on the road to Neapolis. Gōzan.357 In the territory of Hamath (Emath).
Isaia mentions this. It is in the region (borders of) the Damascanes. Garēb.358 Hill near
Jerusalem. In Jeremia (As Jeremia writes). Gēbarōth (Gebarth).359Aquila "in defenses."
Symmachus "in the community" in Jeremia. (Symmachus correctly read Jeremia "in the farm-
estate.") Gaimōd (Gemen or Gamon).360 Territory of Moab (Moabites) according to Isaia.
Gaipha (Gefa).361 (Name of a) territory. In Isaia (as is written in Isaia). THE GOSPELS
Gadara.362 City beyond the Jordan opposite Scythopolis and Tiberias (situated) to the east
in the mountains at the foot of which baths of hot water are located (at whose foot hot
water flows out and baths are built over it).

12 Gergesa.363 Where the Lord (Savior) heated the demoniacs (restored those vexed with
demons to sanity). Now (today) a village is pointed out on the mountains near Lake
Tiberias where the swine were condemned (cast down) to death. Noted also above. Gethsimanē
(Gethsimani).364 Place where the Christ (the Savior) prayed before the passion. It is
located at (the foot of) the Mt. of Olives where even now the faithful fervently utter
prayers (where now a church has been built over it). Golgotha.365 "Place of the skull"
(Calvary) where the Christ (the Savior) was crucified [for the salvation of all]. It is
pointed out (today) in Jerusalem north of Mt.Zion.

SECTION D

1 GENESIS Dasem.366 Great Assyrian city which Assur built "between Nineve and Chalach."
Drus (Drys i.e., oak).367 Mambre near Hebron, where there is a [very old and of many
years] terebinth even now [up to the time of my childhood and the reign of Emperor
Constantine] pointed out. There (under which) Abraham pitched his tent. It is also
venerated by the people (just as perhaps it also is dedicated to an extraordinary power).
Damaskos (Damascus).368 Famous Phoenician city. So also the son of Abraham's steward is
called "Masek." [It is the same name by which Masec the son of Abraham's steward is
called. Further "Masec" is fully discussed in the book Hebrew Questions I must merely
fulfill the role of translator and determine why the servant of Abraham was named Masec.]
Dan.369 The village called that (up to today) is four miles from Petra on the road toward
Tyre. This is also the border of (promised to) Judaea (on the north) from whence the
Jordan arises [bursts forth and receives its name. Ior is Hebrew for reithron, i.e.,
stream. or river].

2 Danaba (Dannaba).370 City of Balac son of Beor, king of Edom. After him Iob became king
[it seems to me a long time after]. There is now a village Dannea (Dannaia) eight miles
from Areopolis on the road to the Arnon and another Danaba (Dannaba) on Mt.Phogor seven
miles from Hesebon. Dōthaeim (Dothaim).371 Where Joseph found his brothers grazing
(cattle). It remains (is shown up to today) in the region of Sabaste about twelve miles to
the north. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Daibōn (Debon) or Dibon.372 Station of the children of
Israel in the desert. There is another very large village even now near the Arnon which
once was the possession of the eons of Moab and then the children of Israel took it from
Sehon the Amorrite. (Afterwards Sehon the Amorrite held it by right of conquest. but the
children of Israel captured it and held it so in the partition it came to the tribe of
Gag.) Also given to the tribe of Gad. Isaia mentions it in the vision "against the
Moabites (Moab)." Isaia mentions it.

3 Daibōngad (Dabira).373 Station of the children of Israel. Dusmai Moab (Dysmae Moab i.e.,
to the west of Moab).374 "Along the Jordan opposite Jericho" where Balac "king of Moab"
and "the elders of Madian" deceived (cheated with the plot) Israel. There Moses also wrote
Deuteronomy. JOSUE Dabeira (Dabira).375 (City given to (in tribe of) Dan whose king Josue
killed. There is another Jewish village on Mt.Thabor in the region of Diocaesarea. Dor of
Naphath (Nafeth).376 Symmachus (translates) "by the sea" (maritime). Dora near Caesarea
Palestine [at the ninth milestone on the road to Tyre. Now deserted.] (Given in lot to)
the tribe of Manasee did not possess it since they did not destroy the heathen. (They were
not able to possess it since the former inhabitants remained in it.) Dabeir (Dabir).377
(In) the tribe of Juda. Called "city of letters" which Gothoniel Caleb's brother seized
[or as some say the son of Caleb's brother] killing the Enacim in it. Given (separated to)
to the priests.

4 Dabeir (Dabir).378 Above the Jordan. City of the Amorrites. Deimōna (Dimona).379 (In)
tribe of Juda. Dalaan (Dadan).380 (In) tribe of Juda. Denna.381 (In) tribe of Juda. It is
also (as Dabir) the city or letters. Dauid (Dauia).382 (In) tribe of Juda. Douma
(Duma).383 (In) the tribe of Juda. Now a large village in the Deroma (to the south) in the
region of Eleutheropolis at the seventeenth milestone. Damna.384 (In) tribe of Zabulon.
City separated to the Levites. Dabasthe (Dasbath).385 (In) tribe of Zabulon. Dabrath.386
(In) tribe of Issacher. City separated to the Levites. JUDGES Drus.387 (i.e., oak) which
is "in Ephratha." In lot (tribe) of Manasse. Home of Gedeon. [We have spoken on this in
the book Hebrew Questions, how Ephratha is now thought to be found in the tribe of
Manasse.] KINGS Deibon (Dibon).388 (Of which we spoke above.) Isaia mentions this in the
vision "Against the Moabites" (Moab).

5 Deseth.389Aquila (translates) "house wall" Symmachus "city wall." Dōdaneim (Dodanim).390
Isaia (writes of this) in the vision on Arabia. It is also near Areopolis. Darōm.391
Symmachus (changes to) "in the south." In Ezechiel. (Ezechiel mentions it.) Diospolis.392
City of Egypt. In Ezechiel. (As Ezechiel writes.) Dadan.393 In the land of Cedar according
to Jeremia. Deblathaeim (Deblathaim).394 In the land of Moab according to Jeremia. Daidan
(Daedan).395 In the (territory) or Idumaea according to Jeremia (as Jeremia writes).
Located four miles north of Phainon (of the mines of Phainon). THE GOSPELS Dekapolis
(Decapolis).396 (As we read) in the Gospels. It is located in Persea, Hippos, Pella and
Gadara. (It is in the territory of the ten Transjordanian cities around Hippos, Pella and
Gadara.)

SECTION E

1 GENESIS Edem (Eden).397 The place to the east of the paradise of God. Interpreted
"delight" (Translated pleasure or delight). Eueilat (Euila).398 "Where there is gold"
[Where there is found purest gold which in Hebrew is called Zaab] and "ruby" and "emerald"
(and most precious jewels, stones and emeralds). The Phison flowing from Paradise
encircles it. According to the Greeks it is the Ganges "flowing from India" (which we call
Ganges), changing its name). One of the descendants of Noe is called Eueilat (Euila) who,
Josephus tells, "dwelled with his brothers, who were from the river Kophenos (Cofene), in
parts of India and region of Syria (in the region of India and even to the place called
Ieria)." Ismael it is said (written) lived on the desert of Euila which (Holy) Scriptures
affirm to be the desert of Sour (sur) "opposite Egypt" and extending to the midst (Latin
omits) of the land of Assyria.

2 Euphrates.399River of Mesopotamia coming forth (rising) from Paradise. [Further
Salustius a reliable author asserts, however, the source of the Tigris and Euphrates to be
proven in Armenia, from which we perceive something also about Paradise and its rivers
must be known.] Ellasar.400 City of King Arioch. Ephratha.401 Region of Bethlehem the City
of David in which the Christ was born. Tribe of Benjamin. [It is also however in the tribe
of Juda, apparently wrongly ascribed to the tribe of Benjamin.] There "on the way" Rachel
is buried, (Near the road where Rachel is buried) at the fourth (fifth) milestone from
Jerusalem in the place called (by the Septuagint) the Hippodrome. The monument is pointed
out even now. (Latin omits this sentence.) Also the father of Bethlehem was called
Ephratha according to Paralipomenon. (We read also of Efratha in the book of Paralipomenon
as noted above.) EXODUS Eirōth (Iroth).402 Place in the desert at which they (the children
of Israel) arrived from Egypt after coming through the Red Sea.

3 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Empurismos (Conflagration. i.e., empurismos).403 Place on the
desert where those speaking against God were burned up. (Where some of those people were
consumed by fire.) Enthaath (Inthaath).404 Station of the children of Israel in the
desert. Ebrōna.405 Station of the people (children of Israel) in the desert. Emath.406
Where the spies with Josue came through. (Spies Josue sent.) Ermana (Errma).407 Where some
of the people were defeated by the Chanaanites and Amalecites. The Chanaanites (who) are
called Amorrites in Deuteronomy. Essebōn.408 "City of Sehon" the Amorrite "in the land of
Galaad" who took up arms against the king of Moab (and took possession of it from the
Moabites by right or war). Isaia mentions this in the vision of the Moabites (against
Moab) and also Jeremia. Further it is now called Esbous (Esbus) a famous city of Arabia
situated in the mountains opposite Jericho, twenty miles from the Jordan. Given to the
tribe of Ruben. Separated to the Levites.

4 Edraei (Edrai).409 Whence the gigantic (and powerful) Og, king of Basan, (was killed and
all his people (struck down). Now there is Adra a famous city of Arabia, twenty-four miles
from Bostra. Elealē.410 City of the Amorrites in Galaad which was given to the tribe of
Ruben. Isaia also mentions it in his vision of the Moabites (against Moab). Also noted in
Jeremia. There is now a large village preserved (is shown) not more than one (in the
first) mile from Esbous (Esbus). Enna.411 Which is located near the desert of Cades.
Erman.412Mt. Hermon which "the Phoenicians" called Sanior. Note also above. JOSUE (of
Naue) Emekachōr.413 Which means valley of Achor (i.e., tumult or confusion) where Achar
(Achan) the condemned thief was stoned, from whom it derives its name. The place is even
now pointed out near Jericho beside (not far from) Galgala. [It is quite wrong to think
the Valley of Achor is named for the name of the one atoned, for he is called Achan, not
Achor or Achar.]

5 Eglōm.414 Also Odollam. Whose king (named) Dabeir Josue struck down. (In) tribe of Juda.
Even now there is a (very) large village ten (twelve) miles east of Eleutheropolis. Note
above also (of which we have spoken above). Enemek (Inemec).415Aquila and Symmachus
(translate) "in the valley." Esōr (Esrom) also Asor.416 (In) tribe of Juda near the
desert. Note above also (of which we have spoken above). Enakeim (Enacim).417 Josue
destroyed "the Enacim (giants) from the mountains (of the region) of Hebron." [But it
seems to be that Enacim is not the name at a place but of the inhabitants.] Ephrōn.418
(In) tribe of Juda. There is now a (very) large village (named) Ephraim (Efraea) twenty
miles north of Jerusalem. Edrai (Edre).419 (In) tribe of Juda. Ethnan.420 (In) tribe of
Juda. Ebeziouthia.421 (In) tribe of Juda. Euein (Euim).422 (In) tribe of Juda. Elthōlad
(Elthōlath).423 (In) the tribe of Juda. Ereb.424 (In) tribe of Juda. Eremintha now a
village in the Daroma. (Today a village in the Daroma, i.e., to the south, is called
Eremiththa.)

6 Essan (Esan).425 (In) tribe of Juda. Eloul (Elul).426 (In) tribe of Juda. [Is a village
today in the region belonging to Jerusalem named Alula near Hebron.] Eltheke.427 (In)
tribe of Juda. Now is Thekoua (Thecua) a village twelve (nine) miles east (south) of
Jerusalem. Home of Amos the prophet whose tomb is pointed out there even now. Engaddi.428
(In) tribe of Juda. Where David fled (hid) in the wilderness of Jericho in the Aulon
(which is a district of the plain of which we spoke above). A large Jewish village Engaddi
is now located near the Dead Sea where there are balsams. Note also above Gaddi (Latin
omits). [Of whose vineyards Solomon speaks.] Esthemō.429 Priestly city. It is now a large
Jewish village of the region of Eleutheropolis in the Daroma. Emekraphaeim
(Emecrafaim).430Aquila and Symmachus "in the valley of Raphaeim." Lot or (in tribe of)
[Benjamin. Edōmim (Edomia).] 431 Lot of (in tribe of) Benjamin. There is now (shown) a
village Edouma in the Akkrabattine twelve miles east [of Neapolis].

7 Erma.432 Josue also took this and killed its king. Given by lot to Simeon and (or) Juda.
Ether.433Lot or Simeon. It is now (named) Ietheira a large village in the interior of the
Daroma close to Malatha. Eththa.434 Lot of (in tribe of) Simeon. Elkath.435 Lot of (in
tribe of) Aser. City separated to Levites. Elkōk (Icoc).436Lot of Nephthali. (On the
border of three tribes. i.e.,) joining "Zabulon on the south and Aser" by the sea (west)
and "Juda to the east." Edraei (Edrai).437 Lot of (in tribe of) Naphthali. Elthekō.438 Lot
of (in tribe of) Dan. Separated to the Levites. Esthaol.439 Lot of (in tribe of) Dan.
Where Samson died. It is even now (shown) ten miles north of Eleutheropolis on the road to
Nicopolis. Elba.440 Lot of (in tribe of) Aser. Aser did not drive out the heathen. (They
did not stop to drive out the former inhabitants.)

8 Eremmōn.441 A (very) large Jewish village sixteen miles south of Eleutheropolis in the
Daroma. Emmathdōr.442 Lot of (in tribe of) Nephthali. Separated to the Levites. Emath.443
Boundary of the heathen (Allofylis) in the region of Daroma. Enlechi (Inlechi).444 Aquila
(interprets) "jaw." Eniakebzēb (Inaczeb).445 Symmachus (translates) "in the valley of
Zeb." KINGS Ergab.446 Where Jonathan (son of Saul) "shot the arrows" (the place he
accurately aimed the arrows he was using). Aquila (interprets) "to the stones" Symmachus
"stone." Also elsewhere Symmachus (says) "for this perimeter." Echela.447 Where David hid.
Now (properly) called Enkela (Eccela), a village) seven miles from Eleutheropolis. The
tomb of the prophet Habacuc is pointed out nearby. Elmōni.448 A place. Which is
interpreted by Aquila and Theodotion "here or there." [As we are able to say this or that.
However let the diligent reader recognize what in principle any part of this book can only
touch briefly, I do not agree with all that I pass on, but defer to the Greek authority
since I have disputed more fully on this in the book Hebrew Questions.]

9 Esthama.449 When (place to which) David sent. Elōth.450 Azarias the king built this.
Emath.451 In Isaia. A city of Damascus which the king of Assyria besieged. Also Zacharia
and Ezechiel also mention it. But in Amos (it is written) Emath Rebba (Rabba) which is
(signifies to us) Emath the great. Note also above (We spoke of this also above). Perhaps
(it seems to us) it is Epiphaneia near Emesēs (where even today Syrians say it thus).
Eser.452 City which Solomon built. Enacheim (Inachim) or Enbachein (Inbachim).453 In
Michea (Micheas the prophet also mentions it). Aquila and Symmachus (translate) "in
weeping." Enaraba (Inaraba).454Aquila (translates) "in level ground" (or plain). Symmachus
"in the field." Elkese.455 Home of Nahum (the prophet, also called) the Elkesite. Emakeim
(Emacim).456Aquila and Symmachus (translate) "valleys." THE GOSPELS Emmaous (Emmaus).457
Home of Cleopas who is mentioned in the Gospel of Luke. It is now Nicopolis a famous city
of Palestine.

10 Ephraim.458 "Near the desert" where the Christ (the Lord Jesus) came "with his
disciples." Note also the above Ephron (We have spoken of this also above under Efron).

SECTION Z

1 GENESIS (These above words are mostly to be read with the shortened letter E accordingly
we read with a long vowel what in Greek is called Eta.) Zaphōeim (Zafoim).459 Territory of
the princes of Edom now in the region (called) Gebalene. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Zoob.460
"As It is said in the book, The Ward of the Lord burned Zoob and the torrents of Arnon."
City of the Amorrites located on the Arnon. Zephrona.461 Northern boundary of Judaea.
Zared.462 Ravine Zared in the midst of the desert. JOSUE Zeiph (Zif).463 (In) tribe of
Juda. Zanaoua (Zannoua).464 (In) tribe of Juda. Now (today) there is a village [called
Zanoua] in the boundary of Eleutheropolis on the road to Jerusalem. Ziph.465 Tribe of Juda
(Latin omits). A village now (up to the present day) is in the Daroma on the boundary of
Eleutheropolis near Chebron at the eighth mile to the East. There David hid.

2 KINGS Zeib (Zif).466 "Dry mountain" of Zeib (rough mountain or foggy or cloudy near
Zif), in which David lived near Chumalba, which is called (in scriptures) Karmelos. This
is name given today to a village of Jews. Home of Nabal the Camelite. One of the
descendants of Caleb is said to be Zeib (Zif) according to Paralipomenon. Zogera
(Zogora).467 In Jeremia. City of Moab. It is now called Zoora or Sigor (Segor), one of the
five cities of Sodom. Zēb.468 In Jeremia City of Amman. There is now (shown) a village Zia
fifteen miles west of Philadelphia. Zōeleth.469 (Name of) a stone called this on which
Adonias sacrificed "near the spring Rogel."

SECTION E

1 GENESIS Ēlath.470 Territory of the princes of Edom and a city of Esau ten miles east of
Petra. 'Erōōn (Eroum).471 City in Egypt where Joseph met his father (Jacob). Elioupolis
(Eliopolis, city of the sun).472 City in Egypt which the Hebrews called On, of which it is
said Potiphar was priest. Also noted in Ezechiel. Etham.473 Station of the children of
Israel in the desert. Also (called) Bouthan (Buthan). JOSUE Ēngannim.474 (In) tribe of
Juda. It is now (a village) near Bethel. Ēnaim.475 (In) tribe of Juda. There is now a
village Bethenim near the terebinth. Ēndōr.476 (In) tribe of Manasse. Home of the witch
[the priestess of oracle who was consulted by Saul king of Israel]. Also note the above
Aendōor, which is near (the city of) Nain where (in whose gates) the Christ (the Savior)
raised up the son of the widow. It is also near Scythopolis. Ēnganni.477 (In tribe of) lot
of Issachar. City separated to the Levites. Another village Ēnganna is said to be around
Cerasa in Perea (across the Jordan).

2 Ēnada.478 (In tribe of) lot of Issachar. There is now another village Ēnadab about ten
miles from Eleutheropolis on the road to Jerusalem. Ēnasōr.479 (In tribe of) lot of
Nephthali. Note also Asor above. 'Ērakōn (Ereccon).480 Boundary or the tribe of Dan near
Joppa. JUDGES 'Ētam.481 Where Samson dwelled "in the cave Etam" beside the wadi. KINGS
'Ēla.482 (We read) valley Ēla (which) Aquila and Theodotion (interpret) "valley of the
oak." Ēngaddi.483 Desert where David hid. Note above Engaddi (in) tribe of Juda located
west of the Dead Sea. Ēmath.484Territory of the heathen. According to Jeremia, a city of
Damascus. Ēnan.485 "Border of Damascus" according to Ezechiel, (to the East "from Thaiman
and the city of the palm trees," which according to the others (other Interpreters taught
it is) Thamar.

SECTION TH

1 GENESIS Thaiman (Theman).486 Territory of the princes of Edom in the (land of) the
Gebalitikes named from Thaiman the son of Eliphaz the son of Esau. It is even now a
village Thaiman about fifteen (five) miles from Petra. (A garrison of Roman) soldiers are
(is) stationed there. Home of Eliphaz the king of the Thaimanites. One of the children
born to Israel is (called) Thaiman. (It is understood that) all the southern region is
called thus (Theman in Hebrew) for Thaiman is to be interpreted "south." Thamna.487 Where
Juda sheared his sheep. A (very) large village remains (is shown) in the boundary of
Diospolis midway to Jerusalem. (In) tribe of Dan or Juda. Thamna.488 Another city of the
princes of Edom. Also "the concubine of Eliphaz son of Esau who bore Amalec to him" from
whom the Amalecites. DEUTERONOMY [Thophol (Thafol).489 Place in the desert "beyond the
Jordan" where Moses wrote Deuteronomy. Opposite Jericho.

2 Thaath.490 Station of the children of Israel. Thara.491 Station of the children of
Israel.] JOSUE Thaphphou (Thaffu).492 City which Josue besieged and captured (killed) its
king. It was given to the tribe of Juda. Noted also above Bethaphou (Bothafu) on border of
Palestine and Egypt. Thanak (Thaanac).493 City which Josue besieged and captured (killed)
its king. It was given to the tribe of Manasse. Separated to the Levites. Now it (there is
a village of this name in the fourth mile) is four miles from Legeon. Thēnath.494 (In)
tribe of Joseph. There is today a village Thena ten miles east of Neapolis on the way down
to the Jordan. Thaphphoue (Thaffue).495 (In) tribe of Joseph. Thaphphouth (Thaffuth).496
(In) tribe of Manasse. Thekō.497 Now (a village) Thekōe is (shown) near the desert of
Ailias, home of Amos the prophet. Formerly a city of refuse (Latin omits last phrase).
Thersa.498 Josue took this along with its king.

3 Therama.499 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Thōlad.500 (In) tribe of Juda or Simeon. Thabōr.501
Border of Zebulon. There is a (high and wonderfully rounded) mountain near (in the middle)
of the plain (of Galilee) ten miles East of Diocaesarea. It is also the border of the
tribes of Issachar and Nephthali. Thalcha.502 (In) tribe of Simeon. Now a large village of
Jews called Thala (Thella about) sixteen miles from Eleutheropolis in the Daroma (to the
south). Thamnathsara.503 City of Josue son of Nun located "in the mountain." It is Thamna
noted also above in which even now there sepulchre of Josue is pointed out. (In) tribe of
Dan. Thalassa.504 The salt (sea) also called Dead and Asphalt (i.e., bitumin) between
Jericho and Zoora. JUDGES Thaanach.505 The tribe of Manasse did not possess it since they
did not expel the heathen from it. Here Debora fought Sisara. Also separated to the
Levites. It is now a large village three miles from Legeon.

4 Thēbēs.506 City which Abimelech was fighting. From the tower "a woman threw a piece of
the millstone on his head" (and he was killed). There is now in the district of Neopolis a
village called Thebes at the thirteenth milestone on the road to Scythopolis.
Thamnatha.507 Note also Thamna above. (In) tribe of Dan. KINGS Thēlamou land of
(Thelamuge).508 (Place) to which "Abner sent to David." Aquilla (interprets this word)
"immediately" Symmachus "for himself." Thaad.509 Near Galaad. Thamsa.510 Border of
Solomon's kingdom. Thermōth.511 City which Solomon built "in the desert" (of which we make
further mention in the book Hebrew Questions). Tharseis (Tharsis).512 Where gold from
(brought to) Solomon. According to Josephus (Josephus thinks) Tarsos is Cilicia. According
to Ezechiel Charchedon but according to the Hexapla the Hebrews hold Tarseis to be located
at Karchedon. Others claim it is India. [Ezechiel the prophet perceives it to be Carthage
since according to the interpretation of the Hexapla where we read Carthage the Hebrew has
written Tharsis. Some others suggest even India. We wrote of this indeed in the Epistle to
Marcellus as is fully discussed in the in the book Hebrew Questions.]

5 Tharsa.513 Home of Aseph (Asa) king of Israel. Thersila.514 Home of Manaeim. There is
now a village of Samaritans called Tharaila in the Batanaia. Thesba.515 Home of Elias,
(the prophet) the Tishbite. Thaiman (Theman).516 According to Ezechiel a city of Idumea.
Isaiah also (mentions it) in the (his) vision against Arabia. Noted also in Jeremiah. The
city of Esau is also reported in the book of Abdia. One of the sons of Esau is also called
Thaiman. Noted also above. Tharthak.517 The Hevites founded this in the land of Judea.
Thalasar.518Territory of Syria. Thogarma.519 (We read) in Ezechiel. Thapheth (Thafeth).520
(We read) in Jeremia of the altar of Tapheth. In the suburbs of Jerusalem there is even
now pointed out a place called this near the fuller's pool end of the field of
Acheldamach.

SECTION I

1 GENESIS Iabōk (Iabōc).521 River of the ravine where after Jacob crossed it, he struggled
with the apparition and so his name was changed to Israel. It flows between Amman, that is
Philadelphia, and Gerasa at the fourth mile and then goes down and joins the Jordan (mixes
finally with the waters of the Jordan). Idoumaia (Idumaea.).522Territory of Esau after
whose similar name it is named. Others call it Edom. It is around Petra (now) called the
Gebalene. Iather.523 Territory of the princes of Edom in this same Gebalene (of which we
spoke above). NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Iatabatha.524 Station of the children of Israel in
the desert. Ianna.525 "Which is in the plain of Moab looking from the summit of the cleft
(under the cliff of Phasga, i.e., cut out) (toward) the desert." Beside the Arnon. Iessa
(Iassa).526 Where Sedon king of the Ammorites was fought. Isaiah also mentions this in the
vision "Against the Moabites." Also noted in Jeremia. It is now pointed out between Madaba
and Dibon.

2 Iazēr.527 City of the Ammorites ten miles west at Philadelphia in the Perea of Palestine
beyond the Jordan. It was made the boundary of the tribe of Gad (Latin omits this
sentence), "reaching to Aroer which is opposite Rabba." Also Jeremia. It was separated to
the Levites. Fifteen miles from Essebon and from it a great river flows forth to fall into
the Jordan (bursts forth and is received by the Jordan). Iordanēs.528 River dividing
Judaea and Arabia and the Aulim (of which we spoke above) next to the Dead Sea. It runs
through Jericho and is lost in the Dead Sea. (After many twists it joins the Dead Sea near
Jericho and disappears.) Ietabatha.529 "Wadies of water" place in the desert. 'Ierichō.530
City which Josue razed (after crossing the Jordan) and captured (killed) its king.
Afterwards Ozan from Bethel, from the tribe of Ephraim restored it. Here our Lord Jesus
the Christ (our Lord and Savior) came and revealed himself as worthy of honor. It was also
destroyed at the siege of Jerusalem (by the Romans) because of the faithlessness (perfidy)
of the inhabitants. It was rebuilt a third time and the city is now pointed out (which
city remains today). Of the two former cities there is even now some evidence remaining.
(Remains of both older cities are pointed out up to the present day.)

3 JOSUE 'Ierousalēm.531 Adonibezek ruled this and afterward the Jebusites from whom it was
called Iebus. (Much later) David destroyed it and made it the metropolis of (all the
providence) of Judaea. Because of this it was the place for the temple [the expenses of
the structure were neglected by the sons of Solomon]. In Genesis it is Salem which
Melchizedec ruled (according to Josephus). Given by lot to the tribe of Benjamin.
Iebous.532 "This is Jerusalem." Iareim (Iarim).533 City [of the Gabaonites. Ierimouth
(Iarimuth).534 "City] which Josue took. Tribe of Juda. Four miles from Eleutheropolis near
the village of Esthaol. Isimōth.535 Where David hid. Noted above as Bēthsimouth by
mistake. But in the first Book of Kings Aquila (interprets) for iessemos "disappear."
Symmachus correctly has "desert." Iedna.536 At the sixth milestone from Eleutheropolis on
the road to Hebron. Iekkomam (Ieconam).537 City of Carmel which Josue besieged and
captured (killed) its king.

4 Iaeir.538 City of the tribe of Manasse. Iamneia (Iamnel).539 (In tribe of) city of Juda.
It is now a city of Palestine Jamneia between Diospolis and Azotos. Iabeir (Iabir).540
City of letters. Tribe of Juda. [Iagour (Iagur).541 (In) tribe of Juda.] Iermous
(Iermus).542 (In) tribe of Juda. There is now a village Iermochos ten miles from
Eleutheropolis on the way to Jerusalem. Iechthaēl.543 (In) tribe of Juda. Iephthan
(Iecthan).544 (In) tribe of Juda. Iether.545 (In) tribe of Juda. Priestly city. There is
also now a (very) large village (named) Ietheria twenty miles from Eleutheropolis in the
(interior of) Daroma near Malathōn. All its inhabitants are Christian. Noted also above.
Ianoun (Ianum).546 (In) tribe of Juda. A village Ianoua is now three miles south of
Legeōn. But this does not appear to be the explanation (as written). Iettan.547 (In) tribe
of Juda. Priestly city. It is a (very) large village of the Jews now eighteen miles south
of Eleutheropolis in the Daroma.

5 [Iezrael.548 (In) tribe of Juda. But not the same as above.] Iezrael.549 (In) tribe of
Manasse. Another. There is even now a most famous (very great) village Esdraela in the
great plain located between Scythopolis and Legeon. Also the border or Issachar. One of
the posterity of Ephratha was called Iezrael according to Paralipomenon. Iekdaan.550 (In)
tribe of Juda. Iephlithi (Ierflethi).551 (In) tribe of Joseph. Iano.552 (In) tribe of
Ephraim. The king of Assyria took this. There is even now a village Ianō in the (region
of) Akrabattine, twelve miles East of Neapolis. Iamein (Iamin).553 (Which) Aquila and
Symmachus (interpret) "right hand." Iasēb.554Aquila and Symmachus "the inhabitants." (For
which the Hebrews read "the inhabitants.") Ieblaam.555 (In) tribe of Mannase from which
they did not drive out the heathen. Ierphēl.556 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Ieknal.557 Lot of
Zabulon (in tribe of). City separated to Levites. Iapheth (Iafthie).558 (In) tribe of
Zabulon on the east. Also called Joppe. (Now Joppe is called the ascent of Iafo). The
maritime village (city above the sea called) Symmachus on the way from Caesarea to
Ptolemais near the Mt.Carmel is said to be Epha.

6 Iephthaēl.559 (In tribe of) Lot of Zabulon. Iadela.560 (In tribe of) lot of Zabulon.
Iermoth.561 (In tribe of) lot of Issachar. City separated for priests. (Probably also)
another Iermouth (above). Hosea (the prophet) mentioned it. Iamnēl (Iabnel).562 (In tribe
of) lot of Nephthali. Ierōn.563 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. Iethlan (Iethlam).564 (In
tribe of) lot of Dan. Iēlōn.565 (In tribe of) lot of Dan. [Ioud (Iud).566 (In tribe of)
Dan.] 'Ierakō (Ieracon).567 Water of (tribe of) lot of Dan. Iabeis Galaad.568 The children
of Israel fought here. There is now a village beyond the Jordan located on the mountains
six miles from the city of Pella on the road to Gerasa. KINGS Iaar.569 Salt. Where there
was an apiary. ['Ieramēlei.570 Territory of the heathen.] Iether.571 To which David sent.
There is now a village (named) Ietheira in the Daroma. Noted also above. Iekmaan.572 City
of the chief of Solomon.

7 Itaburion.573Aquila and Symmachus (translated) "Thabor." In Oseo. (It is also Mt.
Thabor.) Located in the Great plain east of Legeon. Iekthoēl.574 (Name of) Petra in the
book of Kings. Ietaba.575 Ancient city of Judaea. Ioppē.576 City of Palestine which is now
on the coast. (in tribe of) (maritime) lot of Dan. THE GOSPELS Itouraia, Also
Trachonitis.577 Territory which Philip ruled as tetrarch according to the Gospels. There
territory extended into the desert (of Arabia) (Latin omits) near Bostra of Arabia (Latin
omits) is said to be the Trachonitis.

SECTION K

1 GENESIS Karnaeim. Astaroth Karnaeim.578 There is now a large village of Arabia (in a
corner of the Batanea) which is called Karnaia beyond the (river) Jordan. There according
to tradition the house of Job is pointed out. There is also another village called Karnaia
in the region (nine miles from) of Jerusalem. Kadēs.579 Where the spring "of judgment"
was. Kadēa Barnē.580 The desert which extends to (the city of) Petra a city or Arabia.
There Mariam went up and died, and there the doubting Moses struck the rock to give water
to the thirsty people. The tomb of Mariam herself is pointed out there even now. There
also Chodollagomor beat the chiefs of the Amalakites. Kenaz.581 Territory or the princes
of Edom. Kariathaeim.582 City which "the sons or Ruben" built. There is now a
(flourishing) wholly Christian village called Kariatha (Coraiatha), near Mēdaba, city of
Arabia, ten miles west toward (the place called) Barē.

2 Kariatharbo.583 "That is Hebron" noted also above. (i.e., the village of the four which
is Hebron of which we spoke above.) Kanath.584 Village of Arabia [called Manatha] even
now, [which Nobe took] and named Naboth. Given to tribe of Manasse. It is located even now
in the Trachoitis near Bostra. Kata ta Krusea (Catatachrysea, i.e., to gold).585 Mountain
which is full of gold dust on the desert eleven days distant from Mt.Choreb beside which
Moses wrote Deuteronomy. It is said that (formerly) the mountain (full) of gold veins was
near the copper mines in Phainon (which in our tine were still working. Kadēmōth.586
Desert from which Moses sent the elders (ambassadors) "to Sohon" [king of the Amorrites].
Kariath.587 City (village) which was under the metropolis of Gabaon. Kades.588 City which
Josue besieged, killing its king. Given (in lot) to tribe of Juda. Kademoth.589 (Another)
city of the sons of Ruben.

3 [Kedsōn.590 (In) tribe of Ruben.] (City) separated to Levites. JOSUE Kapseēl.591 (In)
tribe of Juda. Kina.592 (In) tribe of Juda. Keeila.593 (In) tribe of Juda. Where David
once lived. Even now a village Kela (nearly) eight miles east of Eleutheropolis on the
road to Hebron. The Tomb of Habacuc the prophet is pointed out there. Kariathbaal.594 This
is the city Iareim. Tribe of Juda. Kana.595 (In) tribe of Ephraim. [Kabsaeim (Capsaim).596
(In) tribe of Ephraim.] Kane.597 (In) tribe of Manasse. Kariathiareim (Kariathbaal).598 Or
city Iareim (of salt). One of the (cities of the Gabaonites. (Belonging to) tribe of Juda
between Jerusalem and Diospolis. Located on the road nine miles from Jerusalem. The home
of Uria the prophet whom Ioakim killed in Jerusalem according to Jeremia. The son of Sobal
is called Cariathiareim according to Paralipomenon. Kisōn (Kision).599 (In tribe of) lot
of Issachar. City separated to the Levites. Kartha.600 (In tribe of) city of Zabulon
separated to Levites.

4 Katta.601 (In tribe of) lot of Zabulon. City separated to Levites. Kana.602 Near Sidōn
the Great (to distinguish it from the other, the less). Lot of (tribe of) Aser. There (it
was in Cana) our Lord and God (Savior) Jesus Christ changed the water into wine. Home of
Nathanael (judged a true Israelite as the Savior testified). It is (today a city) in
Galilee of the Nations. Kades (Cades).603Lot of Naphthali. Priestly city formerly city of
refuge "in Galilee in the mountains of Nephthali." The king of Assyria took it. It is now
(called) Kudissos, twenty miles from Tyro near Paneas. Kartham.604 City (in) of tribe of
Nephthali, separated to Levites. JUDGES Ketrōn.605 (In tribe of) Zabulon "did not drive
out the heathen" (in which the former inhabitants remained). Karka (Carcar).606 Home of
"Zebee and Salmana" whom Gedeon killed. There is now a Fort Karkaria one day journey from
the city of Petra.

5 Kamōn.607 City of Iaeir where the judge of Israel was buried. There is now a village
Kammōna in the great plain six miles north of Legeon on the road to Ptolemais. Kisōn.608
Wadi near Mt.Thabōr where Sisara was fought. Kadēmim (Cademi).609 Wadi where Debora
fought. Koilas of the Titans (i.e., valley of giants).610 Against whom David fought.
Klauthmōn.611 Territory of lamentation (i.e., place of weeping) a place so called
(receiving its name from lamentation). KINGS Kēni.612 Territory of the heathen
(Philistines). Karmēlos.613 Home of Nabal. A village called Chermala which is interpreted
Karmelos is now ten miles east of Hebron. A (Roman) garrison is located there. [Karmēlos.
Mountain.]614 On the Phoenician sea and dividing Palestine from Phoenicia. Where Elias
lived. (Entry not in Latin.) Kabseēl.615 Home of Banaias son of Ioda. (Entry not in
Latin.) Kedrōn.616 Wadi or ravine of Kedron near Jerusalem. (To the east, the Gospel of
John mentions it.)

6 Kurinē (Cyrene).617 (On the border of Egypt) where the Assyrian king sent away the
Damascenes. Kōa.618 Near Egypt. Karchēdon (i.e., Carthage).619 Isaia in vision of Tyre and
also Ezechiel. In the Hebrew it is Tharsis [of this we have spoken fully in the book
Hebrew Questions]. Kollas Iōsaphat.620 (Coelas, i.e., valley) located between Jerusalem
and the Mt. of Olives. [We read in the prophet Joel.] Kedam.621 In Ezechiel. Aquila and
Symmachus (interpret) "east." Kēdar.622 In Ezechiel. "Princes of Kedar." Also in Jeremia
and Isaia in the "vision of Arabia." It is in the territory of the Saracans (desert). The
son of Ismael, son of Abraham (Latin omits phrase) is (named) Kedar. Kariōth.623 In
territory of Moab according to Jeremia. Kapharnaoum.624 By the Lake of Gennesaret. It is
now a village (city) in the Galilee of the nations, (located) "on the border of Zebulon
and Naphthali." [Here ends our reading for the letter C i.e., the Greek Kappa the rest are
under the letter Chi, which has aspiration in itself and of which there is very little use
in Latin.]


CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE
==============================================

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE continued

SECTION L

1 GENESIS Lasan.625 Border of the Chanaanites with the Sodomites. Louza (Luza).626 Jacob
renamed this Bethel. This village, inhabited even now, is on the left of the road going to
Jerusalem from Neapolis. Given to tribe of Benjamin. Louza (Luza).627 Another. Given to
the sons of Joseph. Near Suchem (Sychem) nine (three) miles from Neapolis. Lōtan.628 City
of the princes of Edom. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY [Lebōna.629 Station of the children of
Israel in the desert. Lobon.630 Place on the desert "'Beyond the Jordan" where Moses read
Deuteronomy. JOSUE] Lacheis.631 This also Josue besieged and captured (killed) its king.
Isaiah (and Jeremia) also mention(s) this. There is even now a village seven miles south
of Eleutheropolis toward the Daroma. Noted also in Jeremia. (In) tribe of Juda. Lebna.632
Josue also besieged this and captured (killed) its king. Given to the tribe of Juda.
Priestly city. There now is a village called Lobana in the area of Eleutheropolis. Isaia
noted it also.

2 Laserōn (Lasaran).633 Josue also besieged this and captured (killed) its king. Lithos
Boen.634 "In sons of Ruben." Border of the tribe of Juda. Labōth.635 (In) tribe of Juda.
Lamas.636 (In) tribe of Juda. Labōth.637 (In tribe of) lot of Simeon. Labanath.638 (In
tribe of) lot of Aser. Lakoum.639 Border of Nephthali. JUDGES Labōemath.640 (For which)
Aquila (interprets) "entrance of Emath." Lesem.641 This "the sons of Dan" besieged and
called it Dan. Louza.642 Another near Baithel located in the land of the Hethites. The one
left from Bethel founded it as it is told in Judges. Lechei.643 (For which) Aquila and
Symmachus (interpret) "in the jaw." Laisa.644 The sons of Dan took this which was some
distance from (near) Sidon and called it Dan. It was the northern border [of Judaea which
reached from Dan to Beersheba]. Isaia also mentions it. Noted above near Paneados from
whence the Jordan (river) originates.

3 KINGS Lemattara.645 Where Jonathan shot "the arrow" (dart). Aquila "to the mark."
Symmachus "to the set place." Ladabar.646 Where Memphibosthe was. Lōdabar.647 Home of
Machir. Libanos.648 Conspicuous (very high) mountain of Phoenicia. Loueith (Luith).649
Isaia mentions this. There is a village (today) between Areopolis and Zoora called
Loueitha.

SECTION M

1 GENESIS Manassē.650Territory of India where the sons of Jectan the son of Eber dwelled.
Mambre.651 That is Hebron. The tomb of both of the sons of Abraham is located there. (Tomb
of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob is located there.) Noted also above. One of the companions of
Abraham is also called Mambre. Madiam.652 City of one of the sons of Abraham and Cetura.
Located beyond Arabia to the south in the desert of the Saracens, to the east of the Red
Sea whence it was called Madiani and now is called (the territory of) Madian. Scripture
calls the daughter of Iobab [Moses' father-in-law] daughter of Madian. There is a second
city named thus near Arnon and Areopolis, the ruins of which are pointed out. Mōab.653
(Called) from Moab the son of Lot. City of Arabia which is now (called) Areopolis. Noted
also above. The territory is also called Moab, but its city is (rightly called) Habbath
Moab (i.e., The Great of Moab).

2 Masrēka.654 City of the king of Edom near the Gebalene. Mabsar.655 This large village
(called) Mabsara remains even now in the Gebalene dependent upon Petra. Magediēl.656 It
also belonged to one of the princes of Edom in the Gebalene. EXODUS Magdolos.657 Station
on the journey of Israel (coming out of) from Egypt, where they stopped before (crossing)
the Red Sea. Also noted in Ezechiel: From Magdolos to Syene. According to Jeremia here
those Jews [fleeing the impending destruction by Babylonians] dwelled with Jeremia in
Egypt. Merra.658 (Which means) "bitter." Place on the desert where the available water was
bitter. Moses sweetened it by throwing in a wood. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Mnemata
epithumias.659 (Memoriae, i.e., graves) of lust. Station of the children of Israel in the
desert where they were destroyed because of the meat (where while eating the meat the
wrath of God rose upon them). Makēlōth.660 Station of the children of Israel in the
desert.

3 [Mathekka.661 Station of the children of Israel in the desert.] Masourouth.662 Station
of the children of Israel in the desert. Maththanem.663 Now called Maschana. Located on
the Arnon (about) twelve miles east of Madaba. Misōr.664 City of Og king of Basan.
[However Misor means flat place or plain.] Machanarath.665 Border of Amman which is also
Philadelphia. Madbaris.666 According to the Hebrews the desert is so called. [What we call
the desert the Hebrews call Madbarim.] Misadai.667 "Of the sons of Iakeim." Place on the
desert where Aaron died. JOSUE Makēda.668 Where Josue shut up five kings in the cave,
which kings he also killed along with the king of Makeda. Given to tribe of Juda. Now it
is eight miles east of Eleutheropolis. Madōn.669 City where Iobab ruled (was king) and
against whom Josue fought. Massepha.670 (In) tribe of Juda. There Jephthae dwelled. Near
Kariathiareim in which the ark was once kept and where Samuel judged the people. Jeremia
also notes it.

4 Merran.671 It is the water where they prepared for war. Now there is a village (named)
Merrous twelve miles from Sebaste near Dothaeim. Mastraiphōth Maim.672 (Which for) Aquila
"Mastaiphoth water." Symmachus "Mastraiphōth sea" (is interpreted). Machathi.673 City of
the Ammorites beyond the Jordan and near Mt.Hermon from which the children of Israel did
not expel the Machathites (were not able to expel). Marōm.674 [Josue also besieged this
and captured (killed) its king. Note above Marous. Maggedo.675] Josue also besieged this
and captured (killed) its king. Given to tribe of Manasse who (never) did not possess it
since they did not drive out the heathen (former inhabitants). Misōr.676 (For which)
Aquila and Symmachus (interpret) "level plain." City of tribe of Ruben. Separated to
Levites in the Gebalene. Meddaba.677 City now in the mist of Arabia which in even now
called Medaba near Essebon. (A city of Arabia today which retains its ancient name near
Esebon.)

5 Mēphaath.678 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Another is beyond the Jordan where a garrison of
(Roman) soldiers is stationed, near the desert. Maspha.679 (In) tribe of Gad. Separated to
Levites. There is another Masseba (Masfa) on the northern border of Eleutheropolis. (There
is still another of the tribe of Juda on the way to Jerusalem. Manaeim.680 (In) tribe of
Gad. Separated to Levites in the Galaaditide. Mōlada (Moladab).681 (In) tribe of Juda or
Simeon. Medebēna (Medemena).682 (In) tribe of Juda. It is now Menoeis (a city) near the
city of Gaza. Noted in Isaia. Magdala.683 (In) tribe of Juda. Marēsa.684 (In) tribe of
Juda. It is now deserted at the second milestone from Eleutheropolis. (Its ruins are now
only two miles from Eleutheropolis.) Maōn.685 (In) tribe of Juda. East of the Daroma.
Marōth.686 (In) tribe of Juda. Maddei (Maddi).687 (In) tribe of Juda. Maspha.688 (In)
tribe of Benjamin. Machtrōth.689 (In) tribe of Manassa.

6 Marala.690 Ascent of Zebulon. Tribe of Manasse (Latin omits phrase). Masan.691 (In)
tribe of Aser. Near Carmel at the sea. City separated to Levites. Meeleph (Maeleb).692
Border of Nephthai. Magdiel.693 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthai. It is now a large (small)
village five mile from Dor on the road to Ptolemais. JUDGES Mosphetham (Mosfethaim).694
(For which) Aquila (interprets) "of the lot." Symmachus "midpoint" (of the vicinity).
Mōre.695 Name of a hill. (More fully discussed in the book Hebrew Questions.) Mannēth.696
Where Japhte fought. There is now (shown) a village Maanith four miles from Esbon on the
road to Philadelphia. Machmas.697 There is now a large village in the region of Jerusalem
called Machamas (retaining the old name) at the ninth mile near hamlet of Rama. KINGS
Messab.698 "Of the heathen" (enemy city) near Gaba (Gabaa). Magdōn (Magrōn).699 Where Saul
stayed. Massēpha "of Moab."700 Where David came fleeing from Saul (fleeing to avoid Saul's
hatred).

7 Masereth.701 Desert now deserted where David stayed. (Which) Aquila (interprets) "in
fortress" Symmachus "in place of refuge," Theodotion "in the caves." Masbak.702 City of
the heathen (enemy), king Adrazar. Mela (i.e.) Gemela.703 (Which) Aquila and Symmachus
(translate) "valley of salt." (We spoke of this above.) Maacha.704 Territory of king of
Gesour. Mōdeeim.705 Village near Diospolis. Home of the Maccabees where their tomb is
pointed out even now. (Indeed it is amazing that their remains are shown in Antioch, but
our author is to be believed.) Mapsar Turou.706Aquila "wall of Tyre." Symmachus
"fortification of Tyre." Masa.707 City which Solomon built. Meebra.708 (For which) Aquila
(translates) "from across." Symmachus "from opposite" (i.e., across or opposite).
Makes.709 City of one of the chiefs of Solomon. Melō (Mello).710 City which Solomon built.
(Further) Symmachus and Theodotion (translate) "completion." (This also is more fully
discussed in the book Hebrew Questions.) Maidan.711 City which Solomon built.

8 Memphis.712 In Osee. City of Egypt. (Osee, Ezechiel, Jeremia the prophets mention this.)
Also in Ezechiel. In Jeremia those Jews (who fled Jerusalem) with Jeremia went to Memphis.
Macha.713 In Osee. (For which) Aquila and Symmachus (translate) "the desire." Milētos.714
City of Asia. Noted in Ezechiel. Maribōth.715 (Which Ezechiel mentions saying) "to the
waters of Maribeth," Ezechiel. Aquila "litigation." Symmachus "controversy." Mōrathei
(Morasthi).716 Home of Michea the prophet. (It is a village) east of Eleutheropolis.
Masogam.717Territory of Moab according to Jeremia. [Misōr.718Territory of Moab according
to Jeremia (near Jeremia). Mōphath.719Territory of Moab according to Jeremia.] Noted above
Mēphaath. Maōn.Territory of Moab according to Jeremia (near Jeremia). Molchom.721 Idol of
Ammon according to Jeremia (as Jeremia writes). Magedan.722 The Christ went to the region
of Magedan according to Matthew and Mark also mentions Magedan. Now (the region called)
Magedanē is around Gerasa.

SECTION N

1 GENESIS (Five Books of Moses) Naid.723 Land where Cain dwelled. (Properly) interpreted
"restlessness," (i.e., in motion or fluctuation). Nineve.724 City of Assyria which Assur
built going from the land of Sammaar. There is now (another) city of Jews called Nineve
near the Gonias (corner) of Arabia. Naaliēl.725 Near the Arnon. A station of the children
of Israel. Nabau.726 (Which the Hebrews called Nebō.) Mountain above the Jordan opposite
Jericho on the land Moab. There Moses died. It is pointed out even now about six miles
west of Esbon (opposite the east region of Esbon). Nabōth (Nabo).727 City of the sons of
Ruben in the territory of Galaad. Noted also by Isaia in the vision "against the Moabites"
and in Jeremia. There is also (a certain) man named Nabau who was of Kanath and this city
was named from that Naboth. Nabau is now shown deserted eight miles south of (the city of)
Hesbon.

2 Nageb.728 The South (is called Nageb) according to the Hebrews. Symmachus (interprets)
"south." [It should be known that this area among the Hebrew tribes is called Nageb,
Theman, and Darom, which we are able to translate as south. (Latin uses four synonyms for
south quadrant; austrum (south), adricum (southwest), meridiem (south), eurum
(southeast).] JOSUE Naphethdor (Nafeddor).729 Symmachus (interprets) "Dora on the coast"
(maritime). It is nine miles from Kaisareia. (Dor is today a deserted city in the ninth
mile on the road from Caesarea to Ptolemaise.) Naphthō.730 A spring of water is so called.
Tribe of Benjamin. Naam.731 City of the tribe of Juda. Nesib.732 (In) tribe of Juda. There
is a Nasib (which is now called Nasibi) nine (seven) miles from Eleutheropolis on the road
to Hebron. Nebpsan.733 (In) tribe of Juda. Naaratha.734 (In) tribe of Ephraim. There is
now a village of Jews Noorath five miles from Jericho.

3 Napheth.735 (In) tribe of Manasse. Naalōl.736 (In tribe of) lot of Zabulon. City
separated to Levites. Nakeb.737 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. JUDGES Neala.738 From here
the heathen "were not driven out" by Zabulon (Zabulon could not expel). Located in the
Batanaca is (a village named) Neeila (Neila). Nobba (Nabe or Nobba).739 To which Gedeon
went up. City separated to the priests which (afterwards we read) Saul [in a rage]
destroyed. Nemra.740 City of (tribe of) Ruben in land of Galaad. There is now a large
village Namara in the (region or the) Batanaea. KINGS Naniōth.741 (Place) "in Rama." City
where David dwelled. (We spoke of this in the book Hebrew Questions.) Nachōn.742
"Threshing floor of Nachōn" which Aquila (interprets) "threshing floor prepared."
Naphath.743 The city of one of the chiefs of Solomon. Nērigel.744 The Samaritans from
Babylon (who had been brought from Babylon) built this in (the region of) Judaea.

4 Nazeb.745 The Hevites built this in (the land of) Judaea. Nasarach.746 Idol of Assyria.
Nebēreim (Nemerim).747 Isaia (mentions this) in the vision "against the Moabites." Also
Jeremia. It is now (a village called) Bennamareim north of Zoora. Nabeōth.748 Territory in
Isaia. THE GOSPELS Nazareth.749 Whence the Christ was called a Nazorite (Our Lord and
Savior was called). Formerly (as a taunt were called) the Nazarenes are now the
Christians. It is even now in Galilee (a village) opposite Legeōn fifteen miles to the
east near Mt.Thabor (named Nazara). Naein (Naim).750 Village (city) in which the son of
the widow was raised from the dead (The Lord raised). It is today twelve (two) miles south
of (Mount) Thabor near Aendor.

SECTION X

JOSHUE Xil.751 (In) tribe of Juda.

SECTION O

GENESIS Orech.752 City of King Nebrod (Nemrod) in Babylon. Our of the Chaldees.753 Where
"Arran died" the brother of Abraham. Where also Josephus reports his tomb is even "now
pointed out." [Of this also we have looked into and have spoken in the book Hebrew
Questions.] Oulammaous.754 The Hebrew has Louza. This is called also both Louza and
Bethel. Noted above. There is (shown) another Oullama twelve miles east of Diocaesarea.
[Olibama.755 City of the princes of Edom.] Odollam.756 Noted above also. Isaia mentions
it. EXODUS Othom (Othon).757 The second station where those (the children of Israel)
coming from Egypt came from Sokchōth "near the desert." JOSUE Opher.758 Josue besieged
this and captures (killed) its king. Oolei.759 City (in tribe of) of lot of Aser.
Ophra.760 Orad Ophra up to (the land of) Saul. [Here we read through O the short letter,
later we record the long vowel.] Ous.761 Home of Job. In the territory of Ausitide. One of
the sons of Esau is also called thus. [Of which we spoke in the book Hebrew Questions.]

SECTION P

THE PENTATEUCH Petra.762 City in the land of Edom in Arabia which is called Iechthoel.
This is also called Rekem by the Assyrians (Syrians).

SECTION R

1 THE PENTATEUCH Roōbōth.763 City of Assyria which Assur built going from the land of
Sennaar. [Of this also we have spoken fully in the book Hebrew Questions.] Roōbōth.764
Another City which is "by the river" which was the home of the king of Idumea. Now there
is a fortress in the Gebalene (and a large village called by this name). Ramesse.765 City
which the children of Israel built in Egypt. The whole territory was formerly called this.
In it Jacob dwelled with his children. Roōb.766 Through which came (crossed) the spies
with Josue (son of Nun). There is a village (today called) Roōb four miles from
Scythopolis. Separated to the Levites. Raphaka.767 Station of the children of Israel in
the desert. Raphidim.768 Place in the desert beside Mt.Horeb where the water flowed "from
the rock" in Mt.Horeb. The place is called "Temptation." There Josue also fought Amalek
near Pharan. Ratima.769 Station of the children of Israel in the desert.

2 Remmen Phares.770 Station of the children of Israel. Ressa.771 Station of the children
of Israel. Ramōth.772 City (in) the tribe of Gad. Priestly and refuge, in the (land of)
Galaaditide. It is now (a village) fifteen miles west (against the east) of Philadelphia.
Rekem.773 It is also Petra, city of Arabia, "whose ruler Rocom the children of Israel
killed. It is said he was also king of Madiam. JOSUE Remmōn.774 (In) tribe of Simeon or
Juda. Now Remmōn is a village near Jerusalem, fifteen miles to the north. Rōgēl.775 Spring
is called this. In lot (tribe) of Benjamin. Rama.776 (In) tribe of Benjamin. City of Saul.
Seven (six) miles north of Jerusalem opposite Bethel. Jeremia mentioned it. Rekēm.777 (In)
tribe of Benjamin. Remmōn.778 Rock Remmon. (In tribe of) lot of Simeon or Zabulon.
[Rabbōth.779 (In tribe of) lot of Issachar. There is now another village Robbo in the
region of Eleutheropolis to the east.

3 Rethōm.780] (In tribe of) lot of Issachar. Roōb.781 (In tribe of) lot of Aser. [City
separated to the Levites. Rama.782 (In tribe of) lot of Aser.] "Up to the fortress city of
Tyre." Rama.783 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. [Some of the names of the villages are
assigned to different tribes because with us we see only one name to pronounce, when among
the Hebrews they are written with various letters.] [Rekkath.784 (In tribe of); lot of
Nephthali.] Rouma (Arima also).785 Where "Abimelech sat" as in Judges. Now it is called
Remphis (Remthis) in the region of Diospolis which is called by many Arimathaia. KINGS
Remmōth.786 Where David sent "the spoils." Rachel.787 Where David sent "the spoils."
Remmōth Galaad.788 Now there is a village in Perea (beside the Jordan) beside the river
Jobok. Noted also above. Rabbath.789 City of the king of Ammon which is (now)
Philadelphia. Jeremia also mentions it.

4 Raōs (Roos).790 David came here (crossed through). Aquila and Symmachus (interpret) "the
top" (the vault). Rogellein.791 Home of Bersellein the Galladi. Raphaein (Raphaeim).792
Valley of the heathen (Allofylus). North of Jerusalem. Remman.793 City of the king of
Syria near Damascus. Reth.794 Asa conquered this. Rathem.795 (Which for) Aquilla (is
interpreted) "juniper tree" and Symmachus "shelter" (shady place). Remmōn.796 Isaia
(mentioned this) in the vision "Against the Moabites." Raseph.797 City of Syria.
Rapheth.798 City "in the territory of Thaimon" (Theman) of Assyria. In Isaia (it is
written). Rebla.799 In the land of Aimath where (victorious) Pharaoh led away Ioachaz (to
Egypt). Remma.800 Mountain in Isaia. (For which Aquila (interprets) "Mt.Ermona" (Emmona),
Symmachus "in Armenia." There is a village Remmous (Remmus) in Daroma. (Further) in the
(book) of Kings Remman is the home of the idol of the Damascenes. Reblatha.801 Territory
(or city) of Babylon (which they now call Antioch). Ramade (Ramale).802 (For which) Aquila
(interprets) "be lifted up." (Written) in Zacharia. There is also (another place) Rama of
Benjamin (in the tribe of) around Bethlehem where "a voice is heard in Rama." (Of this we
have fully spoken in the book Hebrew Questions.)

5 Rinokoroura.803 Isaia. City of Egypt. [You should know that this word is not found in
the Hebrew books but has been added by the translators of the Septuagint at the noted
place.]

SECTION S

1 [What we have said in the book on Interpretation of Hebrew Names, even now in the
heading of the letter S we see that among the Hebrews there are three S's: Samech, Sade
and Sin. Yet these are pronounced as one sound among the Greek and Latin which in the
Hebrew language are differentiated. So it is that each name appears to us to sound
differently, and further each has another letter. Not only from one but from three letters
places and cities and villages are described.] 804 GENESIS Sidōn.805 Famous Phoenician
city. Formerly the northern boundary of the Chanaanites. Later of Judaea. Given by lot (to
tribe of Aser) of Israel. Tribe of Aser fought to possess it but the tribe of Aser' "did
not drive out the heathen" (were not able to drive out the enemy) Scripture affirms.
Sennaar.806 Plain of Babylon where the Tower was built. From which "Assur went out and
built Nineve." Josephus mentions it saying in the first book of Antiquities, "And as
concerning the plain called Senaar in the region of Babylon, Hestiaeus speaks as follows,
'Now the priests who escaped took the sacred vessels of Zeus Enyalius (war like) and came
to Sanaar in Babylonia.'"

2 Suchem (Sikima) (Salēm).807 City of Jacob now deserted. The place is pointed out in the
suburb of Neapolis. There (near) the tomb of Joseph is pointed out near by. Abimelech came
down on it (Latin omits phrase) "And sowed it with salt" as in (the book of) Judges.
(Afterwards) Jeroboam rebuilt it according to Kings. Located on the border of the (tribe
of) lot of Ephraim. One of the sons of Emmōr is called Suchem from which the place is
called. There is also another Suchem in the mountain of Ephraim, a city of refuge.
Sennaar.808 Home of Amarphal who fought against (the king of) Sodom. Sodoma.809 City of
wicked men which was completely destroyed (divine fire consumed) near the Dead Sea.
Sebōeim.810 City of the wicked near Sodom which was completely destroyed (disappeared in
eternal ashes). Sōpheira.811 "Mountain of the East" in India. The sons of Iektan son of
Eber dwelled near it as Josephus affirms, "Those from the river Kōphēn inhabited parts of
India and of the adjacent country of Sēria." Here also the ships of Solomon carried cargo
for three years' journey.

3 Soora.812 City near Sodom also called Sigor and Zoora. (Of which we spoke above.)
Sauē.813 Ancient city in which the Ammorites dwelled beyond Sodom, which Chodollagomar
destroyed. Sēeir.814 Mountain of the land of Edom where Easu dwelled in the (region of)
Gebalene. It is named after him for he was fully covered with hair (he was hairy and
bristly) and "being covered with hair" is the interpretation of Sēeir. (Seeir means hairy
and so gets its name.) Scripture also says that before Esau, the Chorraites dwelled in the
place called Seeir and were destroyed by Chodollagomor. Isaia also mentioned Seeir in the
vision "of the Idumeans." Salēm.815 City of Sikimōn as Scripture affirms. Another village
[is shown up to the present day near Jerusalem, to the west, by this same name. In the
eighth mile toward Scythopolis in the plain there is a village Salumias. Josephus affirms
the true Salem to be that in which Melchisedec ruled which later is called Solyma and
finally gets the name Jerusalem.]

4 Sour.816 [Where the angel came to Sarai's maid Agar between Kades and Barad. The desert
of Sur extends up to the Red Sea which goes around the border of Egypt. Further Kades is
the desert beyond the city Petra. But Scripture notes the desert of Kades extends beyond
Egypt to which the Hebrews first came after crossing the Red Sea.] Sēgōr.817 [Which is
also Sala and Zoara, one of the five cities of Sodom. By the prayer of Lot was saved from
fire.] Up to now it is still pointed out, Isaia mentions it in the vision "Against the
Moabites." (As we have spoken above.) Skēnai (Scenae).818 (i.e., tabernacle.) Where Jacob
dwelled after coming from Mesopotamia. [Which in the Hebrew language is called Socchoth.]
EXODUS Sokchōth.819 First station of the children of Israel in the desert before
(crossing) the Red Sea (after) coming out of Egypt. Sin.820 Desert extending between the
Red Sea and the desert of Sina. From Sin they came into Raphidin, from there "into the
desert of Sina" near Mt.Sina where Moses received (the tables of) the law. This desert the
Hebrew Scriptures call Kades, but this is not in (the interpretation of) the Septuagint.

5 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Selmona.821 Station [of the children of Israel in the desert.
Saphar.822Mt.Saphar. Station] of the children of Israel in the desert. Sattein
(Sattim).823 Where "the degraded people fornicated with the daughters of Moab" near
Mt.Phagōr. From here Josue sent those to spy out Jericho. Sabama.824 City of Moab in (land
of) Galaad which the tribe of Ruben received. Isaia also mentions this in the vision
"Against the Moabites." Selcha.825 City of King Og in the (region of) the Basanitide.
Senna.826 Border of Judaea which is now (a hamlet) Magdalsenna [which means tower of Sena]
eight (seven) miles north of Jericho. Sephama.827 Border of Judaea to the east.
[Sadada.828 Border of Judaea.] JOSUE Somerōn.829 Josue besieged this and captured (killed)
its king. This is said to be (now called) Sebaste now a city of Palestine (where relics of
Saint John the Baptist are kept). It is said in Kings that Zambri, king of Israel, bought
"the Mountain of Semeron from one Semel" and he built on it (its top) a city and named it
Sameron after Semel (from the name of its owner he called it Serneron).

6 Sēeira.830 Josue also besieged this. Selcha.831 City in the Basanitide. Siōr.832 Which
was opposite Egypt. There is (today shown) a village Sior between Jerusalem and
Eleutheropolis. (In) tribe of Juda. [Of which there is full discussion in the book Hebrew
Questions.] Saorth.833 (In) tribe of Ruben, above the Jordan. [Sachoth.834 (In) tribe of
Gad, above the Jordan.] Saphōn.835 (In) tribe of Gad, above the Jordan. Sachōron.836 (In)
tribe of Juda. [Sama (Samen).837 (In) tribe of Juda.] Soual.838 (In) tribe of Juda or
Simeon. Sikelag (Secelec).839 Agchous (Anchus) (king of the heathen) gave this over to
(the people) of David. Tribe of (lot of) Juda or Simeon in the Daroma. Sansana.840 (In)
tribe of Juda. Saleei.841 (In) the tribe of Juda. Saraa.842 Village in the boundary of
Eleutheropolis, (about) ten miles north on the road to Nicopolis. (In) tribe of Dan or
Juda. Sokchō.843 (Today there are) two villages nine miles from Eleutheropolis on the road
(highway) to Jerusalem. The upper (one in the Mountains) and the lower (the other in the
plain) are named Sokchōth. (In) tribe of Juda.

7 Saraein.844 (In) tribe of Juda. Sennaan (Senam).845 (In) tribe of Juda. Sapheir.846
Village in the mountains which is (located) between Eleutheropolis and Askalon. (In) tribe
of Juda. Sokchō.847 Noted also above Sokcho (is spoken of also above). It is said (also)
the Samaritans from Babylon (who were brought from Babylon) founded it (the village).
Skacha.848 (In) tribe of Juda. Selo.849 (In) tribe of Ephraim. In this the ark (of the
testament and the tabernacle of the Lord remained) was first kept up to the time of
Samuel. It is twelve (ten) miles from Neapolis in the Akrabattine. One of the sons of the
patriarch Juda was called Selon (we read). Suchem (Sechem).850 (In) tribe of Manasse. City
of priests and refuge in the Mountains of Ephraim where the bones of Joseph are buried.
Noted also above Suchem (of which we spoke above). Sama.851 (i.e.,) Spring of Sama.
(Sames) (in) tribe of Benjamin. (For which) Aquila (interprets) "spring or the sun."

8 Semreim.852 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Sela.853 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Sabe (Sabēe).854
(In) tribe of Simeon. Sarith (Sarid).855 Border of Zabulon. Sams.856 (For which) Symmachus
and Theodotion (interpret) "sun." Semerōn.857Lot or (in tribe of) Zabulon. Sounēm
(Sunem).858 Lot of (in tribe of) Issachar. There now is a village Soulēm (shown) five
miles south of Mt.Thabor. Sion (Seon or Soen).859 Lot of (in tribe of) Issachar. Now
(there is shown a village) is beside Mt.Thabor. Sasima.860 Border of Issachar. Sior.861
Lot of (in tribe of) Aser. Sennanein.862 Oak. (Belonging to) border of Naphthali. Sorek
(Sorec).863 Lot of (in tribe of) Dan. Samson was there (we read) near Esthaol [of which we
have spoken above]. Sames.864 Lot of (in tribe of) Dan. Noted above. [Which was mentioned
above under the name of] Bethsamus. Salabein (Salabeim).865 Lot of (in tribe of) Dan. But
there is now another (large) village (shown) in the border of Sebastē called Salaba.

9 Sepheth.866 (Place) of the Chanaanites. JUDGES Seirōtha.867 Where Aod fled (the judge
fled). Noted above also Seeira (we spoke about above). Sour Oreb.868 (Which) Aquila
(interprets) "Rook of Oreb." Selmon.869 Mountain on which Abimelech went fighting Sikima.
Sephina.870 (Which for) Aquila and Symmachus (is interpreted) "north." Sōrēch.871 (Name
of) wadi. Home of Balila wife of Samson. It is (today) the village called Sōrēch
(Cafarsorch) north of Eleutheropolis near (the hamlet) Saraa the home of Samson. KINGS
Sōpheim.872 In Mt. Ephraim (in neighborhood) of Armathaim. Salisa.873 Through which Saul
went. [Senna.874 Name or a rook. Saaleim.875 (Village) through which Saul went.] A village
of the region of Eleutheropolis seven miles to the west. Seiph (Sthif).876 Where Saul met
Samuel. Sabeim.877 Where Saul fought. Sōnam.878 Home of the [woman] Somanite. There is a
village (today) called Sanim on the border of Sabastē in the Akrabattinē. Saphamōth.879
Where David sent. Seeira.880 (Name of) well (at which) Joab turned away (back) Abner (the
chief of the army).

10 Souba.881 Whose king David defeated. Sarthan.882 Below (at the foot of) Iezrael.
Sōpheira (Soupheir).883 Where Solomon's ships went. Noted above (of which we spoke above).
Mountain in the east (region) of India. Serōra.884 City on the way to Edom. Saba.885 Royal
city of the Aithiopians which Josephus affirms Cambuse (the queen) named Meroen from the
name or her own sister. Sela.886 Where Joas was beaten. Sephpharouem (Saffaruaim).887 From
here the Assyrians moved to another place (transmigrating) to live in Samaria, from whom
(arose the beginnings of the) are the Samaritan nation. Isaia mentions it. Sademoth.888
Where Josias (the king) burned (the images of) the idols. Sarepta.889 Famous village
(little city) of Sidon (Sidonians on the highway) where Elias (once) "dwelled. Sarōn.890
(Which) Isaia (mentions saying), "Sarōn became a swamp" and the territory from Mt.Thabor
to Lake Tiberias is now called Sarōnas. There is another Saronas, the region from Caesarea
to Joppa. (All the land from Caesarea Palestine to the city of Joppa is called Saronas.)

11 Sephela.891 (As written) in Isaia. (For which) Aquila (interprets) "plain," Symmachus
"valley." Even now it is called Sephela. It is all the region (fields and plains) around
Eleutheropolis to the north and the west. Sennaar.892 In Micheae. (For which) Aquila
(interprets) "Sannaan," Symmachus "flourishing" (fertile). (Michea the prophet mentions
this.) Sedrach.893 Land or Damascus. (We read) in Zacharia. Siōn.894 Mountain (in the
city) of Jerusalem. Samareia (Samaria).895 Royal city of Israel. Now (it is called)
Sebastē. Also the region around it. [Receives its name from that city.] Sor (Tyre).896
Phoenician metropolis. Lot of (in tribe of) Naphthali. Soēne.897 City of Thebes. In
Ezechiel (as Ezechiel writes). Sais.898 City of Egypt. [Ezechiel mentions it. District of
Saites also.] Sadala.899 Border of Judaea as in Ezechiel (as Ezechiel writes).
Sabareim.900 "On the border between Damascus and Aimath" as in Ezechiel (as Ezechiel
writes). Salisa.901 (For which) Aquila (interprets) "three years." As in Jeremia. (Jeremia
mentions this.)

12 Suchar.902 Before Neapolis near the field which Jacob gave to Joseph his son. In it the
Christ (our Savior) according to John conversed with the Samaritan (woman) at the well. It
is even now pointed out (where a church is now built).

SECTION T

1 GENESIS Tigris.903 The river going out east from Paradise, according to Scripture, "over
against Assyria" (after many turns) flowing "into the Red Sea" as Josephus affirms. It is
called by the nickname Tigris because of the violence resembling that of the like-named
animal. (Properly called by this name because the excessively swift current is like the
quickness of the animal.) Terebinthos in Sikemon.904 Under which Jacob hid "strange gods"
(idols) near Neapolis. JOSUE Tina.905 (In) tribe of Juda. Telem.906 (In) tribe of Juda.
Tessem.907 (In) tribe of Juda. Turos.908 (In) tribe of Nephthali. JUDGES Tabath.909 Where
they fought against the Midianites. Tōb.910 Land where Jephte dwelled. Tapheth
(Tofeth).911 "In the valley of the sons of Ennom" where the people committed idolatry
(worshiped pagan idols), (is a place) in the suburbs of Jerusalem. Tanis.912 City of
Egypt. (As) in Isaia and Ezechiel. Taphnas.913 City of Egypt. In Osee and Ezechiel and
Jeremia. There the Jews who fled to Egypt with Jeremia [for fear of the Babylonians]
dwelled.

2 THE GOSPELS Trachonitis territory or Itouraia.914 Of which Philip was tetrarch according
to the Gospel of Luke. Noted above (we spoke of it above). It is extending from Bostra in
the southern desert up to Damascus. (Beyond Bostra city of Arabia in the southern desert
almost up to Damascus.) [We read this with the simple letter but truly that which follows
is not from Teth but from Tau, i.e., for which the Greek Theta is written we must read
with aspiration.] Note: in the Latin Manuscripts TH now follows.915

SECTION PH

1 GENESIS Pheisōn (Fison).916 Interpreted "multitude." It is the river the Greeks (we)
called (call) Ganges which flowing from Paradise to (going through the regions at) India
flows out into the sea. (Scripture) also said it encircles "all the land of Hevila where
gold and rubies and (precious) emeralds (are produced)." Pharan.917 (Now) a city beyond
Arabia adjoining the desert of the Saracens [who wander in the desert] through which the
children or Israel went moving (camp) from Sinai. Located (we say) beyond Arabia on the
south, three days journey to the east of Aila (in the desert Pharan) where Scripture
affirms Ismael dwelled, whence the Ishmaelites [who are not the Saracens]. It is said (we
read) also that (king) Chodollagomor cut to pieces those in "Pharan which is in the
desert." Pulistieim.918 Now called Askalon and the famous territory of Palestine around
it. Phrear.919 (Well) of the oath. Which Abraham dug where he swore an oath. It is now
called Bērosaba in the (region) of the Geraritike (of which we spoke above).

2 Phrear.920 (Well) of vision. On the desert where Isaak dwelled. Phrear.921 (Well) of
judgments. Up to the present time there is a village in the Geraritike called (by name)
Berdan (which means in Latin "well of judgments"). Phrear.922 (Well) of Oath. Where Isaac
and Abimelech swore. It is called the city of Isaac. There are also many other and
different wells in (Holy) Scripture which are even now pointed out in the (region of)
Geraritike and near Askalon. Phanouēl.923 Where after an all-night of wrestling Jacob's
(Jacob merited the name Israel) name was changed to Israel near the Wadi Iabok, which in
Hebrew is called [Fanuel, i.e., "face of God" because he saw god there]. Phogōr (Fogo).924
City of (king) Adad in the (region of) Geralitike. Phinōn.925 Station of the children of
Israel in the desert, which was (one of) a city of the princes of Edom. It is Phainon
where there are copper mines between the city of Petra and Zoara. [Now a village Phainon
in the desert where copper is mined by condemned prisoners between the city of Petra and
Zoara of which we spoke above.]

3 EXODUS Phithōm.926 City in Egypt which the children of Israel built. NUMBERS AND
DEUTERONOMY Pharagx.927 Botrous. Ravine of the cluster where the spies got fruit as proof
of the land. It is said to be Gophna interpreted "vine" fifteen miles from Jerusalem on
the road going up to Neapolis. The report they swear is true. (This entry is not in the
Latin) Phin.928 Station of the children of Israel in the desert. Pharagx Zare.929 Ravine
Zared. Section of the desert. (This entry is not in the Latin.) Phear.930 Well in the
desert. Where the people were. (This entry is not in the Latin.) Phathoura.931 City beyond
Mesopotamia where Balaam (the soothsayer) came from. Located near Eleutheropolis there is
another village (named Phathoura) on the road to Gaza. Phogōr (Bēthphogōr).932 Mountain in
Moab to which (king) Balak led Balaam (the Soothsayer). Located above the place now called
Libiados (Livias). There is another (village) Phogōr near Bethlehem (which is now called
Faora).

4 Phasga.933 City of the Amorrites. It is also a mountain to the east of Phasga. Aquila
(interprets) "tomb" (quarry) and the Septuagint "of the tomb" (in a quarried place).
JUDGES [Phanouel.934 City which Jeroboam built.] Phanouēl.935 Tower which Gedeon
destroyed. One of the sons of ōr is called Phanouēl. [Phraathōn.936 Home of Abdon judge of
Israel "in the mountain of Amalek."] KINGS Pharagx Ennom.937 Ravine Ennon. Ge Ennom in
Hebrew. Therefore some affirm this to be Gebenna near Jerusalem. It is said to be the name
of the Ravine of Josephat. (This entry is not in the Latin.) Phelmoni Almoni.938Aquila "so
and so" or "a certain." Symmachus "such a place." Theodotion "to a certain (place)" Elmoni
(of which there is a full discussion in the book Hebrew Questions). Phogō.939 City of the
king of Edom. Pharphar.940River of Damascus. Phathori.941Territory of Egypt as in Ezechiel
and Jeremia where the Jews (having fled) dwelled.

SECTION X

1 GENESIS Chalannē.942 City of King Nebrod (Nemrod) in Babylon. Noted in Isaia (saying)
"Chalanne where the tower was built." Chalak.943 City of Assyria which Assur built coming
from the land of Sennaar. Charran.944 There is even now in Mesopotamia (beyond Edessa) a
city called Karra. [Where the Roman soldiers were defeated and Grassus, their leader, was
captured.] Chebrōn.945 Formerly called Arbok. (Arbe for which the Greek wrongly has
Arbok.) Founded seven years before Tanis of Egypt. Noted above and described. Was the
royal city of the Enakim. [Who we must believe were strong and gigantic.] Chōba.946 "It is
left (north) of Damascus." There is a village Choba now in that region where Hebrews
believing on the Christ [and keeping all the commandments of the Torah] are called
Ebionites. [Against such doctrines Paul the apostle wrote to the Galatians.]
Chabratha.947Aquila (interprets) "by the road" (i.e., near the road) going to Ephratha of
Bethleem where Rachel died bearing Benjamin. [We have seen this word above and we spoke of
it in the book Hebrew Questions.]

2 Chasbi.948 Where the wife of Juda bore a son. A deserted place (ruin) is now pointed out
in the region of Eleutheropolis near Odollam. [This is fully discussed in the book Hebrew
Questions.] NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY Chōrēb.949Mountain of God in the territory of Moab.
Near Mt.Sinai beyond Arabia in the desert [Where the mountain and the desert or the
Saracens called Faran meet. It seems to me that the two names are for the same mountain
which is now called Sinai and now Choreb.] Charada.950 Station of the children of Israel.
Chenereth.951 Sea. Border of Judaea. Lot of (tribe of) Nephthali. [But the town which
later in honor of Tiberius Caesar, Herod the King of Judaea restored and called Tiberias
first bore this name.] JOSUE Chepheira.952 City (village) of Gabaōn (of the city of
Gabaon). (In) tribe of Benjamin. Chasalōn.953 Tribe of Benjamin on the border of
Jerusalem. A (very) large village.

3 Chsil.954 (In) tribe of Juda. Chaphtheis.955 (In) tribe of Juda. Chermel.956 Tribe of
Juda. Large city Chermel in the Daroma (Latin omits these two phrases). Home of Nabal (the
Canaanite). Near Chebrōn (of which we spoke above) to the south. A guard of soldiers is
stationed there. (Latin omits the last two sentences.) Chabōn.957 (In) tribe of Juda.
Cheilōn.958 (In) tribe of Juda. Chephrei.959 (In) tribe of Benjamin. Cheselath Thabor.960
Lot of (in tribe of) Zabulon. KINGS Chettieim.961 Land of the Chittites or (is said to be)
Cyprus. Whence the city Louza was founded. (There is also now a city of Cyprus called
Cititium.) Charrei.962 (To this place) where Joab pursued Sabee (who was stirring up a
revolution). Chomarreim.963 Where Josias put to flames (burned) the idols (images).
Chalannē.964 "Where the tower was built" according to Isaia. Noted above (as we spoke
above). Charran.965 City of Assyria around Thaiman (region) according to Isaia.

4 Chaselath tou Thabōr.966 Border of Zabulon. Noted above Chessalous (we spoke of it above
under the name Chsalus). Chōbal.967 Border of Aser. Chalab.968 "Aser did not drive out"
the heathen (former inhabitants) from here. Chorra.969 Wadi across the Jordan [in which
Elias hid in the region of the same river]. Chōtha.970Territory of Assyria.
Chōbar.971River of Assyria as in Ezechiel. Charchamus.972 City beside the river Euphrates.
Chamōam.973 Village near Bethlehem. Chelōn (Elōn).974 City of Moab as in Jeremia.
Chamōs.975 Idol of Moab. Chōrazein.976 Village (city) of Galilee over which the Christ
suffered [wept and wailed at unbelief] according to the Gospel. Now deserted two miles
from Capharnaoum. Cheimarrous Kedrōn.977 (i.e., Wadi) before Jerusalem (of which we spoke
above between the Mt. of Olives and Jerusalem) where the Christ (Lord and Savior) was
handed over as the Gospel of John affirms.

SECTION O

1 THE PENTATEUCH ōn.978 "Which is Heliopolis" (i.e., city of the sun) city in Egypt. The
children of Israel built this according to the interpretation of the Septuagint. But more
correctly the Hebrew (books) did not hold this since it existed (was built) before the
coming of the children of Israel (before Jacob came into Egypt). (Petefrem) the father of
Asennek was priest here. ōr.979 Mountain on which Aaron died near the city of Petra. There
is now pointed out the rock which flowed for Moses (which Moses struck and gave water to
the people). ōbōth.980 Station of the children of Israel in the desert. JOSUE and KINGS
Osa.981 (In tribe of) lot of Aser. Oram.982 (In tribe of) lot of Nephthali. Opheir.983
Where gold was brought by Solomon as (we read) in (the book of) Kings. One of the
descendants of Eber was named Oupheir whose sons (coming) "from the river Kōphenos in
inhabited India and the nearby Syrias" (from the river Kophene dwelled in the region of
India called Ieria) according to Josephus. (I believe) this region is properly named from
him.

2 Ôn.984 City of Samaria. The Hebrew had (written) Aun. Aquila and Symmachus (interpret)
"useless." Theodotion "unjust." ōlō.985 City of priests. ōronaeim.986 City of Moab in
Jeremia (as Jeremia has written). This text was transcribed by Noel Wolf, 2005.


ON PSALM 51
===========

ON PSALM 51 Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

ON PSALM 51

1 [Translated by Andrew Eastbourne] [Migne PG 23, cols. 441-452] [col. 441] (1) To the
end. Of understanding. Of David. 51. (2) When Doeg the Idumaean came and reported to Saul
and said to him, "David came to the house of Ahimelech." The 33rd Psalm was spoken by
David when he "changed his countenance before Abimelech, and he sent him away, and he
left." The current Psalm would be the one following that Psalm in historical sequence. For
the Scripture says in Kingdoms, "And one of the servants of Saul was there that day." And
this indicates the time at which David came into the house of Abimelech and ate the
"loaves of offering," receiving them from the high priest. For at the very same point in
time, Doeg the Syrian, the tender of Saul's mules, came to Saul and said, "I have seen the
son of Jesse having come to Nob, to Abimelech the son of Ahitub, the priest, and all the
sons of his father; and [col. 444] he inquired on his behalf through God, and he gave him
provisions. And the king sent someone to call Abimelech the priest, and all the sons of
his father, the priests of the Lord in Nob, and they all came before the king," at which
point, on Saul's order, this same Doeg put to death the priests of the Lord—"305 men who
bore the ephod, and he smote the city of Nob with the edge of the sword, including men and
women, infants and babies, and calves and donkeys and sheep."

2 So when David learned that this had been done in this way, he uttered the words before
us, which contain neither an ode, nor a hymn, nor anything else of that sort. For how, in
the face of the disaster that happened to so many priests, could he have sung odes of
theirs and psalms? Hence, nothing of the kind is written as epigraph, but it was only said
"to the end" and "of understanding": ["To the end,"] since the final elements of his words
recount the good things, when he says, "But I am like a fruitful olive tree," etc.; and
["of understanding," since discerning] the meaning of the words put forth here requires
the understanding that comes from God. Now then, when he was with Abimelech and tasted the
priestly nourishment, he changed his "taste"—or his "ways," according to the
interpretation of the others—and raised blessings and thanksgivings to God, saying: "I
will bless the Lord at all times; the praise of him is always in my mouth," etc. But now,
when he had learned of the actions of Doeg the slanderer—how he had destroyed so many
priests, doing a diabolical deed—he marshalled the words of the present passage as though
against him, saying:

3 (3) Why do you boast in wickedness, O powerful one? Lawlessness all day long, (4) and
injustice, your tongue devised. 4 The material we have before us was spoken much earlier
in time than the history pertaining to the 50th Psalm. For [the history of Doeg] took
place, and [the words] were spoken, while Saul was still alive, and before David's
kingship. Many long years later, after the death of Saul, and at the end of his own
kingship, David made the confession contained in the 50th Psalm, which he placed before
[the 51st] because of its connection to the 49th Psalm, as I have already shown. Those
Psalms, 20 in number, from 51 to 70, with epigraphs "of David," took their subject-matter
from a different point of origin: indeed, they appear to have been spoken while Saul was
still alive, before David reigned. For the one before us now was spoken while Saul was
still alive, "when Doeg the Idumaean came and reported to Saul...'David came to the house
of Abimelech.'" But the 53rd Psalm too was spoken "when the Ziphites came and told Saul,
'Look--is not David hidden with us?'" Also, the 55th Psalm has this epigraph: "When the
Philistines seized him in Gath"—and this period too precedes David's kingship, while Saul
still survived alive. And the 56th Psalm gives the epigraph: "Of David, when he was
running away from Saul into the cave. In the same way also, the 58th Psalm says [in the
epigraph], "When Saul sent, and guarded his house, in order to kill him.

5 The 59th Psalm, however, even though it was spoken after the death of Saul, [col. 445],
when David was now king, still preceded the actions relating to Uriah. This is indicated
by the heading, which shows the time period involved by saying, "When he set on fire
Mesopotamia of Syria, and Syria Soba, and Joab returned and smote the Ravine of
Salt—twelve thousand. And this chronologically precedes the confession expressed in the
50th Psalm. Furthermore, the 62nd Psalm was spoken by David "when he was in the desert of
Idumaea," while Saul was still living. Consider how more or less the majority of the
second part of the book of the Psalms of David (apart from the 50th) include those which
were spoken by him before the period of his actions pertaining to Uriah. 6 The first part
of the same book, however, from the first Psalm to the 40th, [seemed to] contradict that
order; for that part included those dating after the confession of the 50th Psalm. The
third Psalm, then, was spoken by David "when he was running away from Absalom his son."
And he was fleeing from his son after the events connected to Uriah. But also in the sixth
Psalm, he was mourning for the same actions, saying, "I grew tired in my groaning; I shall
wash my bed every night—with my tears I shall moisten my mattress." And the seventh Psalm,
spoken "for the words of Cush the son of Iamin," would belong to the same time period.
Moreover, also the 17th Psalm has been proved to have been spoken at the end of David's
life. But also the 37th Psalm, with the epigraph "for remembrance," having the same train
of thought as the sixth, begins with the same words, saying, "Lord, do not rebuke me in
your anger, and do not correct me in your wrath." And going forward, he makes the same
confession as that in the 50th Psalm, besides other passages, also when he says, "For my
transgressions have gone over my head...My wounds stank and decayed before my
foolishness."

7 And if you bring together [these indications] for yourself, you will discover that the
majority of the Psalms in the first part were spoken after the time period of the history
relating to Uriah, whereas those following the 50th Psalm precede [David's] actions
regarding Uriah chronologically. Why in the world, then, were the first ones in
chronological sequence not put in first place—and instead, those which were spoken first,
while Saul was still living, are in the second part of the Psalms—and those which are
chronologically last are in the first part? I think they have this arrangement so that the
discourse would not move from the better to the worse; for the phrase, "to the end, lest
you be destroyed," appears to have been observed also in the case of the Psalms'
arrangement. For this reason, the gloomier material was placed first, so that the nicer /
more useful material would be kept for second, the worse things being hidden and made to
disappear by the appearance of the better ones in second place. And it is likely that
David wished to draw a veil over his fault afterwards by means of his prior good deeds.
And someone might say that [col. 448] he arranged his confessions first in accordance with
tremendous piety, because "the righteous one is his own accuser in the opening
prosecution" But since so many things about the arrangement apparent [in the book of
Psalms] have been laid bare for you, it is now time to pass on also to the words of Psalm
51 that are before us.

8 Well then, he writes the words in question after learning what Doeg the Syrian had
brought about by means of his slanders against David. Therefore he speaks as though
addressing him: "Why do you boast in wickedness, you powerful one?"—or as though
addressing the devil, who was at work in him. For he was not unaware of the one who was
opposing him at all times and always fighting against him, at one time through Saul, in
the current instance through Doeg, and at other times in different ways through different
people. So then, the one who is powerless and weak and slight in wickedness, when the
better character prevails in him, since he is feebler in wickedness, will hide himself as
he sins and is pricked by his conscience, and will repent, and devise for himself a remedy
for his own wickedness using confession and true repentance. The one who is powerful in
wickedness, however, goes crazy and boasts over it, as though he were making himself more
majestic by a great good deed.

9 And the passage before us appears to me to be describing the character that is the
opposite of the one that made the prior confession in the 50 Psalm. For in that Psalm,
after slipping once into wickedness, he repented in the end and wore himself out with
confession, and lamentation over his own evil deeds. But the other one, being present in
wickedness, says: (7)...And he will scrape you away from the tent, and will uproot you
from the land of the living forever —so that the righteous, when they see it, will be
afraid and will mock him, saying, (9) "Look! a man who did not set God before himself as
his strength, but trusted in the abundance of his wealth, and empowered himself in his own
disaster!" 10 And this was said as though to Doeg, who was a Syrian by descent, but lived
in the midst of Israel—and, I suppose, perhaps even entered the tabernacle of God along
with the multitude, pretending to be pious. But it was also said to everyone who is
powerful in wickedness, who uses his tongue instead of a sword for the destruction of
souls: the "farmer of souls" would pluck him out just like some bitter and destructive
root, even if he seems for some brief time to have been planted in the tabernacle of God
and in his Church. Such a person, after being plucked out and cast away far from the
tabernacle of the holy, will lie as a pitiable spectacle for the benefit and chastening of
those who see him—they will take in with their eyes the severe judgment of God against
such a person and will make every effort and guard themselves against falling into a
similar situation. Later, when they recall with their memory the former boasting of the
one who was powerful in wickedness, his grandeur and arrogance, but also see the
humiliation and destruction that pursued him after that, they will consider him a
laughing-stock, considering how he has fallen so low from such a height. And they will
accept the judgment of God, confessing that it is righteous. Then, they will also go
through the reasons why the impious one has suffered these things [col. 449] and justify
God's judgment. For he ought not to have been haughty-minded over riches, nor to have been
exalted over the vanity of the present life, but to have made God alone his hope and help,
and not to have wavered in this hope. But he abandoned the good anchor of his own soul,
and by hanging his hopes on vain wealth he made himself a joke, incurring nothing more
than laughter for his vain and thoughtless boastfulness.

11 (10) But I am like a fruitful olive tree in the house of God. I have put my hope in the
mercy of God forever, even forever and ever. From what I have said already, we have
learned what sort of end the one who is powerful in wickedness will obtain. But as for me,
says David, since I have been taught this by the Holy Spirit, I would never be exalted
over abundance of wealth, nor over the vanity of mortal life. For "vanity of vanities, all
is vanity." But also, as I flee from the path of the one who is powerful in wickedness, I
would not sharpen my tongue and my words for the destruction of others, but rather for the
benefit of souls and the service of the words of salvation. And in my other actions too, I
would become so flourishing and fruitful that my soul would be compared with an ever-
flourishing and richly fruitful plant that has been planted in the house of God. For this
reason, I say: "But I am like a fruitful olive tree in the house of God"—or, according to
Symmachus' translation: "But I am like a flourishing olive tree in the house of God." For
I did not turn away at all from the house of God; rather, after being planted inside it,
as it were in God's own garden, and while enjoying the streams of the spring in the house
of God, I became richly fruitful and ever-flourishing, in accordance with the pattern of
the planted olive tree that has been received among the ever-flourishing [plants].

12 But observe that when David said this, he was not in Jerusalem, which the Jewish people
considered to be the house of God—for it had not yet been built; and neither was he in the
tabernacle built by Moses, which did still exist at that time among the Jews. For when he
was fleeing from Saul, he passed his time among others—and yet he did indeed know that he
had been planted in the house of God, since he understood the "house of God" to be the
pious way of life. And because he was fruitful—not bearing bitter fruits but sweet fruits
full of compassion, he was rightly compared to a fruitful olive tree: the pattern
signifying mercy towards one's neighbors and compassion toward all. Therefore, since he
was overflowing with this sort of good things, he logically added, "I have put my hope in
the mercy of God forever, even forever and ever."

13 Now, he pointed out that the end of the one who is powerful in wickedness is uprooting
and destruction. For it was necessary for the root that bears bitter fruit to be †------
off† by the wise farmer of the universe. But David, like a fruitful olive tree in the
house of God, put his hope in the mercy of God for ever, even forever and ever, procuring
for himself immortality and eternal life on the basis of his good hope, from which he will
never fall away. For according to the Apostle, "hope does not put us to shame." Then,
having sketched out good hopes for himself as it were on the basis of good fruits, [col.
452] he attributes the responsibility [for all this] to the provider of all good things,
saying: "I shall praise you forever, because you did [this]." For (he says) I did not make
myself like a fruitful olive tree, but rather, you did. For grace comes from you. And so I
will never cease from the knowledge of your grace, and from praising you; having once put
my hope in the mercy of God, "I shall patiently await his name." For once the foundation
of good hope has been established, we need patience. Therefore, he says, "I shall
patiently await your name, because it is beneficial before your holy ones"—or, according
to Symmachus' translation: "...because your name is good in front of your holy ones."
Knowing, therefore, that it is good, and productive of good—not for those who are powerful
in wickedness nor for those who are to be cast out from among the living, but to the holy
ones, he quite rightly said, "I shall patiently await your name," being hopeful that I
will never fall out of your mercy. In this way, I have put my hope in him forever, even
for ever and ever.

14 Eusebius normally includes the Psalm number at the end of the superscription /
epigraph. Ps. 33[34].1; cf. 1 Kgdms [1 Sam.] 21.13[14]. 1 Kgdms [1 Sam.] 21.6[7]. Heb.
Ahimelech. 1 Kgdms 22.9-11. 1 Kgdms 22.18-19. Ps. 51[52].10[8]. Ps. 33[34].2[1]. Gk.
διάβολος. Gk. διαβολικός. NETS: "malice." NETS: "...of lawlessness all day long? Injustice
your tongue devised." Eusebius' Greek text here, unlike standard LXX, has the word καὶ
("and") at the beginning of vs. 4; this changes the likely grammatical construal (to make
"lawlessness" and "injustice" both the objects of the verb "devised"). Ps. 53[54].2[1].
Ps. 55[56].1. Ps. 56[57].1. Ps. 58[59].1. Ps. 59[60].2[1]. "Judah" MT, LXX. Ps. 3.1. Ps.
6.7[6]. Ps. 37[38].2[1]; cf. Ps. 6.2[1]. ὑπερῆραν. Migne has the misprint ὑπερῆσαν. Ps.
37[38].5-6[4-5]. NETS: "...because my acts of lawlessness went over my head...My wounds
stank and festered from before my foolishness." οἱ τὴν πρῶτοι λελεγμένοι Migne. τὴν is
unintelligible; the Latin tr. ignores it: Quid igitur causae est, quod non secundum
temporum seriem, qui primi tempore sunt, primi positi sint, sed qui primi, superstite
Saule dicti sunt, in secunda psalmorum parte sint constituti...?

15 Prov. 18.17. Gk. διαβολαί. Gk. διάβολος. The text seems corrupt. Gk. ὁ δὲ παρὼν ἐν
κακίᾳ ὥς φησι. The Latin in Migne translates as though the text is ὁ δὲ παρὼν τῷ ἐν κακίᾳ
(ὄντι / μένοντι) ὥς φησί: At ei de quo nunc sermo, in malitia degenti dicitur. Ps.
51[52].8, paraphrased. The Gk. implies either "holy things" (i.e., the apparatus of
worship in the tabernacle) or "holy people." NETS: "I hoped." Eccles. 1.2. Gk γεώργιον.
Gk. Ἰουδαίωνπαῖδες (lit., "children of the Jews / Judaeans"). Gk. τὸ θεοσεβὲς πολίτευμα.
Gk. φιλανθρωπία (lit., "love of human beings"). The same Greek word appears at the next
instance of "compassion" in the translation as well. Migne's Greek text reads ἀποκταλῆναι;
ἀποκταθῆναι ("to be killed") is suggested in a footnote. The translation reads eradicari.
Gk. ὁ τῶν ὅλων σοφός γεωργός. Rom. 5.5. Ps. 51[52].11[9]. NETS: "I will acknowledge you
forever, because of what you did." The Gk. verb ἐποίησας can mean "you did," or "you
made"—Eusebius picks up the idea of "making" in the following sentence.

16 Gk. χάρις; alternatively, "beauty" or "kindness"—both relevant connotations in this
context. Ps. 51[52].11[9]. NETS: "I will wait for your name," with a different pronoun
("your" rather than "his") in the Greek. But Eusebius' subsequent citation of the same
phrase has "your," so perhaps this should be corrected to conform with it. On the other
hand, as Eusebius slips from paraphrase to citation and back again, he equally seems to
slip between 1, 2 and 3 person references with disconcerting freedom. Gk. χρηστός, which
by Eusebius' time would have sounded identical to Χριστός. Ps. 51[52].11[9]. NETS: "your
devout" rather than "your holy ones." This text was commissioned by Roger Pearse, 2010.


ON THE CELEBRATION OF EASTER
============================

ON THE CELEBRATION OF EASTER Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

ON THE CELEBRATION OF EASTER

Eusebius of Caesarea, On the Celebration of Easter; De sollemnitate Paschali (2010) Angelo
Mai, Novae Patrum Bibliotheca 4 (1847), pp.209-216 (De sollemnitate paschali)

EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA — On the Celebration of the Pascha

[Translated by Andrew Eastbourne] 1. It would perhaps not be inappropriate here again to
discuss the Pascha, which was handed down long ago to the children of the Hebrews as an
image. Now then, when the Hebrews, performing "shadows of things to come," first used to
celebrate the festival of Phasek, they would take for themselves a young domestic animal
(this was a lamb or a sheep). Next, they would sacrifice this animal themselves; and then,
with the blood, everyone would first anoint the lintels and door-posts of their own homes,
bloodying the thresholds and houses to ward off the destroyer. The flesh of the lamb, on
the other hand, they would use for food; and girding up their loins with a belt, partaking
of the nourishment of unleavened bread, and serving themselves bitter herbs, they would
"pass over" from one place to another—[meaning,] the [journey] from the land of Egypt to
the wilderness. It had been enjoined by Law that they do this, along with the slaughter
and eating of the lamb. Hence, the passing over out of Egypt produced for them the name of
the "Passover." But these things happened to them by way of a type; and they were written
down for our sake. Indeed, Paul [implicitly] gives this interpretation, revealing the
truth of the ancient symbols, when he says, "For indeed, Christ our Pascha has been
sacrificed." And the reason for his being sacrificed is presented by the Baptist, when he
says, "Behold the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world." The Savior's body,
you see, was handed over to death as a sacrificial victim to ward off all evils: In the
manner of a purificatory ritual, it took away the sin of the whole world. That is why
Isaiah cried out clearly, "This one bears our sins, and suffers pain on our behalf."

2. When we are nourished by the rational flesh of this sacrificial Savior, who rescued the
entire human race by his own blood—that is, when we are nourished by his teachings and
discourses, which announce the kingdom of heaven—then we are rightly luxuriating with the
luxury that is in accordance with God. But in addition to this, when we mark the houses of
our souls, that is, our bodies, by faith in his blood, which he gave as a ransom in
exchange for our salvation, we drive away from ourselves every kind of treacherous demon.
And when we celebrate the "Passover" festival, we are training ourselves to pass over to
divine things, just as in ancient times they passed over out of Egypt into the desert.
Indeed, in this way, we too are setting out on a kind of path that is untraversed and left
deserted by the many, putting out of our souls the ancient "leaven" of godless error; and
we serve ourselves "bitter herbs" by means of a bitter and painful way of life.

The appointed time for the festival is well-timed too: It did not come along in the midst
of the winter season—for that time is gloomy—nor yet did it correspond to the middle of
summer, when the sweltering solstice takes away the beauty of those who spend their time
in the fields, and the length of the hours is too greedy, not balanced with equal shares.
For the sight of the autumnal equinox is not pleasing, as the countryside is then bereft
and deprived of its characteristic fruits, as though of its children. What is left is
spring, the radiant season that takes the lead as head of the year, like the head of the
body, when the sun is just now traversing the first section [of the Zodiac], and the moon
likewise, with its light full, is shifting its nightly course into bright day. This season
relieves the terrors of winter-storm thunders, removes the long intervals of time, adjusts
the floods of water; and now, as the fresh fair weather shines forth, calmness settles the
seas for the sailors and grants land-travellers a mild atmosphere; in this season, the
countryside is pregnant with seeds in the fields, and the plants swelling with fruit,
exulting in the gifts of God, provide to farmers the due returns for their toil, with
blessings.

3. This is the appointed time for the festival. To the Egyptians, the friends of demons,
it brought destruction, but to the Hebrews, who celebrate the festival in God's honor, it
brought freedom from evils. This very time was that one which was observed at the original
creation of the universe, when the earth sprouted plants, when the luminaries came into
existence, when heaven and earth were brought onto the scene, and all that is in them. At
this time, the Savior of the whole world accomplished the mystery of his own festival, and
the "great luminary" brightened the earth with the rays of piety; indeed, this time seems
to embrace the birthday of the world. At this time also, the type was celebrated—the
ancient Pascha which was also called Passover. But it also bore a symbol—consisting of the
slaughter of a lamb; and also obscurely presented an image—that of nourishment by
unleavened bread; and all these things were fulfilled in the Savior's festival. For he
himself was the lamb, insofar as he was clothed with a body; he himself was also the sun
of righteousness, when the truly divine spring and the saving equinox, the turn from worse
things toward the better, took hold of human life. And god-driven scourges are sent down
even to this day on the demons of the Egyptians, whereas peoples who dwell everywhere on
earth are festively celebrating their freedom from long wandering in godlessness.

And as the deceitful spirits have ceased, along with the storm of evils, an abundance of
new fruits garlands the church of God with various gifts of the Holy Spirit. And simply
put, the whole human race has been changed to take up our side, and all the fields, having
received the cultivation of the soul from the Logos who is the husbandman, have sprouted
the seasonable flowers of virtue. But also, now that we have been freed from the evils of
darkness, we have been deemed worthy of light, in the day of the knowledge of God. 4. Such
are the new teachings which in olden days were obscured through symbols, but which have
now been unveiled and brought into the light. And in particular, we rekindle the beginning
of the festival every year with periods of cycles. Before the festival, for the sake of
preparation, we take up the forty-day training period, in emulation of the holy Moses and
Elijah. And the festival itself we keep renewing, unforgetful forever. Indeed, as we set
forth on our journey toward God, we bind our loins well with the bond of self-control; we
guard the steps of our soul with caution, and, as though in sandals, we prepare for the
course of our heavenly calling; we use the staff of the divine word with the power of
prayer to ward off the enemy, and with all eagerness we pass over to the path that leads
to the heavens, hurrying from earthly affairs to heavenly things, and from mortal life to
the immortal. For in this way, when we have accomplished the pass-over nobly and well,
another, greater festival will greet us. The children of the Hebrews call it by the name
of Pentecost; it bears the image of the kingdom of heaven. Indeed, Moses says, "When you
begin [to use] the sickle on the crop, you shall count for yourself seven sevens, and you
shall present new loaves from new crops to God. Now then, he was giving indications by
prophetic types: By the "crop," he was referring to the calling of the nations;

and by the "new loaves," he was referring to the souls presented to God by Christ, the
churches from the nations, in which the greatest festival is celebrated in honor of the
God who loves mankind. We have been harvested by the spiritual sickles of the Apostles,
and have been gathered together into the churches everywhere in the world, as it were into
threshing-floors; we have been made into a body by a harmonious disposition of faith, and
have been prepared with the salt of teachings from the divine words; we have been reborn
through the water and fire of the Holy Spirit—and we are presented to God by Christ, as
nourishing, agreeable, and well-pleasing loaves. 5. In this way, as the prophetic symbols
spoken by Moses give way to realities, with more solemn results, we ourselves, at all
events, have learned to conduct the festival [i.e., Pentecost] with more lustre, as though
we had already been assembled together with Christ and were enjoying his kingdom. For this
reason, at this festival we are no longer allowed to undergo laborious toil, and we are
taught to bear the image of the rest that is hoped for in heaven. Hence, we do not bend
the knee as we pray, nor do we wear ourselves out with fasting; for those who been deemed
worthy of the resurrection effected by God can no longer fall down on the ground, nor can
those who have been freed from the passions have the same experience as those who are
enslaved. Therefore, after the Pascha we celebrate Pentecost, with seven complete sets of
seven [days]—after manfully completing the previous forty-day period of training before
the Pascha with six sets of seven. For the number six relates to action and
accomplishment, and for this reason God is said to have made the universe in six days. The
labors in that [number six] will be quite rightly succeeded by the second festival in
seven sevens, when there is a multiplication of our rest, which the number seven signifies
symbolically. The number of Pentecost [i.e., 50], however, is not complete with these
[seven sevens]; overshooting the seven sevens, it puts a seal on the all-festive day of
Christ's ascension by means of a monad, the last day after these [seven sevens]. Rightly
then, as we trace out in the days of the holy Pentecost a representation of the rest that
is to come, we rejoice in soul, and rest for a time in body, as though we were already
with the bridegroom himself, and unable to fast.

6. But no one would dispute the fact that the sacred Gospel-writers reported that the
Savior's passion took place during the days of the Jewish Pascha of the Unleavened Bread.
For the reason for the law that was proclaimed regarding the Pascha by Moses was as
follows: Because the Lamb of God was going to be led to the slaughter among the Jews
themselves, and was going to suffer this for the sake of the common salvation of all
mankind at no time other than the one now being described, God anticipated the future by
means of symbolic images, and commanded that the Jews sacrifice a physical lamb at that
very time that was going to be established at some point after the passage of years. And
this was performed by them every year, until the truth in its full completeness put an end
to the old images. Hence, from that time, the true festival of the mysteries has held sway
among the nations, whereas among the Jews, not even the memory of the symbols themselves
is preserved any longer, since the place in which the Law had prescribed that the
festival's rituals be carried out has been taken away from them. Quite rightly then does
the divine Scripture of the Gospels say that the Savior suffered at the time of the Jewish
festival of Unleavened Bread, since he was indeed at that time led as a sheep to
slaughter, in conformity with the words of prophecy.

7. Also, they [i.e., the Jews], following Moses, would sacrifice the sheep of the Pascha
once in the whole year, on the fourteenth day of the first month, at evening. We of the
new covenant, on the other hand, who celebrate our own Pascha each Lord's day, always take
our fill of the Savior's body, always partake of the blood of the Lamb; we have always
girded the loins of our souls with chastity and self-control, we have always prepared our
feet in readiness for the Gospel; we always hold the staves in our hands, and rest on the
rod that came forth from the root of Jesse; we are always being set free from Egypt, we
are always going in search of the wilderness of human life, we are always setting out on
the journey toward God: We are always celebrating the Passover. For the Gospel's word [/
Word] wants us to do this, not once in the year, but always and every day. For this
reason, we celebrate the festival of our Pascha every week, on the day of our Savior and
Lord, carrying out the mysteries of the true Lamb, by whom we have been ransomed. And we
do not circumcise our bodies with a blade—rather, we remove every evil of the soul by
means of the sharp word [/Word]; nor do we make use of physical unleavened bread—but only
the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth. For grace, having freed us from our former
habits that had grown old, bestowed on us the new man, the one created in accordance with
God, and the new Law, a new circumcision, a new Pascha, and the "Jew in secret." And thus,
it also left us free from the old appointed times.

8. When, however, the emperor most beloved of God was presiding in the midst of the holy
Synod, and the question of the Pascha was brought forward, there was said all that was
said. And three [fourths] of the bishops of the whole world had the advantage in numbers
as they strove against those of the East: The peoples of the North, the South, and the
Occident together, being fortified by their harmony, pulled in the opposite direction from
those of the Orient, who were defending their ancient custom. But at the end of the
discussion, the Orientals yielded, and thus there came to be a single festival of
Christ—and thus they stood apart from the killers of the Lord, and were joined to those
who hold the same doctrine. For nature draws like to like. And if someone were to say that
it is written, "On the first day of [the festival] of Unleavened Bread the disciples
approached the Savior and said to him, 'Where do you want us to make preparations for you
to eat the Pascha?'—and he sent them to such-and-such a man, bidding them to say, 'I am
celebrating the Pascha at your house'"—I will answer that this is not a command, but a
historical account of an event that took place at the time of the Savior's passion. It is
one thing to recount the ancient event, and quite another to make a law and to leave
behind commands for posterity.

9. But furthermore, the Savior did not celebrate the Pascha along with the Jews at the
time of his passion. For when they were sacrificing the lamb, at that time he himself was
conducting his own Pascha with his disciples. They [i.e., the Jews] were doing this on the
Preparation day on which the Savior suffered; for this reason, they did not enter the
praetorium, but instead Pilate came out to them. But he [i.e., Jesus] a full day earlier,
on the fifth day of the week, was reclining at table with his disciples, and as he ate
with them he said, "I have very much desired to eat this Pascha with you." Do you see how
the Savior did not eat the Pascha along with the Jews? Because this was a new custom, and
one foreign to the customary Jewish ways, it was necessary for him to institute it by
saying, "I have very much desired to eat this Pascha with you before I suffer." The one
set of practices, being now ancient and indeed antiquated—the [Pascha] which he used to
eat along with the Jews—was not desirable; but the new mystery of his new covenant, which
he imparted to his disciples, was desirable to him, quite rightly so. Since many prophets
and righteous ones before him desired to see the mysteries of the new covenant, and since
the Word himself, who thirsted at all times for the general salvation, was passing down a
mystery by which all people would celebrate the festival, he professed that this was
desirable to him. The Pascha of Moses was not suitable for all the nations of all time—of
course not, when the Law had stipulated that it be celebrated in a single place, namely
Jerusalem. And so it was not desirable. But the Savior's mystery of the new covenant is
suitable for all people, and so it was naturally desirable to him.

10. But he himself, before he suffered, ate the Pascha and celebrated the festival with
his disciples, not with the Jews. But when had celebrated the festival at evening, the
chief priests came upon him with the traitor and laid their hands on him; for they were
not eating the Pascha [that] evening, otherwise they would not have busied themselves with
him. And then, having seized him, they led him off to the house of Caiaphas, where, after
spending the night, they gathered together and conducted the preliminary inquiry. Then,
after that, they arose and led him, in company with the crowd, to Pilate; and at that
point, the Scripture says that they did not enter the praetorium, so that they would not
become defiled (so they thought) by coming in under a pagan roof, and would eat the Pascha
at evening with their purity intact—those most foul ones—who strained out a gnat but
swallowed a camel; those who had become defiled already in soul and body by their
bloodthirstiness against the Savior feared to come in under [Pilate's] roof! They, on the
one hand, on that very day of the passion, ate the Pascha that was injurious to their own
souls, and asked for the Savior's blood—not on their own behalf, but to their own
detriment; our Savior, on the other hand, not then, but the day before, reclined at table
with his disciples and conducted the festival that was desirable to himself.

11. Do you see how from that time, he [i.e., Jesus] was separating himself from them and
moving away from the Jews' bloodthirstiness, but was joining himself with his disciples,
celebrating the desirable festival together with them? So then, we too ought to eat the
Pascha with Christ, while purifying our minds from all leaven of evil and wickedness, and
taking our fill of the unleavened bread of truth and sincerity, and having within
ourselves, in our souls, the "Jew in secret" and the true circumcision, and anointing the
doorposts of our minds with the blood of the Lamb who was sacrificed for us, to ward off
our destroyer. And we do this not only at a single time of the whole year, but every week.
Let our "Preparation" be fasting, the symbol of mourning, on behalf of our former sins,
and for the sake of remembering the Savior's passion.

12. I assert that the Jews have gone astray from the truth, ever since they plotted
against the Truth itself and drove away from themselves the Word of Life. And the
Scriptures of the holy Gospels present this fact clearly. For they testify that the Lord
ate the Pascha on the first day of Unleavened Bread; but they did not eat the Pascha that
was customary for them on the day on which, as Luke says, "the Pascha had to be
sacrificed," but instead on the following day, which was the second day of Unleavened
Bread and the fifteenth day of the lunar month, on which, when our Savior was being judged
by Pilate, they did not enter the praetorium—and consequently, they did not eat it on the
first day of Unleavened Bread, on which it had to be sacrificed, in accordance with the
Law. For in that case they themselves too would have been celebrating the Pascha along
with the Savior; instead, they were blinded by their own wickedness from that very time,
concurrently with their plot against the Savior, and they wandered from all truth. We, on
the other hand, conduct the same mysteries [as Christ did] all through the year: On every
day before the Sabbath we carry out a remembrance of the Savior's passion through a fast
that the Apostles first engaged in at the time when the bridegroom had been taken away
from them; and every Lord's day we are made alive by the consecrated body of the same
Savior, and are sealed in our souls by his precious blood.

Gk. ἄνωθεν; alternatively, "from above" (i.e., by God). Col. 2.17. Gk. φασέκ. For this
transliteration of the Hebrew Pesach, cf. 2 Chron. 30.1, 5, 15, 17, 18; Jer. 38.8 (LXX).
Elsewhere, Pascha (Gk. πάσχα) is typically used, as also elsewhere in the present text.
For the Biblical injunctions relating to the celebration of the Passover, see especially
Ex. 12; Lev. 23; Deut. 16. Gk. πρόβατον; I have translated this term freely as "lamb"
elsewhere in this text. Ex. 12.5, by contrast, allows for a young sheep or goat; Deut.
16.2, for sheep or cattle. Gk. εἰς ἀνατροπὴν τοῦ ὀλοθρευτοῦ; Ex. 12.23 speaks of the
ὀλοθρεύων; for ὀλοθρευτής, see 1 Cor. 10.10. Euseb., Comm. on the Psalms [PG 23: 560],
uses the phrase εἰς ἀποτροπὴν τοῦ ὀλοθρευτοῦ—similarly also section 11 in the present
text. At this point, Euseb. is really thinking of the absolutely first "Passover," not
simply the early celebration of the festival.

Gk. ἐπλήρου. This meaning is odd, but something like this is required for the sense here;
corruption may have obscured the original wording. Mai translates similarly: Quamobrem
illa ex Aegypto digressio, nomen fecit apud Hebraeos festo transitus. Gk. τὰ διαβατήρια,
i.e., "[festival / rites] of crossing / passing over"; Philo uses this term for Passover
(LSJ). Cf. 1 Cor. 10.11. 1 Cor. 5.7. Joh. 1.29. Gk. τὸ σῶμα τὸ σωρήριον, which can be
translated either as "the Savior's body" or "the saving / salvific body." The adjective
appears frequently in this text; I have normally translated it as "Savior's." Isa. 53.2
(LXX). Alternatively, "spiritual"; Gk. λογικός, which is of course derived from the word
λόγος, and thus Euseb. is playing on the fact that Christ was identified as the Logos. The
phrase could almost be translated, "the Word's flesh." Gk. τὸ σωτήριον θῦμα; lit.,
"sacrifice of the Savior" or "saving / salvific sacrifice."

Both "luxuriating" and "luxury" are based on a Greek root (τρύφ-) that is very similar-
sounding to the one for "nourishment" (τρέφ-/τρόφ-). I.e., when the hours of daylight are
much longer than the hours of night, and thus each of the twelve daylight hours is much
longer than each of the twelve nocturnal hours. (So Mai.) Gk. γάρ; the odd defective
logical connection here suggests that a sentence or clause has been lost before this one.
A reference to the long winter nights, according to Mai. That is, it moves away from the
storms typical of winter. Gk. κοσμογονία. Gk. κόσμος. Gk. οἰκουμένη. Gk. περιέχειν;
alternatively, "seems to contain a reference to..." Gk. τροπή, which means a "turn" and so
by extension the solstice or equinox as one of the turning points of the year—I have thus
had to translate it twice to capture the proper effect, first as "equinox," second as
"turn."

Mai interprets this as meaning "the day of our knowledge of God": qua die Dei notitiam
hausimus. Gk. εἰς ἄληστον αἰῶνα. Deut. 16.9, somewhat freely cited; the last part is not
in that verse, however—cf. Lev. 23.16-17 for the content, although there too the
phraseology is somewhat different. Gk. ἐφ' αἷς. Gk. κατὰ Θεόν. Gk. πάσχειν - the verb is
related to the noun "passion" (πάθος) used just before. I.e., a single (50) day in
addition to the 49. I.e., the ascension, 40 days after the resurrection, was followed up
by the experience of Pentecost (Acts 1.3; 2.1). Cf. Deut. 16.6. Cf. Eph. 6.15. Cf. Isa.
11.1. Cf. Rom. 2.29. The phrase, "in secret" (Gk. ἐν κρυπτῷ) is rendered by many
translations as "inwardly." I.e., Constantine at the Council of Nicaea. I.e., fellow
Christians, as opposed to Jews. Mt. 26.17-18, freely cited. I.e., celebrating their
Pascha. That is, not only was the Pascha instituted by Christ different in character, but
it was also not on the same day as the Jewish authorities celebrated their Pascha.

Lk. 22.15. Cf. Deut. 16.6. Cf. Jn. 18.28. Cf. Mt. 23.24. Cf. Rom. 2.29 and the end of
section 7 above. Cf. the end of section 12 below. Lk. 22.7. This text was commissioned by
Roger Pearse, 2010. It was translated from Angelo Mai, Novae Patrum Bibliotheca 4 (1847),
pp.209-216 (De sollemnitate paschali),


TO CARPIANUS; ON THE GOSPEL CANONS
==================================

TO CARPIANUS; ON THE GOSPEL CANONS Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

TO CARPIANUS; ON THE GOSPEL CANONS

TO CARPIANUS, ON THE GOSPEL CANONS

1 Eusebius to Carpianus his beloved brother in the Lord: greetings. Ammonius the
Alexandrian, having exerted a great deal of energy and effort as was necessary, bequeaths
to us a harmonized account of the four gospels. Alongside the Gospel according to Matthew,
he placed the corresponding sections of the other gospels. But this had the inevitable
result of ruining the sequential order of the other three gospels, as far as a continuous
reading of the text was concerned. Keeping, however, both the body and sequence of the
other gospels completely intact, in order that you may be able to know where each
evangelist wrote passages in which they were led by love of truth to speak about the same
things, I drew up a total of ten tables according to another system, acquiring the raw
data from the work of the man mentioned above. These tables are set out for you below.

2 The first of them lists the reference numbers for similar things recounted in the four
gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John; the second in the three, Matthew, Mark, and Luke;
the third in the three, Matthew, Luke, and John; the fourth in the three, Matthew, Mark,
and John; the fifth in the two, Matthew, and Luke; the sixth in the two, Matthew and Mark;
the seventh in the two, Matthew and John; the eighth in the two, Mark and Luke; the ninth
in the two, Luke and John; the tenth is for unique things recorded in each gospel. Now
that I have outlined the structure of the tables set out below, I will explain how to use
them. In each of the four gospels, consecutive reference numbers are assigned to each
section, starting from the first, then the second, and the third, and so on in sequence,
proceeding through the whole gospel to the book's end. Every reference number has a
numeral written below it in red that indicates in which of the ten tables the reference
number is located. If the red numeral is a I, the reference number is clearly in the first
table, and if it is a II, in the second, and thus in sequence to the numeral ten.

3 And so, suppose you open one of the four gospels at some point, wishing to go to a
certain chapter in order to know what gospels recount similar things and to find in each
gospel the related passages in which the evangelists were led to speak about the same
things. By using the reference number assigned for the section in which you are interested
and looking for it within the table indicated by the red numeral below it, you will
immediately discover from the titles at the head of the table how many and which gospels
recount similar things. By going to the other gospels' reference numbers that are in the
same row as the reference number in the table you are at and looking them up in the
related passages of each gospel, you will find similar things mentioned.


ON THE STAR (SPURIOUS)
======================

ON THE STAR (SPURIOUS) Eusebius of Caesarea

c. AD 260–339

Bishop of Caesarea and the first church historian.

ON THE STAR [SPURIOUS]

EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA ON THE STAR.

1 THE tract which I now offer to the readers of The Journal of Sacred Literature, is
ascribed to Eusebius of Caesarea ; and there is no reason, so far as I can see, to doubt
the correctness of the statement. It is entitled : Concerning the Star ; showing how and
through what the Magi recognized the Star, and that Joseph did not take Mary as his wife.
Consequently, it stands in a certain connection both with parts of the Chronicle and with
the Quaestiones, edited by Mai in his Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio, t. i., and his
Nova Patrum Bibliotheca, t. iv., p. 219 foll. This tract is, I believe, now published for
the first time. The Greek original appears to have perished ; and the Syriac fragment De
stella quae Magis apparuit, given by Mai in the Nova Patrum Bibl., t. iv., p. 281, is
evidently extracted from a different work. I have taken it from a manuscript in the
Nitrian collection, Add. 17,142, a small octavo volume of seventeen leaves, dating
apparently from the sixth century. The text, which I have reproduced as faithfully as
possible, is, I am sorry to say, very corrupt ; but I shall endeavour to correct at least
some of the mistakes in the notes to the translation, which I hope to publish in the next
number of this Journal.

2 WILLIAM WRIGHT. 24th March, 1866. [Syriac of pp.118-136 omitted from online text]

EUSEBIUS OF CAESAREA ON THE STAR.

3 "ICH habe den seltsamen Tractat über den Stern mit Interesse durchgelesen, obgleich er
ganz ändern Inhalts ist, als ich erwartete. Meinen Freund Gutschmid interessieren die
Königslisten sehr, und er ist schon dabei, alle nach ihren Quellen zu ordnen. Die
assyrischen Könige gehn auf Ktesias zurück. Das persische Verzeichniss findet sich eben so
bei Malala. Den König [Syriac] erkannte Gutschmid sogleich als a1llos, und diese Conjectur
bestätigte ihm der Text des Malala. Nur mit dem Verzeichniss der Könige seit Alexander ist
Gutschmid nicht im Heinen. Uebrigens bestätigt Gutschmid meine entschiedene Zweifel an der
Echtheit des Werkchens, welches zwar vielfach auf Eusebius' Chronik zurückgeht, aber doch
von einem weit weniger hervorragenden Mann geschrieben sein muss. Ich glaube sogar, der
Urtext ist Syrisch, hauptsächlich weil die Bibelstellen und biblischen Anklänge mehr
Aehnlichkeit mit der Peshito, als mit den LXX zeigen." So writes my friend Professor
Noeldeke of Kiel (21st May, 1866), and I am glad to find that this little Syriac tract "on
the Star" should have proved so interesting, not only to a linguist like himself, but also
to a historical critic like Von Gutschmid.

4 With regard to the authenticity of the work, I am quite prepared to give it up, now that
I have studied it more carefully myself, and have heard the opinion of Noeldeke and
Ceriani, and the reasons on which that opinion is based. Considering the age of the
manuscript, which certainly cannot be assigned to a later date than the sixth century,
there can, I think, be but little doubt that this tract is the production of a writer who
lived not long after the time of Eusebius----say, towards A.D. 400 ----and who made use in
composing it of the first and second books of the Maccabees, the Chronicle of Eusebius,
the works of Ctesias, and the writings of one or two other ancient chroniclers. 5 With
regard to my translation, I have done, on the present occasion, precisely as heretofore ;
that is to say, I have striven to be as accurate and literal as possible, my main object
being to translate, not to comment and annotate. The names of the Assyrian and Median
kings, from Ascatades down to Astyages, I have reproduced in Greek letters. This will
convey to such of my readers as are not orientalists, some idea of the corrupt state of
the manuscript. The names themselves, as well as those of the Persian kings from Cyrus to
the last Darius, may, |151 in general, be easily identified and restored by referring to
the lists of Ctesias (ed. Müller, appended to Dindorf s Herodotus, 1844), Eusebius
(Chronicon bipartitum, ed. Aucher, Yenice, 1818; Chronicorum Canonum libri duo, ed. Mai
and Zohrab, Milan, 1818), Jerome (in the eighth volume of the Benedictine edition,
1734-1742), Georgius Syncellus (ed. Dindorf, 1829), Joannes Malala (ed. Dindorf, 1831),
and the Chronicon Paschale (ed. Dindorf, 1832). The list of kings, however, from the time
of Alexander to that of Augustus Caesar, I have not yet traced to its source, and must now
leave it to the care of others. These names I have reproduced in Roman capitals, as
several of them do not admit of being transcribed into Greek.

6 W. WRIGHT. London, September, 1866. I had written "Greek uncials," but for printers'
reasons I have had to submit to the use of small type.

CONCERNING THE STAR; SHOWING HOW AND THROUGH WHAT THE MAGI RECOGNIZED THE STAR, AND THAT JOSEPH DID NOT TAKE MARY AS HIS WIFE.

7 I WILL write and inform thee, our dear brother, concerning the righteous of old, and
concerning the handing down of the histories of their deeds ; and how, and through what,
the Magi recognized the Star, and came and worshipped our Lord with their offerings ;
partly from the Holy Scriptures, and partly as we have found in the true chronicles, which
were written and composed by men of old in various cities. 8 The ancient scribes testify,
that everything which was written by the care of Jason in five large books, from the year
88 of the kingdom of the Greeks till the year 177 (B.C. 223----134), they themselves
abridged hastily in two books, from the year 137 (B.C. 174), omitting also the things that
were done within the space of fifty years. But as regards other things, with the care that
they took, they entered into the repository of the archives of their fathers, where were
written and deposited the acts of the remaining histories of the Prophets, which were not
written in the books of the Prophets ; and they found in the chronicles, that the
Tabernacle of Witness which Moses made, and the Ark which he constructed, and the Altar of
Propitiation which he consecrated,----these the Prophet Jeremiah took, and concealed them
in a cave of the mountain on which Moses used to pray. And they also found in these
chronicles, that the fire which Moses received from Heaven, and with which the priests
used to minister, till the time they went |152 down to Babylon, ---- it too was found to
have been buried and concealed by Jeremiah the Prophet in a pit which was in watery
ground; and after seventy years it was discovered; and with it the captive priests used to
minister on the altar, until the appearance of our Lord.

9 And many other things, which the scribe Aristobulus and his colleagues had written in
the book of records, and in the epistles of the kings of the house of David and Hezekiah
and Josiah and their companions, were written and deposited (there). And when they had
found them, they collected them, and wrote them out in the volumes of their books. And
through the care of these ancient writers, when they saw that the Jews went to the city of
Tyre to praise Herakles, a hero of the Greeks, ---- this too they put into writing; and
that Andronicus used treachery towards Onias, the high priest and a famous man, and slew
him at Daphne, which lies by Antioch, without any crime, ----not even this did they
neglect. 10 And it was found in the true chronicles of the Persians, which were written
and deposited there from ancient generations, that Jerusalem was a warlike city from its
(earliest) days, and did not make much account of kings, and great fortresses were in the
midst of it. And when Sihon, the king of the Amorites, was slain, Moses said : "Now is
fulfilled that which was spoken in the ancient proverbs : 'A fire shall go out of Heshbon,
and a flame from the city of Sihou, and shall devour the city of Moab, and all the
worshippers of the altars of Arnon.'" And when Moses heard that this was written in the
books of the Amorites, he too added and put it into his book. And when King Saul
persecuted David, David recited to him some of the ancient proverbs, and said: '"From the
wicked proceedeth wickedness, but verily my hand shall not be upon thee ;' and because of
this my hand is not upon thee, but the hand of the Lord hath power over thee."

11 And when the people went up from Babylon, and there was a great strife concerning their
going up, king Darius commanded, and the books of the records and acts of the preceding
kings were called for ; and there was found among their chronicles a roll, in which was
written : "I truly, Cyrus, king |153 of Persia, have commanded that the people of the
Hebrews should go up from Babylon to Jerusalem, along with the vessels of the service of
the house of the Lord." And when king Darius heard this, he too affixed his seal to this
order, and commanded that, whosoever should disobey this order, a beam should be pulled
down from his house, and they should make it into a cross, and hang him upon it, and that
his house should be given up to plunder. And he added of his own (goods) expenses for the
house of the Lord.

12 And Job, whose time was anterior to that of Moses, ---- before that Moses narrated the
history of the creation of Adam, Job said unto his friends, as he had found in the
tradition of the generations before him : "This we have found in the world, since Adam was
created upon the earth. Who is he that made man upon the face of the earth?" And to his
Lord he said: "What shall I do unto Thee, O Maker of man ? in return for Thy hands, which
have laboured and made me, and fashioned me and framed me, when Thou didst curdle me like
cheese of milk." 13 Moses himself too found many things, which were going down and coming
by tradition from mouth to ear, from one generation to another ; and he put them into his
book, although he left out many things which could not be comprised (in it). For that
which is said of Abraham, that he was enjoining his children and his household to keep the
commandments of the Lord, is older than the laws of Moses by four hundred and thirty
years. For these commandments, which Abraham was enjoining his household (to keep), were
received by him, as it were by tradition, from Shem ; and Shem too received them from his
father Noah ; and Noah received them from Enoch ; and Enoch received them from Adam ; and
Adam received them from his Lord. For the barbarous races who keep (the commandments)
'Thou shalt not kill,' and 'Thou shalt not steal,' and 'Thou shalt not commit adultery,'
and destroy wizards, and so forth, ---- this is not (done) as it were by the law of
Scripture, but by the law of the mind of ancient tradition, which is older than the law
that Moses wrote. For it was not of the law of Scripture that Joseph was afraid, and did
not come nigh unto |154 his master's wife; nor was it of the law of Scripture that the
king of Gedar (Gerar) was afraid; he and his nobles, and did not come nigh unto Rebecca;

14 nor was it of the law of Scripture that Lot was afraid, and said to the people of
Sodom, "Do not do this disgraceful and shameful thing to the men who have entered under
the shadow of my roof; but of that law and mind which was born with the ancient
generations, and went on, and came by tradition of their children down to the time of
Moses, who put into writing those things which were written on the tablets of the heart;
for "the law was added because of falling away." 15 And as many things, which Moses also
neglected, are found in chronicles that were written and laid up, so too the history of
the Star which the Magi saw, was found in a chronicle which was written and laid up in
Arnon, the border of the Moabites and Ammonites. And this history was taken from the place
in which it was written, and was conveyed away and deposited in the fortress of Achmethan,
which is in Persia. Because that, in the time of Moses, and both before and after Moses,
the Assyrians were lords over the land of the Moabites and of the Ammonites, where Balaam
said, "A Star shall rise out of Jacob, and a Head shall arise in Israel." And it was not
merely over the land of the children of Lot that the Assyrians were lords, but also over
the land of Sihon and of Og, the kings of the Amorites, and over the whole land of
Palestine, and over Phoenicia, and Syria, and all Mesopotamia; seeing that the nations
sent up tribute to them, as if subdued under their hands, and gave them hostages, and
offered them crowns of victory. And whenever one place rebelled against another, and they
commenced war against one another, (word) was written and sent to the Assyrian kings, and
as they commanded, so it was (done), and those who rebelled received chastisement.

16 And along with these things, both the deeds which Moses did in inner Arabia, and in
outer Arabia, and in Rekem of Gea, and in the regions which were round about the cities of
Moab, and the history of the Star, which Balaam spoke, and so forth;----these things the
princes and judges of those places |155 wrote down, and sent and made them known ; and
they were read before ασκρτοσ, the king of the Assyrians, who was reigning at the time in
which they were done. And he commanded, and the record of these matters was deposited in
the fortress of Achmethan, where they were preserved among the books of the kings of
Assyria, as was also the custom in other countries. And after ασκρτσ [ασκδτσ], there
reigned after him αμυντοσ there in Assyria, when Moses was between the Amorites and the
Edomites, and had come to the city of Petra, which is called in the language of
Mesopotamia Rekem of Gea.

17 And when the people encamped over against 'Ad'ira, which is 'Adu'ira (Aroer), that lies
in the valley of Arnon, which separates the Midianites, the children of Kentura (Keturah),
the concubine of Abraham, from the children of Lot, Abraham's brother's sou, in the days
of Balak the son of Zippor, the king of the Moabites ; and when Balak saw the people that
were with Moses, which had come near to his borders, he despised them, and neglected the
wars which he had witnessed ; how Sihon, king of the Amorites, who had taken possession by
war of the land of the Moabites, carrying away hostages from the Moabites, was not able to
stand before this people, who had slain him and destroyed him at Jahaz; nor was the king
of Canaan, who dwelt in the south, able to stand before this people, and they called his
place a devoted place. Of these things Balak, the king of Moab, was afraid, and he
trembled, and was frightened to wage war with Moses, before whom neither the kings of
Egypt had stood, nor the kings of other very mighty nations, nor had even the terrible sea
itself dared to stand before Moses. And Balak called the elders of the Midianites and his
nobles, and said to them:

18 "This Moses, who, lo, has terrified the whole earth, and slain the kings that were
around us,----and behold, the people that are with him are |156 grazing on our land as the
ox that grazeth in the field, ---- is he not that Moses, who was made the overseer and
shepherd of Jethro, the priest of your gods, whom ye received as a guest, and who was
protected among you as a stranger ? And lo, today he is expelling us from our lands, and
driving us out of our territories. But let us abstain from war, and let us send and call
Balaam the soothsayer, to come and curse them ; because they are the children of Jacob,
who trembled and was afraid of the curses of his father Isaac, as we have all heard from
our fathers. And they sent after Balaam the soothsayer. And the messengers went and found
him at Urem, which is situated over against Turär, the eastern (part) of Mesopotamia; and
they said to him : "The king of the Moabites, and the princes of the Midianites, have sent
us after thee, that thou mayest go with us and curse the people that has come out of
Egypt. But Balaam, through his craftiness, because he knew that the power of his word was
not sufficient to enable him to do this, and to stand before six hundred thousand drawers
of the sword, laid hold of a pretext, and said to those who had come after him :

19 "Be ye witnesses unto me henceforth, that I fear lest perchance the Lord should not
permit me to curse the people and destroy it by means of words and maledictions. And when
he went unto Balak the king, instead of the curses which he was looking to hear from him,
he heard blessings from him. And when Balaam saw that Balak began to be vexed with him,
because, instead of curses, he heard from him something which he did not expect, Balaam
said unto Balak : "The . princes whom thou didst send after me, can testify that I said
unto them, 'Whatever the Lord sayeth unto me, I will say, and not what Balak says unto me,
who has sent you unto me.' And upon this condition I arose and came with them unto thee,
to tell thee that the legions of the Chittites and the armies of the Greeks are about to
issue forth from the whole land of the Macedonians, and to subdue the Assyrians in wrath
and the |157 land of Nimrod in anger. And after this happens, then shall rise the Star out
of the children of Jacob, whom thou didst wish to keep in darkness ; and the Head shall
arise in Israel, to come and destroy whom thou didst send after me ; and He shall destroy
their mighty men, and shall subdue the whole seed of Seth the son of Adam.

20 But Balak the king and his nobles,----when they heard that the mighty Assyrians, who
were rulers over them, were going to be subdued under the yoke of the king of the Greeks,
and the whole earth (was going to be subjected) to Him on whose account the Star was going
to rise, destroying their mighty men,----laid aside the fear of the people who were
abiding over against them. 21 But that king Balak might not come to disgrace and (incur)
the punishment of death from amunts king of the Assyrians, he wrote and informed him of
the things that Balaam said. And he commanded, and the letter was laid up in his archives,
as was written above ; and they received this writing, this history being handed down and
coming from people to people through the whole land of the Assyrians. But the Assyrians,
because they were born and brought up in the doctrine of the Chaldaeans (astrologers) of
their country and of the soothsayers their countrymen, according to what they had received
from their mother Babylon, from whom, began astrology and soothsaying and magic, just as
from Egypt (began) incantation,----on this account they received the word of Balaam the
soothsayer, the disciple of Babylon, and were not able to refuse credit to his word, lest
the whole doctrine, on which they took their stand, should be proved false; for Balaam was
called "the soothsayer," because of the doctrine of astrology in which he was brought up.
And as to his being besides called a prophet, because his word turned out true in regard
to the legions of the Chittites which issued forth, and about the Star which arose,----
although in these things indeed he was true and trustworthy, yet because he was a false
witness, and said : "I see no iniquity in Israel," the children of Jacob slew him" as a
liar.

22 To be brief,----the tradition of the history of Balaam was handed down and came from
king αμυντροσ (αμυντοσ) to king |158 βχοσ (βλχοσ), in whose days Othniel the son of Kenaz
was ruler over the Hebrews. And from βχοσ (βλχοσ) to king βλπτωρ (or βλφτωρ), in whose
days Ehur (Ehud) killed Eglon the king of the Moabites. And from (λ)βκροσ (or βχροσ) to
king πραιρσ, in whose days the Philistines subdued the Hebrews. And from πραιροσ (πραιδοσ)
to king σωροσ, in whose days the Hebrews were delivered from beneath the hand of their
enemies. And from σωροσ to king πλμροσ, in whose days Jael killed Sisera the general. And
from (λ)πλμροσ to king πισοσ, in whose days Gideon slew the children of Midian. And from
(λ)πισοσ to king σρσμοσσ; in whose days Abimelech slew his seventy brethren. And from
σρμοσσ to king μνθροσ, in whose days died Tola, the son of Abimelech's uncle.

23 And from (λ)μνθροσ to king τομοσ, in whose days Nephthah (Jephthah) offered his
daughter a sacrifice to God. And from (λ)τομσοσ to king τυασσ, in whose days Samson died
among the Philistines. And from (λ)τυασσ to king θινοσ, in whose days died (Eli) the high
priest. And from (λ)θινοσ to king δρκλσ, in whose days Saul was slain on the hill of the
Gibeonites, and David became king. And from (λ)δκλσ (δρκλσ) to king ευπλσ, in whose days
Solomon sat upon the regal throne. And from (λ)ευπλσ to king αθνοσ, in whose days Jeroboam
became king over Israel. And from (λ)αθνοσ to king πτραιοσ; in whose days (Azariah) the
son of Azur (Oded) the prophet said unto king Asa : "Because this people listened not unto
the voice of the Lord |159 their God, there was no peace either to him that went out or to
him that came in."

24 And from (λ)πραιοσ to king φτριοσ, in whose days the Lord smote Jehoram the son of
Athaliah, the sister of Ahab, and his bowels came forth from his inside, and he died. And
from (λ)φρτισ to king ακρπζσ, in whose days Joash was slain by his servants. And from
(λ)βπρσ to king θισκων, in whose days Uzziah was smitten with leprosy. And from (λ)θισκων
to king αρβκσ, in whose days Menachem reigned over Israel. And from αρβκσ to king σωσρμσ,
in whose days Jotham built the gates of the house of the Lord. And from σωσρμοσ to king
μρκιοσ, in whose days Hezekiah opened the gates of the house of the Lord, which had been
closed by Ahaz his father. And from king (λ)μρκοσ, in whose days Manasseh made the image
with four faces, to king αιρκσ, in whose days Manasseh returned and came up from Babylon,
because he knew that the Lord was God.

25 And from (λ)αρικσ to king φρατροσ, in whose days Josiah burned the bones of the
priests. And from φρτροσ to king κυβσρσ, in whose days Daniel and Hananiah and their
companions were led away captive to Babylon. And from κυβσροσ to king αστβυγσ, in whose
days the Babylonians laid waste Jerusalem. And from αστιβγσ to Cyrus the king of the
Persians, who proclaimed the return to the children of Israel, that they should go up from
Babylon to Jerusalem. All these kings of the Assyrians, from the days of Moses to Cyrus
the Persian, were on their guard and watching to see when the word of Balaam would be
fulfilled; and when the legions of the Chittites would issue forth from the land of the
Macedonians ; and how would be devastated the lands and regions of all Asia, and the city
of Ephesus, and the districts of Pontus, and Galatia, and Cilicia, and all Syria, and the
spacious country of Mesopotamia and of all the Parthians; and (how) they would pass on to
Nineveh, the city of Nimrod, the first of all mighty men, and would wage war violently
with the Assyrians, and conquer them and subdue them. |160

26 When then the Assyrians saw that their kingdom was taken away from them, and was given
to the Persians, they thought that the great war of the Chittites too, of which they had
been afraid, had passed away from them. For although at different times the Assyrians had
had wars of and by themselves,----when the Babylonians waged war with them, and took away
from them the kingdom ; and again the Medes waged war with the Babylonians, and took away
the kingdom from them also; and the Persians also waged war with the Medes, and the
Persians conquered and won the kingdom;----yet they had had no fear in all these wars and
struggles, because they knew that those who were overcome, were the brethren and
associates of those who were victorious. For neither was it possible that Cyrus the
Persian should succumb in war, because that in the days of Isaiah the prophet the gates of
victory had been opened before Cyrus ; nor was it possible that the gates should be shut
in his face, because he was called the Anointed of the Lord.

27 And after Cyrus the Persian reigned Cambyses, at whose word Syria was laid waste, and
Phœnicia, and Palestine, and other countries. And from Cambyses (the tradition was handed
down) to the first Darius, in whose days Ezra the scribe rebuilt the desolate places of
Jerusalem. And from Darius to king Artachshasht, in whose days Sanballat and Shimshai the
scribe were hindering the people from rebuilding the desolate places of Jerusalem. And
from Artachshasht to king ....., in whose days went up the remnant which had remained in
Babylon, and some of the children of the captivity of the people. And from ..... to
another Darius, in whose days went up Ezra the scribe, he and the priests and the Lévites,
and were walking upon the wall of Jerusalem, and repeating the psalms of David for the
completion of the building. And from Darius to the last Artachshasht, in whose days the
|161 furniture of Eliashib was thrown out into the street, because he had made for himself
a house in the court of the house of God.

28 And from Artachshasht to the last Darius, who is the ram that Daniel foresaw, butting
westward and northward and southward ; and there came a he-goat, and the legions of the
Chittites with him, as Balaam had said, and waged war with Darius, king of the Medes and
Babylonians and Assyrians and Persians, and overcame him, and slew him, and ravaged the
people who were with him, and cast him down, and subdued the Assyrians under his power,
and made them tributary to the kingdom of the Greeks, which was of old subject to the
power of the Assyrians. The kingdom of the Jews too, which had also been subject to the
children of the East, passed under the power of the Greeks. And when the Persians saw that
the word of Balaam had turned out true and become a fact, they were also specially
concerned to see when the Star would arise and become visible, about which he spoke,
meditating what might perchance happen at its rising, and whence it would appear, and
concerning whom it would testify.

29 And after this Darius, whom Alexander the king of the Greeks slew, there arose king
ARSUN, in whose days cities were increased in their buildings in the land of Syria. And
from (L)ARSUN (the tradition was handed down) to king ARTMRSUS, in whose days the Books of
the Hebrews were translated into Greek. And from (L)ARTMRSUS to king ATISHCHU, in whose
days lived Jesus the son of Simeon, the priest, who was called Bar-Sira (the son of Sirach
or Siracides). And from (L)TISHIS to king APTSHURS (or APHTSHURS), in whose days the
impure Jason received from the king of the Greeks the power over the children of his
people ; and he wrote the children of his people by the name of Antiochians through the
praises of Herakles. And from (L)APTSHURS to king PRIDUS, in whose days the senators
(συγκλητικοί) of the Romans wrote to the cities letters of greeting regarding the party of
Jonathan and Simeon (Simon), the sons of Mattathias. |162

30 And from (L)MPRUS to king ASTRUS, in whose days Arshak (Arsaces) the Parthian waged war
with the king of the Greeks and slew him. And from (L)MPIZRUS to king ANSCUS, in whose
days the kingdom of the Greeks was cut off. And from (L)ISCUS to king PIRSHBUR (Pir-
Shabur?), in whose days Augustus Caesar reigned over the Roman empire. And in his days was
the glorious manifestation of our adored Saviour. And therefore in the days of this
PIRSHBUR, who was called ZMRNS, there appeared the Star, both transformed in its aspect,
and also conspicuous by its rays, and terrible and grand in the glorious extent of its
light. And it overpowered by its aspect all the stars that were in the heavens, as it
inclined to the depth, to teach that its Lord had come down to the depth, and ascended
again to the height of its nature, to show that its Lord was God in His nature.

31 And when the Persians saw it, they were alarmed and afraid, and there fell upon them
agitation and trembling, and fear got the mastery over them. And it was visible to the
inner depths of the East alone ; and the Persians, and the Huzites, and the other peoples
that were around them, knew that this was what Balaam had foretold ; and this apparition
and news flew through the whole East : "The king of Persia is preparing splendid offerings
and gifts and presents, and is sending them by the hands of the Magi, the worshippers of
fire." And because the king did not know where the Messiah was born, he commanded the
bearers of the offerings, (saying): "Keep going towards the Star, and walking on the road
along which it runs before you ; and by day and night keep observing its light." And when
they set forth with the sun from their country, in which this sun (of ours) is born every
day, the Star too with its rays was running on before them, accompanying them and going
with them, and becoming as it were an attendant of theirs. And they halted in many places,
passing by large fortified towns, and (through) various foreign tongues and different
garbs, that were unlike to one another. And they halted outside of the cities, and not
inside of the cities, until they reached the gates of Jerusalem, over which the Star stood
still, entering and alarming Jerusalem and its inhabitants, and terrifying also the kings
and priests. |163

32 And when they had entered within the gates of the city, it was concealed from them. And
when the Magi saw that neither the kings, nor the priests, nor the chiefs of the people
perceived the coming of the Messiah, and the Star was concealed, they knew that, because
they were not worthy, they did not perceive the birth of the Son, nor were they worthy to
behold the Star. And when the Magi saw that the Star was hidden from them, they went forth
by night from the city ; and at that very moment the Star appeared unto them ; and they
went after the apparition of it, until it descended and stood still over the cave of
Bethlehem, where was born the Messiah. And in that hour they opened their treasures, and
offered unto Him many presents and gifts of offerings, bowing down in adoration before the
Messiah, that their offerings might be accepted, and that they might be delivered from the
hateful treachery which they had seen in Jerusalem, and might reach their own country
without fear, and might carry back word to those who had sent them of what they had seen
and heard.

33 And when they had made their offerings and passed the night there, the Star too stopped
with them above the cave. And when they rose early in the morning to set out for their
country, it was for the second time running on and going before them on the way, which was
different from the former one; and until they had entered their city, it did not quit
them, nor was it concealed as on the former occasion. And when they had entered into the
presence of the king who had sent them, they narrated to him all that they had heard and
seen. These things too were written down there in inner Persia, and were stored up among
the records of the deeds of their kings, where was written and stored up the history of
the legions of the Chittites and the account of this Star, that they might be preserved
where were preserved the histories of the ancients.

34 But Joseph and Mary, when they saw the treachery of king Herod and the envy of the
Scribes and Pharisees, arose and took the Child, and went to a foreign country and of a
barbarous tongue; and there they dwelt for the space of four |164 years, during which
Herod continued to reign after (their flight). And at the commencement of the reign of
Herod's son, they arose and went up from that land to the country of Galilee, Joseph and
Mary, and our Lord along with them, and the five sons of Hannah (Anna), the first wife of
Joseph. But Mary and our Lord were dwelling together in the house in which Mary received
the Annunciation from the holy Angel. and eleven, in the second year of the coming of our
Saviour, in the consulship of Caesar and of Capito, in the month of the latter Kanun,
these Magi came from the East and worshipped our Lord at Bethlehem of the kings. And in
the year four hundred and thirty (A.D. 119), in the reign of Hadrianus Caesar, in the
consulship of Severus and of Fulgus, in the episcopate of Xystus, bishop of the city of
Rome, this concern arose in (the minds of) men acquainted with the Holy Books; and through
the pains of the great men in various places this history was sought for and found, and
written in the tongue of those who took this care.

35 Here ends the Discourse on the Star, which was composed by Mar Eusebius of Caesarea.
[Footnotes have been numbered and moved to the end] 1. 2 Maccabees ii. 23. 2. 2 Maccabees
ii. 4, 5. 3. 2 Maccabees i. 19, etc. 4. [Syriac, Greek] See 2 Maccabees i. 10. 5. 2
Maccabees ii. 13. 6. 2 Maccabees iv. 18, 19. 7. 2 Maccabees iv. 33-35. 8. Numbers xxi. 27,
28. 9. 1 Samuel xxiv. 12, 13. 10. Ezra vi. 1, etc. 11. Ezra vi. 11. 12. Ezra vi. 8. 13.
Job xx. 4. The last clause is corrupt. In the Peshïtta it runs thus : [Syriac], from (the
time) that He made man upon the earth. 14. Job vii. 20, and x. 8, 10. 15. Genesis xviii.
19. 16. Exodus xxii. 18 ; Deuteronomy xviii. 10, 11. 17. Genesis xxxix. 7, etc. 18. As in
the Peshitta, [Syriac]. See Genesis xxvi. 6, etc.

36 19. Genesis xix. 7, 8. 20. Galatians iii. 19. 21. [Hebrew], Ecbatana. 22. Numbers xxiv.
17. 23. Numbers xxi. 21, etc. 24. Numbers xxi. 1-3. 25. Numbers xxii. 3, etc. 26. By
[Syriac] is probably meant [Syriac], on the Euphrates near Samosata. See Assemani,
Bibliotheca Orient., t. ii., in the Dissertatio de Monophysitis, art. Urima. Knobel
identifies [Hebrew] with 'Anah, [Syriac]. 27. Numbers xxiv. 24. 28. Numbers xxiv. 17. 29.
Numbers xxiii. 21. 30. The λ, [Syriac], seems due, here and elsewhere, to a blunder of the
scribe, who has taken the preposition for an integral part of the name. 31. The name of
Eli is wanting in the Syriac text. 32. v is a slip of the pen for l... 33. 2 Chronicles
xv. 1-7. Azur as in the Peshitta, [Syriac]. The name of Azariah is wanting in the Syriac
text. 34. Isaiah xlv. 1. 35. f The monarch intended must be Artaxerxes Longimanus, but I
do not know what to make of the αυλ, ευλ, or ουλ of the text. Von Gut schmid has suggested
"to another king" ([Syriac]=ἄλλος); but the writer of this tract could hardly have been so
ignorant as to take ἄλλος for a proper name.

37 36. Nehemiah, xiii. 8. 37. Daniel viii. 3, etc. 38. This refers to the founding, or
restoring, of Antioch, Laodicea, Apamea, Edessa, Berœa, and Pella, by Seleucus Nicator.
39. 2 Maccabees iv. 7, etc. 40. 2 Maccabees iv. 9. ... 41. 2 Maccabees iv. 19. 42. 1
Maccabees xv. 15, etc. 43. For (L)NSCUS, ... 44. The inhabitants of Al-Ahwaz, ... or
Chuzistan. 45. Here some sixteen or seventeen lines of the Syriac text have been.
purposely erased, probably on account of some statement which a later reader considered
heretical.


SOURCES AND CREDITS
===================

Where each text comes from, and the licence under which it may be reused.

THEOPHANIA English translation: an older public-domain translation as collected in the
Writings-Database (HistoricalChristianFaith), mostly from the Ante-Nicene, Nicene and
Post-Nicene Fathers and similar nineteenth-century editions. SermonIndex has only divided
it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the translator’s own. No Greek or
Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English version has been made. Licence:
Public domain.

CHRONICON English translation: an older public-domain translation as collected in the
Writings-Database (HistoricalChristianFaith), mostly from the Ante-Nicene, Nicene and
Post-Nicene Fathers and similar nineteenth-century editions. SermonIndex has only divided
it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the translator’s own. No Greek or
Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English version has been made. Licence:
Public domain.

CONCERNING THE PLACE NAMES IN SACRED SCRIPTURE English translation: an older public-domain
translation as collected in the Writings-Database (HistoricalChristianFaith), mostly from
the Ante-Nicene, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers and similar nineteenth-century editions.
SermonIndex has only divided it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the
translator’s own. No Greek or Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English
version has been made. Licence: Public domain.

ON PSALM 51 English translation: an older public-domain translation as collected in the
Writings-Database (HistoricalChristianFaith), mostly from the Ante-Nicene, Nicene and
Post-Nicene Fathers and similar nineteenth-century editions. SermonIndex has only divided
it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the translator’s own. No Greek or
Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English version has been made. Licence:
Public domain.

ON THE CELEBRATION OF EASTER English translation: an older public-domain translation as
collected in the Writings-Database (HistoricalChristianFaith), mostly from the Ante-
Nicene, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers and similar nineteenth-century editions.
SermonIndex has only divided it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the
translator’s own. No Greek or Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English
version has been made. Licence: Public domain.

TO CARPIANUS; ON THE GOSPEL CANONS English translation: an out-of-copyright translation as
transcribed, or commissioned and given to the public domain, by Roger Pearse for his
collection Early Church Fathers – Additional Texts ( tertullian.org/fathers ). SermonIndex
has only divided it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the translator’s own.
No Greek or Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English version has been
made. Licence. translated by Mark DelCogliano and placed by him in the public domain in
2004. Licence: Public domain.

ON THE STAR (SPURIOUS) English translation: an out-of-copyright translation as
transcribed, or commissioned and given to the public domain, by Roger Pearse for his
collection Early Church Fathers – Additional Texts ( tertullian.org/fathers ). SermonIndex
has only divided it into chapters and short sections; the wording is the translator’s own.
No Greek or Latin text is shown beside it yet, and no modern English version has been
made. Licence. old imprint (1866). Licence: Public domain.