CHAPTER VI: THE DOCTRINE OF THE NECESSITY AND REALITY OF REDEMPTION THROUGH THE

under a more general heading.
[559] See, l. c., II. 29, 30; IV. 22.
[560] II. 30.
[561] L. c., see Gregory of Nyssa.
[562] II. 26 ff.
[563] III. 1.
[564] III. 6.

[565] IV. 4, II. 12. __________________________________________________________________

B.--THE DOCTRINE OF REDEMPTION IN THE PERSON OF THE GOD-MAN IN ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE NECESSITY AND REALITY OF REDEMPTION THROUGH THE INCARNATION OF THE SON OF GOD.

Natural theology was so wide in its scope as understood by the Greek Church, that, as indications in the preceding chapter will have already shown, only a historical fact absolutely unparallelled could make headway against it. The Greek Fathers knew of such a fact--"the newest of the new, yea, the only new thing under the sun"; it was the Incarnation of the Son of God. It alone balanced the whole system of natural theology, so far as it was balanced, and exerted a decisive influence upon it. But the incarnation could only be attached with complete perspicuity to that point in the natural system which seemed the more irrational, the more highly the value of human nature was rated--this point of contact being death. The dreadful paradox of death was destroyed by the most paradoxical fact conceivable the incarnation of the Deity.

This at once implied that the fact could not but be capable of a subsequent explanation, nay, even of a kind of a priori deduction. But its glory, as an expression of the unfathomable goodness of God, was not thereby to be diminished. The necessity of redemption, whether that consisted in the restoration or the perfection of the human race, was based by the Fathers, as a rule, on the actual state of wretchedness of mankind under the dominion of death and sin. So far, however, as this condition was compared with the original state or destiny of man, redemption was already thought of as intrinsically necessary, and was no longer merely regarded as a postulate of man's need of salvation. In this connection the Fathers often lost sight of the capacity left to man of being and doing good. In innumerable passages they speak of the helplessness and irredeemableness of mankind, using expressions which could without difficulty be inserted in Augustine's doctrine of sin. But just as often a phrase occurs which betrays the fact that the whole view is nevertheless quite different; in other words, that the outward condition characterised by feebleness and death, and the sensuousness of corruptible human nature are thought of as the source of all evil and all sin. This state is accompanied by a darkening of knowledge which could not fail to subject man to the influence of the demons and lead him into idolatry.

The divine act of grace in Christ applied to death, the demonic rule, sin, and error. In Homilies, Biblical commentaries, and devotional writings, these points of view interchange, or are apparently regarded as equivalent. [566] But since natural theology formed the background of their conceptions, the absolute necessity of the form assumed by the act of grace in the incarnation could be demonstrated neither in relation to sin nor to error. The whole question turned here on support, example, and illumination, or, if this line was crossed, theology ceased to be systematic and consistent. The importance of Athanasius and the Cappadocians consisted in the strenuous emphasis laid by them on the impressive connection existing between the incarnation and the restoration of the human race to the divine life, and in their consequent escape to some extent from the rationalistic scheme of doctrine; for the reference of the incarnation to sin did not carry the Greeks beyond it. The above combination had been made in the Church long before this (see Irenæus), but in the theology of Origen it had been subordinated to, and obscured by, complicated presuppositions.

Athanasius wrote a treatise "Concerning the incarnation of the Logos" (peri enanthropeseos tou logou), an early writing whose value is so great because it dates before the outbreak of the Arian controversy.
[567] In this work he went a step further: for he strove to prove that the redemption was a necessity on the part of God. He based this necessity on the goodness (agathotes) of God. This goodness, i.e., God's consistency and honour, involved as they were in his goodness, were necessarily expressed in the maintenance and execution of decrees once formed by him. His decrees, however, consisted, on the one hand, in his appointment of rational creatures to share in the divine life, and, on the other, in the sentence of death on transgressions. Both of these had to be established. God's intention could not be allowed to suffer shipwreck through the wickedness of the devil and the sad choice of humanity. If it were, God would seem weak, and it would have been better if he had never created man at all. Then the transgression occurred. "What was God now to do? Ought he to have demanded penitence on the part of man? For one could have deemed that worthy of God and said, that as men had become mortal through the transgression, they should in like manner recover immortality through repentance (change of mind). But repentance (in itself) did not retain the true knowledge as regards God; God accordingly would in his turn have shown himself untruthful, if death had not compelled men; [568] nor did repentance deliver from the physical, but only put an end to sins. Therefore, if the transgression had alone existed, and not its consequence, mortality, repentance would have been all very well. But when, the transgression having occurred, men were fettered to the mortality that had become natural to them, and were robbed of the grace which corresponded to their creation in the divine image, what else should have happened? Or what was needed for this grace and renewal except (the coming of) him who also in the beginning made all things of nothing, the Logos of God? For it was his part once more to restore the corruptible to incorruption." [569]

Athanasius shows that the Logos who originally created all things from nothing required to assume a body and thus to secure the restoration of man from corruptibility to incorruption (aphtharsia). How this happened Athanasius discusses in various, to some extent inconsistent, lines of thought, in which he speaks especially of a removal of men's guilt through the death of Christ, as well as of an exhaustion of the sentence of death in the sacrifice of his body presented by the Logos. From these premises it follows that Athanasius had the death of Christ in view, whenever he thought of the incarnation of the Logos. "The Logos could not suffer ten tou thanatou kratesin (the power of death' in mankind), and therefore took up the fight with death. He assumed a body and so became mortal. This body he surrendered to death on behalf of all. His body could not be really overcome, kept', by death. In it all died, and for this very reason the law of death (nomos tou Thanatou) is now abrogated; its power was exhausted on the body of the Lord (kuriakon soma); it had no further claim on his fellow-men (kata ton homoion anthropon) . . . The body assumed by the Logos came to share in the universal meaning of the Logos. The resurrection of the body and of the Logos guaranteed the general resurrection and incorruption (aphtharsia)." [570] Here follows the place assigned to the sacrifice. It presented that which was due (opheilomenon) to God in place of death. But the pervading and prominent thought of Athanasius is that the incarnation itself involved the Christian's passage from the fate of death to incorruption (aphtharsia), since the physical union of the human with the divine nature in the midst of mankind raised the latter to the region of divine rest and blessedness. [571] The result of the incarnation consisted accordingly, first, in the eradication of corruption (phthora)--by the existence of the divine in its midst, but, finally, by the death of Christ, in which the truthfulness of God was justified--and in the corresponding transformation into incorruptibility--renewal, or completion of the divine image by participation in the nature, free from all suffering, of the Deity. [572] But, secondly, the incarnation also resulted, as indeed had been long before held by the Apologists, in the restoration of the correct knowledge of God, which embraced the power of living rightly, through the incarnate Logos. But while Athanasius kept firmly in view this restoration of the knowledge of God through the Logos, he was not thinking merely of the new law, i.e., the preaching of Christ; he held it to have been given in the contemplation of the Person of Christ. In his work, that of a man, God came down to us. The dullest eye was now in a position to perceive the one true God--viz., in Christ--and to escape from the error of demon-worship. This thought is very significant; it had already been expressed by Clement and Origen, having received a deeper meaning from the latter, though he had not yet given it so central a place in his system. Athanasius expressly notes that creation was not sufficient to let us perceive the Creator and Father; we needed a man to live and work among us before we could see clearly and certainly the God and Father of all. [573]

When Athanasius placed the knowledge of God side by side with the deliverance from death, the transition was obtained from the fact of redemption to the doctrine of the appropriation, and to the explanation of the particular result, of the work of love done by the Logos. This only benefited those who voluntarily appropriated the divine knowledge made accessible by the incarnate Logos, and who regulated their conduct by the standards and with the power thus given them. [574] In any case the transformation of the corruptible into the incorruptible (the Theopoiesis) remained under this conception the ultimate and proper result of the work of the Logos, being ranked higher than the other, the knowledge of God. [575] But here we find the greatest difference between Athanasius and like-minded theologians on the one hand, and Arius, the Eusebians, etc., on the other. The elements contained in their views are the same; but the order is different. For these "conservative" theologians saw the work of the Logos primarily in the communication of the true and complete knowledge which should be followed by a state of perfection. But Athanasius made everything tend to this consummation as the restoration and the communication of the divine nature. Accordingly, it was to him a vital theological question how the incorruptible was constituted which was represented in the Logos, and what kind of union it had formed with the corruptible. But while he put the question he was sure of the answer. His opponents, however, could not at all share in his interest in this point, since their interest in Christ as the supreme teacher did not lead them directly to define more precisely the kind of heavenly manifestation which he represented even for them. When they did give such definitions, they were influenced by theoretical, or exegetical considerations, or were engaged in refuting the propositions of their opponents by setting up others.

The Trinitarian and Christological problems which had occupied the ancient Church for more than three centuries here rise before us. That their decision was so long delayed, and only slowly found a more general acceptance, was not merely due to outward circumstances, such as the absence of a clearly marked tradition, the letter of the Bible, or the politics of Bishops and Emperors. It was, on the contrary, owing chiefly to the fact that large circles in the Church felt the need of subordinating even the doctrine of redemption to rational theology, or of keeping it within the framework of moralism. The opposite conviction, that nature was transformed through the incarnate Logos, resulted here and there in a chaotic pantheism; [576] but that was the least danger. The gravest hindrance to the acceptance of the view of Athanasius consisted in the paradoxical tenets which arose regarding the Deity and Jesus Christ. Here his opponents found their strength; they were more strongly supported by the letter of Scripture and tradition, as well as by reason.

Supplement I.--No subsequent Greek theologian answered the question, why God became man, so decidedly and clearly as Athanasius. But all Fathers of unimpeached orthodoxy followed in his footsteps, and at the same time showed that his doctrinal ideas could only be held on the basis of Platonism. This is at once clear in the case of Gregory of Nyssa, who in some points strengthened the expositions given by Athanasius. Yet his model was Methodius rather than Athanasius. [577]

Gregory sought, in the first place, to give a more elaborate defence of the method of redemption--by means of the incarnation,--but in doing so he obscured Athanasius' simple combination of the incarnation and its effect. According to Gregory, God is boundless might, but his might was never divorced from goodness, wisdom, and righteousness. He next shows in detail (Catech. magn. 17-26) against Jews and heathens --as Anselm did afterwards--that the incarnation was the best form of redemption, because the above four fundamental attributes of God came clearly to light in it. Especially interesting in these arguments is the emphasis laid on God's treatment of those who had passed over to his enemies, his respect for their freedom in everything, and his redemption of men without wronging the devil, their master, who possessed a certain claim upon them. This account of the matter indeed had strictly an apologetic purpose. [578] In the second place, Gregory, while following Athanasius, still more strongly identified the state from which God has delivered us with death. The state of sin was death. He taught, with the Neoplatonists, that God alone was Being. Therefore all revolt from God to the sensuous, i.e., to not-being, was death. Natural death was not the only death; it might rather mean deliverance from the bonds of the body become brutal (l. c., ch. 8). Sensuousness was death. In the third place, although he also saw the redemption in the act of incarnation, Gregory held that it was not perfected until the resurrection of Jesus. That is, he was more thoroughly influenced than Athanasius by the conviction that the actual redemption presupposed renunciation of the body. We are first redeemed, when we share in the resurrection which the human nature assumed by Christ experienced through the resurrection (l. c., ch. 16). The mystery of the incarnation only becomes clear in this resurrection. The Deity assumed human nature, in order by this union to exhaust, until it had wholly disappeared, that which was liable to death in this nature, viz., evil. This result was only perfected in the resurrection of the human nature of Christ; for in it that nature was first shown completely purified and rendered capable of being possessed of eternal life. [579] In the fourth place, Gregory was able to demonstrate the application of the incarnation more definitely than Athanasius could with his figure of the king and the city. But he does so by the aid of a thoroughly Platonic idea which is only slightly suggested in Athanasius, and is not really covered by a Biblical reference (to the two Adams; see Irenæus). Christ did not assume the human nature of an individual person, but human nature. Accordingly, all that was human was intertwined with the Deity; the whole of human nature became divine by intermixture with the Divine. Gregory conceives this as a strictly physical process: the leaven of the Deity has pervaded the whole dough of humanity, through and in Christ; for Christ united with himself the whole of human nature with all its characteristics. [580] This conception, which was based on the Platonic universal notion "humanity", differed from that of Origen; but it also led to the doctrine of Apokatastasis (universalism), which Gregory adopted. Meanwhile, in order to counterbalance this whole "mystical", i.e., physical, conception, he emphasised the personal and spontaneous fulfilment of the law as a condition, in the same way as the later Antiochenes. The perfect fulfilment of the law was, however, according to Gregory, only possible to ascetics. [581]

In the fifth place, Gregory set the sacraments in the closest relation to the incarnation, recognising (l. c., ch. 33-40) Baptism and the Lord's Supper as the only means by which mortal man was renewed and became immortal. It undoubtedly appears superfluous to a rigorous thinker to require that something special should happen to the individual when all mankind has been deified in the humanity assumed by Christ. But the form given to his ideas by Gregory was in keeping with the thought of his time, when mysterious rites were held to portray and represent that which was inconceivable. Sixthly, and lastly, Gregory gave a turn to the thought of the incarnation in which justice was done to the boldest conception of Origen, and "the newest of the new" was subordinated to a cosmological and more general view. Origen had already, following the Gnostics, taught--in connection with Philipp. II. 10 and other texts--that the incarnation and sacrificial death of Christ had an importance that went beyond mankind. The work of Christ extended to wherever there were spiritual creatures; wherever there was alienation from God, there was restoration through Christ. He offered himself to the Father for angels and æons (see Valentine). To all orders of spiritual beings he appeared in their own shape. He restored harmony to the whole universe. Nay, Christ's blood was not only shed on earth at Jerusalem "for sin" (pro peccato); but also "for a gift on the high altar which is in the heavens" (pro munere in superno altari quod est in coelis). [582] Gregory took up this thought. The reconciliation and restitution extend to all rational creation. [583] Christ came down to all spiritual creatures, tures, and adopted the forms in which they lived, in order to bring them into harmony with God: ou monon en anthropois anthropos ginetai, alla kata to akolouthon pantos kai en angelois ginomenos pros ten ekeinon phusin heauton sunkatagei. [584] This thought, far from enriching the work of the historical Christ, served only, as in the case of the Gnostics, to dissipate it. And, in fact, it was only as an apologist of Catholic Christianity that Gregory held closely to the historical personality of Christ. When he philosophised and took his own way, he said little or nothing of the Christ of history. [585] It is almost with him as with Origen. He also reveals a supreme view of the world, according to which that which alienates the Kosmos from God forms part of its plan as much as that which restores it to him, the Kosmos being, from its creation, full of God, and, because it is, existing in God. The incarnation is only a particular instance of the universal presence of the divine in creation. Gregory contributed to transmit to posterity the pantheistic conception, which be himself never thought out abstractly, or apart from history. A real affinity existed between him and the pantheistic Monophysites, the Areopagite, and Scotus Erigena, and even modern "liberal" theology of the Hegelian shade may appeal to him. In the "Great Catechism" (ch. XXV.), which was meant to defend the historical act of the incarnation, he has an argument which is in this respect extremely significant. [586] "The assumption of our nature by the deity should, however, excite no well-founded surprise on the part of those who view things (ta onta) with any breadth of mind, (not too mikropsuchos). For who is so weak in mind as not to believe when he looks at the universe that the divine is in everything, pervading and embracing it, and dwelling in it? For everything depends on the existent, and it is impossible that there should be anything not having its existence in that which is. Now, if all is in it and it in all, why do they take offence at the dispensation of the mystery taught by the incarnation of God, of him who, we are convinced, is not even now outside of mankind? For if the form of the divine presence is not now the same, yet we are as much agreed that God is among us to-day as that he was in the world then. Now he is united with us as the one who embraces nature in his being, but then he had united himself with our being, that our nature, snatched from death, and delivered from the tyranny of the Adversary, might become divine through intermixture with the divine. For his return from death was for the mortal race the beginning of return to eternal life." The pantheistic theory of redemption appeared in after times in two forms. In one of these the work of the historical Christ was regarded as a particular instance, or symbol, of the universal, purifying and sanctifying operations continuously carried out through sanctifying media--the sacraments--by the Logos in combination with, as in their turn on behalf of, the graded orders of supersensuous creatures; this was the view of Dionysius the Areopagite. The other form of the theory included in the very idea of the incarnation the union of the Logos with those individual believing souls in whom he was well pleased. The latter conception which was already prominent in Methodius is especially marked in Macarius. In Homily IV. e.g., (ch. 8, 9), his first words lead us to expect an exposition of the one historical incarnation. Instead of that we read: "Thus in his love the infinite, inscrutable God humbled himself and assumed the members of our bodily nature . . . and transformed in love and benevolence to men he incorporates and unites himself with the holy and faithful souls in whom he is well pleased, etc." In each a Christ is born. [587]

The thought that Christ assumed the general concept of humanity occurs, though mingled with distinctive ideas, in Hilary, who was dependent on Gregory. [588] We find it also in Basil, [589] Ephræm, [590] Apollinaris, [591] Cyril of Alexandria, etc. Throughout these writers the conception is clearly marked that in Christ our nature is sanctified and rendered divine, that what it has experienced benefits us, as a matter of course, in our individual capacity, and that we in a very real way have risen with Christ.

Even in the Antiochenes passages occur which are thus to be interpreted--exegesis led them to this view; [592] but they exist, so far as I know, even in Chrysostom, [593] and they are so phrased in general as to show that according to them this suffering and dying with Christ, as an independent fact, was not merely a supplementary condition of the actual union with Christ, but the only form in which it was accomplished. In them the general concept of humanity does not occur; accordingly, the humanity of Christ is conceived much more concretely. He is really a fighting, striving man who reaches victory through free-will. [594] As this man himself is united morally with the deity, the moral element must never be left out of account in our union with him. But in so far as the incarnation of Christ produces a new state (Katastasis), one not included in the plan of humanity, it undoubtedly results in our glorification, a state not involved in the moral element per se.

When we come to John of Damascus we no longer find any definitive conception of the incarnation. The clear intention assigned to it by Athanasius has escaped him; even of the ideas of Gregory of Nyssa only a part, and that the apologetic part, are reproduced (De fide Orth. III. 1, 6). At this point also the attempt to unite the Aristotelian tradition of the school of Antioch with the Alexandrian only led to a combination of fragments. Yet the sentence, "Christ did not come to this or that one, but to our common nature", [595] never wholly became a dead letter in the Greek Church. But everything taught in that Church as to the incarnation is already to be found either developed, or in germ, in Irenæus; not the simple exposition of Athanasius, but a mixture of the thought of the historical with that of the mystical redemption, is to be traced in the majority of the Fathers. It is the Christ in us, the cosmical Christ, as we already saw in Methodius.

Supplement II.--Those Fathers, and they were in the majority, who found the cause of the incarnation in the intention of God to rehabilitate the human race, knew of no necessity for the incarnation apart from the entrance of sin. While they almost all explained that what Christ conferred was more and greater than what man had lost, yet they did not use this idea in their speculations, and they attached as a rule no special significance to it. But even Irenæus had also looked at the incarnation as the final and supreme means of the divine economy by which God gradually brought the original creation, at first necessarily imperfect, to completion. [596] Where this idea occurred, it also involved the other, that Christ would have come even if there had been no sin. Accordingly, those Fathers who laid no special stress on sin, seeing it appeared to them to be more or less natural, and who conceived redemption rather as a perfecting than restitution, maintained the necessity of the incarnation even apart from sin: so Theodore of Mopsuestia, Pelagius and others. [597] The incarnation was regarded by them as forming the basis of the life in which man is raised above his nature and common virtue, that is, the ascetic and angelic life. Clement of Alex., starting from quite different premises, expressed the same thought. Abstinence from evil was the perfection that had been attained even by Greeks and Jews; on the other hand, the perfect Gnostic, only possible after the complete revelation of the Logos, found perfection in the ascetic life of intuition, a life resting on faith, hope, and love. [598] Therefore in order to institute this life, the complete revelation of the Logos was required; it was unnecessary to bring sin into the question. However, the proposition that Christ would have come even if Adam had not sinned was, so far as I know, bluntly asserted by no Greek theologian; the combination of Adam and Christ in the Bible stood in the way.

Supplement III.--On the ground of Biblical texts like Matt. XXV. 24, Eph. I. 3-5, 11, II. Tim. I. 8-10, the Greeks have also spoken (e.g., Athan. c. Arian. II. 75-77) of an election of believers in Christ before the foundation of the world, and of the decree of redemption framed by God, with reference already to sin, before the creation. Athanasius even says that our future eternal life in Christ is conditioned by the fact that our life was founded on Christ even before time was. But the idea of predestination, like the thought that Christ is the head of his Church, is confined to the lines of a Biblical doctrine, which for that very reason is true. Neither the doctrine of the work of Christ, nor of the appropriation of his work, is influenced by those conceptions. As a rule, however, the idea of predestination takes the form that God having foreseen men's attainments in virtue elected them. This version is especially clear in the school of Antioch, and even enters into their Christology; but it is the opposite of what Paul meant. __________________________________________________________________

[566] Perhaps the most comprehensive passage is Eusebius, Demonstr. ev. IV. 12. But it also shows how far Eusebius still was from the thorough-going view of Athanasius: Tes oikonomias ou mian aitian alla kai pleious heuroi an tis ethelesas zetein, proten men gar ho logos didaskei, hina kai nekron kai zonton kurieuse; deuteran de hopos tas hemeteras apomaxoito hamartias, huper hemon trotheis kai genomenos huper hemon katara; triten hos an hiereion Theou kai megale thusia hurer sumpantos kosmon prosachtheie to epi panton Theo; tetarten hos an autos tes poluplanous kai daimonikes energeias aporretois logois kathairesin apergasaito; pempten epi taute, hos an tois autou gnorimois kai mathetais tes kata ton thanaton para Theo zoes ten elpida me logois mede rhemasin kai phonais alla autois ergois parastesas, ophthalmois de paradous ten dia ton logon epangelian, eutharseis autous kai prothumoterous apergasaito kai pasin Hellesin homou kai barbarois ten pros autou katabletheisan eusebe politeian keruxai.

[567] Draescke has attempted to show in a full discussion (Athanasiana i. d. Stud. u. Krit., 1893, pp. 251-315 that the writings "Against the Greeks" and the "Incarnation of the Logos" belong, not to Athanasius, but to Eusebius of Emesa, and were written A.D. 350. But after a close examination of his numerous arguments I find none of them convincing, and I am rather confirmed in my belief that no important objection can be raised against the authenticity of the two tractates. An accurate analysis of "De incarn." is given by Kattenbusch, l. c. I., p. 297 ff.

[568] This sentence does not seem to me quite clear; the meaning is probably: since repentance does not convey the true knowledge of God, but death resulted from loss of the latter, God would have broken his word if he had abolished death in consequence of mere repentance.

[569] De incarn. 7: Ti oun edei kai peri toutou genesthai e poiesai ton Theon; metanoian epi te parabasei tous anthropous apaitesai; touto gar an tis axion pheseien Theou, legon, hoti hosper ek tes parabaseos eis phthoran gegonasin, houtos ek tes metanoias genointo palin an eis aphtharsian. All' he metanoia oute to eulogon to pros ton Theon ephulatten; emene gar palin ouk alethes, me kratoumenon en to thanato ton anthropon; oute de he metanoia apo ton kata phusin apokaleitai, alla monon pauei ton hamartematon. Ei men oun monon en plemmelema kai me phthoras epakolouthesis, kalos an en he metanoia; ei de hapax prolabouses tes parabaseos, eis ten kata phusin phthoran ekratounto hoi anthropoi, kai ten tou kat' eikona charin aphairethentes esan, ti allo edei genesthai; e tinos en chreia pros ten toiauten charin kai anaklesin, e tou kai kata ten archen ek tou me ontos pepoiekotos ta hola tou Theou logou; autou gar en palin kai to phtharton eis aphtharsian enenkein kai to huper panton eulogon apososai pros ton patera. Compare Orat. c. Arian. II. 68.

[570] Kattenbusch, p. 298.

[571] L. c., ch. IX.: Hosper megalou basileos eiselthontos eis tina polin megalen, kai oikesantos eis mian ton en aute oikion, pantos he toiaute polis times polles kataxioutai, kai ouketi tis echthros auten oute lestes epibainon katastrephei, pases de mallon epimeleias axioutai dia ton eis mian autes oikian oikesanta basilea; shutos kai epi tou panton basileos gegonen. Elthontos gar autou epi ten hemeteran choran kai oikesantos eis hen ton homoion soma, loipon pasa he kata ton anthropon para ton echthron epiboule pepautai, kai he tou thanatou hephanistai phthora he palai kat' auton ischuousa. Kattenbusch is right in considering Ritschl (l. c., I., p. 10, 11) to have gone too far in his assertion that "Athanasius' interpretation of the death and resurrection of Christ is a particular instance of the main thought that the Logos of God guarantees all redemptive work, using the human body in which he dwells as the means." Athanasius certainly did not regard the death and resurrection as merely particular instances. They formed the object of the incarnation; not that they were added or supplementary to it; they were bound up with it.

[572] Yet the view of Athanasius was not simply naturalistic; incorruptibleness rather included the elements of goodness, love, and wisdom; a renewal affecting the inner nature of man was also involved. But it was not possible for Athanasius to expound this systematically; therefore Schultz seems to me to have asserted too much (Gottheit Christi, p. 80).

[573] The chief passages occur l. c., XIV-XVI., chap. XIV. fin: One might suppose that the fitting way to know God was to recover our knowledge of him from the works of creation. It is not so, for men are no longer capable of directing their gaze upward; they look down. "Therefore, when he seeks to benefit men, he takes up his dwelling among us as man, and assumes a body like the human one, and instructs men within their own lower sphere, i.e., through the works of the body, that those who would not perceive him from his care for all and his rule might at least from the works of the body itself know the Logos of God in the body, and through him the Father." C. 15: Epeide hoi anthropoi apostraphentes ten pros ton Thaeon theorian. kai hos en butho buthisthentes kato tous ophthalmous echontes, en genesei kai tois aisthetois ton Theon anezetoun, anthropous thnetous kai daimonas heautois theous anatupoumenoi; toutou heneka ho philanthropos kai koinos panton soter, ho tou Theou logos, lambanei heauto soma kai hos anthropos en anthropois anastephetai kai tas aistheseis panton anthropon proslambanei, hina hoi en somatikois noountes einai ton Theon, aph' hon ho kurios ergazetai dia ton tou somatos ergon, ap' auton noesosi ten aletheian, kai di' autou ton patera logisontai. The sequel shows, indeed, that Athanasius thought above all of Jesus' miraculous works. He has summarised his whole conception of the result of redemption in the pregnant sentence (ch. XVI.): Amphotera gar ephilanthropeueto ho soter dia tes enanthropeseos, hoti kai ton thanaton ex hemon hephanize kai anekainizen hemas; kai hoti aphanes on kai aoratos dia ton ergon enephaine kai egnorizen heauton einai ton logon tou patros, ton tou pantos hegemona kai basilea. Origen had already laid stress on the perception of God in Christ, and set it above philosophical knowledge (analytic, synthetic, and analogical, against Alcinous, Maximus of Tyre, and Celsus): see c. Cels. VII. 42, 44; De princip. I. 1. For Clement see Protrept. I. 8: ho logos ho tou Theou anthropos genomenos, hina de kai su para anthropou mathes, pe pote ara anthropos genetai Theos.

[574] Parallel with this view and intertwined with it we undoubtedly have the other, that eternal life is mystically appropriated by means of sacred rites and the holy food. In this conception, which is extremely ancient, Christianity seems degraded to the level of the nature-religions of the East or the Græco-oriental mysteries (see Schultz, Gottheit Christi, p. 69). But as even the earliest Alexandrians (also Ignatius) constantly resolved the naturalistic view into a spiritual and moral one, so also hardly any one of the theologians of the following centuries can be named who would have purely and simply defended the former.

[575] See esp. Orat. c. Arian. II. 67-70, where the final designs of Athanasius' Christianity are revealed. It is at the same time to be noted that while redemption meant restoration, it was the transference into a still higher grace. We experience all that was done to the body of Christ. We are baptised, as Christ was in Jordan, we next received the Holy Spirit, and so also our flesh has died, and been renewed, sanctified and raised to eternal life in his resurrection. Accordingly, Athanasius sums up at the close of his work, ch. 54: Autos gar enenthropesen, hina hemeis theopoiethomen; kai autos ephanerosen heauton dia somatos. hina hemeis tou aoratou patros ennoian labomen; kai autos hupemeine ten par' anthropon hubrin, hina hemeis athanasian kleronomesomen. eblapteto men gar autos ouden, apathes kai aphthartos kai autologos on kai Theos; tous de paschontas anthropous, di' ohus kai tauta hupemeinen, en te heautou apatheia eterei kai diesoze.

[576] Not in Athanasius himself--Kattenbusch says rightly (p. 299): The theopoiesis is for A. an enhancement of human life physically and morally; his idea of it does not look forward to man being pantheistically merged in God, but to the renewal of man after his original type.

[577] See Vol. III., p. 104 ff.

[578] The Apologetic argument also includes the treatment of the question, why the redemption was not accomplished sooner. Apologists from Justin to Eusebius and Athanasius had put it and attempted to answer it. Gregory also got rid of it by referring to the physician who waits till illness has fully developed before he interferes (Catech. magn., ch. 29 ff.).

[579] L. c., ch. 16. For, since our nature in its regular course changed also in him into the separation of body and soul, he reunited that which had been divided by his divine power as if by a kind of cement, and rejoined in an indissoluble union the severed parts (comp. Irenæus and Methodius). And that was the resurrection, viz., the return after dissolution and division of the allies to an indissoluble union, both being so bound together, that man's original state of grace was recalled, and we return to eternal life, after the evil mingled with our nature has been removed by our dissolution (!); just as it happens with liquids, which, the vessel being broken, escape and are lost, because there is nothing now to hold them. But as death began in one man and from him passed to the whole of nature and the human race, in the same way the beginning of the resurrection extended through one man to the whole of humanity."

[580] See conclusion of the preceding note, and Herrmann, Gregorii Nyss. sententias de salute adipis., p. 16 ff. Underlying all the arguments of the: "Great Catechism" we have the thought that the incarnation was an actus medicinalis which is to be thought of as strictly natural, and that extends to all mankind. See Dorner (Entwick.-Gesch. d. L. v. d. Person Christi, I., p. 958 f.), who, besides, regards Gregory's whole conception as strictly ethical.

[581] See Herrmann, l. c., p. 2 sq.
[582] Passages in Bigg, l. c. p. 212 f.

[583] See peri psuch. k. anastas., p. 66 sq., ed. Oehler. Orat. cat. 26.

[584] Orat. in ascens. Christi in Migne T. XLVI., p. 693; on the other hand, Didymus (De trinit. II. 7, ed. Mingarelli, p. 200): ho Theos logos ou dia tous hamartesantas angelous angelos; alla dia tous en hamartia anthropous anthropos atreptos, asunchutos, anamartetos, aphrastos. Yet in other places he has expressed himself like Origen. The latter was attacked by Jerome and Theophilus on account of this doctrine. The Synod of Constantinople condemned it.

[585] Compare the whole dialogue with Macrina on the soul and the resurrection, where the historical Christ is quite overlooked.

[586] To Athanasius also it was not unknown; see De incarn.41: ton kosmon soma mega phasin einai hoi ton Hellenon philosophoi kai aletheuousi legontes. Horomen gar auton kai ta toutou mere tais aisthesesi hupopiptonta. Ei toinun en to kosmo somati onti ho tou Theou logos esti, kai en holois kai tois kata meros auton pasin epibebeke. ti thaumaston e ti atopon ei kai en anthropo phamen auton epibebekenai k.t.l., c. 42.

[587] A third form of the pantheistic conception of the incarnation can be perceived in the thesis, that the humanity of Christ was heavenly; in other words, that the Logos had always borne humanity in himself, so that his body was not of later origin than his divinity. This Gnostic view, which, however, is not necessarily pantheistic, had supporters, e.g., in Corinth in the time of Athanasius, who himself opposed it. (Ep. ad Epictetum Corinth.: see Epiphan.. p. 77, c. Dimoeritas). They said that the body born of Mary was homoousion te tou logou theoteti, sunaidion auto dia pantos gegenesthai, epeide ek tes ousias tes Sophias suneste. They taught, accordingly, that humanity itself sprang from the Logos; he had for the purpose of his manifestation formed for himself by metamorphosis a body capable of suffering. He had, therefore, on one side of his being given up his immutability, departed from his own nature (ellage tes idias phuseos) and transformed himself into a sensuous man. The point of interest here was the perfect unity of Christ. Those whom Hilary opposed (De trinit. X. 15 sq.) did not maintain the heavenly and eternal humanity of the Logos. On the other hand, this thesis occurs in Apollinaris, in whom, however, it is not to be explained pantheistically, although pantheistic inferences can hardly be averted. The heavenly humanity of Christ is also opposed by Basil in Ep. ad Sozopol. (65); it re-emerged in the circles of the most extreme Monophysites; but it was at the same time openly affirmed there by Stephen Bar Sudaili: "everything is of one nature with God"; "all nature is consubstantial with the divine essence" (Assem., Biblioth. II, 30, 291); see Dorner, l. c., II., p. 162 f., and Frothingham, Stephen Bar Sudaili (1886) who has printed, p. 28 sq., the letter of Xenaias which warns against the heresy "that assimilates the creation to God." Finally, a kind of subtilised form of this phenomenon is found in the old-catholic conception, that the Son of God came down to men immediately after the Fall, that he repeatedly dwelt among them, and thus accustomed himself to his future manifestation (see Irenæus' conception, Vol. II., p. 236). In the later Fathers, when they were not writing, apologetically, this old conception does not, so far as I know, occur often, or, it is very strictly distinguished from the incarnation; see, e.g., Athan., Orat. III. 30.

[588] See, e.g., Hilary, Tract. in Ps. LI, ch. 16: "Ut et filius hominis esset filius dei, naturam in se universæ carnis assumpsit, per quam effectus vera vitis genus in se universæ propaginis tenet." Ps. LIV. ch. 9: "Universitatis nostræ caro est factus." Other passages are given in Dorner, Entw-Gesch. der Lehre v. d. Person Christi, I., p. 1067, and Ritschl, l. c., I. p. 15.

[589] Hom. 25, T. I. p. 504 sq. This exposition coincides completely with Gregory's thought.

[590] Dorner, l. c., p. 961.

[591] >Dorner, l. c., the kata meros pistis. See besides the passage given in Vol. II., p. 223, n. 1.

[592] See Theodore on Rom. VI. 6: to Christo phesin, estauromeno hosper apasa hemon he hupo ten thnetoteta keimene phusis sunestaurothe, epeide kai pasa auto sunan este, panton anthropon auto summetaschein elpizonton tes anastaseos; hos enteuthen sunaphanisthenai men ten peri to hamartanein hemon eukolian, dia tes epi ten anthanasian tou somatos metastaseos.

[593] Förster, Chrysostomus, p. 126 ff.
[594] See Kihn, Theodor., p. 180 ff.

[595] Christos ou pros hena kai deuteron elthen, alla pros ten koinen phusin.

[596] See Vol. II., p. 272, 307; the thought is not wanting in Tertullian.

[597] See Dorner, l. c. II., p. 432 ff. Kihn, Theodor., p. 179 f.

[598] Strom. VI. 7, 60. __________________________________________________________________

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI.

THE IDEAS OF REDEMPTION FROM THE DEVIL, AND OF ATONEMENT THROUGH THE WORK OF THE GOD-MAN.

§ 1. Christ's Death as Ransom and Sacrifice.

The Greek Fathers did not go beyond, nor could they give a more consistent form to, the views on this subject already expounded by Irenæus and Origen. [599] The fact of the incarnation was so closely and exclusively connected, at least in the East, with the conception of the result of redemption, that everything else had to yield in importance to the latter. Of course at all times and in all directions the attempt was made, after the example of Irenæus and the indications of Holy Scripture, to insert the facts of Jesus' history in the work of redemption. This can be seen especially in Athanasius and the two Cyrils--"Whatever happened to his humanity has happened to us." Again, the death of Christ was frequently recalled when the forgiveness of sins was taken into account; but it is difficult here to draw the line between exegesis, rhetoric, and dogmatics. As a rule, we obtain the impression that theology could have dispensed with all the facts of Christ's life. [600] On the other hand, the death of Christ always appeared so tragic and wonderful an event, that men were compelled to attribute a special saving value to it. But just as it was not represented in art up to the fifth century, so the majority of the Greeks really regarded it, along with Christ's whole passion, as a sacred mystery, and that not only in the intellectual sense. Here thought yielded to emotion, and imposed silence on itself. Goethe said towards the close of his life, "We draw a veil over the sufferings of Christ simply because we revere them so deeply; we hold it to be reprehensible presumption to play and trifle with and embellish those profound mysteries in which the divine depths of suffering lie hidden, never to rest until even the noblest seems mean and tasteless." That exactly represents the Greek feeling. It also gives the key to the saying of Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. XXVII. 10) that the appreciation of the sufferings of Christ was one of those points on which it was possible to make a mistake with impunity (cf. Iren. I. 10). By this he meant, not only that the specific result of the passion was uncertain, but also that it was inexpressible. [601] It was reserved for the Middle Ages and our modern times to cast off all modesty and reverence here.

Yet a few theologians and exegetes could not refrain from speculating about the death of Christ, though they did not yet use frivolous arithmetical sums. The death of Christ was, in the first place, connected, following Rom. VIII. 3, with the condemnation of sin--death--in the flesh (katakrinein ten hamartian (ton thanaton) en te sarki). That constituted the strongest connection of Ensarkosis (embodiment in the flesh), death, resurrection, and redemption, reached within the Greek Church. In Christ's final agony the Ensarkosis first came to some extent to its end, for by death the flesh was purified from sin and mortality, and was presented in Christ's resurrection pure, holy, and incorruptible. This thought was worked out in various ways by Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Cyril of Jerusalem, as well as, especially, by Apollinaris. [602] But in later times the conception of the complete hypostatic union forbade the vanquishing of corruption (phthra) and death being dated a moment later than the assumption of human nature. Therefore it was held that Christ had even at the incarnation destroyed corruption and death (the penalty of sin) from the flesh; but his death was wholly voluntary and economic.

In the second place Irenæus had already, in a connected argument, emphasised the necessity of tracing the incarnation of the Logos and his passion to the goodness and righteousness of God, and he further insisted that Christ had delivered us not from a state of infirmity, but from the power of the devil, redeeming those estranged from God, and unnaturally imprisoned, not by force, but with due regard to justice. Origen, however, was the first to explain the passion and death of Christ with logical precision under the points of view of ransom and sacrifice. With regard to the former he was the first to set up the theory that the devil had acquired a legal claim on men, and therefore to regard the death of Christ (or his soul) as a ransom paid to the devil. This Marcionite doctrine of price and barter was already supplemented by Origen with the assumption of an act of deceit on the part of God. It was, in spite of an energetic protest, taken up by his disciples, and afterwards carried out still more offensively. It occurs in Gregory of Nyssa who (Catech. 15-27), in dealing with the notion of God, treats it broadly and repulsively. We find it in Ambrose, who speaks of the pia fraus, in Augustine and Leo I. It assumes its worst form in Gregory I.: the humanity of Christ was the bait; the fish, the devil, snapped at it, and was left hanging on the invisible hook, Christ's divinity. It proves that the Fathers had gradually lost any fixed conception of the holiness and righteousness of God; but on the other hand, it expresses the belief that the devil's power will not first be broken by the future appearing of Christ, but has been already shattered by his death. In this sense it is the epitaph of the old dogmatics which turned on eschatology. [603] For the rest, Gregory of Nazianus [604] and John of Damascus felt scruples about admitting God and the devil to have been partners in a legal transaction.

With reference to the sacrifice of Christ, Origen was of epoch-making importance. On the one hand, he started from Rom. III. 25 and similar texts, on the other, he was strongly influenced by the Græco-oriental expiatory mysteries, and was the first to introduce into the Church, following the precedent set by the Gnostics, a theology of sacrifice or propitiation based on the death of Christ. He thereby enriched, but at the same time confused, Greek theology. He taught that all sins required a holy and pure sacrifice in order to be atoned for, in other words, to be forgiven by God; this sacrifice was the body of Christ, presented to the Father. This thought which, as expounded, approximates to the idea of a vicarious suffering of punishment, was adopted by Athanasius who combined it with the other ideas that God's veracity required the threat of death to be carried out, and that death accordingly was accepted by Christ on behalf of all, and by him was destroyed. [605] The idea that only the sacrificial death of God could vanquish death which was decreed by him, and thus conciliate God, occurs also in other Greek Fathers of the fourth century. [606] Following the estimate formed of the infinite value of the final passion of the God-man, [607] we constantly find in them also traces, sometimes more, sometimes less, distinct, of the thought of substitution in connection with satisfaction; but it remains obscure,
[608] nay, it is frequently again withdrawn. In other words, it was sometimes twisted, as already in Irenæus, into the idea of example pure and simple. Thus the Antiochene school especially, who held his death to have been a natural event, considered that Christ's final passion influenced our freely-formed resolutions, but this version is not entirely wanting in any Greek Father. Others, e.g., Gregory of Nazianzus, explained that God did not demand the sacrifice--or ransom--but received it di' oikonomian. [609] In this case, as much as in earlier times, di' oikonomian meant "that the Scriptures might be fulfilled"; that is, it was tantamount to abandoning a direct explanation of the fact itself. In any case Cyril of Alexandria shows most clearly the vicarious idea of the passion and death of the God-man in connection with the whole Christological conception. [610] Eusebius' method of formulating the idea comes nearest Paul's, but it is only a paraphrase; [611] and the inability of theologians to recognise, expose and dispute the differences in their divergent conceptions is the strongest proof that they were not clearly aware of the bearing and weight of their own propositions.

§ 2. Christ as man the Mediator.

The West, which had a scheme of its own in Christology, (see below) also possessed characteristic features in its conception of the work of Christ. [612] Here, as in almost all departments of activity in the Latin Church, it was of the highest moment that Tertullian, the jurist, and Cyprian, the ecclesiastical ruler, were the first Latin theologians. Disinclined for philosophical and strictly religious speculation, and dominated by a prosaic but powerful moralism, the Latins were possessed from the first of an impulse to carry religion into the legal sphere. The sacred authorities, or the Symbol, were regarded as the "law" (lex) of God; divine service was the place where the censure of God was pronounced; the deity was thought of as judge. Father, Son, and Spirit were held to be "personæ" who possessed a common property ("substantia" not "natura"). Christ as the "persona" who controlled a two-fold "property," one inherited from his Father (his divinity) and one from his mother (his humanity). Christ required to be obedient to God, and--as Tertullian first said [613] and Cyprian repeated--had to satisfy God (deo satisfacere). [614] In this phrase everything was comprised: man--the Christian--was to give God that which he owed him, i.e., he was to satisfy God's legal claims. After this came the "promereri deum", i.e., rendering services to God, gaining God's favour by our merits. But in Tertullian and Cyprian "satisfacere deo" meant more precisely to atone for wrongs inflicted on God by acts of penitence, and to appease him (placare deum, satisfacere deo per hostias: Arnobius). Further "promereri" was applied above all to bona opera, works (fasting) and alms-giving (Cypr., De oper. et eleemos.). Even from the middle of the third century an ecclesiastical system was drawn out in the Latin West of works to be rendered to God (order of penance); [615] and this system gradually took in, like a net, all man's relations to God. It was throughout governed by the idea that the magnitude of transgressions and that of the works rendered to God, the penitential offerings, were to have a strictly legal relation, and, similarly, that what a man's merits entitled him to from God had a fixed and regulated value. It is not the case, as has been supposed, that this idea first arose in the Church in the Romano-German period, and is therefore to be described as a result of German criminal law. On the contrary, the idea of satisfactiones and merita already belonged in its entirety to the Roman age, and during it was strictly worked out. From the days of Tertullian and Cyprian the Latins were familiar with the notion that the Christian had to propitiate God, that cries of pain, sufferings, and deprivations were means, sacrificial means, of expiation, that God took strict account of the quantity of the atonement, and that, where there was no guilt to be blotted out, those very means were represented as merits. All those trivial definitions, which betray a low state of legal and moral views, and which one would gladly attribute to barbarous nations, had become the property of the Church before the incursion of the Germans; and Anselm's principle, "Every sin must be followed either by satisfaction or punishment",
[616] can be already shown in Sulpicius Severus, [617] and corresponds to the thought of Cyprian and his successors. [618]

But Cyprian also applied the "satisfacere deo" to Christ himself. As in the Middle Ages the most questionable consequences of the theory and practice of penance reacted on the conception of Christ's work, so from the time of Cyprian the latter was influenced by the view taken of human acts of penitence. His suffering and death constituted a sacrifice presented by Christ to God in order to propitiate him. This thought, started by Cyprian, was never afterwards lost sight of in the West. The angry God whom it was necessary to propitiate and of whom the Greeks knew so little, became more and more familiar in the West. Jewish and Pauline traditions here joined with those of Roman law. Hilary is especially clear in combining the sacrifice of Christ with the removal of guilt and of punishment. [619] This combination was repeated by Ambrose, [620] Augustine, and the great popes of antiquity;
[621] least certainly, perhaps, by Augustine, who being a Neoplatonic philosopher and profound Christian thinker, was also familiar with other and more productive points of view. [622] The distinctive nature, however, of this Latin view of the work of Christ, as the propitiation of an angry God by a sacrificial death, was characteristically expressed in the firmly established thought that Christ performed it as man, therefore, by means, not of his divine, but of his human attributes. [623] The Latins were shut up to this conclusion. Their views regarding the work of Christ had been influenced by the works of penance enjoined by the Church, and on the other hand, the latter owed their value to the voluntary acceptance of suffering. Again, "sacrifices" in general were something human--God does not render, but receives sacrifices. Finally, mankind was in God's debt. From all this it necessarily followed that Christ in presenting himself as a sacrifice did so as man. But with this conclusion the Latins severed themselves from the supreme and final interests of Greek piety--for this rather required that the deity should have assumed with human nature all the "passiones" of the latter and made them its own. If the rigid Greek conception, which, indeed, in after times was full of gaps and inconsistencies, represented Christ's sufferings as a whole to be not voluntary, but the complete acceptance of the Ensarkosis (life in the flesh), yet God is always the subject. [624] On the whole, therefore, the conception of sacrifice is really alien in the view of the Greeks to the strict theory of Christ's significance. It found its way in through exegesis and the mysteries, and threatened the compactness of the dogmatic conception, according to which everything that Christ did was summed up in the complete assumptio carnis (assumption of the flesh). Nor was the alien view able to shake the fundamental conception that the God-Logos was the subject in all that pertained to Christ. Among the Latins, on the other hand, the idea of the atoning sacrifice plus substitution is genuine, and has no general theory against it; for they never were able to rise perfectly to the contemplation of Christ's work as the assumptio carnis, an expression of the loftiest piety among the Greeks. Those of the latter who, like the Antiochenes, either did not share or only imperfectly shared the realistic idea of redemption, referred, it is worth remarking, the work of Christ, like the Latins, to the human side of his personality. [625]

Great as are the distinctions here--the West did not possess in antiquity a definite dogmatic theory as to the atoning work of Christ. Greek views exerted their influence; [626] and, besides, Western Christians were not yet disposed, with a very few exceptions, to trouble themselves with thoughts that had no bearing on practical life. __________________________________________________________________

[599] See Vol. II., pp. 286 ff., 365 ff.

[600] The two Cappadocians doubted, not without reserve, the necessity of Christ's death. G. of Nazianzus says that the divine Logos could also have redeemed us thelemati monon, and G. of Nyssa (Orat. cat. 17) thought that the method of redemption was to be considered as arbitrary as the remedies of physicians. In other places, indeed, they expressed themselves differently, and Athanasius connected the death of Christ closely with the incarnation (see above).

[601] See the great importance laid already by Justin on the Cross, an importance which it still has for the piety of the Greek Church.

[602] Apollinaris who was the strictest dogmatist of the fourth century, substantially limited the significance of Christ's death, so far as I know, to this effect.

[603] Irenæus held that men were God's debtors, but in the power (unjustly) of the devil. Origen held a different view. The devil had a claim on men, and Christ paid him his soul as the price, but the devil could not keep it. The devil acted unjustly to Christ, he was not entitled to take possession of one who was sinless; see passages given in Münscher, p. 428 ff. Leo I, following Ambrose, gives the deception theory in a crude form.

[604] See Ullman, Gregor, p. 318 f.

[605] De incarnat. 9: Suoidon gar ho logos, hoti allos ouk an lutheie ton anthropon he phthora, ei me dia tou pantos apothanein, ouch hoion te de en ton logon apothanein, athanaton onta kai tou patros huion, toutou heneken to dunamenon apothanein heauto lambanei soma, hina touto tou epi panton logou metalabon, anti panton hikanon genetai to thanato kai dia ton enoikesanta logon aphtharton diameine, kai loipon apo panton he phthora pausetai te tes anastaseos chariti; hothen hos hiereion kai thuma pantos eleutheron spilou, ho autos heauto elabe soma prosagon eis thanaton, apo panton euthus ton homoion hephanize ton thanaton the prosphora tou katallelou. We see how the conceptions of the vicarious endurance of punishment, and of a sacrifice, meet here; indeed, generally speaking, it was difficult to keep them apart. Athanasius throughout lays greater stress on the former; Origen, as a Hellenist, on the latter; see Athan., l. c., 6-10, but esp. Ch. XX: hopheileto pantas apothanein . . . huper panton ten thusian anepheren, anti panton ton heautou naon eis thanaton paradidous, hina tous men pantas anupeuthunous kai eleutherous tes archaias parabaseos poiese . . . ho panton thanatos en to kuriako somati eplerouto kai ho thanatos kai he phthora dia ton sunonta logon exephanizeto. thanatou gar en chreia, kai thanaton huper panton edei genesthai, hina to para panton opheilomenon genetai, c. Arian. I. 60, II. 7, 66 sq.

[606] See esp. Cyril, Catech. XIII. 33, but also the Cappadocians; cf. Ullmann, l. c., p. 316 ff.

[607] Even Cyril of Jerusalem says, l. c.: ou tosaute en ton hamartolon he anomia, hose tou huperapothneskontos he dikaiosune. ou tosouton hemartomen, hoson edikaiopragnsen ho ten psuchen huper hemon tetheikos. Similarly Chrysostom in the Ep. ad Rom., Hom. 10, T. X., p. 121. But the idea is emotional, and not the starting-point of a philosophical theory. It is different with the Westerns.

[608] The expiation of our guilt is more infrequently thought of than the taking over of sin's punishment; that is guilt is only indirectly referred to.

[609] See Ullmann, l. c., p. 319.

[610] The idea of sacrifice falls into the background, which was only to be expected in the case of this energetic spokesman of genuine Greek Christian theology. Substitution passed naturally into, or rather grew out of, the idea of mystical mediation. Because all human nature was purified and transfigured really and physically in Christ, he could, regarded as an individual, be conceived as substitute or antilutron; see Cyril on John I. 29 and Gal. III. 13. Meanwhile Cyril also says that Christ outweighed all in merit. For the rest, he does not venture to affirm that Christ became a curse, but explains that he endured what one burdened with a curse must suffer. Compare also the exposition in the Orat. de recta fide ad reginas (Mansi IV., p. 809). The points of voluntariness and substitution were emphasised more strongly by orthodox theologians after Cyril, in order not to compromise the perfectly hypostatic deification--from the moment of the incarnation--of Christ's human nature.

[611] Demonstr. X. 1: huper hemon kolastheis kai timorian huposchon, hen autos men ouk opheilen, all' hemeis tou plethous heneken ton peplemmelemenon, hemin aitios tes ton hamartematon apheseos kateste . . . ten hemin prostetimemenen kataran eph' heauton helkusas, genomenos huper hemon katara.

[612] See fuller details in next book. Here we only give a sketch. Comp. Wirth, Der verdienstbegriff bei Tertullian, 1892.

[613] See Vol. II., p. 294.

[614] This notion was afterwards one of the most common in the West.

[615] It occurs already in Tertullian; but we do not yet perceive its full extent in the Church in his time; it has not even the full significance that it possesses in Cyprian.

[616] Necesse est ut omne peccatum satisfactio aut poena sequatur.

[617] See Sulp. Sev., Dial. II. 10: Fornicatio deputetur ad poenam, nisi satisfactione purgetur.

[618] For fuller details see a later Vol.

[619] On Ps. LIII. 12: "passio suscepta voluntarie est, officio ipsa satisfactura poenali"; Ch. 13: "maledictorum se obtulit morti, ut maledictionem legis solveret, hostiam se ipsum voluntarie offerendo." Along with this Hilary has the mystical realistic theory of the Greeks.

[620] A few passages are given in Förster, Ambrosius, pp. 136 ff., 297 f. The "redimere a culpa" is for Ambrose the decisive point. In his work De incarn. dom. he is never tired of answering the question as to the motive of the incarnation with the phrase: "ut caro, quæ peccaverat, redimeretur," frequently adding "a culpa" He also uses very often the word "offerre" (applied to the death of Christ). In Ps. XLVIII., exp. 17, we read: "quæ major misericordia quam quod pro nostris flagitiis se præbuit immolandum, ut sanguine suo mundum levaret, cuius peccatum nullo alio modo potuisset aboleri." See Deutsch, Des Ambrosius Lehre von der Sünde und Sündentilgung, 1867.

[621] There are many striking passages in Leo I. in which death is described as an expiatory sacrifice which blots out guilt. See, further, Gregory I., Moral. XVII. 46: "delenda erat culpa, sed nisi per sacrificium deleri non poterat. Quærendum erat sacrificium, sed quale sacrificium poterat pro absolvendis hominibus inveniri? Neque etenim iustum fuit, ut pro rationali homine brutorum animalium victimæ cæderentur . . . Ergo requirendus erat homo . . . qui pro hominibus offerri debuisset, ut pro rationali creatura rationalis hostia mactaretur. Sed quid quod homo sine peccato inveniri non poterat, et oblata pro nobis hostia quando nos a peccato inundate potuisset, si ipsa hostia peccati contagio non careret? Ergo ut rationalis esset hostia, homo fuerat offerendus: ut vero a peccatis mundaret hominem, homo et sine peccato. Sed quis esset sine peccato homo, si ex peccati commixtione descenderet. Proinde venit propter nos in uterum virginis filius dei, ibi pro nobis factus est homo. Sumpta est ab illo natura, non culpa. Fecit pro nobis sacrificium, corpus suum exhibuit pro peccatoribus, victimam sine peccato, quæ et humanitate mori et iustitia mundare potuisset."

[622] Whatever occurs in Ambrose is to be found also in Augustine; for the latter has not, so far as I know, omitted to use a single thought of the former; he only adds something new.

[623] See Ambrose, De fide III. 5: "Idem igitur sacerdos, idem et hostia, et sacerdotium tamen et sacrificium humanæ condicionis officium est. Nam et agnus ad immolandum ductus est et sacerdos erat secundum ordinem Melchisedech." This thought recalls Cyprian, although Ambrose has hardly taken it from him; Cypr. Ep. LXIII. 14: "Christus Iesus dominus et deus noster ipse est summus sacerdos dei patris et sacrificium patri se ipsum obtulit." The same idea is repeated in contents and form, but rendered more profound, by Augustine (Confess.
X. 68, 69, see Ritschl, l. c., I., p. 38): "In quantum enim homo, in tantum mediator; in quantum autem verbum, non medius, quia æqualis deo . . . pro nobis deo victor et victor et victima, et ideo victor quia victima; pro nobis deo sacerdos et sacrificium; et ideo sacerdos quia sacrificium;" see De civit. dei IX. 15: "Nec tamen ab hoc mediator est, quia verbum, maxime quippe immortale et maxime beatum verbum longe est a mortalibus miseris; sed mediator per quod homo." Accordingly, not only was that which Christ presented in sacrifice human-- Ambrose, De incarn. VI.: "ex nobis accepit quod proprium offeret pro nobis . . . sacrificium de nostro obtulit"; but Christ as priest and mediator was man. He had to represent man, and that again only a man could do. Very pregnant is the sentence of Ambrose (in Luc. exp. IV. 7) "ut quia solvi non queunt divina decreta, persona magis quam sententia mutaretur." That is the genuine idea of substitution. Ambrose does not even shrink from saying "quia peccata nostra suscepit, peccatum dictus est" (Expos. in Ps. CXIX., X. 14).

[624] The subtle distinction between East and West is accordingly to be defined as follows. Both held that the human nature of Christ suffered, for the divine was incapable of suffering; but the East taught that the deity suffered through the human nature which he had made his own, the West that the man suffered and presented his human nature as a sacrifice in death; the latter, however, obtained an infinite value, for the deity was associated with it. From this we have two consequences. First, the idea of substitution could take root on Greek ground only superficially, and in an indefinite form; for the dying God-man really represented no one, but rather received all really into the plenitude of his divinity; it was different in the West. Secondly, the method of computing the value of Christ's mortal agony could similarly find no footing in the East; for the deity was the subject of the transaction, and precluded all questioning and computing. The striking utterances of Orientals as to the supreme value of Christ's work are really therefore only rhetorical (see above). If, on the other hand, the means of atonement under discussion, and the substitution are human, the question, of course, arises what value these possess, or what value is lent them by the divinity that is behind this sacrifice and this priest. We must take the statements of the Latin Fathers more literally. Ambrose confesses "Felix ruina quæ reparatur in melius" and "Amplius nobis profuit culpa quam nocuit: in quo redemptio quidem nostra divinum munus invenit. Facta est mihi culpa mea merces redemptionis, per quam mihi Christus advenit . . . Fructuosior culpa quam innocentia; innocentia arrogantem me fecerat--and here indeed the paradox becomes nonsensical--culpa subjectum reddidit." (Numerous passages are given in Deutsch, l. c., see also Förster, l. c., pp. 136, 297). Augustine often repeats and varies this thought, and other Western writers reproduce it from him. "Felix culpa quæ tantum et talem meruit habere redemptorem." Lastly, Leo L preaches (Serm. LXI. 3): "validius donum factum est libertatis, quam debitum servitutis." Sayings like these, apart from the special pleading in which Western writers have always delighted since Tertullian, are to be taken much more seriously than if they had come from the East. And in fact momentous speculations were certainly instituted by them.

[625] An affinity exists between the theology of the Antiochenes and Latins--esp. pre-Augustinian; but it is greater to a superficial than to a more exact observer. The Antiochene conception always had the Alexandrian for a foil; it never emancipated itself sufficiently from the latter to set up a perfectly compact counter-theology; it was in a sense Greek piety and Greek theology watered down. The Latins did not possess this foil. Their theology must not be gauged by Origen and Neoplatonism as if they furnished its starting-point.

[626] So from Hilary down to Augustine. The most important of the Western Fathers accepted the Greek idea of the purchase from the devil, although it flatly contradicted their own doctrine of the atonement; and this proves how uncertain they were. The grotesque conception of the role played by the devil at the death of Christ, had nevertheless something good about it. It reminded men that every knave is a stupid devil, and that the devil is always a stupid knave. __________________________________________________________________

APPENDIX ON MANICHÆISM.

Three great religious systems confronted each other in Western Asia and Southern Europe from the close of the third century: Neoplatonism, Catholicism and Manichæism. All three may be characterised as the final results of a history, lasting for more than a thousand years, of the religious development of the civilised peoples from Persia to Italy. In all three the old national and particular character of religions was laid aside; they were world-religions of the most universal tendency, and making demands which in their consequences transformed the whole of human life, public and private. For the national cultus they substituted a system which aspired to be theology, theory of the universe and science of history, and at the same time embraced a definite ethics, and a ritual of divine service. Formally, therefore, the three religions were alike, and they were also similar in that each had appropriated the elements of different older religions. Further, they showed their similarity in bringing to the front the ideas of revelation, redemption, ascetic virtue, and immortality. But Neoplatonism was natural religion spiritualised, the polytheism of Greece transfigured by Oriental influences and developed into pantheism. Catholicism was the monotheistic world-religion based on the
O. T. and the Gospel, but constructed by the aid of Hellenic speculation and ethics. Manichæism was the dualistic world-religion resting on Chaldæism, [627] but interspersed with Christian, Parsi, and perhaps Buddhist thoughts. To Manichæism the Hellenic element was wanting, to Catholicism the Chaldee and Persian. These three world-religions developed in the course of two centuries (c. A.D. 50-250), Catholicism coming first and Manichæism last. Catholicism and Manichæism were superior to Neoplatonism for the very reason that the latter possessed no founder; it, therefore, developed no elemental force, and never lost the character of being an artificial creation. Attempts which were made to invent a founder for it naturally failed. But, even apart from the contents of its religion, Catholicism was superior to Manichæism, because its founder was venerated not merely as the bearer of revelation, but as the Redeemer in person and the Son of God. The fight waged by Catholicism with Neoplatonism had been already decided about the middle of the fourth century, although the latter continued to hold its ground in the Greek Empire for almost two centuries longer. As against Manichæism the Catholic Church was certain of victory from the beginning; for at the moment when Manichæism disputed its supremacy, it became the privileged State Church. But its opponent did not suffer itself to be annihilated; it lasted till far into the Middle Ages in East and West, though in various modifications and forms.

Authorities--(a) Oriental.

1. Mohammedan.--Among our sources for the history of Manichæism the Oriental are the most important; of these the Mohammedan, though comparatively late, are distinguished by the excellence of the tradition and their impartiality, and must be given the first place, since in them old Manichæan writings are employed, and we possess no other originals of this sort belonging to the third century, except a few short and rather unimportant fragments. At the head stands Abulfaragius, Fihrist (c. 980), see the edition by Flügel and the work of the latter: "Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften," 1862; further, Shahrastâni , Kitâb al-milal wan-nuhal (12th century), see edition by Cureton and German translation by Haarbrücker, 1851; some notes and extracts in Tabari (10th century), al-Birunî (11th century), Ibn al-Murtada (see Kessler, Mani, I., p. 346 ff.), and other Arabian and Persian historians.

2. Christian.--Of Eastern Christians we learn most from Ephraem Syrus (+373) in various writings, and in a tractate on the subject edited by Overbeck; from Esnîk, the Armenian (see Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol., 1840, II.; Langlois, Collection, etc., II., p. 395 sq.), who wrote in the fifth century against Marcion and Mani; and from the Alexandrian Patriarch Eutychius (+916) who composed a chronicle (ed. by Pococke, 1628). Besides this, separate pieces of information occur in Aphraates (4th century), Barhebraeus (Arab. and Syr. 13th century) and others.

(b) Greek and Latin.

The earliest mention of the Manichæans in the Roman or Greek empire occurs in an edict of Diocletian (see Hänel, Cod. Gregor. tit. XV.), which is held by some not to be genuine, and by others is dated A.D. 287, 290, 296, or 308 (so Mason, The Persec. of Dioclet., p. 275 sq.). Eusebius gives a brief account (H. E. VII. 31). The main authority, however, for Greek and Roman writers was the Acta Archelai, which though not what they pretended to be, namely, an account of a disputation between Mani and Bishop Archelaus of Cascar in Mesopotamia, yet contain much that is reliable, esp as to the doctrine of Mani, and also embrace Manichæan fragments. The Acts, which for the rest consist of various documents, originated at the beginning of the fourth century (in Edessa?). Jerome maintains (De vir. inl.72) that they were originally composed in Syria (so also Kessler); but Nöldeke (Ztschr. d. deutsch. morgenl. Gesellsch. vol. 43, p. 537 ff.) and Rahlfs have disproved Kessler's arguments (Gött. Gel. Anz., 1889, No. 23). They have made it very probable that the Acts, while they may have been based on Syrian sources, were originally written in Greek. They were soon afterwards translated into Latin. We only possess this version (Edited by Zacagni, 1698; Routh, Reliq. S. Vol. V., 1848); of the Greek version small fragments have been preserved (see on the Acta Archelai the discussions by Zittwitz in the Zeitschr. f. die histor. Theol., 1873, and the Dissertation by Oblasinski. Acta disp. Arch. et Manetis,
1874. In the form in which we now have them, they are a compilation largely edited on the pattern of the Clementine Homilies). The Acta were made use of by Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. VI.), Epiphanius (Hær.
66) and very many others. All Greek and Latin students of heresy have put the Manichæans in their catalogues; but they only rarely give any original information about them (see Theodoret Haer. fab. I. 26).

Important matter occurs in the decrees of Councils from the fourth century (see Mansi, Acta Concil., and Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, Vols. I.--III.), and in the controversial writings of Titus of Bostra (4th century, in Syriac after a MS. of A.D. 411) pros Manichaious (edit. by de Lagarde, 1859), and Alexander of Lycopolis, Logos pros tas Manichaiou doxas (edit. by Combefis.). Of Byzantines, John of Damascus (De hæres and Dial.) and Photius (cod. 179 Biblioth.) deserve special mention; see also the Manichæan form of oath in Tollii insignia itiner. ital. p. 126 sq., and in Cotelier, P. P. App. Opp. I. p. 543; further, Rahlfs, 1.c. The controversy with the Paulicians and Bogomilians, who were frequently identified with the Manichæans, renewed the interest in the latter. In the West the works of Augustine are the great repository for our knowledge of the Manichæans:--"Contra epistolam Manichæi, quam vocant fundamenti", "Contra Faustum Manichæum", "Contra Fortunatum", "Contra Adimantum", "Contra Secundinum", "De actis cum Felice Manichæo", "De genesi c. Manichæos", "De natura boni", "De duabus animabus", "De utilitate credendi", "De moribus eccl. Cathol. et de moribus Manichæorum", "De vera religione", "De hæres." But the more complete the view of Manichæism to be obtained from these writings, the more cautious we must be in our generalisations; for the Manichæism of the West undoubtedly received Christian elements which were wanting in its original and oriental form.

Mani's Life.

Mani (Manes; Manes, Manichaios, Manichæus--the name has not yet been explained; it is not even known whether it is of Persian or Semitic origin) is said, as the Acta Archelai inform us, to have been originally called "Cubricus". Nothing reliable was ever known as to his life in the Romano-Greek empire; for the account in the Acta Archelai is wholly biassed and untrustworthy. Even if criticism succeeded in pointing out the sources from which it was derived, in discovering the tendencies that were at work, and in thus sifting out portions that were tenable, yet it could only do so by depending on the comparatively trustworthy Oriental Mohammedan tradition. We must therefore examine the latter alone. According to it, Mani was a Persian of distinguished birth belonging to Mardin. The date of his birth is uncertain; Kessler holds the statement in Bîrunî to be reliable, that he was born in anno 527 of the era of the Babylonian astronomers, i.e., A.D. 215-216. He received a careful education from his father Fâtàk (Patekios) at Ctesiphon. Since the father afterwards adhered to the confession of the "Moghtasilah", the Baptists, in southern Babylonia, the son was also brought up in their religious doctrines and practices. The Baptists (see the Fihrist) were probably not unconnected with the Elkesaites and Hemerobaptists, and were in any case allied to the Mandæans. It is not improbable that this Babylonian sect had adopted Christian elements. The boy accordingly became early acquainted with very different forms of religion. If even a small proportion of the narratives about his father rest on truth--the greater number being certainly only Manichæan legends--he had already introduced his son into the religious medley, out of which the Manichæan system arose. Manichæan tradition tells us that Mani received revelations, and took up a critical attitude towards religious instruction, even when a boy. But it is all the less trustworthy, as it also relates that he was forbidden to ventilate publicly his new religious knowledge. It was only when he was from 25 to 30 years of age that he began to preach his new religion at the court of the Persian king, Sapores I.--on the day, it is stated, of the king's coronation, A.D. 241-242. A Persian tradition says that he was previously a Christian presbyter, but this, in any case, is wrong. Mani did not remain long in Persia, but undertook long journeys for the purpose of spreading his religion, and he also sent out disciples. According to the Acta Archelai, his missionary activity extended into the West, into the territory of the Christian Church; but it is certain from Oriental sources that his work was rather carried on in Transoxania, Western China, and southwards into India. His labours met with success there as well as in Persia. Like Mohammed after him, and the founder of the Elkesaites before him, he proclaimed himself the last and greatest of the prophets, whose revelation of God surpassed all that had been given till then, the latter being allowed only a relative value. He instituted the absolute religion. In the last years of the reign of Sapores I. (c. A.D. 270) Mani returned to the Persian capital, and gained adherents even at the court. Naturally, however, the ruling priestly caste of the Magi, on whom the king was compelled to lean, were hostile to him, and after a few successes Mani was taken prisoner and driven into exile. The successor of Sapores, Hormuz (272-273), seems to have been favourable to him, but Bahrâm I. abandoned him to the fanaticism of the Magi, and had him crucified at the capital, A.D. 276-277. His dead body was skinned; and his adherents were dreadfully persecuted by Bahrâm.

Mani's Writings.

Mani himself composed very many writings and epistles, of which a large proportion were still known to the Mohammedan historians, but which are now all lost. The later heads of the Manichæan Churches also wrote religious tractates, so that the ancient Manichæan literature must have been very extensive. According to the Fihrist, Mani made use of the Persian and Syriac languages; he invented, however, like the Oriental Marcionites before him, an alphabet of his own which the Fihrist has transmitted to us. In this alphabet the sacred works of the Manichæans were afterwards written. The Fihrist enumerates seven principal works by Mani, six in Syriac and one in Persian; as to some of them we possess statements also in Titus of Bostra, Epiphanius, Augustine, and Photius, as well as in the oath-formula and the Acta Archelai. We have (1) The Book of mysteries: see Acta Archelai; it contained discussions with the Christian sects which were spreading in the East, especially the Marcionites and Bardesanians, as well as with their conception of the Old and New Testaments. (2) The Book of Giants (demons? probably in connection with Gen. VI.). (3) The Book of Regulations for the hearers,--apparently identical with the "epistula fundamenti" of Augustine and the "Book of the Chapters" of Epiphanius and the Acta Archelai. It was the most extensively circulated and popular of Manichæan works, and was also translated into Greek and Latin-being a brief summary of the whole fundamentally authoritative doctrine. (4) The Book Schâhpûrakân. Flügel was unable to explain this title; according to Kessler, it means "Epistle to King Sapores". This tractate contained eschatological teaching. (5) The Book of quickening. It is identified by Kessler with the "Thesaurus (vitæ)" of the Acta Archelai, Epiphanius, Photius, and Augustine; in that case it was also in use among the Latin Manichæans. (6) The Book pragmateia--contents unknown. (7)--In the Persian language; a book whose title is not stated in the Fihrist, as we have it, but which is probably identical with the "Holy Gospel" of the Manichæans; see the Acta Archelai and many witnesses. This was the work set up by the Manichæans in opposition to the Gospels of the Church. Besides these main works, Mani wrote a great number of shorter tractates and letters. The epistolography was then established by his successors. These Manichæan treatises were also familiar in the Græco-Roman empire and existed in collections--see the biblion epistolon in the oath-formula; and an "epistula ad virginem Menoch" in Augustine. Fabricius has collected the Greek fragments of Manichæan epistles in the Bibliotheca Græca VII. 2, p. 311 sq. There also existed a Manichæan Book of "memoirs" and one of "prayers" in the Greek language, as well as many others (e.g., the "Canticum Amatorium" cited by Augustine), all of which, however, were destroyed by Christian Bishops in alliance with the magistracy. A Manichæan Epistle to one Marcellus has been preserved to us in the Acta Archelai. Zittwitz supposes that this letter was much fuller in its original form, and that the author of the Acts has borrowed from it the material for the speeches which he makes Mani deliver in the discussion. The same scholar refers the account of Turbo in the Acts and their historical statements (in section 4) to the writing of a Turbo of Mesopotamia, a Manichæan renegade and Christian. But on this point it is at least possible to hold a different opinion.

Mani's Doctrine. The Manichæan System.

Clearly as the main features of the Manichæan doctrine can be presented even at the present day, and certain as it is that Mani himself published a complete system, yet many details are uncertain, being differently described in different places, and it often remains doubtful what the original doctrinal view of the founder was.

The Manichæan system of religion was a consistent and uncompromising dualism, in the form of a fanciful view of nature. No distinction was drawn between the physical and ethical: in this respect the character of the system was thoroughly materialistic; for Mani's identification of the good with light, and the bad with darkness, was not merely figurative. The light was really the only good, and darkness the only bad. Hence it followed, that religious knowledge could be nothing but the knowledge of nature and its elements, and that redemption consisted exclusively in a physical deliverance of the fractions of light from darkness. But under such circumstances, ethics became a doctrine of abstinence from all elements arising from the realm of darkness.

The self-contradictory character of the present world formed for Mani the starting-point of his speculation. But the inconsistency appeared to him to be primarily elemental, and only secondarily ethical, in so far as he regarded the material side of man as an emanation from the bad parts of nature. From the self-contradictory character of the world he inferred two beings, originally wholly separate from each other,--light and darkness. Both were, however, to be thought of after the analogy of a kingdom. The light appeared as the good Primeval Spirit-God, shining in the ten (twelve) virtues of love, faith, fidelity, magnanimity, wisdom, gentleness, knowledge, intelligence, mystery, and insight. It also manifested itself in the heaven and earth of light with their guardians, the glorious Æons. The darkness, similarly, was a spiritual realm: more correctly, it was represented in a spiritual, or feminine, personification; but it had no "God" at its head. It embraced an "earth of darkness". As the earth of light had five distinguishing features--the gentle breeze, cooling wind, bright light, cheering fire, and clear water--so also the earth of darkness had five--fog, fiery heat, burning wind, darkness, and damp. Satan with his demons was born from the realm of darkness. From eternity the two realms stood opposed. They came into contact on one side, but they did not mingle. Then Satan began to storm, and made an attack on the realm, the earth, of light. The God of light, with his Syzygos (mate) "the spirit of his right hand", now generated the Primeval man, and sent him, equipped with the five pure elements, to fight against Satan. But Satan proved himself the stronger. Primeval man was defeated for a moment. Now indeed the God of light himself marched forth, utterly defeated Satan by the help of new Æons--the spirit of life, etc.--and delivered the Primeval man. But a part of the light of the latter had already been robbed by darkness, the five dark elements had already mingled with the generations of light. The Primeval man could only descend into the abyss and hinder the increase of the dark "generations" by cutting off their roots; but the elements once mixed he could never again separate. The mixed elements were the elements of the present visible world. This was fashioned out of them at the command of the God of light; the formation of the world was itself the first step in the redemption of the imprisoned portions of light. The world itself was represented as an ordered chain of different heavens and different earths, which was borne and supported by the Æons, the angels of light. In sun and moon, which from their nature were almost wholly pure, it possessed great reservoirs, in which the rescued portions of light were stored. In the sun Primeval man himself dwelt along with the holy spirits, who pursued the work of redemption; in the moon the Mother of life was throned. The twelve signs of the zodiac constituted an artificial machine, a great wheel with buckets which poured the portions of light delivered from the world into the moon and sun, the illuminating vessels swimming in space. There they were purified anew, and finally reached God himself in the realm of pure light. The later Manichæans of the West designated the portions of light scattered in the world--in elements and organisms--and waiting for redemption, "Jesus patibilis."

Now it is characteristic of the materialistic and unhuman character of the system, that while the construction of the world is regarded as the work of the good spirits, the creation of man is referred to the princes of darkness. The first man, Adam, was begotten by Satan in conjunction with "sin," "greed" and "lust." But the spirit of darkness conjured into him all the portions of light which he had robbed, in order to make more certain of his power to rule over them. Adam was accordingly a divided being, created in the image of Satan, but bearing the stronger spark of light within him. Eve was associated with him by Satan. She was seductive sensuousness, although even she had a tiny spark of light in her. If the first human beings thus stood under the rule of Satan, yet from the very first the glorious spirits took an interest in them. These sent Æons--e.g., Jesus--down to them, who instructed them as to their nature, and warned Adam especially against the senses. But the first man fell a victim to sexual lust. Cain and Abel, indeed, were not sons of Adam, but of Satan and Eve; but Seth was the lightpossessed offspring of Adam and Eve. Thus arose mankind, among whose individual members light was very variously distributed. It was always stronger, however, in men than women. Now the demons sought in the course of history to bind men to themselves through sensuality, error, and false religions, which included above all the religion of Moses and the prophets, while the spirits of light continued their process of distillation, in order to obtain the pure light in the world. But they could only deliver men by giving the true Gnosis as to nature and its powers, and by recalling them from the service of darkness and sensuousness. For this purpose prophets, preachers of the true knowledge, were sent into the world. Mani himself appears, in accordance with the example set by Gnostic Jewish Christians, to have held Adam, Noah, and Abraham, and perhaps Zoroaster and Buddha to have been such prophets. Probably Jesus was also considered by him to have been a prophet come down from the world of light; not, however, the historical Jesus, but a contemporary, seemingly human, Jesus who neither suffered nor died (Jesus impatibilis). Some Manichæans taught that Primeval man himself, as Christ, spread the true Gnosis. But in any case Mani was held, as he claimed, to be the last and greatest prophet, having taken up the work of "Jesus impatibilis," and of Paul, who is also recognised, and having been the first to bring complete knowledge. He was the "guide," the "ambassador of the light," the "Paraclete." Only by his labours and those of his "imitators, the Elect," was the separation of light from darkness accomplished. The process by which the unfettered parts of light finally ascend to the God of light himself are very fancifully elaborated. He who has not succeeded in becoming elect in his life-time, has not completely redeemed himself, has to pass through severe purifications in the future state, until he also is gathered to the blessedness of the light. A doctrine of transmigration of souls has, however, been erroneously imputed to the Manichæans. Bodies fall naturally, like the souls of unredeemed men, to the powers of darkness. But those souls, according at least to the oldest conception, contain no light at all; a later view, adapted to the Christian, taught that the parts of light existing in them were really lost. Finally, when the elements of light are delivered--completely, or as far as possible--the end of the world takes place. All glorious spirits assemble, the God of light himself appears, accompanied by the Æons and the perfectly righteous. The angels who uphold the world withdraw from their burden, and everything collapses. An enormous conflagration destroys the world: once more the two powers are completely severed: high above is the realm of light restored to its perfect state, low down is the darkness (now powerless?).

Ethics, Social Constitution and Cultus of the Manichæans.

The only possible ethics based on this doctrine of the world were dualistic and ascetic. But as it was not only considered necessary to escape from darkness, but also to cherish, strengthen, and purify the parts of light, the ethics were not merely negative. They aimed not at suicide, but at preservation. Yet in practice they assumed a thoroughly ascetic form. The Manichæan had to abstain above all from sensuous enjoyment. He was to deny himself to it by means of three seals: the signaculum oris, manus, and sinus (the seal of the mouth, hand, and breast). The signaculum oris forbade any use of unclean food, as well as impure talk; unclean were all animal flesh, wine etc.; vegetable food was permitted, because plants contained more light; but the destruction of plants, even the plucking of fruits or breaking of twigs, was not allowed. The sign. manus prevented any occupation with things, in so far as they contained elements of darkness. Finally, the sign. sinus forbade especially any satisfaction of sexual desire, and therefore prohibited marriage. Besides, life was regulated by an extremely rigorous list of fasts. Fast-days were selected in obedience to certain astronomical conjunctures. Moreover, men fasted, i.e., held holiday, regularly on Sunday, and generally also on Monday. The number of fast-days amounted almost to a quarter of the year. Times of prayer were appointed just as exactly. Four times a day had the Manichæan to utter prayers; and these were preceded by ablutions. He who prayed turned to the sun or moon, or to the North as the seat of light. Yet the inference that the Manichæans worshipped the sun and moon themselves is wrong. The Fihrist has preserved some Manichæan forms of prayer. They were directed to the God of light, the whole realm of light, the glorious angels and Mani himself, who is addressed in them as "the great tree in whom is all healing." According to Kessler, these prayers are closely allied to the Mandæan and ancient Babylonian hymns.

An asceticism so minute and strict as that demanded by Manichæism,
[628] could only be practised thoroughly by a few. The religion would, therefore, have been compelled to forego an extensive propaganda, had it not conceded a morality of two kinds. A distinction was accordingly drawn within the community between the "Electi" (perfecti), the perfect Manichaeans, and the Catechumeni (auditores), the secular Manichæans. Only the former submitted to all the demands imposed by the religion; for the latter the regulations were relaxed. They required to avoid idolatry, witchcraft, greed, lying, fornication, etc.; above all, they must kill no living creature--keeping Mani's ten commandments. They were to renounce the world as far as possible; but they lived in fact very much like their fellow-citizens of other faiths. We have here, accordingly, substantially the same state of matters as in the Catholic Church, where a twofold morality also prevailed, viz., that of the religious orders and of the secular Christians. The only difference was that the position of the Electi was still more distinguished than that of the monks. For the Christian monks never wholly forgot that redemption was a gift of God through Christ, while the Manichean Electi were really themselves redeemers; therefore it was the duty of the Auditores to pay the deepest veneration and render the greatest services to the Electi. These perfect beings, as they languished away in their asceticism, were admired and cherished most devotedly. Analogous is the reverence paid by Catholics to the saints, and by Neoplatonists to the "philosophers," but the prestige of the Manichæan Electi surpassed that of both. Foods were brought to them in abundance; by using them the Electi delivered the parts of light from the plants. They prayed for the Auditores, they blessed and interceded for them, thereby abbreviating the purgatory through which the latter had to pass after death. And the Electi alone possessed complete knowledge of religious truths--it was otherwise in Catholicism.

The distinction between Electi and Auditores did not, however, constitute the whole idea of the Manichæan Church; it possessed a hierarchy also. This fell into three grades, so that altogether there were five in the religious constitution. In its fivefold division the social order was conceived to be a copy of the numbers of the realm of light. At the head stood the Teachers ("the sons of gentleness" = Mani and his successors); these were followed by the Administrators ("sons of knowledge" = the Bishops); then the Elders ("sons of understanding" = the presbyters); the Electi ("sons of mystery"); and finally the Auditores ("sons of insight"). The number of Electi was at all times small. According to Augustine, there were twelve Teachers and seventy-two Bishops. One of the Teachers appears to have stood as president at the head of the whole Manichæan Church. At least Augustine speaks of such an one, and the Fihrist also knows of a supreme head over all Manichæans. The constitution accordingly had here also a monarchical head.

The cultus of the Manichæans must have been very simple, and have consisted essentially of prayers, hymns, and ceremonies of adoration. This simple divine service promoted the secret spread of the doctrine. Besides, the Manichæans seem, at least in the West, to have adhered to the Church's order of festivals. The Electi celebrated special festivals; but the chief one common to all was the "Bema" (Bema), the festival of the "doctoral chair," in memory of the death of Mani, in the month of March. Believers prostrated themselves before a decorated, but vacant chair, erected on a pedestal with five steps. Long fasts accompanied the festival. Christian and Mohammedan writers were able to learn little concerning the mysteries and "sacraments" of the Manichæans; the Christians therefore raised the charge that obscene rites and repulsive practices were observed. But it may be held certain that the later Manichæan mysteries were solemnised after the style of Christian Baptism and the Lord's Supper. They may have been based on old rites and ceremonies instituted by Mani himself, and descended from natural religion.

The Historical Position of Manichæism.

In the present state of the inquiry it is made out, and the account given above will also have shown, that Manichæism did not rise on the soil of Christianity. We would even be better justified if we were to call Mohammedanism a Christian sect; for Mohammed approaches the Jewish and Christian religions incomparably more closely than Mani. Kessler has the credit of having shown that the ancient Babylonian religion, the original source of all the Gnosis of Western Asia, was the foundation of the Manichæan system. The opinion formerly held is accordingly wrong, viz., that Manichæism was a reformation on the ground of Parsiism, a modification of Zoroastrianism under the influence of Christianity. It was rather a religious creation belonging to the circle of Semitic religions: it was the Semitic nature-religion lifted out of national limitations, modified by Christian and Persian elements, raised to the level of Gnosis, and transforming human life by strict rules. But when we have perceived this, we have only obtained a very general explanation of the origin of Manichæism. The question rises, through what means and to what extent Mani adopted Persian and Christian elements, and further, in which form the nature-religion of ancient Babylonia was made use of by him.

Now as regards the latter point, it is well known that the Semitic nature-religions had been taken up, centuries before Mani, by isolated enthusiastic or speculative heads, had been philosophically deepened and remodelled into "systems", in support of which missions were conducted by means of mysterious cults. Mani's enterprise was accordingly nothing new, but was rather the last in a long series of similar attempts. Even the earlier ones, from Simon Magus the Samaritan down, had adopted Christian elements to a greater or less extent, and the Christian Gnostic scholastic sects of Syria and Western Asia all pointed back to ancient Semitic nature-religions, which were transformed by them into a philosophy of the world and of life. But in particular the doctrines of the Babylonian sect of Moghtasilah, which were indeed influenced also by Christianity, seem to have afforded Mani material for his religio-philosophical speculation. The religion of this sect was not, however, purely Semitic (see the treatise by Kessler on the Mandæans in the Real-Encyklopaedia für prot. Theol. u. Kirche, 2 Ed., Vol. IX., p. 205 ff.; the Mandæans were allied to the Moghtasilah, Brandt, 1. c.). From this source sprang the rigid dualism on which Mani's system was based; for the ancient Persian religion was not in principle dualistic, but in its ultimate foundation Monistic, since Ahriman was created by Ormuzd. However, ancient Persian theologoumena were employed by Mani. Even the designation of the antitheses as "light" and "darkness" was hardly independent of Parsiism, and elsewhere in Manichæism there occur technical terms taken from the Persian religion. Whether Mani's idea of redemption goes back to the ancient Babylonian religion or to Zoroastrianism, I do not venture to decide; the idea of the "Prophet" and the "Primeval man" is at all events Semitic.

It is very difficult to determine how far Mani's acquaintance with Christianity went, and how much he borrowed from it; further, through what agencies Christian knowledge reached him. In any case, in those regions where Manichæism was settled and where it came more closely into contact with Christianity, it was at a later stage influenced by the latter. Western Manichæans of the fourth and fifth centuries were much more "Christian" than those of the East. In this respect the system passed through the same development as Neoplatonism. As regards Mani himself, it is safest to suppose that he held Judaism as well as Christianity to be entirely false religions. But if he not only characterised himself as the Paraclete--and it is probable that he originated this use of the title--but also admitted "Jesus" to so high a role in his system, we can hardly explain this otherwise than by supposing that he distinguished between Christianity and Christianity. The religion which emanated from the historical Christ was to him as objectionable as that Christ himself and as Judaism; i.e., Catholicism was to him a diabolical religion. But he distinguished the Jesus of darkness from the Jesus of light, who wrought contemporaneously with the other, This distinction agrees as strikingly with that of the Gnostic Basilides, as the criticism of the O. T. conducted by Manichæism with that of the Marcionites; (see even the Acta Archelai in which Marcion's antitheses are placed in Mani's lips). Finally, Manichæan doctrines show agreement with those of the Christian Elkesaites; yet it is possible, nay, probable, that the latter are to be derived from the common ancient Semitic source, and therefore they do not come further into consideration. Mani's historical relation to Christianity will therefore be as follows: from Catholicism, with which in all probability he was not very accurately acquainted, Mani borrowed nothing, rejecting it rather as a devilish error. On the other hand, he regarded Christianity in the form which it had assumed in the Basilidian and Marcionite sects (also among the Bardesanians ?) as a relatively valuable and correct religion. But from them, as also from the Persians, he took hardly anything but names, and perhaps, besides, what criticism he had of the O. T. and Judaism. His lofty estimate of Paul (and his epistles?), as well as his express rejection of the Acts of the Apostles, also point to influences due to Marcionitism. He seems to have recognised and to have interpreted in accordance with his own teaching a part of the historical matter of the Gospel.

Finally, the question further rises whether Buddhistic elements are not to be observed in Manichaeism. The majority of later scholars since F. Chr. Baur have answered this question in the affirmative. According to Kessler, Mani used Buddha's teaching, at least for his ethics. There is no doubt that he took long journeys to India, and was familiar with Buddhism. The occurrence of the name of Buddha (Budda) in the legend about Mani and perhaps in his own writings points to the fact that the founder of this religion concerned himself with Buddhism. But what he borrowed from it for his own doctrine must have been very unimportant On a closer comparison we find that the difference between the two faiths is in all their main doctrines very great, and that the resemblances are almost always merely accidental. This is true even as regards morality and asceticism. There is no point in Manichæism for whose explanation we need have recourse to Buddhism. Under such circumstances any relationship between the two religions remains a bare possibility; nor has the investigation of Geyler raised this possibility to a probability (Das System des Manichäismus und sein Verhältniss zum Buddhismus, Jena 1875).

How are we to explain the fact that Manichaeism spread so rapidly and really became a world-religion? The answer has been given that it was because it was the complete Gnosis, the fullest, most consistent, and most artistic system based on the ancient Babylonian religion (so Kessler). This explanation is not sufficient, for no religion makes an impression mainly by its doctrinal system, however complete that may be. But it is also incorrect, for the older Gnostic systems were not more meagre than the Manichaean. What rather gave Manichæism its strength was, above all, the combination of ancient mythology and a rigid materialistic dualism with an extremely simple, spiritual cultus, and a strict morality; this was supplemented by the personality of the founder (of which indeed we know little enough). If we compare it with the Semitic nature-religions, it is obvious that it retained their mythologies, transformed into "doctrines," but did away with the whole sensuous cultus, substituting a spiritual worship as well as a strict morality. Thus it was capable of satisfying the new wants of an old world. It offered revelation, redemption, moral virtue, and immortality, spiritual blessings, on the ground of nature-religion. Further, the simple and yet firm constitution calls for attention which Mani himself gave to his institution. The learned and the ignorant, the enthusiast and the man of the world, could here find a welcome, no one had more laid upon him than he could and would bear; moreover, each was attracted and secured by the prospect of reaching a higher stage, while those who were gifted were besides promised that they would require to submit to no authority, but would be led by pure reason to God. As this religion was thus adapted, perhaps beforehand, to individual needs, it was also capable of continuously appropriating what was foreign. Furnished from the first with fragments of different religions, it could increase or diminish its store, without breaking its own elastic structure. But a great capacity for adaptation was quite as necessary to a world-religion, as a divine founder in whom men could see and venerate the supreme revelation of God himself. While Manichæism in fact knew of no redeemer, although it gave Mani this title; while it only recognised a physical and Gnostic process of redemption; yet in Mani it possessed the chief prophet of God.

If we notice, finally, that Manichæism presented a simple, apparently profound, and yet easy, solution of the problem of good and evil, which had become especially burdensome in the second and third centuries, we have named the most important phenomena which explain its rapid extension.

Sketch of the History of Manichceism.

Manichaeism first got a firm footing in the East, in Persia, Mesopotamia, and Transoxania. The persecutions which it had to endure did not hinder its extension. The seat of the Manichæan Pope was for centuries in Babylon, and afterwards in Samarcand. Even after Islam had conquered the East, Manichæism held its ground; it even seems to have spread still further owing to the Mohammedan conquest, and it gained secret adherents among the Mohammedans themselves. The doctrine and discipline of the Manichæan Church underwent little change in the East, it especially did not there approach much nearer the Christian religion. But it experienced attempts at reform several times; for, as was natural, its "Auditores" readily became secularised. These attempts also led temporarily to schisms and the formation of sects. At the close of the tenth century, the time when the Fihrist was written, the Manichæans had been already expelled from the cities in Mesopotamia and Persia, and had withdrawn into the villages. But in Turkestan and up to the borders of China, there existed numerous Manichæan communities, nay, even whole tribes which had adopted the religion of Mani. Probably the great Mongolian migrations first put an end to Manichæism in Central Asia. But in India, on the coasts of Malabar, there were Manichæans even in the fifteenth century, side by side with Thomist Christians (see Germann, Die Thomaschristen, 1875). Manichaeism first penetrated into the Græco-Roman Empire about A.D. 280, in the time of the Emperor Probus (see Eusebius. Chronicon). If we may hold Diocletian's edict against the Manichæans to be genuine, they already had a firm footing in the West at the beginning of the fourth century; but Eusebius did not know the sect accurately as late as about A.D.
325. It was only after about A.D. 330 that the religion spread rapidly in the Roman Empire. Its adherents were recruited, on the one hand, from the ancient Gnostic sects, especially the Marcionites, Manichaeism having, besides, strongly influenced the development of the Marcionite Churches in the fourth century. On the other hand, it gained followers from the great number of the "cultured", who sought for a "rational" and yet to some extent Christian, religion, and who had exalted "free inquiry"--esp. as regards the O. T.--into a battle-flag. Criticism on Catholicism, and polemics, were now the strong point of Manichaeism, esp. in the West. It admitted the stumbling-blocks which the O. T. presented to every thinker, and gave itself out as a Christianity without the O. T. Instead of the subtle Catholic theories about divine predestination and human freedom, and the difficult Theodicy, it offered an extremely simple conception of sin and goodness. It did not preach the doctrine of the incarnation, which was particularly repugnant to those who were passing from the ancient cults to the Universal Religion. In its rejection of this doctrine, it coincided with Neoplatonism. But while the latter, with all its attempts to accommodate itself at various points to Christianity, found no formula that would introduce into its midst the special veneration of Christ, the Western Manichæans succeeded in giving their doctrine a Christian colouring. Of the Manichæan mythology all that became popular was the rigid physical dualism; its barbarous portions were prudently disguised as "mysteries"; nay, they were even frankly disavowed here and there by the adepts. The farther Manichæism pushed into the West, the more Christian and philosophical it became; in Syria it kept itself comparatively pure. It found its most numerous adherents in North Africa, where it had secret followers even among the clergy; this may perhaps be explained by the Semitic origin of a part of the population. Augustine was an "Auditor" for nine years, while Faustus was at the time the most distinguished Manichæan teacher in the West. In his later writings against Manichæism Augustine chiefly discusses the following problems: (1) the relations of knowledge and faith, reason and authority; (2) the nature of good and evil, and the origin of the latter; (3) the existence of free-will, and its relation to divine omnipotence; (4) the relation of evil in the world to the divine government.

The Christian Byzantine and Roman Emperors from Valens onwards issued strict laws against the Manichæans. But at first these bore little fruit. The "Auditores" were difficult to detect, and really gave slight occasion for a persecution. In Rome itself the doctrine had a large following, especially among the scholars and professors, between A.D. 370 and 440, and it made its way among the mass of the people by means of a popular literature, in which even the Apostles played a prominent part ("Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles"). Manichæism also experienced attempts at reform in the West; but we know little about them. Leo the Great, in alliance with the civil power, was the first to adopt active measures against Manichæism. Valentinian III. sentenced its adherents to banishment, Justinian made the penalty death. It seems to have been extinguished in North Africa by the persecution of the Vandals. It really died out nowhere else, either in the Byzantine Empire, or in the West; for it gave an impulse to the formation of new sects which were allied to it in the early part of the Middle Ages. If it has not been proved that the Spanish Priscillians had been already influenced by Manichæism in the fourth century, still it is undoubted that the Paulicians and Bogomilians, as well as the Cathari, are to be traced back to it (and Marcionitism). Thus, if not the system of Mani the Persian, yet Manichæism modified by Christianity accompanied the Catholic Church of the West on into the thirteenth century.

Literature.--Beausobre, Hist. critique de Manichie et du Manichéisme, 2 vols. 1734 sq. Too great prominence is given in this work to the Christian elements in Manichæism. Baur, Das manichäische Religionssystem, 1831. Manichæan speculation is here presented speculatively. Flügel, Mani, 1862; an investigation based on the Fihrist. Kessler, Unters. z. Genesis des manich. Religionssystems, 1876; by the same author, "Mani, Manichäer" in the R.-Encykl. f. protest Theol. u. Kirche, 2 Ed., Vol. IX., p. 223-259 ; the account given above is based in several of its expositions on this article. Kessler has since published a work, "Mani, Forschungen über die manich. Relig. Ein Beitrag z. vergleichenden Religionsgeschichte des Orients.
I. Bd. Voruntersuchungen und Quellen, 1889;" see on this the acute reviews of Rahlfs (Gött Gel. Anz. 1889, No. 23), Nöldeke (Zeitschrift d. deutschen morgenl. Gesellsch. Vol. XLIII., p. 535 ff.) and August Müller (Theol. Lit.-Ztg., 1890, No. 4). The older accounts may be mentioned of Mosheim, Lardner, Walch, and Schröckh, as also the monograph of Trechsel, Ueber Kanon, Kritik und Exegese der Manichäer, 1832, and A. Newmann's Introductory Essay on the Manichæan heresy, 1887. __________________________________________________________________

[627] See Brandt, Die mandäische Religion, 1889 (further, Wellhausen in the deutsch. Litt.-Ztg., 1890, No. 41).

[628] It also professed imitation of the apostolic life; see Raumer's note on Confess. Aug. VI. 7 (12). __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

Indexes __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References
Genesis
[1]1:1-31 [2]1:1-3:24 [3]1:1-3:24 [4]3:1-24
Exodus

[5]3:6 [6]20:2 [7]20:3 [8]33:1-23 [9]33:1-23

Deuteronomy
[10]6:4 [11]18:15 [12]32:6-7 [13]32:18
Judges
[14]22
Psalms
[15]53:12 [16]82:6 [17]103:15
Proverbs
[18]8:32
Song of Solomon
[19]4:1
Isaiah

[20]24:24 [21]44:6 [22]44:6 [23]45:5 [24]45:5 [25]45:14 [26]53:2

Jeremiah
[27]17:9
Daniel
[28]5
Amos
[29]2
Matthew

[30]11:17 [31]12:31 [32]12:31 [33]16:14 [34]16:18 [35]19:12 [36]25:21 [37]25:24

Luke
[38]1:35 [39]1:35
John

[40]1:1 [41]1:1 [42]1:12-13 [43]1:14 [44]1:18 [45]1:18
[46]1:29 [47]2:3 [48]8:40 [49]9:2 [50]10:21 [51]10:30
[52]10:30 [53]10:38 [54]14 [55]14:8 [56]14:9-10 [57]14:10
[58]14:11 [59]21:18

Acts
[60]2:22 [61]10:36 [62]15:28
Romans

[63]1:1-32 [64]2:6 [65]3:25 [66]5:18 [67]6:6 [68]7:18 [69]8:3 [70]8:19 [71]9:5 [72]9:16

1 Corinthians

[73]2:11 [74]3:13 [75]7:1-40 [76]8:6 [77]8:6 [78]15:17 [79]15:28

Galatians
[80]3:13
Ephesians
[81]1:3-5 [82]1:11 [83]7:2
Philippians
[84]2:9 [85]2:10
Colossians
[86]6
1 Timothy
[87]2:5 [88]5:21
2 Timothy
[89]1:8-10 [90]2:5
Hebrews
[91]12:14
Revelation
[92]1:18 [93]2:18
Wisdom of Solomon
[94]1:14
Baruch

[95]3:36 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

* ou polutheian eisegoumetha, alla monarchian keruttomen.: [96]1 * (1) To hagio pneumati christheis prosegoreuthe Christos, paschon kata phusin, thaumatourgon kata charin; to gar atrepto tes gnomes homoiotheis to Theo, kai meinas katharos hamartias henothe auto, kai energethe pou helesthai ten ton thaumaton dunasteian, ex hon mian autos kai ten auten pros te thelesei energeian echein deichtheis, lutrotes tou genous kai soter echrematisen. -- (2) Hai diaphoroi phuseis kai ta diaphora prosopa hena kai monon henoseos echousi tropon ten kata thelesin sumbasin, ex hes he kata energeian epi ton houtos sumbibasthenton allelois anaphainetai monas. -- (3) Hagios kai dikaios gegenemenos ho soter, agoni kai pono tas tou propatoras hemon kratesas hamartias; hois katorthosas te arete sunephthe to Theo, mian kai ten auten pros auton boulesin kai energeian tais ton agathon prokopais eschekos; hen adiaireton phulaxas to onoma kleroutai to huper pan onoma, storges epathlon auto charisthen. -- (4) Ta krtoumena to logo tes phuseos ouk echei epainon; ta de schesei philias kratoumena huperaineitai, mia kai te aute gnome kratoumena, dia mias kai tes autes energeias bebaioumena, kai tes kat' epauxesin oudepote pauomenes kineseos; kath' hen to Theo sunaphtheis ho soter oudepote dechetai merismon eis tous aionas mian autos kai ten auten echon thelesin kai energeian, aei kinoumenen te phanerosei ton agathon. -- (5) Me thaumases hoti mian meta tou Theou ten thelesin heichen ho soter; hoster gar he phusis mian ton pollon kai ten auten uparchousan phaneroi ten ousian, houtos he schesis tes agapes mian; ton pollon kai ten auten ergazetai thelesin dia mias kai tes autes phaneroumenen euaresteseos.: [97]1 * Hai graphai men gar dia theologon andron para Theou elalethesan kai egraphesan. hemeis de para ton autais entunchanonton theopneuston didaskalon, ohi kai martures tes Christou theotetos gegonasi, mathontes metadidomen kai te se philomathia. : [98]1 * Autarkeis men eisin hai hagiai kai theopneustoi graphai pros ten tes aletheias apangelian: [99]1 * Autos gar enenthropesen, hina hemeis theopoiethomen; kai autos ephanerosen heauton dia somatos. hina hemeis tou aoratou patros ennoian labomen; kai autos hupemeine ten par' anthropon hubrin, hina hemeis athanasian kleronomesomen. eblapteto men gar autos ouden, apathes kai aphthartos kai autologos on kai Theos; tous de paschontas anthropous, di' ohus kai tauta hupemeinen, en te heautou apatheia eterei kai diesoze.: [100]1 * Autos enenthropesen, hina hemeis theopoiethomen, kai autos ephanerosen heauton dia somatos, hina hemeis tou aoratou patros ennoian labomen, kai autos hupemeinen ten par' anthropou hubrin, hina hemeis athanasian kleronomesomen, : [101]1 * Blepe moi peliken soi axian ho Iesous charizetai . . . me nomises hoti mikron pragma lambaneis; anthropos on oiktros, Theou lambaneis prosegorian . . . touto problepon ho Psalmodos elegen ek prosopou tou Theou, epeide mellousin anthropoi Theou prosegorian lambanein; Ego eipa, theoi este kai huioi hupsistou pantes,: [102]1 * Bema: [103]1 * Dei gar peri ton theion kai agion tes pisteos musterion mede to tuchon aneu ton theion paradidosthai graphon; kai me haplos pithanotesi kai logon kataskeuais parapheresthai. Mede emoi to tauta soi legonti, haplos pisteuses; ean ten apodeixin ton katangellomenon apo ton theion me labes graphon; He soteria gar haute tes pisteos hemon ouk ex heuresilogias, alla ex apodeixeos ton theion esti graphon: [104]1 * Dei hemas to Melchisedek prospherein, phasin, hina di' autou prosenechthe huper hemon, kai heuromen di' autou zoen.: [105]1 * Didache: [106]1 * Didache: [107]1 * Dia touto ho huios tou Theou anthropinen ptocheian enduetai ina theous hemas apergasetai chariti. kai tauta melodon ho theopator Dabid . . . . Ego eipa; Theoi este kai huioi hupsistou pantes. Theos en hemin; theothomen theiais metabolais kai mimesesin: [108]1 * Dia touto moi dokei ton theion ekeinon kai katharon erota tou aoratou numphiou. hon enkekrummenon eichen en tois tes psuches aporretois trephomenon, endelon poiein tote tois parousi kai demosieuein ten en kardia diathesin, to epeigesthai pros ton pothoumenon, hos an dia tachous sun auto genoito ton desmon eklutheisa tou somatos.: [109]1 * Dioper ho Demokrito eu legei "hos he phusis te kai didache paraplesion esti" . . . kai gar he didache metarruthmizei ton anthropon, metarruthmizousa de phusiopoiei kai dienenken ouden e phusei plasthenai toionde e chrono kai mathesei metatupothenai; ampho de ho kurios pareschetai, to men kata ten demiourgian, to de kata ek tes diathekes anaktisin te kai ananeosin.: [110]1 * Dogmatizei gar houtos kai hoi ap' autou Sabellianoi ton auton einai patera, ton auton huion, ton auton einai hagion pneuma; ho einai en mia hupostasei treis onomasias, e hos en anthropo soma kai psuche kai pneuma. Kai einai men to sona hos eitein ton patera, psuchen de hos eipein ton huion, to pneuma de hos anthropou, houtos kai to hagion pneuma en te theoteti. E hos ean e en helio onti men en mia hupostasei, treis de echonti tas energeias k.t.l.: [111]1 * Dekaton ergazou to agathon epi touto to themelio ton dogmaton, epeide pistis choris ergon nekra, hos erga dicha pisteos: [112]1 * Ellenizontes: [113]1 * Ei gar kreitton to me einai tou einai ton kosmon, dia ti to cheiron hereito poiesas ton kosmon ho Theos; all' ouden ho Theos mataios e cheiron epoiei. oukoun eis to einai kai menein ten ktisin ho Theos diekosmesato: [114]1 * Ei oun Christon homologo Theon, autos ara estin ho pater, ei ge estin ho Theos. epathen de Christos, autos on Theos, ara oun epathen pater, pater gar autos en.: [115]1 * Ei to treis einai tas upastaseis memerismenas einai legousi, treis eisi, kan me thelosin e ten theian triada pantelos aneletosan.:
[116]1 * Ei phantasma en he enanthropesis, phantasma kai he soteria: [117]1 * Heis Theos, pater logou zontos, sophias huphestoses kai dunameos kai charakteros aidiou, teleios teleiou gennetor, pater huiou monogenous, Heis kurios, monos ek monou, Theos ek Theou, charakter kai eikon tes theotetos, logos energos, sophia tes ton holon sustaseos periektike kai dunamis tes holes ktiseos poietike, huios alethinos aklethinou patros, aoratos aoratou kai aphthartos aphthartou kai athanatos athanatou kai aidios aidiou. Kai hen pneuma hagion, ek Theou ten huparxin echon kai di' huiou pephenos [delade tois anthropois], eikon tou huiou, tekeiou tekeia, zoe zonton aitia, [pege hagia] hagiotes hagiasmou choregos, en ho phaneroutai Theos ho pater ho epi panton kai en pasi, kai Theos ho huios ho dia panton-trias teleia, doxe kai aidioteti kai basileia me merizomene mede apallotrioumene. Oute oun ktiston ti e doulon en te triadi, oute epeisakton, hos proteron men ouch huparchon, husteron de epeiselthon; oute gar enelipe pote huios patri oute huio pneuma, all' atreptos kai analloiotos he aute trias aei.:
[118]1 * Zephurinos [to kerdei prospheromeno teithomenos] sunechorei tois prosiousi to Kleomenei matheteuesthai . . . Touton kata diadochen diemeine to didaskaleion kratunomenon kai epauxon dia to sunairesthai autois ton Sephurinon kai ton Kalliston: [119]1 * Zephurinos idiotes kai agrammatos: [120]1 * Theon de oudepote touton gegonenai thelousin epi te kathodo tou pneumatos, heteroi de meta ten ek nekron anastasin.: [121]1 * Theos logon apogenna, ou logon hos phonen: [122]1 * Theos en en arche, ten de archen logou dunamin pareilephamen.:
[123]1 * Theopneustos: [124]1 * Theos: [125]1 * Kaines diathekes mathetai kai Christou musterion koinonoi, nun men te klesei, met' oligon de kai te chariti, kardian heautois poiesate kainen kai pneuma kainon, hina euphrosunes hupothesis genesthe tois ouranois.: [126]1 * Katastaseis: [127]1 * Kata meros pistis: [128]1 * Kat' eikona echo to logikos einai kath' homoiosin de ginomai en to Christianos genesthai: [129]1 * Kai Christos men, phasin, exelege, hina hemas kalese ek pollon hodon eis mian tauten ten gnosin, hupo Theou kechrismenos kai eklektos genomenos, epeide apestrepsen hemas apo eidolon kai hupedeixen hemin ten hodon. Ex houper ho apostolos apostaleis apekalupsen hemin, hoti megas estin ho Melchisedek, kai hiereus menei eis ton aiona, kai, Theoreite pelikos houtos; kai hoti to elasson ek tou meizonos eulogeitai, dia touto, phesi, kai ton Habaam ton patriarchen eulogesen hos meizon on; hou hemeis esmen mustai, hopos tuchomen par' autou tes eulogias.: [130]1 * Kai to pollous philotheous einai euchomenous tarasson, eulaboumenous duo anagoreusai theous, kai para touto peripiptontas pseudesi kai asebesi dogmasin, etoi arnoumenous idioteta huiou heteran para ten tou patros, homologountas Theon einai ton mechri onomatos par' autois huion prosagoreuomenon, e arnoumenous ten theoteta tou huiou, tithentas de autou ten idioteta kai ten ousian kata perigraphen tunchanousan heteran tou patros, enteuthen luesthai dunatai: [131]1 * Ke'rugma Pe'trou: [132]1 * Kallistos legei ton logon auton einai huion, auton kai patera onomati men kaloumenon, hen de hon to pneuma adiaireton. ouk allo einai patera, allo de huion, hen de kai to auto huparchein, kai ta panta gemein tou theiou pneumatos ta te ano kai kato; kai einai to en te partheno sarkothen pneuma ouch heteron para ton patera, alla hen kai to auto. Kai touto einai to eiremenon.: [133]1 * Katothen apotetheosthai ton kurion -- ex anthropou gegonenai ton Christon Theon -- husteron auton ek prokopes tetheopoiesthai:
[134]1 * Logoi pros Sabinon: [135]1 * Logon energon ex ouranou en auto -- sophias empneouses exothen.:
[136]1 * Logos prophorikos -- ho pro aionon huios -- ton logon egennesen ho Theos aneu parthenou kai aneu tinos oudenos ontos plen tou Theou; kai houtos hupeste ho logos.: [137]1 * Logos pros tas Manichaiou doxas: [138]1 * Logos homoousios: [139]1 * MONOGENES ThEOS: [140]1 * Manichaios: [141]1 * Maria ton logon ouk eteken oude gar en pro aionon he Maria, alla anthropon hemin ison eteken -- anthropos chrietai, ho logos ou chrietai; ho Nazoraios chrietai, ho kurios hemon, : [142]1 * Marias epi sunteleia ton aionon, eis athetesin hamartiase pidemesas to genei ton anthropon, staurotheis kai apothanon, all' ou dia tauta tes heautou theotetos hetton gegenemenos, anastas ek nekron, analemphtheis en ouranois, kathemenos en dexia tes megalosunes.:
[143]1 * Mustagogia: [144]1 * Manes: [145]1 * Marturas dei labein tas graphas. Amarturoi gar hai epibolai hemon kai hai exegeseis apistoi eisin.: [146]1 * Me einai ton huion tou Theou enupostaton, alla en auto to Theo -- en Theo episteme enupostatos -- heis Theos ho pater kai ho huios autou en autou en auto hos logos en anthropo.: [147]1 * Hoi hupo ton tessaron sunodon, ton en Nikaia kai Konstantinoupolei, en Epheso kai en Chalkedoni tithentes horoi nomon taxin echetosan kai ta dogmata auton hos hai theopneustoi timasthosan graphai:
[148]1 * Ou didos, says Malchion, ousiosthai en to holo soteri ton monogene.: [149]1 * Ouk exothen tis estin epheuretheisa he tou huiou ousia, oude ek me onton epeisechthe; alla ek tes tou patros ousias ephu, hos tou photos to apaugasma, hos hudatos atmis; oute gar to apaugasma oute he atmis auto to hudor estin e autos ho helios, oute allotrion; kai oute autos estin ho pater oute allotrios alla aporrhoia tes tou patros ousias, ou merismon hupomeinases tes tou patros ousias; hos gar menon ho helios ho autos ou meioutai tais ekcheomenais hup' autou augais, houtos oude he ousia tou patros alloiosin hupemeinen, eikona heautes echousa ton huion.: [150]1 * Ouch ho huios heauton egennesen, oude ho pater metabebletai apo tou "pater" tou einai "huios" k.t.l. . . . pater aei pater, kai ouk en kairos hote ouk en pater pater: [151]1 * Ouch, hos tines enomisan, ho huios meta to pathos stephanotheis hosper hupo tou Theou dia ten hupomonen elabe ton en dexia thronon, all' aph' houper estin echei to basilikon axioma . . . Mete apallotrioses tou patros ton huion, mete sunaloiphen ergasamenos huiopatrian pisteuses.: [152]1 * Ouk estin ho ek Dabid christheis allotrios tes sophias.: [153]1 * Out' oun katamerizein chre eis treis theotetas ten thaumasten kai theian monada, oute poiesei koluein to axioma kai to huperballon megethos tou kuriou; alla pepisteukenai eis Theon patera pantokratora kai eis Christon Iesoun ton huion autou kai eis to hagion pneuma, henosthai de to Theo ton holon ton logon; ego gar, phesi. kai ho pater hen esmen. kai ego en to patri kai ho pater en emoi: [154]1 * Houtos ho Kallistos meta ten tou Zephurinou teleuten nomizon tetuchekenai hou etherato, ton Sabellion apeosen hos me phronounta orthos, dedoikos eme kai nomizon houto dunasthai apotripsasthai ten pros tas ekklesias kategorian, hos me allotrios phronon: [155]1 * Pantos agathou epekeina he theia phusis, to de agathon agatho philon pantos, dia touto heauten blepousa kai ho echei thelei kai ho thelei echei ouden ton exothen eis heauton dechomene. Exo de autes ouden, hoti me he kakia mone, hetis, kan paradoxon e, en to me einai to einai echei. ou gar alle tis esti kakias genesis, ei me he tou ontos steresis. To de kurios on he tou agathou phusis estin; ho oun en to honti ouk estin, en to me einai pantos estin.: [156]1 * Patekios: [157]1 * Paulos ou legei monon Theon dia to pegen einai ton patera.: [158]1 * Paulos phesin, me duo epistasthai huious; ei de huios ho I. Chr. tou Theou, uios de kai he sophia, kai allo men he sophia, allo de
I. Chr., duo huphistantai huioi.: [159]1 * Paulos ho Sam. Theon ek tes parthenou homologei, Theon ek Nazaret ophthenta.: [160]1 * Pemphthenta ton huion kairo pote, hosper aktina kai ergasamenon ta panta en to kosmo ta tes oikonmias tes euangelikes kai soterias ton anthropon, analephthenta de authis eis ouranon, hos hupo heliou pemphtheisan aktina, kai palin eis ton helion anadramousan, To de hagion pneuma pempesthai eis ton kosmon, kai kathexes kai kath' hekasta eis hekaston ton kataxioumenon k.t.l.: [161]1 * Peri ton Paulianisanton, eita prosphugonton te katholike ekklesia, horos ektetheitai anabaptizesthai autous exapantos: [162]1 * Pisteuomen eis hena Theon patera pantokratora, ton ton hapanton horaton te kai aoraton poieten. Kai eis hena kurion I. Chr., ton tou Theou logon, Theon ek Theou, phos ek photos, zoen ek zoes, huion monogene, prototokon pases ktiseos, pro panton ton aionon ek tou patros gegennemenon, di' hou kai egeneto ta panta; ton dia ten hemeteran soterian sarkothenta kai en anthropois politeusamenon, kai pathonta, kai anastanta te trite hemera, kai anelthonta pros ton patera, kai hexonta palin en doxe krinai zontas kai nekrous. Kai eis pneuma hagion.: [163]1 * Pisteuomen, hos te apostolike ekklesia dokei, eis monon agenneton patera, oudena tou einai auto ton aition echonta . . . kai eis hena kurion Iesoun Christon, ton huion tou Theou ton monogene, gennethenta ouk ek tou me ontos, all' ek tou ontos patros . . . pros de te eusebei taute peri patros kai huiou doxe, kathos hemas hai theiai graphai didaskousin, hen pneuma hagion homologoumen, to kainisan tous te tes palaias diathekes hagious anthropous kai tous tes chrematizouses kaines paideutas theious. mian kai monen katholiken, ten apostoliken ekklesian, akathaireton men aei, kan pas ho kosmos aute polemein bouleuetai . . . Meta touton ten ek nekron anastasin oidamen, hes aparche gegonen ho kurios hemon I. Chr., soma phoresas alethos kai ou dokesei ek tes theotokou: [164]1 * Pisteusomen: [165]1 * Polloi ton par' Hellesi philosophesanton ou makran tou gnonai ton Theon egenonto, kai gar kai pros tous apronoesian eisagontas, hoite Epikourious, e allos eristikous, meta tes logikes epistemes gennaios apentesan, ten amathian auton anatrepontes, kai dia touton ton logon chreiodeis men tois ten eusebeian agaposi katestesan; ou men tes kephales tou logou ekratesan, tou me gnonai to apokruptomenon apo ton geneon kai apo ton aionon kata Christon musterion;: [166]1 * Prokatangeltikos.: [167]1 * Panta ta theia rhemata ouk allegorias deitai, alla hos echei, echei, theorias de deitai kai aistheseos.: [168]1 * Poteron en esti sunaphes to pan, hos hemin te kai tois sophotatois Hellenon Platoni kai Puthagora kai tois apo tes Stoas kai Herakleito phainetai: [169]1 * Sabellios blasphemei, auton ton huion einai legon ton patera.:
[170]1 * Sabellios legei ton pantokratora peponthenai.: [171]1 * Sophia ouk en dunatos en schemati heuriskesthai, oude en thea andros; meizon gar ton horomenon estin.: [172]1 * Suoidon gar ho logos, hoti allos ouk an lutheie ton anthropon he phthora, ei me dia tou pantos apothanein, ouch hoion te de en ton logon apothanein, athanaton onta kai tou patros huion, toutou heneken to dunamenon apothanein heauto lambanei soma, hina touto tou epi panton logou metalabon, anti panton hikanon genetai to thanato kai dia ton enoikesanta logon aphtharton diameine, kai loipon apo panton he phthora pausetai te tes anastaseos chariti; hothen hos hiereion kai thuma pantos eleutheron spilou, ho autos heauto elabe soma prosagon eis thanaton, apo panton euthus ton homoion hephanize ton thanaton the prosphora tou katallelou.:
[173]1 * Ta kratoumena to logo tes phuseos ouk echei epainon, ta de schesei philias kratoumena huperaineitai.: [174]1 * Ten de pasan auton planen kai ten tes planes auton dunamin echousin ex Apokruphon tinon, malista apo tou kaloumenou Aiguptiou euangeliou, ho tines to onoma epethento touto. En auto gar polla toiauta hos en parabusto musteriodos ek prosopou tou soteros anapheretai, hos autou delountos tois mathetais ton auton einai patera, ton auton einai huion, ton auton einai hagion tneuma.:
[175]1 * Ti oun edei kai peri toutou genesthai e poiesai ton Theon; metanoian epi te parabasei tous anthropous apaitesai; touto gar an tis axion pheseien Theou, legon, hoti hosper ek tes parabaseos eis phthoran gegonasin, houtos ek tes metanoias genointo palin an eis aphtharsian. All' he metanoia oute to eulogon to pros ton Theon ephulatten; emene gar palin ouk alethes, me kratoumenon en to thanato ton anthropon; oute de he metanoia apo ton kata phusin apokaleitai, alla monon pauei ton hamartematon. Ei men oun monon en plemmelema kai me phthoras epakolouthesis, kalos an en he metanoia; ei de hapax prolabouses tes parabaseos, eis ten kata phusin phthoran ekratounto hoi anthropoi, kai ten tou kat' eikona charin aphairethentes esan, ti allo edei genesthai; e tinos en chreia pros ten toiauten charin kai anaklesin, e tou kai kata ten archen ek tou me ontos pepoiekotos ta hola tou Theou logou; autou gar en palin kai to phtharton eis aphtharsian enenkein kai to huper panton eulogon apososai pros ton patera.: [176]1 * To men gar blepomenon, hoper estin anthropos, touto einai ton huion, to de en to huio chorethen pneuma touto einai ton patera; ou gar, Besin, ero duotheous patera kai huion, all' hena. Ho gar en auto genomenos pater proslabomenos ten s8arka etheopoiesen henosas heauto, kai epoiesen hen, hos kaleisthai patera kai huion hena Theon. kai touto hen on prosopon me dunasthai einai duo, kai houtos ton patera sumpeponthenai to huio; ou gar thelei legein ton patera peponthenai kai hen einai prosopon . . .: [177]1 * To men einai logon Theou kai pneuma dia te ton koinon ennoion ho Hellen kai dia ton graphikon ho Ioudaios isos ouk antilexei, ten de kata ton anthropon oikonomian tou Theou logou kata to ison hekateros auton apodokimasei hos apithanon te kai aprepe peri Theou legesthai.: [178]1 * Tes oikonomias ou mian aitian alla kai pleious heuroi an tis ethelesas zetein, proten men gar ho logos didaskei, hina kai nekron kai zonton kurieuse; deuteran de hopos tas hemeteras apomaxoito hamartias, huper hemon trotheis kai genomenos huper hemon katara; triten hos an hiereion Theou kai megale thusia hurer sumpantos kosmon prosachtheie to epi panton Theo; tetarten hos an autos tes poluplanous kai daimonikes energeias aporretois logois kathairesin apergasaito; pempten epi taute, hos an tois autou gnorimois kai mathetais tes kata ton thanaton para Theo zoes ten elpida me logois mede rhemasin kai phonais alla autois ergois parastesas, ophthalmois de paradous ten dia ton logon epangelian, eutharseis autous kai prothumoterous apergasaito kai pasin Hellesin homou kai barbarois ten pros autou katabletheisan eusebe politeian keruxai.:
[179]1 * Ton oun toiouton tais dia tou puros iatreiais ekkatharthenton te kai aphagnisthenton, hekaston ton pros to kreitton nooumenon anteiseleusetai, he aphtharsia, he zoe, he time, he charis, he doxa, he dunamis, kai ei ti allo toiouton auto te to Theo epitheoreisthai eikazomen: [180]1 * Phaskousin sunistan hena Theon: [181]1 * Christo`s lo'gos kai` no'mos: [182]1 * Christo`s Iesous: [183]1 * Christos ou pros hena kai deuteron elthen, alla pros ten koinen phusin.: [184]1 * Christos on men to proton pneuma egeneto sarx: [185]1 * Christos, phesin, estin eti hupodeesteros tou Melchisedek.: [186]1 * Chre de gignoskein: [187]1 * aistheton: [188]1 * hairetikous legomen tous te palai tes ekklesias apokeruchthentas kai tous meta tauta huph' hemon anathematisthentas. pros de toutois kai tous ten pistin men ten hugie prospoioumenous homologein, aposchisantas de kai antisunagontas tois kanonikois hemon episkopois.: [189]1 * autoi gar Theodidaktoi este, ouk agnoountes hoti he enanchos epanastasa te ekklesiastike eusebeia didaskalia Ebionos esti kai Artema, kai zelos tou kat' Antiocheian Paulou tou Samosateos, sunodo kai krisei ton hapantachou episkopon apokeruchthentos tes ekklesias -- hon diadexamenos Loukianos aposunagogos emeine trion episkopon polueteis chronous -- hon tes asebeias ten truga errophekotes: [190]1 * auton einai huion kai patera, horaton kai aoraton; genneton kai agenneton, thneton kai athanaton: [191]1 * autos katharisas tas hamartias tou laou edeixen autois tas tribous tes zoes: [192]1 * biblion epistolon: [193]1 * gennethenta ek pneumatos hagiou: [194]1 * gnontes gar Theon dia Iesou Christou kai ten sumpasan autou oikonomian archethen gegenemenen, hoti dedoke nomon haploun eis boetheian tou phusikou katharon, soterion, hagion, en ho kai to idion onoma enkatetheto.: [195]1 * gnorimoi ton apostolon: [196]1 * gnosis (knowledge) katanoesis: [197]1 * deuteros Theos: [198]1 * dei de, hos epi pases theias graphes prosekei poiein kai anankaion estin, houto kai entautha, kath' hon eipen ho apostolos kairon kai to prosopon kai to pragma, dioper egrapse, pistos eklambanein, hina me para tauta e kai par' heteron ti touton agnoon ho anagignoskon exo tes alethines dianoias genetai.: [199]1 * dei kai paradosei kechresthai. ou gar panta apo tes theias graphes dunatai lambanesthai; dio ta men en graphais, ta de en paradosesin paredokan hoi hagioi apostoloi: [200]1 * demosia ho Kallistos hemin oneidizei eipein; ditheoi este: [201]1 * di'theoi: [202]1 * diakosmeseis: [203]1 * dialektikos: [204]1 [205]2 * diamarturomai enopion tou Theou kai Christou Iesou kai ton eklekton angelon.: [206]1 * diarein: [207]1 * diataxeis ton apostolon: [208]1 * diataxeis, nomoi, kanones ekklesiastikoi dia ton apostolon: [209]1 * diaphora tes kataskeues (sustaseos) tou Christou.: [210]1 * didaskaleion: [211]1 * didaskaleion: [212]1 [213]2 * didachai: [214]1 * dio` kai` to` genno'menon ek sou hagion klethe'setai huio`s Theou:
[215]1 * dioreitai to theion rhema eis te to grapton kai agraphon: [216]1 * diorthokenai: [217]1 * dia ten eusuneideton homologian.: [218]1 * dia Marias: [219]1 * dialexis pros Alianon: [220]1 * dio kai: [221]1 [222]2 * di' oikonomian: [223]1 [224]2 * dogmatikos: [225]1 * dokusi kai` autoi` ta isa hemin pisteu'ein.: [226]1 * dunasteia: [227]1 * dunameis: [228]1 * dogma, dogma: [229]1 * duo phuseis;: [230]1 * ei de Christos Theou dunamis kai Theou sophia pro aionon estin; houto kai katho Christos hen kai to auto on te ousia; ei kai ta malista pollais epinoiais epinoeitai.: [231]1 * ei oun athanatos gegonen ho anthropos, estai kai theos: [232]1 * eikon: [233]1 * eis: [234]1 * eis kanona de pisteos: [235]1 * eis to`n Melchisede`k kata` Melchisedekeion: [236]1 * eis treis dunameis tinas kai memerismenas hupostaseis kai theotetas treis; pepusmai gar einai tinas ton par' humin katechounton kai didaskonton ton theion logon, tautes huphegntas tes phroneseos; ohi kata diametron, hos epos eipein, antikeintai te Sabelliou gnome; ho men gar blasphemei, auton ton huion einai legon ton patera, kai empalin; hoi de treis theous tropon tina keruttousin, eis treis hupostaseis xenas allelon, pantapasi kechorismenas, diairountes ten agian monada. henosthai gar ananke to Theo ton holon ton theion logon, emphilochorein de to Theo kai endiaitasthai dei to hagion pneuma, ede kai ten theian triada eis hena, hosper eis koruphen tina (ton Theon ton holon ton pantokratora lego) sunkephalaiousthai te kai sunagesthai pasa ananke. Markionos gar tou mataiophronos didagma eis treis archas tes monarchias tomen kai diairesin (diorizei), paideuma on diabolikon, ouchi de ton ontos matheton tou Christou . . . houtoi gar triada men keruttomenen hupo tes theias graphes saphos epistantai, treis de theous oute palaian oute kainen diatheken keruttousan: [237]1 * eis ta katachthonia katelthonta: [238]1 * eis to archaion tes phuseos hemon apokatastasis: [239]1 * eis athetesin hamartias: [240]1 * eis onoma de toutou tou Melchisedek he proeiremene hairesis kai tas prosphoras anapherei, kai auton einai eisagogea pros ton Theon kai di' autou, phesi, dei to Theo prospherein, hoti archon esti dikaiosunes, ep' auto touto katastatheis hupo tou Theou en ourano, pneumatikos tis on, kai huios Theou tetagmenos . . . .: [241]1 * eis onoma tou Melchisede'k: [242]1 * eis onoa Ioannou: [243]1 * heis: [244]1 * heis iatros estin sarkikos te kai pneumatikos, gennetos kai agennetos, en sarki genomenos Theos, en thanato zoe alethine, kai ek Marias kai ek Theou, proton pathetos kai tote apathes, Iesous Christos: [245]1 * heis kurios, monos ek monou, Theos ek Theou, charakter kai eikon tes theotetos, logos energos, sophia tes ton holon sustaseos periektike kai dunamis tes holes ktiseos poietike, huios alethinos alethinou patros, aoratos aoratou kai aphthartos aphthartou kai athanatos athanatou kai aidios aidiou.: [246]1 * zontos gar eti tou somatos pro tou tethnexesthai suzen ananke kai ten hamartian, endon tas rhizas autes en hemin apokruptousan, ei kai exothen tomais tais apo ton sophronismon kai ton noutheteseon anestelleto, epei ouk an meta to photisthenai sunebainen adikein, hate pantapasin eilikrinos apheremenes aph' hemon tes amartias; nun de kai meta to pisteusai kai epi to hudor elthein tou hagnismou pollakis en amartiais ontes heuriskometha; oudeis gar houtos hamartias ektos einai heauton kauchesetai, hos mede kan enthumethenai to sunolon holos ten adikian.: [247]1 * thelemati monon: [248]1 * theopoiesis: [249]1 [250]2 * theothomen theiais metabolais kai mimesesin: [251]1 * theoria: [252]1 * theoria peri tou Theou: [253]1 * theoria ton theion: [254]1 * theoria ton noeton: [255]1 * theia phusis,: [256]1 * thanatos en athanasia: [257]1 * theosis: [258]1 * thuma apuron: [259]1 * kath' hupostasin: [260]1 * kallion hemon presbutes kai` makaristos aner: [261]1 * kanones ekklesastikoi': [262]1 * kanon tes pisteos: [263]1 * katakrinein ten hamartian (ton thanaton) en te sarki: [264]1 * kata perigraphen: [265]1 * kata pistin eklekton Theou, suneton Theou, paidon hagion, urthotomon, agion Theou pneuma labonton, tade emathon egoge hupo ton sophies metechonton, asteion, theodidakton, kata panta sophon te.: [266]1 * kata ton homoion anthropon: [267]1 * kata meros pistis.: [268]1 * kata ten paradosin ton apostolon hoti Theos logos ap' ouranon katelthen: [269]1 * katalepsis: [270]1 * kat' oikonomian: [271]1 [272]2 * kat' ousian (tou Theou): [273]1 * kat' exoche'n: [274]1 * kat' exochen: [275]1 [276]2 * kai [eis] mian agian katholiken ekklesian: [277]1 * kai genoito pantas humas amomos to noeto numphio parastantas k.t.l.: [278]1 * kai ei me dunaton katalabesthai ti esti Theos, alla dunaton eipein, ti ouk estin.: [279]1 * kai poieta tina phesas noeisthai, ton men toiouton hos achreioteron ex epidromes eipon paradeigmata, epei mete to phuton ephen (to auto einai) to georgo, mete to naupego to skaphos; -- Hena ton geneton einai: [280]1 * kai ton par' autou huion . . . kai ton ton allon hepomenon kai exomoioumenon hagathon angelon straton.: [281]1 * kai estin hoios en: [282]1 * kai estin ho men hoion pater ho nous tou logou, on eph' eautou, ho de kathaper huios ho logos tou nou. pro ekeinou men adunaton, all' oude exothen pothen, sun ekeino genomenos, blastesas de ap' autou. houtos ho pater ho megistos kai katholou nous proton ton nhion logon hermenea kai angelon heautou echei.: [283]1 * kai ho logos sarx egeneto, ou kata ten parousian monon anthropos genomenos, alla kai en arche ho en tautoteti logos kata perigraphen kai ou kat' ousian genomenos, ho huios: [284]1 * ktisma: [285]1 [286]2 * kuriakon soma: [287]1 * kurosas: [288]1 * kerugma: [289]1 * kerugma tes monarchias: [290]1 * kosmos noeros: [291]1 [292]2 * kurios ektise me archen hodon autou): ektise entautha akousteon anti tou epestese tois up' autou gegonosin ergois, gegonosi de di' autou tou huiou: [293]1 * latreia: [294]1 * lexitherountes: [295]1 [296]2 * logike latreia: [297]1 * logikon zoon: [298]1 * legousin; Idou deuteron euangelion peri Christou semainon kai oudamou anothen legon ten gennesin; alla, phesin, En to Iordane katelthe to tneuma 'ep' auton kai phone; Houtos estin ho huios ho agapetos, 'eph hon eudokesa.: [299]1 * logos: [300]1 [301]2 [302]3 [303]4 [304]5 [305]6 [306]7 [307]8 * logos katechetikos: [308]1 * logos kata Areiou kai Saelliou: [309]1 * logos ktisma: [310]1 * logos asarkos: [311]1 [312]2 * logos ensarkos: [313]1 * logos homoousios ou poietheis: [314]1 * logos-theos: [315]1 * logos-ktisma: [316]1 * logon men philosophon kai tes alles par' Hellesi paideias para tois pollois thaumastheis, ouch homoios ge nen peri ten theian pistin diatetheimenos.: [317]1 * megale tis estin huperphuos kai thaumaste kai endoxos he parthenia, kai ei chre phaneros eipein epomenen tais hagiais graphais, to outhar tes aphtharsias kai to anthos kai he aparche autes touto to ariston kai kalliston epitedeuma monon tunchanei, kai dia tauta kai ho kurios eis ten basileian eiselasai ton ouranon tous apopartheneusantas sphas autous epangelletai . . . , parthenian gar bainein men epi ges, epipsauein de ton ouranon hegeteon: [318]1 * meth' hemon to ktisma, ton ou Theon; ei ktisma de, ou Theos: [319]1 * merismenas einai.: [320]1 * merismos: [321]1 [322]2 * merizesthai: [323]1 * metabolais: [324]1 * meta de ten gnosin tes semnes kai endoxou tautes kai panagias pisteos kai seauton gnothi loipon hostis ei.: [325]1 * mikropsuchos: [326]1 * mimesesin: [327]1 * monarchia kat' oikonomian: [328]1 * monogenes Theos: [329]1 * monas: [330]1 [331]2 * monas -- trias -- ousia - phusis -- hupokeimenon -- hupostasis -- prosopon -- perigraphe -- merizesthai -- diairein -- platunein -- sunkephalaiousthai -- ktizein -- poiein -- gignesthai gennan -- homoousios -- ek tes ousias tou patros -- dia tou thelematos -- Theos ek Theou -- phos ek photos -- gennethenta ou poiethenta -- en hote ouk en -- ouk en hote ouk en -- en hote ouk en -- heteros kat' ousian -- atreptos -- analloiotos -- agennetos -- allotrios -- pege tes theotetos -- duo ousiai -- ousia ousiomene -- enanthropesis -- theanthropos -- henosis ousiodes -- henosis kata metousian -- sunapheia kata mathesin kai metousian -- sunkrasis -- enoikein:
[332]1 * muste'rion oikonomi'as: [333]1 * mustike paradosis: [334]1 * mathema tes Hellenikes philosophias, xenes kai allotrias ouses ton en Christo eusebos thelonton zen: [335]1 * mathema ton dogmaton kai praxeis agathai: [336]1 * mathesis: [337]1 * mathesis kai mustagogia.: [338]1 * megiston tarachon kata panta ton kosmon en pasin tois pistois emballousin.: [339]1 * me dein para gnomen tou episkopou Rhomes kanonizein tas ekklesias:
[340]1 * me pos ara hai treis hautai ton progonon kephalai pases tes anthropotetos homoousioi hupostaseis kat' eikona tina, hos kai Methodio dokei: [341]1 * mia thelesis: [342]1 * mia phusis theou logou sesarkomene: [343]1 * mustai: [344]1 * mallon kai` diaphero'ntos: [345]1 * neoterismos: [346]1 * noeton: [347]1 * noetos: [348]1 * nomizontes apo Marias kai deuro Christon auton kaleisthai kai huion Theou, kai heinai men proteron psilon anthropon, kata prokopen de eilephenai ten tou Theou prosegorian.: [349]1 * nous: [350]1 [351]2 [352]3 * nous propedon: [353]1 * nomos tou Thanatou: [354]1 * nun hemin to Ex ouk onton epephuesan, ta ekeinon kekrummena moscheumata: [355]1 * omoousios: [356]1 * oikonomethenai ten aletheian: [357]1 * oikonomi'a: [358]1 [359]2 * oikonomikos: [360]1 * hoi men gar auton nomizousi phusei ton huion tou Theou en idea anthropou tote to Abraam pephenenai: [361]1 * hoi pro's Sabinon lo'goi: [362]1 * hoi prolabontes aphanizousin tous meta tauta genoemnous: [363]1 * hoi suncheontes patros kai huiou ennoian: [364]1 * hoi amphi ton Samosatea: [365]1 * ou gar hos edoxen anthropois sunetethe ta tes Pisteos; all' ek pases graphes ta kairiotata sullechthenta mian anapleroi ten tes Pisteos didaskalian.: [366]1 * ou duo theous lego: [367]1 * ou monon en anthropois anthropos ginetai, alla kata to akolouthon pantos kai en angelois ginomenos pros ten ekeinon phusin heauton sunkatagei.: [368]1 * ou polutheian eisegoumetha: [369]1 * ou prognosei, all' ousia kai hupostasei.: [370]1 * ou pro pollou chronou genomenos: [371]1 * ou tosaute en ton hamartolon he anomia, hose tou huperapothneskontos he dikaiosune. ou tosouton hemartomen, hoson edikaiopragnsen ho ten psuchen huper hemon tetheikos: [372]1 * ou ta phusika pathe ekkoptein enomothetesen alla ten touton ametrian: [373]1 * ou to ti esti Theos exegoumetha . . . en tois peri Theou megale gnosis to ten agnosian homologein.: [374]1 * oud hos Hierakas luchnon apo luchnou, e hos lampada eis duo: [375]1 * oudeis pisteuei eis mian ekklesian ho me homologon hoti tas ekprosopousas tauten oikoumenikas sunodous to pneuma to agion hodegei eis pasan aletheian. kai hoti he ekklesia haute den dunatai na e alle para ten epokodomemenen epi tes mones henopoiou arches ton oikoumenikon sunodon; dioti he arche ton merikon hupochreotikon homologion, hen kathierosan hai loipai ekklesiai, estin he meter tes diaireseos . . . he promnemoneutheisa anagnorisis ton hepta oikoumenikon sunodon esti gegonos historikon, medemian pleon ekklesiastiken anapselaphesin epidechomenon.: [376]1 * ouk aei en ho Theos pater, ouk aei en ho huios, all' ho men Theos en choris tou logou, autos de ho huios ouk en prin genethe, all' en pote hote ouk en, ou gar aidios estin, all' husteron epigegonen.:
[377]1 * ouk axia auta phasin einai en ekklesia: [378]1 * ouk en pro tou gennethenai: [379]1 * ousi'a: [380]1 * ousia: [381]1 * ousiodos, alla kata poioteta: [382]1 * ousia: [383]1 [384]2 [385]3 * ousia ousiomene en somati: [386]1 * ousiai: [387]1 * houto gar an kai he theia trias kai to hagion kerugma tes monarchias diasozoito: [388]1 * houto men hemeis eis te ten triada ten monada platunomen adiaireton, kai ten triada palin ameioton eis ten monada sunkephalaioumetha: [389]1 * houtos estaurothe huper ton hamartion hemon.: [390]1 * pantelos: [391]1 [392]2 * para'dosis agraphos: [393]1 * paradoseis: [394]1 * paradosis gnostike: [395]1 * paradosis agarphos: [396]1 * paradosis agraphos: [397]1 [398]2 [399]3 [400]4 [401]5 [402]6
[403]7 * patera legon Dionusios ouk onomazei ton huion, kai palin huion legon ouk onomazei ton patera, alla diairei kai makrunei kai merizei ton huion apo tou patros.: [404]1 * pater kai huios epinoia men eisi duo, hupostasei de hen: [405]1 * peiromai to en hemin theion anagein pros to en to panti theion:
[406]1 * peri` Melchisedekianon kai` Theodotianon kai Athinganon: [407]1 * peri` psuches kai` anasta'seos: [408]1 * peri` arch.: [409]1 * perigraphe ousias: [410]1 * perigraphe: [411]1 [412]2 * perigraphesthai: [413]1 * peri theotetos: [414]1 * peri kat. anthr.: [415]1 * peri katask.: [416]1 [417]2 [418]3 * peri katask. anthrop.: [419]1 [420]2 [421]3 * peri kataskeues anthropon: [422]1 * peri kosmopoiias: [423]1 * peri ktiseos kai geneseos Christou: [424]1 * peri sunteleias: [425]1 * peri tou mede prouparchein ten psuchen mede amartesasan touto eis soma blethenai: [426]1 * peri tou nun kinethentos en te Ptolemaidi tes Pentapoleos dogmatos, ontos asebous kai blasphemian pollen echontos peri tou pantokratoros Theou patros kai tou kuriou hemon Iesou Christou, apistian te pollen echontos peri tou monogenous paidos autou kai prototokou pases ktiseos, tou enathropesantos logou, anaisthesian de tou hagiou pneumatos.: [427]1 * peri tes theotokou: [428]1 * peri tes soteros hemon epidemias: [429]1 * peri tes tou huiou theotetos haplousteron graphontes ou kategenonto peri tes tou homousiou akribeias.: [430]1 * peri tes endoxou kai alethos entheou tou kuriou hemon epiphaneias:
[431]1 * peri ton geneton: [432]1 * peri phuseos: [433]1 * peri psuch. k. anastas.: [434]1 * peri psuch. k. anastas;: [435]1 * peri psuch. k. anastas.: [436]1 * peri psuches kai anastaseos: [437]1 * peri arch: [438]1 * peri arch.: [439]1 * peri archon: [440]1 * peri enanthropeseos tou logou: [441]1 * peri epangelion: [442]1 * peri hierosunes: [443]1 * pisteuein eis mian hagian katholiken ekklesian: [444]1 * pla'ttousin heautois kai` bi'blous epipla'stous,: [445]1 * platusmos: [446]1 * platunein: [447]1 * pleura: [448]1 * plen ego geneta tina: [449]1 * plen hoti ousias duo kai phuseis duo legei; to tes ousias kai phuseos onomati, hos delon, ek te ton hepomenon kai proegoumenon tou choriou anti tes hupostaseos kai ouch hos hoi Areio prosanakeimenoi chromenos: [450]1 * pneuma: [451]1 [452]2 [453]3 [454]4 * pneuma kuriou: [455]1 * pneuma hagion: [456]1 * pneuma: [457]1 * poia: [458]1 * polloi gar oun hagioi gegonasi katharoi pases hamartias: [459]1 * ponuma: [460]1 * poiema: [461]1 [462]2 * poiema kai geneton einai ton huion tou Theou, mete de phusei idion, alla xenon kat' ousian auton einai tou patros, hosper estin ho georgos pros ten ampelon kai ho naupegos pros to skaphos. kai gar hos poiema on ouk en prin genetai.: [463]1 * pou de eti graphes kai matheseos katorthoma te psuche ekeine te kathara genomene, hopou kai axioutai prosopon pros prosopon Theon horan: [464]1 * pragmateia: [465]1 * presbuteroi: [466]1 * probolen: [467]1 * probole tou logou: [468]1 * progegumnasthai gar . . . hos ara ho protoplastos oikeios eis auton anapheresthai dunatai ton Christon, ouketi tupos on kai apeikasma monon kai eikon tou monogenous, alla kai auto touto sophia gegonos kai logos. diken gar hudatos sunkerastheis ho anthropos te sophia kai te zoe touto gegonen, hoper en auto to eis auton enkataskepsan akraton phos: [469]1 * prokope: [470]1 * proskunesis: [471]1 * prostates: [472]1 * prospherousin enklema kat' emou pseudos on hos ou legontos ton Kriston homoousion einai to Theo.: [473]1 * propha'sei cha'ritos: [474]1 * prophe'ten hos eme': [475]1 * pros Manichaious: [476]1 * pros theorian: [477]1 * pros tous Sabellizontas: [478]1 * pros rheton: [479]1 * pros ti pos echonta: [480]1 * prosopon: [481]1 * prote ousia: [482]1 [483]2 [484]3 * pathe: [485]1 * pisteue de hoti houtos ho monogenes huios tou Theou dia tas hamartias hemon ex ouranon katelthen epi tes ges.: [486]1 * pisteue ton huion tou Theou . . . tosouton anthropon dia se, hoson su gine di' ekeinon Theos.: [487]1 * pistis ex arches paralephtheisa: [488]1 * pos echonta: [489]1 * pasa he theologia tas ouranious ousias ennea kekleke. tautas ho Theios hierotelestes eis treis aphorizei triadikas diakosmeseis:
[490]1 * pasa he apostolike eusebes doxa: [491]1 * pos oun ho toutois chromenos tois onomasi memeristhai tauta kai aphoristhai pantelos allelon oiomai: [492]1 * siope proskuneistho to arreton: [493]1 * skia ton mellonton: [494]1 * sophizontai hoi Christianoi en to legein ton huion tou Theou einai autologon: [495]1 * sunkephalaiousthai: [496]1 * sunkechuomenon: [497]1 * suncheomenoi en to peri patros kai huiou topo: [498]1 * suncheein: [499]1 [500]2 * sumbebekota: [501]1 * sumphoni'a ton biblon: [502]1 * sunai'resthai: [503]1 * sunapheia kata mathesin kai metousian: [504]1 * suneleusis: [505]1 * sarx: [506]1 * sarkas noetas: [507]1 * sarx: [508]1 [509]2 * supaschein: [510]1 * sustasis tou kosmou: [511]1 * soma: [512]1 * ta onta: [513]1 * tautousios: [514]1 * taute gennan eiresthai nomizo ten ekklesian, epeide tous charakteras kai ten ektuposin kai ten arrenopian tou Christou proslambanousin hoi photizomenoi, tes kath' homoiosin morphes en autois ektupoumenes tou logou kai en autois gennomenes kata ten akribe gnosin kai pistin hoste en hekasto gennasthai ton Christon noetos; kai dia touto he ekklesia sparga kai hodinei, mechriper an ho Christos en hemin morphothe gennetheis, hopos hekastos ton hagion to metechein Christou Christos gennethe, kath' hon logon kai en tini graphe pheretai "me hapsesthe ton Christon mou" hoionei Christon gegonoton ton kata metousian tou pneumatos eis Christon bebaptismenon, sumballouses entautha ten en to logo tranosin auton kai metamorphosin tes ekklesias.: [515]1 * taute gar ton anthropon aneilephen ho logos, hopos de di' autou kataluse ten ep' olethro gegonuian katadiken, hettesas ton ophin. hermoze gar me di' heterou nikethenai ton poneron alla di' ekeinou, hon de kai ekompazen apatesas auton teturannekenai, hoti me allos ten hamartian luthenai kai ten katakrisin dunaton en, ei me palin ho autos ekeinos anthropos, di' hon eireto to "ge ei kai eis gen apeleuse," anaplastheis aneluse ten apophasin ten di' auton eis pantas exenenegmenen. hopos, kathos en to Adam proteron pantes apothneskousin, houto de palin kai en to aneilephoti Chpisto ton Adam pantes zoopoiethosin.: [516]1 * tauta didaskomen, tauta keruttomen, tauta tes ekklesias ta apostolika dogmata: [517]1 * teleioumenoi: [518]1 [519]2 * to`n lo'gon ape'steilen tois huiois Israe`l euangelizo'menos eire'nen dia` Iesou Christou: [520]1 * tou Theou: [521]1 * tou Christou: [522]1 * tou pathous tou Theou mou: [523]1 * tou allegorikou to historikon pleiston hoson protimomen: [524]1 * touton ton patera auton uion nomizousi kata kairous kaloumenon pros ta sumbainonta: [525]1 * treis hupostaseis: [526]1 * trias teleia, doxe kai aidioteti kai basileia me merizomene mede apallotrioumene. Oute oun ktiston ti e doulon en te triadi oute epeisakton, hos proteron men ouch huparchon, husteron de epeiselthon; oute gar enelipe pote huios patri, oute thio pneuma, all' atreptos kai analloiotos he aute trias aei.: [527]1 * trias: [528]1 * tropon tina: [529]1 * tupikos gegonasi tes hagias kai homoousiou triados, tou men anaitiou kai agennetou Adam tupon kai eikona echontos tou anaitiou kai panton haitiou pantokratoros Theou kai patros, tou de gennetou huiou autou eikona prodiagraphontos tou gennetou huiou kai logou tou Theou. tes de ekporeutes Euas semainouses ten tou hagiou pneumatos ekporeuten hupostasin.: [530]1 * turannis: [531]1 [532]2 * ta kanonizomena kai paradothenta pisteuthenta te theia einai biblia: [533]1 * ta kratoumena to logo tes phuseos ouk echei epainon: [534]1 * ta men hamartemata hos Theos aphieis, eis de to me examartanein paidagogon hos anthropos: [535]1 * ten tou thanatou kratesin: [536]1 * ten tou pneumatos didaskalian huperballein tes tou huiou didaches:
[537]1 * ten tou homoousiou phonen paristan ennoian ousias te kai ton ap' autes, hoste katameristheisan ten ousian parechein tou homoousiou ten prosegorian tois eis ha dierethe.: [538]1 * ti oun kakon poio doxa'zon to`n Christo'n: [539]1 * tis apophai'netai ple'thun Theon paraballome'nen kata` kairou's.:
[540]1 * ti gar atopon, e ti chleues par' hemin axion, e pantos hoti ton logon en somati pephanerosthai legomen: [541]1 * ti de eipo Heraklan kai Demetrion tous makkarious episkopous, hoious peirasmous hupestesan hupo tou manentos Origenous, kai autou schismata ballontos en te ekklesia, ta heos semeron tarachas aute egeiranta: [542]1 * ti an eipomen, hena Theon echoen, e treis Theous: [543]1 * to euangelion to eis honoma Ioannou pseudetai . . . legousi to kata Ioannen euangelion, epeide me ta auta tois apostolois ephe, adiatheton einai.: [544]1 * to eu zen edidaxen epiphaneis hos didaskalos, hina to aei zen husteron hos Theos choregese: [545]1 * to thalpon: [546]1 * to pneuma sarx egeneto: [547]1 * to schema: [548]1 * to photistikon: [549]1 * to ek duo phuseon henotheison kath' hupostasin gegennesthai ton kurion hemon Iesoun Christon mete memathekenai en tais ekthesesi ton hagion pateron mete katadechesthai, ei tuchoi ti auto toiouto para tinos hupanaginoskesthai, dia to tas theias graphas ameinonas einai tes ton pateron didaskalias.: [550]1 * to ergon tou Christianou ouden allo estin e meletan apothneskein:
[551]1 * ton Theon boulomenon tode to pan kataskeuasai, proton ton huion hoion tina kanona tes demiourgias proupostesasthai.: [552]1 * ton de huion para to patri onta Theon men kai kurion ton geneton hapanton, hupo de tou patros apostalenta ex ouranon kai sarkothenta enenthropekenai. dioper kai to ek tes parthenou soma choresan pan to pleroma tes theotetos somatikos, te theoteti atreptos henotai kai tetheopoietai: [553]1 * ton kosmon soma mega phasin einai hoi ton Hellenon philosophoi kai aletheuousi legontes. Horomen gar auton kai ta toutou mere tais aisthesesi hupopiptonta. Ei toinun en to kosmo somati onti ho tou Theou logos esti, kai en holois kai tois kata meros auton pasin epibebeke. ti thaumaston e ti atopon ei kai en anthropo phamen auton epibebekenai k.t.l.: [554]1 * ton logon tou Theou apoballontai ton dia Ioannen ketuchthenta.:
[555]1 * ton sotera kai kurion hemon me prouphestanai kat' idian ousias perigraphen pro tes eis anthropous epidemias, mede theoteta idian echein, all empoliteuomenen auto monen ten patriken.: [556]1 * ton huion kai me homoousion to patri: [557]1 * ton huion tou Theou.: [558]1 * ton phusikon nomon ebebaiosen: [559]1 * to haima, ta pathemata tou Theou: [560]1 * tes autes tou hagiou pneumatos charitos hoi te palai meteichon kai hoi to tes kaines diathekes huperetoumenos musterio.: [561]1 * te epinoia mone: [562]1 * ton progegenemenon Theos didosin aphesin, ton de epionton autos hekastos heauto: [563]1 * ton en te ekklesia pephulagmenon dogmaton kai kerugmaton ta men ek tes engraphou didaskalias echomen, ta de ek tes ton apostolon paradoseos diadothenta hemin en musterio paredexametha aper amphotera ten auten ischun echei pros ten eusebeian . . . allo gar dogma, kai allo kerugma, ta men gar dogmata siopatai, ta de kerugmata demosieuetai: [564]1 * to Christo phesin, estauromeno hosper apasa hemon he hupo ten thnetoteta keimene phusis sunestaurothe, epeide kai pasa auto sunan este, panton anthropon auto summetaschein elpizonton tes anastaseos; hos enteuthen sunaphanisthenai men ten peri to hamartanein hemon eukolian, dia tes epi ten anthanasian tou somatos metastaseos.: [565]1 * to throno tes presbuteras Rhomes dia to basileuein ten polin ekeinen, hoi pateres eikotos apodedokasi ta presbeia, kai to auto skopo kinoumenoi hoi hekaton pentekonta theophilestatoi episkopoi ta isa presbeia apeneiman to tes neas Rhomes hagiotato throno, eulogos krinantes, ten basileia kai sunkleto timetheisan polin kai ton ison apolauousan presbeion te presbutera basilidi Rhome. kai en tois ekklesiastikois, hos ekeinen, megalunesthai pragmasi, deuteran met' ekeinen huparchousan.: [566]1 * to hagio pneumati christheis prosegoreuthe Christos -- ho ek Dabid christheis ouk allotrios esti tes sophias: [567]1 * uper tou kata ioan[n]en euangeliou kai apokalupseos: [568]1 * huiopator: [569]1 [570]2 [571]3 * phamen anthropon gegenesthai ton tou Theou logon, hina ten homoiosin tou epouraniou labomen kai theopoiethomen: [572]1 * phantasia peri Theou: [573]1 * phasi gar tous men proterous hapantas kai autous tous apostolous, pareilephenai te kai dedidachenai tauta, ha nun houtoi legousi, kai teteresthai ten aletheian tou kerugmatos mechri ton chronon tou Biktoros . . . apo de tou diadochou autou Zephurinou parakecharachthai ten aletheian.: [574]1 * phthora: [575]1 [576]2 * philotimian: [577]1 * phu'sei: [578]1 * phone: [579]1 * phaskousi hoti ou sumphonei ta biblia tou Ioannou tois loipois apostolois: [580]1 * phaskon ta peri men tes tou pantos arches sumphona ek merous tois tes alethous ekklesias, hupo tou Theou panta homologon gegonenai:
[581]1 * phere gar hemeis episkepsometha pos orthodoxos anegage ton Adam eis ton Christon, ou monon tupon auton hegoumenos einai kai eikona, alla kai auto touto Christon kai auton gegonenai dia to ton pro aionon eis auton enkataskepsai logon. hermoze gar to protogonon tou Theou kai proton blastema kai monogenes ten sophian to protoplasto kai proto kai protogono ton anthropon anthropo kerastheisan enenthropekenai, touto gar einai ton Christon, anthropon en akrato theoteti kai teleia pepleromenon kai Theon en anthropo kechoremenon; en gar prepodestaton ton presbutaton ton aionon kai proton ton archangelon, anthropois mellonta sunomilein, eis ton presbutaton kai proton ton anthropon eisoikisthenai ton Adam:
[582]1 * charis: [583]1 * chariti: [584]1 * psalmous tous men eis ton kurion hemon I. Chr. pausas hos de neoterous kai neoteron andron sungrammata: [585]1 * psilo`s anthropos: [586]1 * psile pistis: [587]1 * psilos anthrotos: [588]1 * psilos anthropos: [589]1 [590]2 * psuche logike: [591]1 [592]2 [593]3 * psuche: [594]1 * phthra: [595]1 * agathotes: [596]1 [597]2 * agneia, enkrateia: [598]1 * agonistikos: [599]1 [600]2 [601]3 * adelphotes: [602]1 * athanasia: [603]1 * alethos: [604]1 * allegoria: [605]1 * alla kai dia to hupo tou Sabelliou suchnos kategoreisthai hos parabanta ten proten pistin: [606]1 * all' erei moi tis; Xenon phereis logon legon huion. Ioannes men gar legei logon, all' allos allegorei: [607]1 * amatheis: [608]1 * anthropines boules te kai gnomes: [609]1 * antilutron: [610]1 * ananke treis ousias einai, mian men proegoumenen, tas de duo ex ekaines.: [611]1 * apekeruxe tes koinonias: [612]1 * apostas tou kanonos epi kibdela kai notha didagmata meteleluthen.:
[613]1 * apospasma: [614]1 * archegon: [615]1 * archiparthnos: [616]1 * archipoimen-archiporophetes: [617]1 * aphelestatoi e akeraioi: [618]1 * aphtharsia: [619]1 [620]2 [621]3 [622]4 * aer peplegmenos e to idion aistheton akoes: [623]1 * haplousteron gegraphenai: [624]1 * agraphos estin he paradosis haute ton apostolon, polla gar agraphos hemin paredosan: [625]1 * Amphotera gar ephilanthropeueto ho soter dia tes enanthropeseos, hoti kai ton thanaton ex hemon hephanize kai anekainizen hemas; kai hoti aphanes on kai aoratos dia ton ergon enephaine kai egnorizen heauton einai ton logon tou patros, ton tou pantos hegemona kai basilea.: [626]1 * Antibole Papiskou kai Philonos k.t.l. . . .: [627]1 * Allos gar estin Iesous Christos kai allos ho logos.: [628]1 * engutata tou asomatou: [629]1 [630]2 * egerei: [631]1 * egenonto schismata laon, akatastasiai hiereon, tarache poimenon:
[632]1 * etheothemen Theou te metalepsei: [633]1 * ek Marias: [634]1 * ek ton adelphon: [635]1 * ekklesias tas apo ton theion graphon marturias ex agraphou paradoseos sphragizomenes.: [636]1 * en haimati Theou: [637]1 * en paideia Hellenike akros, polumathes tou logou: [638]1 * en oligois tois stichois to pan dogma tes pisteos perilambano'menon: [639]1 * enupostatos: [640]1 * exepaton kai autoi epatemenoi: [641]1 * epigennematike: [642]1 * ean se katechoumenos exetase, ti eirekasin hoi didaskontes, meden lege to exo; musterion gar soi paradidomen kai elpida mellontos aionos; tereson to musterion to misthapodote: [643]1 * hermeneusai te hikanos musteria, ha tois pollois en apokrupha, houto phaneros auta exetitheto, hoste tous akouontas marturein, hoti ou monon akouousin alla kai horosin auta.: [644]1 * hen ou monon ousia, alla kai hupokeimeo: [645]1 * hen pro'sopon: [646]1 * engraphon ten pistin hen ex arches parelabomen kai echomen paradotheisan kai teroumenen en te katholike kai hagia ekklesia, mechri tes semeron hemeras ek diadoches apo ton makarion apostolon, ohi kai autoptai kai huperetai gegonasi tou logou, katangellomenen, ek nomou kai propheton kai tes kaines diathekes: [647]1 * eleg chos kai apologia: [648]1 * elenchos: [649]1 [650]2 * enduma tes asebeias estin he philia tou grammatos: [651]1 * ennoia tes eis patera gnoseos: [652]1 * ensarkos: [653]1 * eti gar pelourgoumenon ton Adam, hos estin eipein, kai tekton onta tai hudare, kai medepo phthasanta diken ostrakou te aphtharsia krataiothenai kai pagiothenai, hudor hosper kataleibomene kai kapastazousa dielusen auto he hamartia. dio de palin anothen anadeuon kai peloplaston ton auton eis timen ho Theos en te parthenike krataiosas proton kai pexas metra kai sunenosas kai sunkerasas to logo, atekton kai athrauston exegagen eis ton bion, hina me palin tois tes phthoras expsthen epiklustheis hieumasin, tekedona gennesas diapese.: [654]1 * ephasan gar ekeinoi: [655]1 * ephe ton Christon auton einai ton patera kai auton ton patera gegennesthai kai peponthenai kai apotethnekenai.: [656]1 * echontes meth' heauton ton Theon tou ouranou, sumporeuomenon tois anthropois: [657]1 * hena: [658]1 * heos hou ho hupsistos episkepsetai ten gen, kai autos elthon hos anthropos meta anthropon esthion kai pinon: [659]1 * Ego gar ton arsena: [660]1 * Ego oida hena Theon Christon Iesoun kai plen autou heteron oudena genneton kai patheton -- ouch ho pater apethanen, alla ho huios:
[661]1 * Ek tes peri propheton exegeseos (1) Kat' epangeleian megas kai eklektos prophetes estin, isos mesites kai nomothetes tes kreittonos diathekes genomenos; hostis heauton hierourgesas huper panton mian ephane kai thelesin kai energeian echon pros ton Theon, thelon hosper Theos pantas anthropous sothenai kai eis epignosin aletheias elthein tes di' autou to kosmo di' hon eirgasato phanerotheises. -- (2) Schesei gar te kata dikaiosunen kai potho to kata philanthropian sunaphtheis to Theo, ouden eschen memerismenon pros ton Theon, dia to mian autou kai tou Theou genesthai ten thelesin kai ten energeian ton epi te soteria ton anthropon agathon. -- (3) Ei gar ethelesen auton Theos staurothenai, kai katedexato legon. Me to emon, alla to son genestho thelema, delon hoti mian eschen meta tou Theou ten thelesin kai ten praxin, ekeino thelesas kai praxas, hoper edoxe to Theo: [662]1 * Ekklesia: [663]1 * Ellenike paideia: [664]1 * Epeide hoi anthropoi apostraphentes ten pros ton Thaeon theorian. kai hos en butho buthisthentes kato tous ophthalmous echontes, en genesei kai tois aisthetois ton Theon anezetoun, anthropous thnetous kai daimonas heautois theous anatupoumenoi; toutou heneka ho philanthropos kai koinos panton soter, ho tou Theou logos, lambanei heauto soma kai hos anthropos en anthropois anastephetai kai tas aistheseis panton anthropon proslambanei, hina hoi en somatikois noountes einai ton Theon, aph' hon ho kurios ergazetai dia ton tou somatos ergon, ap' auton noesosi ten aletheian, kai di' autou ton patera logisontai.: [665]1 * Epi tautais tou Dionusiou pherontai kai allai pleious epistolai, hosper hai kata Sabelliou pros Ammona tes kata Bereniken ekklesias episkopon, kai he pros Telesphoron kai he pros Euphranora, kai palin Ammona kai Euporon. Suntattei de peri tes autes hupotheseos kai alla tessara sungrammata, ha to kata Rhomen homonumo Dionusio prosphonei.: [666]1 * Hellenike paideia: [667]1 [668]2 [669]3 * Hexes d' an eikotos legoimi kai pros tous diairountas kai katatemnontas kai anairountas to semnotaton kerugma tes ekklesias tou Theou, ten monarchian: [670]1 * Hen de monon touto katorthosai elthe, to ten enkrateian keruxai en to kosmo kai heauto analexasthai hagneian kai enkrateian. Aneu de toutou me dunasthai zen: [671]1 * Esti gar, phesin, ekeino ouch haplos arreton, ho onomazetai; arreton goun auto kaloumen, ekeino de oude arreton; kai gar to oud' arreton ouk arreton onomazetai, alla esti, phesin, uperano pantos onomatos onomazomenou.: [672]1 * Heteroi de hoi meden eidotes, ei me Iesoun Christon kai touton estauronenon, ton genomenon sarka logon to pan nomisantes einai tou logou, Christon kata sarka monon gignoskousi toiouton de esti to plethos ton pepisteukenai nomizomenon.: [673]1 * ellage tes idias phuseos: [674]1 * he gar proteron doule psuche nun adelphidoun auton ton despoten epegrapsato, hos ten anupokriton apodechomenos proairesin epiphonesei; Idou ei kale he plesion mou, idou ei kale; odontes sou hos agelai ton kekarmenon: [675]1 * he de pistis haute eis ten mian hagian katholiken kai apostoliken ekklesian esti pepoithesis, hoti haute estin ho phoreus tes theias charitos tes endeiknumenes eis duo tina, proton hoti haute estin ho alathastos didaskalos tes christianikes aletheias kai deuteron ho gnesios ton musterion oikonomos.: [676]1 * he kath' hemas epi theiois te kai philosophois dogmasi didaskalia:
[677]1 * he parabasis tes entoles eis to kata phusin autous epestrepsen.:
[678]1 * he hemon analogos theosis: [679]1 * he hiera sunodos: [680]1 * en hote ouk en: [681]1 * He monarchia tou Theou: [682]1 * He sophia en allo ouch houtos oikei -- kreitton kata panta, epeide ek tneumatos hagiou kai ex epangelion kai ek ton gegrammenon he ep' auto charis.: [683]1 * He orthodoxos pistis: [684]1 * He orthodoxos pistis, : [685]1 * Ede makariotetos osae pros humas.: [686]1 * idia (ousia, hupokeimenon): [687]1 * onomata: [688]1 * osta noeta: [689]1 * opheilomenon: [690]1 * ophthesetai Theos katoikon en anthropois epi tes ges: [691]1 * ho Theos logos ou dia tous hamartesantas angelous angelos; alla dia tous en hamartia anthropous anthropos atreptos, asunchutos, anamartetos, aphrastos.: [692]1 * ho Theos ho mete morphen mete tina idean echon, huper de noun kai pan to noeton hidrumenos.: [693]1 * ho logos ho tou Theou anthropos genomenos, hina de kai su para anthropou mathes, pe pote ara anthropos genetai Theos.: [694]1 * ho monogenes huios: [695]1 * ho soter ou kat' metousian, alla kat' ousian esti theos: [696]1 * ho Adam pro tes parabaseos exothen hen, labon ten charin kai me stnermosmenen echon auten to somati.: [697]1 * ho ek Theou egeiromenos Christos houtos ouk en Theos alla anthropos, epeide ex auton en, hos kai Mouses anthropos en: [698]1 * homoou'sios: [699]1 [700]2 * homoousioi: [701]1 * homoousion: [702]1 * homoousion te tou logou theoteti, sunaidion auto dia pantos gegenesthai, epeide ek tes ousias tes Sophias suneste.: [703]1 * homoousios: [704]1 [705]2 [706]3 [707]4 [708]5 [709]6 [710]7 [711]8
[712]9 [713]10 [714]11 [715]12 * homoousios: [716]1 * homoiosis: [717]1 * homoiosis Theo phthoras apophuge: [718]1 * on: [719]1 [720]2 * hoti ho kurios ho Theos megas tou Israel, phainomenos epi ges hos anthropos kai sozon en auto ton Adam . . . hoti ho Theos soma labon kai sunesthion anthropois esosen anthropous: [721]1 * hoti ho men Paulos ho Sam. houto phesin; edoken auto krisin poiein, hoti huios anthropou estin.: [722]1 * hopsesthe Theon en schemati anthropou: [723]1 * Ho Theos, ho epi panton, hemin Theos huparchei tois ek tes hagias ekklesias gennetheisin.: [724]1 * Ho de exepte propemphtheis kai pheretai pantachou kai houtos estin hekateros en hekatero heteros on thaterou, kai hen eisin, ontes duo: [725]1 * Ho logos meizon en tou Christou; Christos gar dia sophias megas egeneto.: [726]1 * Ho tes theosebeias tropos ek duo touton sunesteke, dogmaton eusebon kai praxeon agathon. Kai oute ta dogmata choris ergon agathon euprosdekta to Theo, oute ta me met' eusebon dogmaton erga teloumena prosdechetai ho Theos . . . megiston toinun ktema esti to ton dogmaton matheema.: [727]1 * Homilia Hippolutou eis ten hairesin Noetou tinos: [728]1 * Homologei Theon ek Nazaret ophthenta, kai enteuthen tes huparxeos ten archen eschekota, kai archen basileias pareilephota, Logon de energon ex ouranou, kai sophian en auto homologei, to men proorismo pro aionon onta, te de huparxei ek Nazaret anadeichthenta, hina heis eie, phesin, ho epi panta Theos ho pater.: [729]1 * Homoou'sios: [730]1 [731]2 * Homoousios: [732]1 [733]2 [734]3 [735]4 [736]5 [737]6 [738]7 [739]8
[740]9 [741]10 [742]11 * Horthodoxia estin apseudes peri Theou kai ktiseos hupolepsis e ennoia peri panton alethes, e doxa ton onton kathaper eisin.:
[743]1 * On: [744]1 [745]2 [746]3 * Hoti de poiema oude ktisma ho tou Theou logos, all' idion tes tou patros ousias gennema adiairet?on estin, hos egrapsen he megale sunodos, idou kai ho tes Rhomes episkopos Dionusios graphon kata ton ta tou Sabelliou phronounton, schetliazei kata ton tauta tolmonton legein kai phesin houtos.: [747]1 * Hoti ho Theos agennetos, heis anarchos, aoratos, analloiotos, hon eiden oudeis anthropon, oude idein dunatai; hou ten doxan e to megethos noesai e exegesasthai kathos estin axios tes aletheias, anthropine phusei anephikton; ennoian de kai hoposoun metrian peri autou labein, agapeton, apokaluptontos tou huiou autou . . . touton de ton huion genneton, monogene huion, eikona tou aoratou Theou tunchanonta, prototokon pases ktiseos sophian kai logon kai dunamin Theou, pro aionon onta, ou prognosei, all' ousia kai hupostasei Theon Theou huion, en te palaia kai nea diatheke egnokotes homologoumen kai kerussomen. hos d' an antimachetai ton huion tou Theou Theon me einai pro kataboles kosmou (dein) pisteuein kai homologein, phaskon duo theous katangellesthai, ean ho huios tou Theou Theos kerussetai touton allotrion tou ekklesiastikou kanonos hegoumetha, kai pasai hai katholikai ekklesiai sumphonousin hemin.:
[748]1 * hupo'stasis: [749]1 * hupokeimenon: [750]1 [751]2 * hupokeimena: [752]1 * huper anthropon.: [753]1 * huper hemon kolastheis kai timorian huposchon, hen autos men ouk opheilen, all' hemeis tou plethous heneken ton peplemmelemenon, hemin aitios tes ton hamartematon apheseos kateste . . . ten hemin prostetimemenen kataran eph' heauton helkusas, genomenos huper hemon katara.: [754]1 * hupostasin: [755]1 * hupostasis: [756]1 [757]2 * hos eige ho logos estin humin huios tou Theou, kai hemeis epainoumen: [758]1 * hos peri theou: [759]1 * hos ek palinodias: [760]1 * hos en Christo: [761]1 * hos echei, echei: [762]1 * hopheileto pantas apothanein . . . huper panton ten thusian anepheren, anti panton ton heautou naon eis thanaton paradidous, hina tous men pantas anupeuthunous kai eleutherous tes archaias parabaseos poiese . . . ho panton thanatos en to kuriako somati eplerouto kai ho thanatos kai he phthora dia ton sunonta logon exephanizeto. thanatou gar en chreia, kai thanaton huper panton edei genesthai, hina to para panton opheilomenon genetai: [763]1 * hosper diaireseis charismaton eisi, to de auto pneuma, houto kai ho pater ho autos men esti, platunetai de eis huion kai pneuma.:
[764]1 * hosper oun dunameis Theou pleiones eisin, hon hekaste kata perigraphen, hon diapherei ho soter, houtos ho logos -- ei kai par' hemin ouk esti kata perigraphen ektos hemon -- noethesetai ho Christos k.t.l.: [765]1 * Hos en nao -- elthonta ton logon kai enoikesanta en Iesou anthropo onti: [766]1 * Hosper megalou basileos eiselthontos eis tina polin megalen, kai oikesantos eis mian ton en aute oikion, pantos he toiaute polis times polles kataxioutai, kai ouketi tis echthros auten oute lestes epibainon katastrephei, pases de mallon epimeleias axioutai dia ton eis mian autes oikian oikesanta basilea; shutos kai epi tou panton basileos gegonen. Elthontos gar autou epi ten hemeteran choran kai oikesantos eis hen ton homoion soma, loipon pasa he kata ton anthropon para ton echthron epiboule pepautai, kai he tou thanatou hephanistai phthora he palai kat' auton ischuousa.: [767]1 * rhiza tes theotetos: [768]1 * Logos men anothen, Iesous de Christos anthropos enteuthen -- Christos apo Marias kai deuro estin -- anthropos en ho Iesous, kai en auto enepneusen anothen ho logos; ho pater gar hama to huio (scil. to logo) heis Theos, ho de anthropos katothen to idion prosopon hupophainei, kai houtos ta duo prosopa plerountai -- Christos enteuthen tes huparxeos ten archen eschekos -- legei Iesoun Christon katothen,: [769]1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Latin Words and Phrases

* Littera: [770]1 * (1) Christum primogenitum esse et ipsum esse sapientiam dei, per quem omnia facta sunt; (2) quod sapientia dei Christus; (3) quod Christus idem sit et sermo dei; (4) quod Christus idem manus et brachium dei; (5) quod idem angelus et deus; (6) quod deus Christus.: [771]1 * (ligno) deus pependit dominus: [772]1 * . . . Quia itaque vera scripta sunt (sc. the Holy Scriptures) totum hominem in Christo agnoscebam; non corpus tantum hominis, aut cum corpore sine mente animam, sed ipsum hominem, non persona veritatis, sed magna quadam natureæ humanæ excellentia et perfectiore participatione sapientiæ præferri cæteris arbitrabar. Alypius autem deum carne indutum ita putabat credi a Catholicis, ut præter deum et carnem non esset in Christo anima, mentemque hominis non existimabat in eo prædicari . . . Sed postea hæreticorum Apollinaristarum hunc errorem esse cognoscens, catholicæ fidei collætatus et contemperatus est. Ego autem aliquanto posterius didicisse me fateor, in eo quod "verbum caro factum est" quomodo catholica veritas a Photini falsitate dirimatur.: [773]1 * . . . sicut et illos, qui superstitiose magis quam religiose, uti ne videantur duos deos dicere, neque rursum negare salvatoris deitatem, unam eandemque substantiam patris ac filii asseverant, id est, duo quidem nomina secundum diversitatem causarum recipientes, unam tamen hupostasin: [774]1 * Amplius nobis profuit culpa quam nocuit: in quo redemptio quidem nostra divinum munus invenit. Facta est mihi culpa mea merces redemptionis, per quam mihi Christus advenit . . . Fructuosior culpa quam innocentia; innocentia arrogantem me fecerat: [775]1 * Apologia pro apocalypsi et evangelio Johannis apostoli et evangelistæ.: [776]1 * Auditor: [777]1 * Auditores: [778]1 [779]2 [780]3 [781]4 [782]5 [783]6 * Avenæ vero illæ ubique tunc semen excusserant. Ita altquamdiu per hypocrisin subdola vivacitate latitavit, et nunc denuo erupit. Sed et denuo eradicabitur, si voluerit dominus.: [784]1 * Caro dominica a deo patre Jesu vocita est; spiritus sanctus, qui de cælo descendit, Christus, id est unctus dei vivi, a deo vocitus est, spiritus carni mixtus Jesus Christus: [785]1 * Catechumeni: [786]1 * Cathedra Petri: [787]1 * Ceterum Iudaicæ fidei ista res, sic unum deum credere, ut filium adnumerare ei nolis, et post filium spiritum. Quid enim erit inter nos et illos nisi differentia ista? Quod opus evangelii, si non exinde pater et filius et spiritus, tres crediti, unum deum sistunt?: [788]1 * Christus Iesus dominus et deus noster ipse est summus sacerdos dei patris et sacrificium patri se ipsum obtulit.: [789]1 * Christus, homo et deus: [790]1 * Compassus est pater filio: [791]1 * Compassus est pater filio.: [792]1 * Compellimur hæreticorum et blasphemantium vitiis illicita agere, ardua scandere, ineffabilia eloqui, inconcessa præsumere. Et cum sola fide explorari, quæ præcepta sunt, oporteret, adorare scilicet patrem et venerari cum eo filium, sancto spiritu abundare, cogimur sermonis nostri humilitatem ad ea, quæ inenarrabilia sunt extendere et in vitium vitio coarctamur alieno, ut, quæ contineri religione mentium oportuisset, nunc in periculum humani eloquii proferantur.:
[793]1 * Credo in deo patre omnipotente, invisibili et impassibili: [794]1 * Cunctos populos, quos clementiæ nostræ regit temperamentum, in tali volumus religione versari, quam divinum Petrum atostolum tradidisse Romanis religio usque ad nunc ab ipso insinuata declarat: [795]1 * De populo absconso sancto omnipotentis Christi dei vivi: [796]1 * De summa trinitate et de fide catholica et ut nemo de ea publice contendere audeat: [797]1 * Dic mihi, super quem spiritus sanctus sicut columba descendit? Si perfectus erat, si filius erat, si virtus erat, non poterat spiritus ingredi, sicut nec regnum potest ingredi intra regnum. Cuius autem ei cælitus emissa vox testimonium detulit dicens: Hic est filius meus dilectus, in quo bene complacui? Dic age nihil remoreris, quis ille est, qui parat hæc omnia, qui agit universa? Responde itane blasphemiam pro ratione impudenter allegas, et inferre conaris?: [798]1 * Diximusne aliquid et sonuimus aliquid dignum deo? Immo vero nihil me aliud quam dicere voluisse sentio; si autem dixi, non hoc est quod dicere volui. Hoc unde scio, p: [799]1 * Doctor ecclesiæ: [800]1 * Duos et tres iam iactitant a nobis prædicari, se vero unius dei cultores præsamunt . . . monarchiam, inquiunt, tenemus.: [801]1 * Ego fateor caritati tuæ, solis eis scriptuaram libris, qui iam canonici appellantur, didici hunc timorem honoremque deferre, ut nullum eorum auctorem scribendo aliquid errasse firmissime credam. Ac si aliquid in eis offendero litteris, quod videatur contrarium veritati, nihil aliud quam vel mendosum esse codicem, vel interpretem non assecutum esse quod dictum est, vel me minime intellexisse non ambigam.: [802]1 * Ego vero evangelio non crederem, nisi me catholicæ ecclesiæ commoveret auctoritas.: [803]1 * Electi: [804]1 [805]2 [806]3 [807]4 [808]5 [809]6 [810]7 [811]8
[812]9 * Emendari: [813]1 * Epithalamium libellus hic, id est, nuptiale carmen, dramatis in modum mihi videtur a Salomone conscriptus, quem cecinit instar nubentis sponsæ, et erga sponsum suum, qui est sermo dei, coelesti amore flagrantis. Adamavit enim eum, sive anima, quæ ad imaginem eius facta est, sive ecclesia.: [814]1 * Ergo quia duos et unum invenimus, ideo ambo unus atque idem et filius et pater.: [815]1 * Est deus omnipotens, unus, a semetipso creatus, quem infra reperies magnum et humilem ipsum. Is erat in verbo positus, sibi solo notatus, Qui pater et filius dicitur et spiritus sanctus: [816]1 * Et fuit homo deus, ut nos in futuro haberet: [817]1 * Et patitur, quomodo voluit sub imagine nostra.: [818]1 * Expositiones veritatis: [819]1 * Felix culpa quæ tantum et talem meruit habere redemptorem.: [820]1 * Felix ruina quæ reparatur in melius: [821]1 * Filius dei: [822]1 * Fornicatio deputetur ad poenam, nisi satisfactione purgetur.:
[823]1 * Fructicaverant avenæ Praxeanæ hic quoque superseminatæ dormientibus multis in simplicitate doctrinæ: [824]1 * Gratulemur et gratias agamus non solum nos Christianos factos esse, sed Christum . . . admiramini gaudete: Christus facti sumus.:
[825]1 * Hic ex diverso volet aliquis etiam filium invisibilem contendere, ut sermonem, ut spiritum . . . Nam et illud adiiciunt ad argumentationem, quod si filius tunc (Exod. 33: [826]1 * Hic pater in filio venit, deus unus ubique.: [827]1 * Hoc inquam semper neque quidquam præterea, hæreticorum novitatibus excitata [that then is admitted], conciliorum suorum decretis catholica perfecit ecclesia, nisi ut quod prius a majoribus sola traditione susceperat, hoc deinde posteris etiam per scripturæ chirographum consignaret, magnam rerum summam paucis litteris comprehendendo et plerumque propter intelligentiæ lucem non novum fidei sensum novæ appellationis proprietate signando: [828]1 * Hoc si qui putaverit me probolen: [829]1 * Homo, fide, spe et caritate subnixus eaque inconcusse retinens, non indiget scipturis nisi ad alios instruendos: [830]1 * Iam caro deus erat, in qua dei virtus agebat.: [831]1 * Idcirco nec voluit se manifestare, quid esset, Sed filium dixit se missum fuisse a patre: [832]1 * Idem igitur sacerdos, idem et hostia, et sacerdotium tamen et sacrificium humanæ condicionis officium est. Nam et agnus ad immolandum ductus est et sacerdos erat secundum ordinem Melchisedech.: [833]1 * In canonicis autem scripturis ecclesiarum catholicarum quam plurimum auctoritatem sequatur, inter quas sane illæ sint, quæ apostolicas sedes habere et epistolas accipere meruerunt.: [834]1 * In iis quæ aperte in scriptura posita sunt, inveniuntur illa omnia, quæ continent fidem moresque vivendi, spem scilicet et caritatem.:
[835]1 * In quantum enim homo, in tantum mediator; in quantum autem verbum, non medius, quia æqualis deo . . . pro nobis deo victor et victor et victima, et ideo victor quia victima; pro nobis deo sacerdos et sacrificium; et ideo sacerdos quia sacrificium: [836]1 * Ipse se sibi filium fecit.: [837]1 * Ipsum dicit patrem descendisse in virginem, ipsum ex ea natum, ipsum passum ipsum denique esse Iesum Christum.: [838]1 * Ita duo negotia diaboli Praxeas Romæ procuravit, prophetiam expulit et hæresim intulit, paracletum fugavit et patrem crucifixit.:
[839]1 * Jesus Christus, deus et homo: [840]1 * Jesus impatibilis: [841]1 [842]2 * Jesus patibilis: [843]1 * Manifesto declarat, simile vel idem esse perfectam naturam et perfectam personam . . . Naturæ vox designat, quid sit aliqua res, vel essentiam vel quidditatem; hypostasis vero modum metaphysicum existendi monstrat. Ex quo patet, ad notionem perfectæ naturæ modum illum perfectum existendi non requiri. Hac in re erravit Mopsuestenus, et hæresis perniciosa ex hoc errore nata est: [844]1 * Mihi adhærere deo bonum est: [845]1 * Mihi pium videtur dicere, quod nihil eguerit filius dei in eo quod adventus eius procuratur ad terras, neque opus habuerit columba, neque baptismate, neque matre, neque fratribus.: [846]1 * Monarchia: [847]1 [848]2 * Multa, quæ non inveniuntur in litteris apostolorum neque in conciliis posteriorum, et tamen quia per universam custodiuntur ecclesiam, non nisi ab ipsis tradita et commendata creduatur.:
[849]1 * Multa, quæ universa tenet ecclesia et ob hoc ab apostolis præcepta bene creduntur, quamquam scripta non reperiantur.: [850]1 * Nec tamen ab hoc mediator est, quia verbum, maxime quippe immortale et maxime beatum verbum longe est a mortalibus miseris; sed mediator per quod homo.: [851]1 * Necesse est ut omne peccatum satisfactio aut poena sequatur.:
[852]1 * Non est ignorandum præsentem epistolam esse falsatam, quæ licet publicetur non tamen in canone est.: [853]1 * Nulla res in via (ad deum) tenere nos debet, quando nec ipse dominus, in quantum via nostra esse dignatus est, tenere nos voluerit, sed transire; ne rebus temporalibus, quamvis ab illo pro salute nostra susceptis et gestis, hæreamus infirmiter, sed per eas potius curramus alacriter etc.: [854]1 * Patripassiani, Valentiniani, Appelletiani, Ophitæ, Marcionitæ et cetere hæreticorum pestes: [855]1 * Placuit ergo, præsente spiritu sancto et angelis eius: [856]1 * Placuit nobis spiritu sancto suggerente: [857]1 * Porro qui eundem patrem dicis et filium, eundem et protulisse ex semetipso facis.: [858]1 * Praxeas quidem hæresim introduxit quam Victorinus corroborare curavit.: [859]1 * Prius: [860]1 * Prædictus est deus carnaliter nasci pro nobis: [861]1 * Quare dominus noster carnem induit? Ut ipsa caro victoriæ gaudia gustaret et dona gratiæ explorata et cognita haberet. Si deus sine carne vicisset, quæ ei tribuerentur laudes? Secundo, ut dominus noster manifestum faceret, se initio creationis nequaquam ex invidia prohibuisse, quominus homo fieret deus, quia maius est, quod dominus noster in homine humiliabatur, quam quod in eo, dum magnus et gloriosus erat, habitabat. Hinc illud: Ego dixi, dii estis'.: [862]1 * Qui et filius diceris et pater inveniris: [863]1 * Quid est enim, dices, sermo nisi vox et sonus oris, et sicut grammatici tradunt, aër offensus, intellegibilis auditu, ceterum vanum nescio quid.: [864]1 * Quis nesciat sanctam scripturam canonicam tam veteris quam novi testamenti certis suis terminis contineri, eamque omnibus posterioribus episcoporum litteris ita præponi, ut de illa omnino dubitari et disceptari non possit, utrum verum vel utrum rectum sit, quidquid in ea scriptum esse constiterit: episcoporum autem litteras quæ post confirmatum canonem vel scriptæ sunt vel scribuntur, et per sermonem forte sapientiorem cuiuslibet in ea re peritioris, et per aliorum episcoporum graviorem auctoritatem doctioremque prudentiam et per concilia licere reprehendi, si quid in eis forte a veritate deviatum est: et ipsa concilia quæ per singulas regiones vel provincias fiunt, plenariorum conciliorum auctoritati quæ fiunt ex universo orbe Christiano, sine ullis ambagibus cedere: ipsaque plenaria sæpe priora posterioribus emendari, cum aliquo experimento rerum aperitur quod clausum erat, et cognoscitur quod latebat.: [865]1 * Quisquis in scripturis (I. 37) aliud sentit quam ille qui scripsit, illis non mentientibus fallitur; sed tamen, ut dicere coeperam, si ea sententia fallitur, qua ædificet caritatem, quæ finis præcepti est, ita fallitur ac si quisquam errore deserens viam, eo tamen per agrum pergat, quo etiam via illa perducit.: [866]1 * Quod filius dixit, cum sit deus pristinus ipse: [867]1 * Quod universa tenet ecclesia, nec conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est, non nisi auctoritate apostolica traditum rectissime creditur.: [868]1 * Quomodo poterit vera columba verum hominem ingredi atque in eo permanere, caro enim carnem ingredi non potest? sed magis si Iesum hominem verum confiteamur, eum vero, qui dicitur, sicut columba, Spiritum Sanctum, salva est nobis ratio in utraque. Spiritus enim secundum rectam rationem habitat in homine, et descendit et permanet et competenter hoc et factum est et fit semper . . . Descendit spiritus super hominem dignum se: [869]1 * Quomodo potuit ista res (the baptism by heretics), tantis altercationum nebulis involuta, ad plenarii concilii luculentam illustrationem confirmationemque perduci, nisi primo diutius per orbis terrarum regiones multis hinc atque hinc disputationibus et collationibus episcoporum pertractata constaret?: [870]1 * Requiter: [871]1 * Sabelliani et Marcionitæ dicunt, quod hæc futura sit Christi ad deum patrem subjectio, ut in patrem filius refundatur: [872]1 * Sanctus spiritus, dei filius: [873]1 * Secundum motum animi mei et spiritus sancti.: [874]1 * Sed et eos, qui hominem dicunt dominum Iesum præcognitum et prædestinatum, qui ante adventum carnalem substantialiter et proprie non exstiterit, sed quod homo natus patris solam in se habuerit deitatem, ne illos quidem sine periculo est ecclesiæ numero sociari.: [875]1 * Sed etsi nulla ratione indagetur, nullo sermone explicetur, verum tamen est quod antiquitus veraci fide catholica prædicatur et creditur per ecclesiam totam; quæ filios fidelium nec exorcizaret, nec exsufflaret, si non eos de potestate tenebrarum et a principe mortis erueret, etc.: [876]1 * Si enim hominem eum tantummodo ex Maria esse dicis et in baptismate spiritum percepisse, ergo per profectum filius videbitur et non per naturam. Si tamen tibi concedam dicere, secundum profectum esse filium quasi hominem factum, hominem vere esse opinaris, id est, qui caro et sanguis sit?: [877]1 * Si unus deus Christus, Christus autem deus, pater est Christus, quia unus deus; si non pater sit Christus, dum et deus filius Christus, duo dii contra scripturas introducti videantur.: [878]1 * Sicut sancti evangelii quattuor libros, sic quattuor concilia suscipere et venerari me fateor.: [879]1 * Simplices quique, ne dixerim imprudentes et idiotæ, quæ maior semper pars credentium est, quoniam et ipsa regula fidei a pluribus diis sæculi ad unicum et verum deum transfert, non intelligentes unicum quidem, sed cum sua oikonomi'a: [880]1 * Tenebit igitur hunc modum in scripturis canonicis, ut eas quæ ab omnibus accipiuntur ecclesiis catholicis, præponat eis quas quædam non accipiunt; in iis vero quæ non accipiuntur ab omnibus, præponat eas, quas plures gravioresque accipiunt eis, quas pauciores minorisque auctoritatis ecclesiæ tenent. Si autem alias invenerit a pluribus, alias a gravioribus haberi, quamquam hoc facile inveniri non possit, æqualis tamen auctoritatis eas habendas puto.: [881]1 * Unde deus clamat: Stulte, hac nocte vocaris.: [882]1 * Unicum deum non alias putat credendum, quem si ipsum eundemque et patrem et filium et spiritum s. dicat.: [883]1 * Universitatis nostræ caro est factus.: [884]1 * Unus est in cælo deus dei, terræ marisque, Quem Moyses docuit ligno pependisse pro nobis: [885]1 * Ut et filius hominis esset filius dei, naturam in se universæ carnis assumpsit, per quam effectus vera vitis genus in se universæ propaginis tenet.: [886]1 * Ut sic divisos diceremus, quomodo iactitatis, tolerabilius erat, duos divisos quam unum deum versipellem prædicare: [887]1 * Utinam," says Jerome, "tam nostra confirmare potuisset quam facile aliena destruxit.: [888]1 * Utuntur capitulis scripturarum quæ de Christo veluti de homine edocent, quæ autem ut deo dicunt ea vero non accipiunt, legentes et nullo modo intellegentes: [889]1 * Valde perfectos et irreprehensibiles in omnibus eos volebant esse:
[890]1 * Vis etiam per me scire, utrum dei flatus ille in Adam idem ipse sit anima. Breviter respondeo, aut ipse est aut ipso anima facta est. Sed si ipse est, factus est: [891]1 * a culpa: [892]1 * actus medicinalis: [893]1 * ad absurdum: [894]1 * ad hoc: [895]1 * affectiones humanæ: [896]1 * affectus: [897]1 * afflatus divinus: [898]1 * aliud a patre: [899]1 * alius a patre: [900]1 * articuli puri et mixti: [901]1 * articulus stantis et cadentis ecclesiæ: [902]1 * assumptio carnis: [903]1 [904]2 * auctoritas: [905]1 * auctoritas ecclesiarum orientalium: [906]1 * auditores: [907]1 * bona opera: [908]1 * caput et origo traditionis: [909]1 * caro: [910]1 [911]2 * causa: [912]1 * communem fidem affirmant: [913]1 * compassus est pater filio: [914]1 * complexus oppositorum: [915]1 * consensus: [916]1 [917]2 * consensus patrum: [918]1 * contra: [919]1 * corpus permixtum: [920]1 * corpus verum: [921]1 * culpa subjectum reddidit: [922]1 * cultus: [923]1 [924]2 [925]3 [926]4 [927]5 * curavit: [928]1 * cæleste iudicium: [929]1 * deitas patris: [930]1 [931]2 * delenda erat culpa, sed nisi per sacrificium deleri non poterat. Quærendum erat sacrificium, sed quale sacrificium poterat pro absolvendis hominibus inveniri? Neque etenim iustum fuit, ut pro rationali homine brutorum animalium victimæ cæderentur . . . Ergo requirendus erat homo . . . qui pro hominibus offerri debuisset, ut pro rationali creatura rationalis hostia mactaretur. Sed quid quod homo sine peccato inveniri non poterat, et oblata pro nobis hostia quando nos a peccato inundate potuisset, si ipsa hostia peccati contagio non careret? Ergo ut rationalis esset hostia, homo fuerat offerendus: ut vero a peccatis mundaret hominem, homo et sine peccato. Sed quis esset sine peccato homo, si ex peccati commixtione descenderet. Proinde venit propter nos in uterum virginis filius dei, ibi pro nobis factus est homo. Sumpta est ab illo natura, non culpa. Fecit pro nobis sacrificium, corpus suum exhibuit pro peccatoribus, victimam sine peccato, quæ et humanitate mori et iustitia mundare potuisset.: [932]1 * deo satisfacere: [933]1 * derivatio: [934]1 * descendit ad inferna: [935]1 * deum talia passum, Ut enuntietur crucifixus conditor orbis: [936]1 * deus: [937]1 * dicta patrum: [938]1 * dissensiones quæstionesque Sabellianorum silentur: [939]1 * divinæ traditionis caput et origo: [940]1 * dixit deus: Induam me carne . . . et erit omnis homo tamquam deus non secundum naturam sed secundum participationem.: [941]1 * donum superadditum: [942]1 [943]2 * duæ substantiæ, una persona: [944]1 * ecclesia: [945]1 * epistula fundamenti: [946]1 * et qui unum eundemque contendunt patrem et filium, iam incipiunt dividere illos potius quam unare; talem monarchiam apud Valentinum fortasse didicerunt, duos facere Iesum et Christum.: [947]1 * ex nobis accepit quod proprium offeret pro nobis . . . sacrificium de nostro obtulit: [948]1 * ex patre: [949]1 * ex professo: [950]1 * figura: [951]1 * filius: [952]1 * filius dei: [953]1 * filius hominis: [954]1 [955]2 * forum publicum: [956]1 * gubernaculum interpretationis: [957]1 * habitus: [958]1 * hic erat Omnipotens: [959]1 * hic erat venturus, commixtus sanguine nostro, ut videretur homo, sed deus in carne latebat . . . dominus ipse veniet.: [960]1 * homo: [961]1 [962]2 * homo nudus et solitarius: [963]1 * idiotes: [964]1 * igitur si propterea eundem et patrem et filium credendum putaverunt, ut unum deum vindicent etc.: [965]1 * ignis purgatorius: [966]1 * in loco: [967]1 * in puris naturalibus: [968]1 * in sua extollentia separabat trinitatem: [969]1 * inquis, duo dii prædicuntur.: [970]1 * ipsa spes tota, deo credere, qui ligno pependit: [971]1 * ipso facto: [972]1 * lex: [973]1 * litteræ pacis: [974]1 * mala in ordinem redacta faciunt decorem universi: [975]1 * mala poenæ: [976]1 * maledictorum se obtulit morti, ut maledictionem legis solveret, hostiam se ipsum voluntarie offerendo.: [977]1 * melioris notæ: [978]1 * merita: [979]1 * mortuus est non ex divina, sed ex humana substantia.: [980]1 * mutatis mutandis: [981]1 * natura: [982]1 * nolens-volens: [983]1 * nostra lex = nostra religio: [984]1 * offerre: [985]1 * omnia peccata paria esse: [986]1 * omnipotens Christus descendit ad suos electos: [987]1 * passio suscepta voluntarie est, officio ipsa satisfactura poenali:
[988]1 * passiones: [989]1 * pater: [990]1 * perfecti: [991]1 * persona: [992]1 [993]2 * personæ: [994]1 * pia fraus: [995]1 [996]2 * placare deum, satisfacere deo per hostias: [997]1 * portio: [998]1 * post tempus pater natus et pater passus, ipse deus, dominus omnipotens, Iesus Christus prædicatur: [999]1 * primus inter pares: [1000]1 * prius: [1001]1 [1002]2 * pro: [1003]1 * pro munere in superno altari quod est in coelis: [1004]1 * pro peccato: [1005]1 * promereri: [1006]1 * promereri deum: [1007]1 * propterea quod nascetur sanctum, vocabitur filius dei; caro itaque nata est, caro itaque erit filius dei.: [1008]1 * qui se Callistus ita docuit Sabellianum, ut arbitrio suo sumat unam personam esse trinitatis.: [1009]1 * quia ipsum patrem sibi filium appellatum dicebant, ex quibus Marcion traxit errorem: [1010]1 * quia peccata nostra suscepit, peccatum dictus est: [1011]1 * quid est enim, dices, sermo nisi vox et sonus oris et sicut grammatici: [1012]1 * quid pro quo: [1013]1 * quis deus est ille, quem nos crucifiximus: [1014]1 * quoad litteram: [1015]1 * quod Origines filium dei de ipsa dei substantia natum dixerit, id est, homoousion: [1016]1 * quod et homo et deus Christus: [1017]1 * quod facit Valentinus, etc.: [1018]1 * quod in eo ex virgine creando efficax dei sapientia et virtus exstiterit, et in nativitate eius divinæ prudentiæ et potestatis opus intellegatur, sitque in eo efficientia potius quam natura sapientiæ.: [1019]1 * quæ major misericordia quam quod pro nostris flagitiis se præbuit immolandum, ut sanguine suo mundum levaret, cuius peccatum nullo alio modo potuisset aboleri.: [1020]1 * rabies theologorum: [1021]1 * ratio: [1022]1 * redimere a culpa: [1023]1 * regula: [1024]1 [1025]2 * regula fidei: [1026]1 [1027]2 [1028]3 [1029]4 [1030]5 * regulæ: [1031]1 [1032]2 * religio publica: [1033]1 * religiosi: [1034]1 * requiter: [1035]1 * restitutio: [1036]1 * restitutio carnis: [1037]1 * sancti et docti homines: [1038]1 * sapientia habitavit in eo, sicut et habitamus et nos in domibus:
[1039]1 * satisfacere deo: [1040]1 [1041]2 * satisfactiones: [1042]1 * schola: [1043]1 * scriptura canonica certis suis terminis continetur: [1044]1 * secundum hominem: [1045]1 * sed remisso Alexandro cum suis syllogismis, etiam cum Psalmis Valentini, quos magna impudentia, quasi idonei alicuius auctoris interserit.: [1046]1 * sedes apostolica: [1047]1 [1048]2 * sedes apostolicæ: [1049]1 * sermo dei: [1050]1 * sermo filius natus est, qui non in sono percussi aëris aut tono coactæ de visceribus vocis accipitur.: [1051]1 * servile peccati iugum discutere: [1052]1 * sign. manus: [1053]1 * sign. sinus: [1054]1 * signaculum oris: [1055]1 * signaculum oris, manus, and sinus: [1056]1 * simplices et rudes: [1057]1 * simplicitas doctrinæ: [1058]1 * solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant: [1059]1 * spiritus: [1060]1 * stat pro ratione voluntas: [1061]1 * status quo ante: [1062]1 * substantia: [1063]1 [1064]2 * substantia divina -- homo: [1065]1 * substantia humana: [1066]1 * successio episcoporum: [1067]1 * summum bonum: [1068]1 * terra promissionis: [1069]1 * testes veritatis: [1070]1 * titubabit fides, si divinarum scripturarum vacillat auctoritas:
[1071]1 * turpitudo litterræ: [1072]1 * turpitudo litteræ ad decorem intelligentiæ spiritalis: [1073]1 * unde ipsum evangelium coepit prædicari: [1074]1 * unicum imperium: [1075]1 * ut caro, quæ peccaverat, redimeretur: [1076]1 * ut quia solvi non queunt divina decreta, persona magis quam sententia mutaretur.: [1077]1 * ut sic duos divisos diceremus, quomodo iactitatis etc.: [1078]1 * validius donum factum est libertatis, quam debitum servitutis.:
[1079]1 * vanissimi Monarchiani: [1080]1 * via eminentiæ: [1081]1 * via negationis: [1082]1 * vice versâ: [1083]1 * vicini apostolorum: [1084]1 * vis inertiæ: [1085]1 * vitæ: [1086]1 * vota: [1087]1 * Æque in una persona utrumque distinguunt, patrem et filium, discentes filium carnem esse, id est hominem, id est Iesum, patrem autem spiritum, id est deum, id est Christum.: [1088]1 __________________________________________________________________

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This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org, generated on demand from ThML source.

References

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