CHAPTER VI: HISTORY OF DOGMA IN THE PERIOD OF THE CARLOVINGIAN RENAISSANCE.

HISTORY OF DOGMA IN THE PERIOD OF THE CARLOVINGIAN RENAISSANCE. __________________________________________________________________

Among the young uncivilised peoples, all ecclesiastical institutions occupied a still more prominent place than had been given them even by the development of the Church in the Roman Empire. The philosophical and theological capital of antiquity, already handed down in part in compendia, was propagated in new abridgements (Isidore of Seville, Bede, Rabanus, etc.). John Scotus the unique excepted, [610] no one was now able to probe that intellectual world to its ultimate ideas and perceptions, and make it part of their own spiritual experience. [611] To the historian of civilisation everything in the epoch is interesting; in the Carlovingian age, the foundations were laid for the developments of the Middle Ages; but to the historian of dogma, if we are to consider not the appropriation of familiar material, but the advance of evolution, that period does not offer much.

The Carlovingian epoch was a great, and in many respects an unsuccessful, essay at a renaissance of antiquity. It was not the product of the slow natural evolution of the Germano-Roman peoples, but Charlemagne and his circle sought to gain by storm a higher culture for the Frankish Empire, by a frequently forced return to antiquity, or by the establishment in their midst of Byzantine culture. Antiquity was still a living thing in Constantinople. Springer has shown, in dealing with the history of art, that the Carlovingian school is to be regarded as the after-bloom of ancient, and not as the beginning of mediæval, art; and this applies also to theological and philosophical efforts. The Carlovingian period marks the epoch-making beginnings in the history of institutions; [612] in the history of spiritual 1ife it is an appendix to that of the ancient world. Therefore the history of dogma in the Middle Ages begins, strictly speaking, with the age of Clugny. [613] It is also useless to discuss, in connection with this branch of study, the so-called popular forms of German Christianity found in poetical and prose fragments. For, firstly, their popular character is very limited; secondly, popular Christianity has hardly exercised any influence at all on institutions, not to speak of dogma. He who wished to reach a higher theological culture, read Augustine and Gregory, Gregory and Augustine, and he felt himself to be merely a disciple in relation to these and the other Latin Fathers, having still to learn the lessons delivered to him. [614]

At that time many of the clergy were undoubtedly keenly desirous of culture; to see this we have only to look at the manuscripts preserved from the eighth and ninth centuries. [615] Nor must we overlook the fact that a small number of scholars went further than those belonging to the period A.D. 450-650, that they advanced beyond Isidore and Gregory to Augustine himself, saw through the emasculation of religion and its perversion into a ceremonial service and belief in miracle, and returned to the spiritual teaching of Augustine. [616] But the lofty figure of the African Bishop set bounds to any further advance. The best looked up to him, but none saw past him, not even Alcuin and Agobard, though the latter has also studied Tertullian. [617] It is very attractive to study, in connection with Church history, the energetic efforts of the Carlovingian Augustinians, to observe their attempts, following but surpassing the great Emperor, to purify the traditional form of religion, and to narrow the range of a stupid awe of the mysteries and of a half-heathen superstition. But it would merely lead to confusion in the history of dogma if we were to try to examine these attempts. [618]

The transactions and determining events important to the history of dogma in our epoch divide into the following groups. 1. Controversies as to Byzantine and Roman Christology contrasted with that of Augustine and the West, and between the Gregorian system of doctrine and Augustine's theory of predestination. [619] 2. Disputes shared in by Rome against the East regarding the filioque, and against Rome and the East about images. [620] 3. The development of the practice and theory of the Mass and of penance. [621] __________________________________________________________________

[610] Johannes Scotus Erigena's system (chief work: De divisione nature, see Migne CXXII.; Christlieb 1860, Huber 1861, see Ritter and Baur), does not belong to the history of dogma in the West, for it is an entirely free, independent reproduction of the Neoplatonic (pantheistic) type of thought, as represented by the Areopagite and especially "the divine philosopher Maximus Confessor," whom Scotus had read. Augustine also undoubtedly influenced him; but he has not brought his speculation any nearer Christianity. The most learned and perhaps also the wisest man of his age, he maintained the complete identity of religio vera and philosophia vera, and thus restored to its central place the fundamental thought of ancient philosophy. But to him, only nominally conceding a place to authority beside reason, the philosophia vera was that monism of view in which the knowledge of nature and that of God coincide, thought and being in that case also coinciding. (Everything is nature, and finally indeed, "nature which does not create and is not created," and the notion of being existing in the human mind is the substance of being itself: "intellectus rerum veraciter ipsæ res sunt.") Acosmic idealism is carried by Scotus (as by Stephan bar Sudaili) to the point at which even deity disappears in the intellect of man. All agreements with Church doctrines rest with Scotus on accommodation; they do not spring, however, from perplexity, but from the clear insight that wrappings must exist. In reality, even the living movement of nature itself is only an appearance. Without influence, indeed regarded with suspicion in his own time, he did not afterwards become the instructor of the West, though Western mystics have learnt much from him. He was too much of a Greek. In love and power of systematic construction he was phenomenal, and speculative philosophers rightly revere him as a master.

[611] It is, on the other hand, wonderful with what strength of memory and intellect men like Alcuin and Paulinus of Aquileia familiarised themselves with the separate lines of Augustine's thought. Alcuin also lived a life of Augustinian piety.

[612] See Hatch: An introductory lecture on the study of ecclesiastical history, 1885.

[613] On the history of dogma in the Carlovingian age, see Schwane, Dogmengesch. der mittleren Zeit. 1882; Bach, Dogmengesch. des Mittelalters I. Th. 1873, Thomasius-Seeberg, Dogmengesch. II. 1, 1888: Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung im Mittelalter, 1875, I. pp. 1-64. The last book discusses the efforts to promote culture. Cf. also Göbl, Gesch. der Katechese im Abendland 1880, and Spiess, Gesch. des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des 13 Jahrhunderts, 1885. Further the histories of the German Church by Rettberg and Hauck. On "popular theology" among Anglo-Saxons, Saxons, and Franks, see Bach, l.c. I., p. 81 ff.

[614] John Scotus forms an exception, and so also does, in some sense, Fredegis of Tours, so far as the latter took an independent view of the ominous "nihil" presented by Augustinian metaphysics. Ahner has, however, shown in his Dissertation on Fredegis and his letter "De nihilo et tenebris" (1878) that this work has been over-estimated by earlier scholars.

[615] Our gratitude is due to Schrörs for having given in his monograph on Hinkmar (1884), pp. 166-174, an account of the ancient works read or quoted by the great Bishop. What an amount of learning and reading is evident from this comparison, and yet Hinkmar was by no means the greatest scholar. It is also interesting to notice that Hinkmar held strictly to the edict of Gelasius.

[616] A greater interest in Dialectics was also shown by many teachers of the Carlovingian period than by earlier theologians. Compare Alcuin's work, De fide trinitatis, which also displays a valiant effort to reach systematic unity in theological thought. Fredegis, Alcuin's discipulus dulcissimus, was also reproved by Agobard as a "philosopher" for his preference for dialectics, the syllogism, and vexed questions. ("Invenietis nobilitatem divini eloquii non secundum vestram assertionem more philosophorum in tumore et pompa esse verborum" Agobardi lib. c. object. Fredegisi abb.) Yet his teaching as to auctoritas and ratio was not different from Augustine's; but distrust was caused by the earnest attempt, on the basis of authority, to use reason in dealing with dogma. In the dispute between Agobard and Fredegis many controversial questions emerged which would have become important if the opponents had really developed them.

[617] On Alcuin, see Werner's monograph (1881). Radbert had also read Tertullian.

[618] The conditions which heralded the Carlovingian Renaissance consisted in the political position of the Frankish Empire, the flourishing of theological studies among the Anglo-Saxons (Bede), the ecclesiastical activity of Boniface on the Continent, and the partly new, partly revived, relations of the Empire to Rome and Constantinople. The fact that elements of culture from England, Rome, Lombardy, and finally also the East converged at Charlemagne's Court, and found so energetic a Mæcenas in the king, made possible the renaissance, which then continued to exist under Louis the Pious, and at the Court of Charles the Bald. We cannot over-estimate the contribution made by Constantinople. We need only recall the works of the Pseudo-Dionysius, Maximus, and John of Damascus, which at that time had reached the Frankish Kingdom. Not only John Scotus, but e.g., Hinkmar, read or quoted the Pseudo-Dionysius. Some knowledge of Greek was possessed by a few Anglo-Saxons from the days of Archbishop Theodore of Tarsus in Canterbury; but they were to a much greater extent teachers of Augustinianism; yet not in the Christological question (see under). It was in Augustine along with the Areopagite that the mediæval mysticism of the West--and also Scotus--found its source; for it is very one-sided to make the latter alone responsible for mysticism. The Franks' love of culture received its greatest strength from the acquisition of the Crown of Imperial Rome, A.D. 800. What had formerly been a voluntary aspiration now assumed the appearance of a duty and obligation; for the king-emperor of the Franks and Romans was the successor of Augustine and Constantine. But how rapidly all this blossom withered! Walafrid writes truly in the prologue to Einhard's Life of Kaiser Karl: "When King Karl assembled wise men, he filled with light, kindled by God, the mist-shrouded, and so to speak almost entirely dark, expanse of the kingdom entrusted to him by God, by the new radiance of all science such as till then had been in part wholly unknown to these barbarians. But now, since these studies once more relapse into their opposite, the light of wisdom, which finds few who love it, becomes ever rarer."

[619] In these conflicts the controversy as to Augustine is represented. See also the dispute as to the Lord's Supper.

[620] These controversies are of universal interest in Church history.

[621] In this development the dogmatic interest of the Carlovingians was alone really acute, leading to new definitions, if not at once expressed in strictly dogmatic forms. To this subject also belongs the doctrine of the saints (Mary), relics, and indulgences. __________________________________________________________________

I. (a.) The Adoptian Controversy. [622]

After the Western Christological formula of the two natures had been forced on the East at the fourth Council, the latter had at the fifth Council given the formula a Cyrillian interpretation, which it confirmed by condemning the Three Chapters. Since the Roman Bishop had to accede to the new definition, which was regarded in the West as a revolt from that of Chalcedon, a schism took place in Upper Italy, which was only got over with difficulty, extending into the seventh century, and damaging the Pope's prestige in the West. The Monothelite controversies brought the schism to an end, [623] and the sixth Council restored the formula of Chalcedon in the new version .af the problem--the question as to the will in Christ. But men were far from drawing the consequences of the formula in the East, or in Rome itself. Mysticism, which taught the complete and inseparable union of the divine and human, and celebrated its triumph in all the ritual institutions of the Church, had long overgrown the intractable dogmatic formula and stifled its influence. But the case was different with many Western Bishops, so long as they had not yet been reached by Greek mysticism, and still were under the influence of the ancient Western tradition, especially Augustine. They held the Christological theory that the Holy Trinity had effected the Incarnation by the second Person of the Godhead, the Son, selecting a man (homo) in virtue of eternal election--without antecedent merits on the part of the man--by uniting with him to form a personal unity, and by thus adopting him to perfect sonship. [624] This scheme is distinguished toto coelo from the Greek one (received in Rome) of the fifth Council, even if--as happened--the whole of human nature was also understood by the homo. For, according to the prevailing Greek conception, the God-Logos; in the moment of the Incarnation, so assumed human nature and received it into the unity of his being (idiopoiein), that it participated completely in the dignity, and accordingly in the sonship, of the Son, the incarnate Logos thus being in every respect as much the one real Son of God as the pre-existent. To hold Jesus Christ as Son of Man to be merely the adopted Son of God destroyed, according to Greek ideas, the whole mystery of the Incarnation, and took the Church back to the abyss of Nestorianism. Conversely, it was possible for one who took his stand on Augustinian Christology to feel that the contention that the Son of Man was as essentially Son of God as the Logos, was a relapse into Docetism or even Pantheism--the fusion of divine and human. The great claim of Cyril's conception consisted in its maintenance of the perfect unity of the Redeemer's personality, [625] the justification of the other in its adherence to Christ's real humanity. This humanity was to the opposite party in truth only a theorem, whose avowal permitted them to deify in concreto everything human in Christ, [626] while the Adoptians were only able to postulate the unity of the Son of God and Son of Man.
[627]

It is the old antagonism of Monophysitism and Nestorianism, toned down, indeed, in phraseology, but not lessened in substance--how could it be lessened? It is not wonderful that it broke out once more after the sixth Council, and that in connection with the term "adoptio." It is only surprising that it arose at the outskirts of Christendom; and that the controversy occasioned by it in the Church was so rapidly and thoroughly quieted. If we reflect that Augustine had unhesitatingly taught that Christ, on his human side, was the adopted Son of God and the supreme example of prevenient free grace (gratia gratis data præveniens), that he was read everywhere, that many passages in the Western Fathers gave evidence of Adoptianism, [628] and that even Isidore of Seville had written without being questioned: "he is called sole-begotten from the excellence of his divinity, because he is without brothers, first-begotten on account of the assumption of a man, in which act he has deigned to have brothers by the adoption of grace, with regard to whom he should be the first-begotten," [629] we are seized with astonishment at the secret, energetic counter-action of the Christological mysticism of Cyril and the Areopagite. It captivated thoughtful and superstitious Christians in Rome, and thence in England, Upper Italy, and France. It succeeded in doing so, because it was allied both with the philosophical speculation of the time and the superstitious craving for mysteries. Plato and Aristotle, as they were understood, were its evangelists, and, again, every celebration of the Lord's Supper, yea, every relic, was a silent missionary for it. In this men experienced the identity of the heavenly and earthly; accordingly, that identity had to be recognised above all in Christ himself. Thus the Western and Augustinian Christology, with its last, and yet so significant, remnant of a historical view of Christ--his subjection to divine grace--was effaced, not by a conflict, but much more certainly by a silent revolution. [630]

But Augustinian Christology was advocated in Arabian Spain about A.D. 780 by Elipandus, Metropolitan of Toledo, and soon afterwards in Frankish Spain by Felix, Bishop of Urgel; it being also supported by the Mozarabian liturgy. [631] They strongly emphasised the view that Christ was adopted as man, and the redeemed were accordingly, in the fullest sense, brothers of the man Jesus. There has been a good deal of argument as to how the two bishops, who, for the rest, had the approval of the majority of their colleagues in Spain, were influenced thus to emphasise the adoptio. After what we have observed above we ought rather to ask why the other Western Bishops did not do the same. In any case, the hypothesis that this Adoptianism is to be explained from Ancient West Gothic Arianism [632] is still less tenable than its derivation from Arab influences. [633] Nor do we obtain much enlightenment from the reference to the controversy which Elipandus had previously waged with a heretic named Migetius, [634] since the doctrines ascribed to him do not seem to have been the reverse of Adoptianism, while the whole figure is obscure. [635] All that is clear is that at that date the Spanish Church possessed no connection with Rome, that it rejected the alliance sought by Hadrian I., and, while relatively uninfluenced by the Roman and Byzantine Church tradition,
[636] was in a state of great confusion internally. [637] It is further evident that Elipandus gladly seized the opportunity to extend the sphere of his metropolitan power to Asturia under the sure protection of the unbelievers. A dogmatic Spanish formula was welcome to him as a means of doing this. It is probable, finally, that Latin translations of Nestorian writings (i.e., of Theodore of Mopsuestia) were read in Spain. This cannot, indeed, be proved; but there can be no doubt that Felix of Urgel gave a Nestorian (Theodorian) development to Augustine's Christology, and thus went beyond Augustine, and it is on the other hand certain that from the sixth century Latin translations of works by Nestorian (and Syrian) writers were current in the West. [638]

Elipandus was a loyal adherent to the Augustinian and Chalcedonian Christology; this is attested by his epistles; see also the two books written against him by Beatus and Eterius of Asturia, as well as Alcuin's writings. He meant to maintain the unity of person throughout; but this unity did not, in his view, do away with the strict distinction of natures. The human nature remained human, being thence raised to the dignity of divinity, and for this reason he held the term "adoptio" to be peculiarly fitting: "the son adoptive in his humanity but not in his divinity" (filius adoptivus humanitate nequaquam divinitate). Everyone in the West (even Alcuin) still spoke at that time of the assumtio hominis, and not merely of the assumtio humanæ naturæ (assumption of a man not of human nature). It was a correct inference that assumtio hominis = adoptio hominis. If the word "adoptio" was not exactly common in the more ancient literature, [639] the matter designated by it was correctly expressed in Augustine's sense. [640] The sonship of Christ was therefore twofold; as God he was son by race and nature (genere et natura), as man by adoption and grace. Elipandus quoted texts in support of this, and inferred quite correctly that he who disputed the Redeemer's adoptio had to deny the reality of his human nature, and consequently to suppose that Christ derived his humanity, which would be unlike ours, from the substance of the Father. Elipandus therefore designates his opponents Docetics or Eutychians.

If we find that even he was interested really in Christ's complete humanity for his work's sake, the same fact shows much more clearly in the important case of Felix (see the writings directed against him by Paulinus and Alcuin). He has also left the God-Logos resting in the background; but his theory of religion deals with the second Adam in a way that had not been heard of in the Church since the days of Theodore. Since the Son of Man was actually a man, the whole stages of his humiliation were not voluntarily undertaken, but were necessary. It was only the resolve of the Son of God to adopt a man that was freely made. After this resolve was realised the Son of Man had to be a servant, had to be subject to the Father in everything, had to fulfil his will and not his own. Like all men he was only good so far as, and because, he was subject to the Father's grace; he was not omniscient and omnipotent, but his wisdom and power were bounded by the limits imposed on humanity. He derived his life from the Father, and to him he also prayed for himself. [641] Felix's final interest consisted in the fact that only thus can we be certain of our adoption. He insisted very strongly on raising to the central place in the conception of redemption the thought that the adoption of believers is only certain if Christ adopted a man like other men, or humanity: we are only redeemed if Christ is our oldest brother. The assurance of the redemption of humanity rests, as with Augustine, on the sole-begotten (in the divine sphere) having united with himself the first-begotten (in the human) ["adoptivi cum adoptivo, servi cum servo, Christi cum Christo, deus inter deos" ]. Christ, who as man was sacrificed for sakes, was the head of humanity, not by his divinity, but by his humanity. For this very reason the members are only certain of their adoption if the head is adopted. [642] If we are not dealing in Christ's case with an adoption as in our own, the then Incarnation was enacted outside of our sphere, and is of no benefit to us. But Felix went a step farther. He did not, like Augustine, satisfy himself with stopping at the simple contention that the man (homo) Christ was adopted in virtue of the prevenient grace of predestination, and with combining, by a mere assertion, this contention with the thesis of personal unity. On the contrary he rigidly separated the natures, and sought to form a clear idea of the way in which the adoption was accomplished (see the Antiochenes.)

As regards the first point, he applied the phrase "true and peculiar son" (verus et proprius filius) to the God-Logos alone, and did not shrink from the proposition "the son is believed one in two forms" (duobus modis unus creditur filius); he distinguished between "the one" and "the other" (alter and alter), "this one" and "that" (ille and ille), nay, he called the Son of Man "God by adoption" (nuncupativus deus: meaning that he became God). He speaks, like the Antiochenes, of a "dwelling" of God in man, of the man who is united (conjunctus; applicatus) with deity, or bears deity. He has, indeed, compared the union of the two natures in Christ with the relation of soul and body; but the figure is still more inapt from his standpoint than from Augustine's; for the community of attributes is to him not real, but nominal, and "we must by no means believe that the omnipotent divine Father, who is a spirit, begets the body from himself" (nullo modo credendum est, ut omnipotens deus pater, qui spiritus est, de semetipso carnem generet). The man Christ has two fathers, one natural (David), and the other by his adoption.

With reference to the second point, Felix taught that the Son of Man underwent two births: he was born of the virgin--that was his natural birth, and of grace or adoption in baptism--his spiritual birth. Christ, accordingly, like all Christians, experienced a twofold birth. His spiritual birth, as indispensable for him as for the rest, was accomplished, as in every other case, in baptism; but in this instance also baptism was only the beginning. It was not completed till the Resurrection. [643] As the Son of Man, therefore, was subject to the different stages of divine grace arising from his election, he was also originally, though sinless, [644] the "old man" (vetus homo), and passed through the process of regeneration until he reached complete adoption--undergoing everything that and as we do. But we follow the Head, and it is only because he experienced this that he can be our redeemer and intercessor. For the rest, it is besides to be held that the Son of God also accepted human birth for himself, as in that case he is further to be conceived as sharing in all the acts of the Son of Man. [645]

Elipandus had given currency to his teaching in letters. His first opponents were the Abbot Beatus and the youthful Bishop Eterius. Their opposition inflamed the anger of the ageing Metropolitan, jealous of his orthodoxy. All who refused to see in the two natures more than one filius proprius he called "servants of Antichrist" (A.D. 785). Those he attacked, however, did not keep silent, but exposed the heretical character of Adoptianism in an elaborate document; they also noted the fact that the controversy had already excited the Bishops of all Spain, and had extended into France. [646] Hadrian I. entered into the dispute at this time. He could not but welcome the chance of proving to the Spanish Metropolitan, whose independence rendered him obnoxious, that he had fallen into the heresy of Nestorius, and that the Spanish Bishops were therefore bound to adhere to the teaching of Rome and the Fathers. [647]

Soon afterwards Felix of Urgel energetically championed the thesis laid down by Elipandus. Thereby the question at issue became important for the kingdom of the Franks. The Synod of Regensburg (792), whose transactions are unfortunately lost, was convened to deal with Adoptianism. Felix himself required to appear. He defended himself before Charlemagne, [648] but is said to have ultimately recanted, since all the Bishops declared his teaching to be erroneous. The recantation is, indeed, supported by several witnesses, but is not placed beyond doubt, for we hear that Felix was sent to Rome, and was kept in prison by the Pope until he yielded to swear to an orthodox confession. He now returned to Spain (to his bishopric?) but soon renounced his forced recantation, and withdrew to Toledo in Saracen territory, in order to escape the censorship of the Franks. Alcuin's attempt to recover for the Church its highly prized bishop by means of a very friendly letter that breathed Augustine's spirit (A.D. 793) perhaps crossed the effort made by the heads of the Adoptianists to maintain their teaching in the Church by an encyclical to the Bishops of the Frankish kingdom. and a letter to Charlemagne, which took the form of a remonstrance, and contained a petition for a new investigation. Elipandus always regarded the "sleek" Beatus as the chief enemy, who had instilled his poison into the Church and seduced the Bishops. He adjures the King to judge justly; to reinstate Felix, and be warned by Constantine's revolt to Arianism. The heresy that through Beatus now threatened the whole Church was nothing less than the denial that Christ received his body from the Virgin. At the brilliant Synod of Frankfurt, Charlemagne, after reporting to the Pope, set on foot a new investigation (794). Learned bishops and theologians were summoned from all quarters. The assembly rejected Adoptianism in two Synodal deeds--the Italian Bishops under Paulinus of Aquileia voted separately. The same course was followed by a Synod assembled contemporaneously at Rome. All these resolutions were transmitted, along with a letter of his own, by Charlemagne to Elipandus.

We are not interested in following the controversy further, for new phases did not appear. But we have the impression that Adoptianism made advances in Saracen Spain and the neighbouring province until about A.D. 799. Even the personal influence of famous doctors (Benedict of Aniane, Leidrad of Lyons) met at first with little success. But Frankish Spain could not resist the influence of the whole empire, and Felix himself was ultimately induced once more to recant at the Synod of Aachen (799). At this date, besides Paulinus, [649] Alcuin was indefatigable in producing works, some of them extensive, against the heresy (Libell. adv. Felic. hair., IV. lib. adv. Elipandum, VII. lib. adv. Felic.). It is interesting to notice how this Anglo-Saxon, the disciple of Bede, was entirely dependent in his Christology on the Greeks, and had abandoned the Augustinian tradition. Augustine as well as Græco-Roman speculative theology had become domesticated in England through the Romanising of that country. But in those questions on which the Greeks had pronounced their views, they were ever regarded as the more honourable, reliable, and learned. They were the representatives of the sublime theology of the mystery of the Incarnation. [650] The Latins were only after all to be considered in so far as they agreed with the Greeks. How great is the imposing prestige and power of an ancient culture, and how cogent is every "advance" that it experiences, even if that advance passes imperceptibly into a refinement which produces a new barbarianism! Alcuin's arguments might have occurred just as well in the works of Cyril, Leontius, or John of Damascus, and they are sometimes actually to be found there word for word:--Christ is the personal God-Logos who assumed impersonal human nature, and fused it into the complete unity of his being. Accordingly, even apart from sin, Christ's humanity was by no means like ours in all points, but was very different. Since it acquired all the attributes of deity, all human limitations shown in the life of Jesus were voluntarily accepted, in other words were due to accommodation, were pedagogic or illusory. Alcuin dissipates the records of the gospels as thoroughly as the Monophysite and Crypto-Monophysite Greeks. This form of piety had ceased to regard Christ in any sense as a human person; nay, it felt itself gravely hurt if it was told that it ought to suppose a really human consciousness in Christ. Not only was the dismemberment of the one Christ disowned as blasphemous, but still more the application to him of categories that were held to describe believers. [651] In fact, we are correct in saying that faith in Christ as Redeemer had no interest in expounding broadly wherein Christ is like us. [652] But the Adoptians had, consistently with this likeness, which they asserted, characterised him as head of the community, and demonstrated a way in which the man Christ could be apprehended as redeemer and intercessor.
[653] But then, as now, no one who had once been initiated into the mysteries was influenced by this. He who has once but sipped the intoxicating cup of that mysticism, which promises to transform every worthless stone into gold, sees everywhere the mystery of deification, and then it is not easy for the watchman to recall the dreamer to life.
[654] For this is the last motive of this speculation: from the transformation of the impersonal human substance into the divine (in the case of Christ) to derive the divino-human means of ea joyment in this world. Even in the instance of Beatus, the realistic conception of the Lord's Supper turns out to be a decisive motive against Adoptianism, [655] and this motive can also be demonstrated in Alcuin's works. [656] Thus the Christological controversy is closely connected with the magical conceptions of the Lord's Supper as the centre of Church doctrine and practice. It is all the more instructive that, as we shall see, images were not yet thought of, while the East had long had them in view, as well as the Lord's Supper, in connection with its Crypto-Monophysite Christology. In this matter the Anglo-Saxon and Frankish Church still "lagged" behind its guide.

Felix secluded himself with Leidrad in Lyons. The re-conversion of the Frankish Adoptians now made great strides, and Felix himself had to exhort his congregation to abandon the error which he had formerly taught them. But he was by no means thoroughly convinced at heart, as is shown by papers found, after the death of the unfortunate Bishop, by Leidrad's successor, Agobard. Agobard held it necessary to refute the dead Felix. If aggressive Adoptianism soon expired in the Frankish kingdom, it was revived by the daring dialectic of the eleventh and twelfth centuries as a doctrine of the schools, [657] and it afterwards continued during all centuries of the Middle Ages, though without rousing more than a theological dispute. Little is known of how the "heresy" gradually died out in Saracen Spain. Even in the time of Elipandus it did not escape censure. It still had power to attract about A.D. 850; [658] but then there came times when it was necessarily worth more to Christian Spaniards to feel that they were in agreement with the whole Church than to defend the legitimacy of a distinctive position.

The decisive result of the whole controversy was that the West set aside its own earlier Christological system, and--for the sake of the Lord's Supper and the imposing tradition of the Greeks--thought like the latter within the sphere of dogma. Christ's unity was maintained; but this unity absorbed his humanity, and removed far off the dread incarnate Son of God (dei filius incarnatus tremendus). Strict dogmatic only permitted him to be approached in the Lord's Supper. But that did not prevent the vision of the lowly Man of Sorrows continuing, still secretly at first, to make its way side by side with dogmatic theory, that vision that had dawned upon Augustine, and was in ever-increasing vividness to form the strength of piety in the future. __________________________________________________________________

[622] See Bach, l.c. Walch, Ketzerhistorie, Vol. IX.; Hefele, Concil. Gesch. III.,2 p. 642 ff. (628 ff.); Helfferrich, D. westgothische Arianismus u. die spanische Ketzergeschichte 1860; Gams, Kirchengesch. Spaniens, Vol. II.; Dorner, Entwickel. Gesch. Vol. II.; Hauck, K.-Gesch. Deutschlands, Vol. II., p. 256; Opp. Alcuini ed. Froben; Mansi, T. XII., XIII.; Migne, T. XCVI.-CI.

[623] Yet not yet everywhere.

[624] See Augustine's Christology above, p. 127 ff. The idea of the adoptio of the man Jesus, or human nature, also occurs in Tertullian, Novatian, Marius Victorinus, and Hilary.

[625] So far as the retention of this is the condition of understanding Jesus Christ, the Greek conception is superior to the Adoptian.

[626] The defenders of the anti-Adoptian Christology (Alcuin's) have not latered their tactics at the present day. Thus Bach says (l.c. I., p. 109 ff.): "The Adoptians had no presentiment of that which the (Greek) Fathers call the pneumatic quality of Christ's flesh. Christ's body is to them that of common human nature in every respect. In this kenotic (!!) we have the basis of Adoptian dualism. . . . Felix, like Elipandus, does not understand the pneumatic human nature in Christ." If these words suggest any meaning at all, they show that the modern historian of dogma is as honest a Docetic as the orthodox after Justinian's heart.

[627] The case is precisely the same as in Christological conflicts generally from the days of Apollinaris. There is right and wrong on both sides, but after all on neither, because the conception of a divine nature in Christ leads either to Docetism or the double personality. All speculations that seek to escape these consequences can display at most their good intentions.

[628] This was bluntly asserted by Marius Victorinus (adv. Arium I.) to whom is entirely due the Augustinian view of Christology sub specie prædestinationis.

[629] Migne, CI., p. 1322 sq.: "Unigenitus vocatur secundum divinitatis excellentiam, quia sine fratribus, primogenitus secundum susceptionem hominis, in qua per adoptionem gratiæ fratres habere dignatus est, de quibus esset primogenitus."

[630] Western Augustinian Christology, like Nestorianism, deserved its fall; for since it taught that the God-Logos existed behind the man Jesus who was supported by divine grace, the relation of the work of redemption to that homo was extremely uncertain. The result was a duplicity of view which could only produce confusion, and which had to come to an end, until the conception of faith should be thoroughly accepted, unhampered by pernicious speculations as to the two natures, that God himself was in the man Jesus.

[631] See the seven, though not equally valuable passages in Hefele, l.c., p. 650 f.: "adoptivi hominis passio"--"adoptivi hominis non horruisti vestimentum"--"salvator per adoptionem carnis sedem repetiit deitatis," etc.

[632] So Helfferich, l.c.; also Hauck, R.-Encyklop I3., p. 185, leaves it open.

[633] Gfrörer, K.-Gesch. III., p. 644 ff. Graf. Baudissin, Eulogius und Alvar 1872, p. 61 f. The traces cited of a connection between Elipandus and Felix with the Saracens are very slight; besides, the objections felt by the latter to the doctrine of the Trinity are not lessened by Adoptianism. Elipandus defended the doctrine with peculiar emphasis.

[634] Hefele, Op. cit., p. 628 ff.

[635] Besides his enthusiasm for Rome, Migetius' main heresy seems to have been that he conceived God strictly as a single person, and maintained that he had revealed himself in three persons, namely, David (Father?), Jesus, and Paul (the Holy Ghost?). Besides this "Sabellianism," one might be tempted to discover "Priscillian" errors in him. But the slight information we possess (see Hadrian and Elipandus' letters) do not warrant a confident decision.

[636] This explains the uninterrupted prestige of Augustinian theology. Isidore of Seville, e.g., felt it so strongly, that he even taught twofold predestination (Sentent. II. 6): "gemina predestinatio . . . sive reproborum ad mortem."

[637] The comparatively slight influence exerted by the great main current of Church development is also shown by the fact that the opposition of the Spaniard Vigilantius to saints and relics continued to influence Spain, as is evidenced, e.g., by the attack made upon him by Faustus of Rhegium (see above, p. 244, note 1). Paradoxical as it sounds, the veneration of these objects lay in the van of Church evolution, in so far as it was most closely connected with the development of Christology. Those who resisted this worship soon ceased to do so on evangelical grounds, but because ecclesiastically they were "laggards." The dislike to relics and pictures, however, is as closely connected with the Adoptian theory, as their worship and the materialistic dogma of the Lord's Supper are with the Christology of Cyril, Justinian, and Alcuin (see under). But even after Reccared passed over to Catholicism, the Spanish Church showed its disorderly state, not only in the persistent mingling of Pagan and Christian morals, and (in some circles) the continuance of certain Arian leanings, but still more in numerous heretical intrigues. To this class belong Priscillianism, degenerated into dualism, Migetius, that Marcus who rejuvenated Basilidianism, and above all the sect of Bonosians that held its ground in Spain--phenomena that were profoundly opposed to Catholicism, and prove how hard it was for the rising Roman Catholic Church in Spain to adopt the sentiments of Roman Catholicism. No other Western Church had at this date still to strive so keenly with powerful heresies as the Spanish. Hence is explained the growth in this Church, especially after contact with Islam, of the cold, determined fanaticism of its orthodoxy and persecution of heretics. Wherever it arises, this is a sign that men have forced themselves after severe sacrifices to submit to the sacred cause, and that they now seek to compensate themselves by making others do the same. As regards the sect of Bonosians in particular, their founder, Bonosus, Bishop of Sardica, advanced from a denial of Mary's perpetual virginity to the doctrine of Photinus (see the Synod of Capua, A.D. 391; Ambrose's letters, Siricius, and Innocent I., and Marius Mercator). Strange to say, he found adherents in South Gaul, and especially in Spain, up till into the eighth century; in Spain, as it appears, they were numerous; see the 2 Synod of Arles (443?) c. 17, Synod of Clichy (626) c. 5, Synod of Orleans (538) c. 31, Gennad. de vir. inl. 4, Avitus Vienn., Isidore de script. eccl. 20, de hær. 53. In the sixth century Justinian of Valentia opposed them in Spain, and in the seventh the Synod of Toledo (675), referred in the Symbol to the doctrine of the Bonosians that Christ had only existed after Mary bore him, and was merely a filius adoptivus, by confessing: "hic etiam filius dei natura est filius, non adoptione." Naturally Elipandus and Felix were conjoined by their opponents with the Bonosians, but with the greatest injustice; they were rather their most implacable enemies, since they never denied that Christ as Son of God was filius dei naturalis. They even tried to hurl back the charge of Bonosianism at their enemies (Beatus and Eterius), an attempt, indeed, that could not succeed. It was at any rate prejudicial, seeing that men cling to catchwords, to place in the Toledan Symbol of 675 the words "non filius adoptione," although by them the Photinian error, which Elipandus himself "condemned to hell," was exclusively meant. We may, indeed, say of Bonosianism, but not of Elipandus' teaching, that its circulation in Spain is explained by the Arian leanings of the Western Goths; for not only in the Arianism of scholarly theologians, but still more in its popular form, there lurked an element of the doctrine of Paul of Samosata and Photinus.

[638] Since the Three Chapter controversy. We have to remember, further, that Theodore's commentary on Paul's Epistles still exists in a Latin translation, and that the work of Junilius comes from a Syrian copy; see Neander's Dogmengesch. II., p, 25 f., and Jacobi's note there, p. 26 f. Möller (Art. Adoptianism in Herzog's R.-E., 2nd Ed.) has stated, on the basis of Gam's discoveries, a conjecture that is worth noting: "Perhaps we ought to regard the orthodox brethren in Cordova extolled by Elipandus (Er). ad Felic. in Alcuin's letters, ep. 123), who provided him with scholarly material, and to whom Alcuin (ep. ad Leidrad. 141) supposes the evil originally to have been due, as Eastern Christians of Nestorian culture who had come in the train of the Arabs, and who, if they did not produce, supported the Adoptian tendency." It is further important that Elipandus has not mentioned Nestorianism among the ancient heresies rejected by him.

[639] Alcuin says too much when he exclaims (adv. Elip. IV. 2): "Ubi latuit, ubi dormivit hoc nomen adoptionis vel nuncupationis de Christo?" or Ep. 110: "Novitas vocum in adoptione, nuncupatione, omnino fidelibus omnibus detestanda est."

[640] Compare how also Facundus of Hermiane (pro defens. trium capp. p. 708, ed. Paris, 1616, II.) acknowledges that Christ accepted the "Sacrament of Adoption."

[641] See passages cited by Bach, Opp. cit., p. 110 ff.

[642] The clearest passages--Felix's own words--occur in Agobard, lib. adv. Fel. 27-37.

[643] Alcuin adv. Felic. II. 16 (Felix says): "Christus qui est secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes, primam vid. quæ secundum carnem est, secundam vero spiritualem, quæ per adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem complexus in semetipso continet: primam vid. quam suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit in lavacro a mortuis resurgendo."

[644] Alcuin indeed does not believe that Felix was sincere in professing to hold the sinlessness of Christ, for, if he had been, he would not have spoken of a regeneration of Christ (l.c., c. 18).

[645] Felix's words in Agobard 33: "Propter singularitatem personæ, in qua divinitas filii dei cum hurnanitate sua communes habeat actiones, qua ex causa aliquando ea quæ divina sunt referuntur ad humana, et ea quæ humana fiunt interdum adscribuntur ad divina, et hoc ordine aliquando dei filius in hominis filio filius hominis appellari dignatur et hominis filius in dei filio filius dei nuncupatur." The Nestorians, too, maintained such a double personality.

[646] See the analysis of this writing in Bach, p. 116 ff. It follows Cyril. The old charge formerly made against the Nestorians is also urged against the Adoptians, that by making the Son of Man independent they expanded the Trinity into a Quaternity. A few western reminiscences are, however, not wanting, although the human nature is substantially conceived to be the impersonal caro; see e.g., II. 68, where the filius secundum carnem is named as mediator ("reconciliati sumus per solum filium secundum carnem, sed non soli filio secundum divinitatem"); also II. 40: "dominus ac redemptor noster cum sancta ecclesia, quam redemit secundum carnem, una substantia est."

[647] Ep. 97 in the Cod. Carol. in Migne, T. CII., see analysis in Hefele III., p. 661 ff., which is also to be compared with what follows.

[648] In the controversy the King proved that he felt fully his responsibility as a Christian ruler, and was at the same time thoroughly anxious to be just. He was really convinced by the propositions of his theologians. They extolled him highly as protector of the faith, as a David and a Solomon. Alcuin says of the King (adv. Elipand. I. 16): "Catholicus in fide, rex in potestate, pontifex in prædicatione, judex in æquitate, philosophus in liberalibus studiis, inclytus in moribus (?) et omni honestate præcipuus." Ep. 100 ad dominum regem: "hoc mirabile et speciale in te pietatis dei donum prædicamus, quod tanta devotione ecclesias Christi a perfidorum doctrinis intrinsecus purgare tuerique niteris, quanta forinsecus a vastatione paganorum defendere vel propagare conaris. His duabus gladiis vestram venerandam excellentiam dextra lævaque divina armavit potestas."

[649] See on his polemics, Bach, p. 121 ff.
[650] This is true above all of Cyril.

[651] See the analysis of Alcuin's Christology in Bach, p. 128 ff. Alcuin seeks to show (1) that all the statements of Scripture and the Fathers regarding Christ have for their subject the concrete person in two natures; (2) that the notion of adoption occurs neither in Scripture nor the Fathers, and is thus novel and false; and (3) that the Adoptianist theory is inconsistent, and upsets the basis of faith. He tries to show that adoptio, if taken to mean anything different from assumptio, leads to heresy. Assumption is held to express the natural relation in which humanity is connected with deity by the Incarnation, and which is annulled by the adoptio that designates a relation due to grace. Alcuin indeed also speaks (following Augustine) of grace having been in Christ, for it does not, like adoptio, exclude the natural relation of sonship. But his strongest argument consists in his explanation that passive adoption was impossible, because the Son of Man did not exist at all before he was actual Son of God. Neither he nor Paulinus supposes that the man Christ was a person before the God-man. He certainly possessed his personality from the first in the Son of God. Accordingly, if we think abstractly, we may not conceive of a man (homo) Christ who existed before the Incarnation, but of human nature, which only became personal by its assumption, and was at once made an essential constituent of the person of the God-man. Therefore this nature, even apart from sin, was infinitely superior to and unlike ours. Therefore the doctrine of the Agnoetes, who had besides been already strongly assailed by Gregory I. in his letters, was to be condemned; and the servile form of the Son of God was in every respect worthy of adoration, because it was not necessary to his nature, but was at every point freely undertaken. Accordingly Christ required neither baptism nor adoption, and even as man was no ordinary creature, but always the God-man. "In spite of the assumption of human nature, the God-man retained sole property in the person of the Son." Humanity was merely added like something impersonal to this unity of person of the Son of God, "and there remained the same property in two natures in the name of the Son that formerly existed in one substance." But Alcuin adds very inaptly (c. Felic. II. 12): "in adsumtione carnis a deo persona petit hominis, non natura;" for he certainly did not assume that a "persona hominis" had existed previously. We can only explain this lapse by supposing that Alcuin had not yet let Cyril's Christology expunge from his mind every reminiscence of Augustine's. Bach rightly remarks (p. 136 f.: against Donner) "that no opponent of the Adoptians imagined that personality was essential to the completeness of the human nature; (like Bach himself) they taught exactly the opposite." Bach's own explanation of the above passage, which is only intelligible as a lapse, is, for the rest, wholly incorrect. By persona he would understand "the person of man as such, of humanitas, and not of the man Christ."

[652] Epist. ad Carol. M.: "Quid enim prodest ecclesiæ dei Christum appellare adoptivum filium vel deum nuncupativum?

[653] The explanations given by Felix as to the man Christ as sacerdos, sacrificium, caput ecclesiæ are Augustinian, and in part more precise than they occur in Augustine. The part played in the controversy by the thought of Christ as head of the Church is worthy of note. We are not prepared for it, if we start from the more ancient tradition. The greater emphasis laid on Christ as priest and sacrifice was already determined by the all-prevailing reference to the Mass.

[654] Adoptianism, like Nestorianism, necessarily remained a half thing, because it did not correct this pseudo-Christian motive. This is the ultimate cause of its speedy death. Adoptianism and the Eucharistic Christ do not suit each other.

[655] See Bach, p. 119 f. Beatus has pointed out, like Cyril, that the concrete unity of Christ's person is shown most clearly in the fact that in the Lord's Supper the whole Christ is adored, and that his flesh is the principle of eternal life. Bach (p. 120) has eloquently evolved as his own view the cause for which the opponents of the Adoptians ultimately contended. "Beatus and Eterius, in opposition to the externality of Elipandus, pointed with a profoundly realistic glance to the central significance of Christ in the collective ethical and sacramental constitution of Christianity, and the morally free life of humanity. The organic and physical relation of Christ to humanity, and the physiology of grace in its inner relation to human freedom, which has its living roots in the concrete God-man, are hereby indicated. A divided Christ cannot be a new physical ethical ferment of life to mankind." This materialistic ghost unfortunately also announces its presence in Protestant Christianity.

[656] With him and Paulinus, only indeed in unimportant hints, wherefore Each calls Paulinus "less profound and thorough" than Beatus. How the speculation reached the latter is not known.

[657] See Bach, II., p. 390 ff.

[658] See the letters of Alvar, Bandissin, 1.c. Bach I., p. 146 ff. __________________________________________________________________

I. (b). The Controversy as to Predestination. [659]

The revival of theological science in the ninth century led to a thorough study of Augustine. But the theology of Gregory I. had already accustomed men to combine the formulas of Augustinianism with the Pelagianism required by the system of the cultus. Hence a renewal of the controversy would hardly have taken place had not the monk Gottschalk of Orbais asserted the doctrine of predestination with as much energy as Augustine had done in his latest writings, and had he not been opposed by Hinkmar, whom his jealous colleagues would gladly have charged with heresy. It was not his use of Augustinian formulas that lifted Gottschalk out of the mass of theologians, and gave a startling effect to his confession. It was the fact that the doctrine of predestination had become the strength and support of his being after a misspent life. Here again it is palpable that words are not everything, that they remain a tinkling cymbal as long as they are not the expression of experience. Many joined and followed Gottschalk in speaking as he did at the time; but he alone was persecuted as a heretical teacher, because the opposition felt that he alone was dangerous to their Church system.

Gottschalk's teaching regarding predestination was not different, either in matter or form, from that of Augustine, Fulgentius, and Isidore; [660] but it must also be said that he taught nothing but predestination. With the devotion, at first of resignation, and afterwards of fanaticism, he committed himself to the hands of God who does all things according to his good pleasure, and does nothing without having determined it irrevocably from the beginning. Predestination is the content of the Gospel, is the object of faith. It is the truth--that twofold predestination to life and death, according to which eternal life is decreed for the good, and death for the sinner, in which, therefore, some are appointed to life, and the rest to death. Nothing is to be set aside that the Church elsewhere teaches, or that it does; but it is a revolt from the Gospel to obscure in the hearts of men the certainty of this eternal unchangeable dispensation of divine grace--for justice and punishment are also good. Until his death Gottschalk defended inflexibly this faith of his, in the living and original language of the convinced advocate. [661]

But what did the historical Christ, or the Christ of the sacramentally ordered Church, mean here? If the hidden God with his hidden will was a comfort to Gottschalk, then that comfort consisted in the assurance that this God had also predestinated some to life, and the assurance flowed from the economy which culminated in Christ. For from what other source was it known that eternal predestination also embraced the pardon of a section of mankind? The assurance of the individual gained nothing by this; but among the opposition also no one would have anything to do with certainty of salvation; the individual did not count for much to himself or others. Individualism was not yet developed. Christ accordingly was not in question. Even the resolute defender of predestination looked to him when he thought of election to life. But the system of the Sacraments, legal demands and works, which constituted the Church itself, tottered, as it must always totter, wherever religion is recalled from externality to the inner life. This recall was accomplished in a much more abstract way in the present instance than by Augustine. The most profound of the African's expositions on liberating grace and the blessed necessity of goodness (beata necessitas boni), which form the background of the doctrine of predestination, do not tell strongly upon Gottschalk. Nor had the Frankish monk been able to appropriate the Neoplatonic speculation, that had been toned down or transferred to a wholly different sphere of ideas by Augustine's teaching. And, again, he did not know the dialectic of the notion of time, which is inseparable from Augustine's conception. Yet he was not unfamiliar with dialectics; indeed, if we may trust the accounts given us, he at first took pleasure in the problem on dialectical grounds; but the fire he played with afterwards mastered him. The subject matter itself became precious to him. It corresponded to his own mood, ever growing gloomier, and he championed it with the zeal of the missionary. It was not original sin, or sin that he regarded as the chief subject, but the unchangeableness and wisdom of God. He was a theologian in the narrowest sense of the term.

Gottschalk was first opposed by Rabanus in his letters to Noting and Eberard--shortly before A.D. 848. [662] He was accused of teaching that right faith and good works were of no avail to him who was not appointed to salvation, and that God forced men to sin and perdition (invitum hominem facit peccare). [663] Other opponents soon arose, and it was declared that he taught a predestination to sin. At the Council of Mainz (848) Rabanus got him condemned, [664] and handed over, by command of King Lewis, to Hinkmar to whose province as monk he belonged. [665] In his letter to Hinkmar, Rabanus declares a predestination as regards wickedness to be simply erroneous, and he is able to tell already of people, who, seduced by Gottschalk, gave up pious practices because, forsooth, they were wholly useless. [666] Hinkmar got the judgment against the "miserable monk" repeated at an imperial synodal diet at Chiersey (849). He was deposed from his office, scourged, and rendered harmless in prison. [667] Neither Rabanus nor Hinkmar seems at first to have formed as yet any idea of the difficulty of the whole question--caused by the authority of Augustine and other Fathers. Hinkmar contented himself with referring God's prescience to good or evil, but predestination to goodness alone.
[668] But the position of the case soon changed. Gottschalk composed two confessions, in which he stated his teaching, supporting it from Scripture and the Fathers, [669] and he also wrote essays in which he emphasised the particularism of Christ's saving work, [670] subordinating the latter strictly to the premundane decree of God. He also, in a letter to Amolo, gave expression to the particularly objectionable principle "that baptism and the other sacraments were given in vain to those who perished after receiving them;" for "those of the number of the faithful who perish were never incorporated in Christ and the Church." [671] But it was perceived in the more cultured South, apart from Mainz and Rheims, that it was not Gottschalk but his opponents who diverged from Augustine's teaching. The best theologians ranged themselves on the side of the Confessor e.g., Prudentius of Troyes, Ratramnus of Corbie, then also the learned and acute Lupus of Ferrières, [672] the priest Servatus Lupus and Remigius of Lyons, for the most part disciples of Alcuin. [673]

There now began a lively theological controversy (849-50), which was not, however, violent enough to involve the rest of the Church and the Pope, and which was unspeakably unsatisfactory, because staunch Augustinians neither could nor would abandon the ruling ecclesiastical system, and had therefore to seek for compromises where Gottschalk's results endangered it, and because the Frankish Semi-Pelagians soon saw that they would have to approximate their phraseology to Augustinianism. Among the writings in defence of Gottschalk there were accordingly many shades of opinion, but so were there also on the other side. [674] Florus Magister, e.g., advocated the twofold (gemina) predestination, but yet opposed Gottschalk, since he rejected the thought of the irresistibleness of grace. [675] Amolo of Lyons treated him in a friendly spirit; but no one else showed so emphatically that Gottschalk's teaching did away with the historical redemption, the fruits of Christ's death, and sacramental grace. [676] The only one who took up a consistent standpoint, and from it opposed the monk, was John Scotus. His teaching did not rest on Augustine's doctrine of predestination but on the Neoplatonic and Augustinian ontology, which he developed boldly. According to this, evil and death were nothing. Unchangeable being had only one unchangeable will, namely itself, and it evolved itself alone. Everything else consisted in negation, was nothing actual, and bore this very not-being in itself as a punishment. Applying this to the question of predestination, it followed that those were right who would only admit one predestination. [677] But friend and foe felt, without seeing through the pantheism of Scotus, that this was a case of casting out the devil by the aid of Beelzebub ("commentum diaboli"). There was only one way out of the difficulty besides that given by Scotus. This was to give up altogether putting the question in the form of the predestination problem, to hold to the historical Christ, and to do justice to Augustine's doctrine of grace by reducing the Church system to the experience of the new birth and faith. But no one discovered this expedient, [678] and so the whole controversy necessarily became a maze of insincerity, partly objective, partly conscious. Augustine's authority, however, was so powerful that the result, if we may speak of such a thing, came nearer Gottschalk's teaching in words than to the original utterances of Rabanus and his comrades (of whom Pardulus also was one). The latter sought to carry their distinction between prescience and predestination (as regards evil and punishment), and would therefore have nothing said of persons being predestined to punishment. When God foresaw evil, he predestined punishment for those who should not deserve to be redeemed by grace; room, accordingly, is left indirectly to free-will, although, so far as words go, the saved are saved solely in virtue of election. The artificial distinction here made (predestination of life and of the good, prescience of the wicked, predestination of punishment) is apparently defensible, even on an Augustinian basis, since Hinkmar now spoke of a complete loss of freedom through Adam's Fall. But the distinction was in truth meant to open a door for the entrance of Semi-Pelagianism. This doctrine was adopted at a new Synod of Chiersey (853) under Hinkmar's leadership. [679]

But what took place here was not authoritative in the Archbishopric of Sens [680] and the Empire of Lothar. Remigius of Lyons sharply attacked the four chapters of Chiersey as running counter to Scripture and the Fathers. [681] At the great Synod held at Valencia of the provinces of Lyons, Vienne and Arles (855), canons were adopted which adhered much more closely to Augustine, and contained the teaching of Remigius. Dislike to the powerful Hinkmar also played a part in their composition. The Synod rejected the four chapters: they had been entered on with too little prudence ("minus prospecte suscepta.") It taught the double predestination, applied the latter to persons also, and maintained that Christ shed his blood for believers. The question whether God willed to save all men was carefully evaded. If the Synod disowned a predestination to sin, it did not thereby abandon strictly Augustinian ground. On the contrary, the contention that condemnation was based on prescience, and that in the Church's Sacraments "nothing was futile or delusive" (nihil sit cassum, nihil ludificatorium) shows the anxiety felt not to give up what was held valid by the Church.
[682] If we compare the resolutions of the two Synods word for word, the differences are extremely subtle, and yet the little addition (plus) of the alien co-efficient attached to Augustinianism in the Chiersey decrees is highly significant. Rabanus, Hinkmar, and Charles's Synod take their stand on ecclesiastical empiricism, and try, because they must, to come to terms with Augustinianism, therein yielding more than can have been agreeable to them. Remigius, Prudentius, and Lothar's Synod take their stand on Augustinianism, and yet would not give up this ecclesiastical empiricism. But in neither case did anyone permit the suggestion of a doubt as to whether this empiricism and Augustinianism were compatible.

Political affairs prevented the threatened breach from being consummated. The matter was taken up again in the reign of King Charles, Lothar's son. A few slight modifications of the chapters of Valencia were decided on at Langres (859) in order to enable Charles the Bald, who had subscribed those of Chiersey, to approve of them.
[683] The great Synod of Savonieres (859), at which there were present bishops from three kingdoms, as well as the sovereigns themselves, Charles the Bald, Charles of Provence, and Lothar of Lothringen, adopted the modified chapters of Valencia, and also, as it appears, those passed at Chiersey; the members did not condemn one another on account of disbelief or belief in twofold predestination (gemina predestinatio), and this meant the greatest advance towards peace.
[684] Hinkmar, indeed, did not doubt that there had been and was a predestinationist heresy, which it was necessary to oppose, and whose adherents appealed unjustifiably to Augustine. He composed at the time his prolix work, De prædestinatione (against Remigius and others), under the auspices of his theological king. But the kings' need of peace was stronger than the zeal of bishops fighting in the dark. At the great Synod of the three realms at Toucy (860), the case postponed at Savonières was brought to an end in a comprehensive synodal edict, which dealt indefinitely with the real kernel of the question, and was destitute of meaning and badly arranged. Controversial points were left alone, and those were confessed on which all were agreed. Hinkmar composed this document. Besides predestination to life, which was set forth in good Augustinian language, it was declared that God willed to save all, that Christ died for all, and that while free-will required to be redeemed and healed after the Fall, it had never been wholly lost. [685] If the worth of a confession depends on its really expressing the existing belief, then the triumph of Hinkmar's formula was really more valuable than would have been that of the contrary doctrine. The avowal of twofold predestination, in itself even more the expression of a theological speculation than of Christian faith in God the Father, would have meant less than nothing coupled with the retention of ecclesiastical empiricism. Of course the formula of Hinkmar, which no artifice could reconcile with that of Orange, did not mean much either; for, in spite of words, Augustine remained deposed. Gregory I.'s system of doctrine held the field. Men thought of the sacramental Christ, as they rejected, along with Adoptianism, the Augustinian Christology, and it was still this Christ and the good works of believers to which they looked, when, along with twofold predestination, they in fact set aside Augustine's doctrine of grace.

Gottschalk died in prison, irreconcilable and unreconciled (869), clinging to the prædestinatio ad mortem, which he understood in so "erroneous a sense" that he did not abandon it as Remigius seems to have done. He had prophesied in vain the unmasking and fall of his mortal enemy Hinkmar as Antichrist, that great exemplar of predestination to death. [686] __________________________________________________________________

[659] Sources, collected by the Jansenist Maugin, Veterum auct. qui IX. sæc. de prædest. et gratia scripserunt, Paris 1650; see the works of Carlovingian theologians in the time of Charles the Bald, Mansi, T. XIV. and XV.; Gfrörer, Gesch. der Karol. Vol. I., and K.-Gesch., Vol. III. 2; Dümmlei, Gesch. des ostfränk. Reichs, Vol. I.; Hauck, K.-Gesch. Deutschlands, Vol. II.: Wiggers in the Ztschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1859; Weizsäcker in the Jahrbb. f. deutsche Theol. 1859; Hefele, Concil,-Gesch. IV2., p. 130 ff.; Bach, Op. cit. I., p. 219 ff; Reuter l.c. I., p. 43 ff; Borrasch, Der Mönch Gottschalk, 1868; Monographs on Hinkmar by v. Noorden and Schrörs; Freystedt, Der wissensch. Kampf im Prädest.-Streit des 9 Jahrh.; also, Der synodale Kampf im Prädest.-Streit des 9 Jahrh. (Ztschr. f. wissensch. Theol. Vol. 36, pp. 315-368; New Series, Vol. I., pp. 447-478), and Studien zu Gottschalk (Ztschr. f. K. Gesch., Vol XVIII., p. 1 ff.).

[660] Gottschalk is especially dependent on Fulgentius. On Isidore's doctrine of predestination, see Wiggers, Ztschr. f. d. hist. Theol. 1855; on Bede's, l.c. 1857.

[661] On Gottschalk's life till the outbreak of the dispute, see Hefele, 1.c. The Augustinian spirit, and Augustine's language in the Confessio prolixior (Migne, CXXI., p. 349): "Tui profecto sic semper indigent omnes electi tui, quo videlicet tibi de te solo semper valeant placere. Quemadmodum palmites indigent vite, quo fructum queant ferre, vel aër aut oculi luce, quo vel ille lucidus esse vel illi possint videre. . . . te igitur supplex invoco . . . ut largiaris indigentissimo mihi per gratuitae gratiæ tuæ invictissimam virtutem, etc."

[662] See Opp. Raban. in Migne, CXII., p. 1530 sq., Kunstmann, Rabanus Magnentius Maurus 1841.

[663] The view of Rabanus himself, that great, pure, truly pious and unpolitical prince of the Church, was Semi-Pelagian.

[664] Fragment of a confession of Gottschalk laid before the Synod in Hinkmar, De prædest. 5, Migne, CXXV., p. 89 sq. (Hefele, p. 138): "gemina prædestinatio . . . similiter omnino omnes reprobos, qui damnabuntur propter ipsorum mala merita, incommutabilis deus per justum judicium suum incommutabiliter prædestinavit ad mortem merito sempiternam."

[665] Migne, CXII., p. 1574.
[666] Op. cit.

[667] Hincm. De prædest. 2; Migne, CXXV., p. 85; cf. Migne, CXXI, p. 1027.

[668] Hinkmar's large works on the question in dispute were not written till several years later; (yet see the writing Ad reclusos et simplices, A.D. 849-50; Gundlach in the Ztschr. für K.-Gesch., Vol. X., p. 258 ff.; Freystedt, l.c. p. 320 ff., 358 ff.). The first in three books (856 and 857) was so extensive, that it was not transcribed, and so has perished (see Schrörs, p. 136 f. ). The second, De prædestinatione dei et libero arbitrio, was also prolix enough and very meaningless (written 859 to 860, Schrörs, p. 141 ff.). In the introduction to this work, the history of the sect of predestinationists, which is said to have risen even in St. Augustine's lifetime, is described in a very unhistorical fashion. The sect has now revived, and its newer members adhere to Fulgentius, who never enjoyed a lofty prestige in the Church (c. 3, 8, 13). Hinkmar's main proposition is that predestination to punishment embraces compulsion to commit sin. "Præscivit deus hominem ad poenam." Accordingly there is only a predestination of, not to, punishment.

[669] Migne, CXXI., pp. 347-349: "Confiteor, deum omnipotentem et incommutabilem præscisse et prædestinasse angelos sanctos et homines electos ad vitam gratis æternam, et ipsum diabolum . . . cum ipsis quoque hominibus reprobis . . . propter præscita certissime ipsorum propria futura mala rnerita prædestinasse pariter per justissimum judicium suum in mortem merito sempiternam." "Credo siquidem atque confiteor præscisse teante sæcula quæcunque erant futura, sive bona sive mala, prædestinasse vero tantummodo bona. Bona autem a te prædestinata bifariam sunt tuis a fidelibus indagata . . . i.e. in gratiæ beneficia et justitiæ simul judicia . . . Frustra electis prædestinasses vitam, nisi et illos prædestinasses ad ipsum. Sic etiam . . . omnibus quoque reprobis hominibus perennem merito prædestinasti poenam, et eosdem similiter prædestinasti ad eam, quia nimirum sine causa et ipsis prædestinasses mortis perpetuæ poenam, nisi et ipsos prædestinasses ad eam: non enim irent, nisi destinati, neque profecto destinarentur, nisi essent prædestinati." From Gottschalk's standpoint both confessions are conciliatory.

[670] Gottschalk frequently maintained that Christ did not die for the reprobi, though he taught a certain general redemption of all the baptised; see Hincm. De præd. 29, 34, 35; Migne, CXXV., p. 289 sq., 349 sq., 369 sq.

[671] Hefele, p. 169: "baptistum et alia sacramenta frustatorie eis dari, qui post eorum perceptionem pereunt;" for "qui ex numero fidelium pereunt, Christo et ecclesiæ nunquam fuerunt incorporati."

[672] See Freystedt, i.e., p. 329 ff.

[673] Bach (I., p. 232 ff.) has analysed and discussed the various writings of these men.

[674] Men at that time disputed about predestination, just as "positive" theologians to-day quarrel among themselves about the right of historical criticism. Some defend this right, others would restrict or abolish it; but even the former don't really believe in it, since they take care not to carry out its conclusions.

[675] Bach, I., p. 240.
[676] Bach, I., p. 241 ff.

[677] De divina prædest. Migne, CXXII., p. 355 sq. The Synods at Valencia and Langres (859) condemned the work, after Prudentius and Florus Magister had written against it.

[678] Amolo came nearest it.

[679] The four chapters of Chiersey yielded more to Augustinianism than was consistent with truthfulness: I. "Deus hominem sine peccato rectum cum libero arbitrio condidit et in paradiso posuit, quem in sanctitate justitiæ permanere voluit. Homo libero arbitrio male utens peccavit et cecidit, et factus est massa perditionis totius humani generis. Deus autem bonus et justus elegit ex eadem massa perditionis secundum præscientiam suam, quos per gratiam prædestinavit ad vitam, et vitam illis prædestinavit æternam. Ceteros autem, quos justitiæ judicio in massa perditionis reliquit, perituros præscivit, sed non ut perirent prædestinavit, poenam autem illis, quia justus est, prædestinavit æternam. Ac per hoc unam dei prædestinationem tantummodo dicimus, quæ aut ad donum pertinet gratiæ, aut ad retributionem justitiæ." II. "Libertatem arbitrii in primo homine perdidimus, quam per Christum dominum nostrum recepimus. Et habemus liberum arbitrium ad bonum, præventum et adjutum gratia. Et habemus liberum arbitrium ad malum, desertum gratia. Liberum autem habemus arbitrium quia gratia liberatum et gratia, de corrupto sanatum." III. "Deus omnes homines sine exceptione vult salvos fieri, licet non omnes salventur. Quod autem quidem salvantur, salvantis est donum; quod autem quidem pereunt, pereuntium est meritum." The fourth chapter says that Christ adopted the nature of each man, and accordingly died for each, though all are not redeemed. The cause of this fact is that those not redeemed are infideles or are deficient in the faith that works by love; "poculum humanæ salutis, quod confectum est infirmitate nostra et virtute divina, habet quidem in se, ut omnibus prosit, sed si non bibitur non medetur." Mansi, XIV., p. 919.

[680] See on Prudentius and the Synod of Sens, Hefele, p. 188 f. The four chapters of this Synod, which teach the gemina prædestinatio, are by Prudentius: see Migne, CXXV., p. 64.

[681] Migne, CXXI., p. 1083: "Libellus de tenenda immobiliter scripturæ veritate" as an official paper of the Church of Lyons.

[682] It is superfluous to give the canons here--they are very prolix; see Mansi, XV., p. 3; Hefele, IV., p. 193 ff.; Schrörs, p. 133 ff.

[683] Mansi, XV., p. 537; Hefele, p. 205.
[684] Mansi, XV., p. 529; Hefele, p. 206.

[685] The prolix Ep. synodalis in Mansi, XV., p. 563; Hefele, p. 217 ff. Prædestinatio ad mortem is not mentioned.

[686] The ill-usage he had suffered seems to have rendered Gottschalk at times irresponsible for his actions in the last years of his life. His dispute with Hinkmar about the phrase "trina deitas" is noteworthy. The latter would not permit it on the ground that it was Arian; Gottschalk and Ratramnus defended it by accusing Hinkmar of Sabellianism. Both phrases "una deitas" and "trina deitas" can be defended from the Augustinian standpoint; see Hinkmar's writing, De una et non trina deitate (Migne, CXXV., p. 473; Schrörs, Hinkmar, p. 150 ff.), in which Boethius' notion of personality ("rationabilis naturæ individua subsistentia") plays a part. The number of theological problems discussed at the date of this renaissance of theology was very great; see Schrörs, Hinkmar, p. 88 ff. But the questions were almost all exceedingly minute and subtle, like those suggested by clever children. Nor was the culture of the period possessed of the scholastic technique required for their treatment. __________________________________________________________________

2. The Controversy regarding the Filioque and Pictures.

By the position it had taken up in the Adoptianist as well as in the predestination controversy, the Church of the Frankish kingdom identified itself, abandoning tendencies to higher characteristics of its own, [687] with the popular Church ideas as represented by Constantinople and Rome. The theology it had inherited from Augustine was transformed into an ecclesiastical system such as had long prevailed in those chief Churches. But the West at that time still held tenaciously to its own characteristic position as compared with the East in two doctrines; it supported the filioque and rejected images. Both these subjects have been already discussed in Vol. IV., pp. 133, 317, therefore only a little falls to be added.

Even if we had not known it already, we see very clearly in the controversy regarding the filioque clause that the doctrine of the Trinity and Christology constituted dogma and the legal basis of the Church kat' exochen, even for the West--see the Athanasian Creed. [688] The filioque, which originated in Augustinian theology, came to the Frankish kingdom from Spain, but we know nothing more precisely as to how it did. It was held to be certain that it belonged to the Symbol, and this conviction was already expressed at the Synod of Gentilly (767). [689] Charles's learned theologians confirmed it, as is proved by Alcuin's work De processione spiritus sancti, and the Libri Carolini. [690] Official action was provoked by Western monks having had to submit to grave injustice in Jerusalem, because in the Liturgy they added, "sicut erat in principio" to the "Gloria patri," and "tu solus altissimus" to the "Gloria in excelsis," and in the Symbol "filioque" to "a patre." They complained to the Pope, who turned to the Emperor. The latter commissioned Theodulf of Orleans to compose a work, "De spiritu sancto," and got it decreed at the Synod of Aachen (809) that the filioque belonged to the Symbol. [691] The Pope, however, who had to approve of this decision, still took the East into consideration, and did not permit the admission of the word, though he assented to the doctrine. Even the remonstrance of the Franks that the filioque was necessary to salvation did not move him. [692] The matter continued thus till the great controversy under Photius, until the filioque became the Symbolic watchword in the whole of the West. [693] The most worthless formula of Augustinianism, once recommended by its opposition to Arianism, was thus preserved in the West.

If in this controversy between the West and East the former at first received only a lukewarm support from Rome, which was still half Byzantine, the Pope ranged himself entirely on the side of the pious Eastern theologians in the Oriental controversy about images, and therewith his relations became strained with Frankish theology or the efforts made by Charles I. to promote civilisation. The attitude of that theology in the great conflict is extremely characteristic of the transition time in which it found itself. The spiritual (inner) element introduced into it by Augustine no longer reacted in Christology, and in the conception of the Mass, against mystical superstition and magic sacramentalism. It had been swallowed up by the more powerful Byzantine Roman current. But the Franks could not yet force themselves to adopt the Oriental worship of images. [694] A halt was made at the Host. A spiritual, Augustinian element reacted against image-worship, but, paradoxical as it sounds, the lower state of dogmatic culture had also its effect here. It would indeed seem, on a superficial view, that he who rejects the veneration of images is always the more cultured. But that only holds in circumstances that did not then exist. Where men had once entered, as was the case in the Frankish kingdom, the magic circle of the Byzantine mysticism that enveloped Christ and the cultus, it was simply the sign of a religious faith not yet fully developed on this basis to halt at the Host, and to disdain the riches offered by images to theological thought and pious fancy. The East and Rome made their Christology living for themselves in pictures, and so saw the past mystery in the abiding present. How could a faith dispense with them that already aimed at the sensuous enjoyment of heavenly things and revelled in the worship of relics? But dogmatic culture was still backward in the West, the theosophy of images had not yet been learnt, and--what was most important--but few pictures were possessed.

It has been maintained, [695] but it is not absolutely certain, that the Synod of Gentilly (767) emitted a declaration as to image-worship satisfactory to the Pope. The Synod of Frankfort (794) unanimously condemned the decision of the seventh OEcumenical Council, which required "service and adoration" (servitium, adoratio) to be rendered to images. The decisions of the Council were undoubtedly extant only in a very bad translation. [696] "Certain chapters" had been previously sent to Rome against the worship of images, these being an extract (85 ch.) from the Libri Carolini, which Alcuin had composed shortly before, at the Emperor's command, in conjunction with other theological Court officials; they were written against the Oriental Councils of 754 and
787. [697] In these iconoclasm, but still more strongly image-worship, are forbidden as foolish and mischievous. It was right to have pictures for decoration and recollection, but not to adore them (Gregory I., Ep. VII. III: "therefore the picture is used in Churches that those who are ignorant of letters may at least read by seeing upon the walls what they cannot read in books," and, further, Libri Carol. præf.: "having images in the ornaments of our churches and in memory of past events, and worshipping God alone, and exhibiting fit veneration to his saints, we are neither iconoclasts with the one party nor worshippers with the other"). Image-worship is then refuted at greater length, and the addition of the seventh to the six OEcumenical Councils is condemned; the two Synods (of 754 and 787) are "infamous" and "most foolish" (infames, ineptissimæ). Some would see in these books a proof of the Carlovingian "illumination"; [698] but the enlightenment, which is unmistakable in other respects, only went the length of ignorance of the theosophy of images, failure to understand the subtle distinctions between latreia (worship) and proskunesis (veneration), and the king's effort to advance civilisation. What the books really show is the self-reliance and sense of power of the Frankish Church, which break out with youthful audacity, convicting with mischievous glee the older and wiser sister of error, and actually summoning, and requiring the Pope formally to prosecute, the Byzantine Emperor and the Empress-Regent.

These books already show that the Roman West and the East could no longer go together, because the former sought to take command. They also reveal a trace of Augustinian spiritual teaching, but knowing what we do of the sort of thing held sacred at that time in the Frankish kingdom, they cannot be taken as proving that men were more enlightened in the Western than in the Eastern Church. [699] Pope Hadrian refuted the chapters, [700] but took care not to exaggerate the difference. Under Louis the Pious, a Synod convoked at Paris on account of an embassy from Michael the Stammerer (825) pronounced itself decidedly against the image-worshipping Pope, and held strictly to the line laid down in the Libri Carolini: pictures might be set up "in memory of pious love" (pro amoris pii memoria), as ornaments, and, above all, for the sake of the uneducated; but they were not to be adored, and their erection might therefore be dispensed with. [701] Louis adopted more stringent measures against image-worship than Charles. [702] Pope Eugene II. wrapped himself in silence; nay, even in A.D. 863 a Lateran Synod, while it recognised image-worship in guarded language, said nothing about the seventh OEcumenical Council. [703] Image-worship and the seventh Synod of 787 were gradually accepted only after the time of the eighth general Synod (869). [704] Yet the Carlovingian theologians were still hostile to image-worship at the close of the period. Hinkmar, who wrote a work, no longer preserved, "on the worship of pictures of the Redeemer and the Saints," [705] would only admit them as means of instruction (or for ornament); and Agobard, [706] Jonas of Orleans, [707] Walafrid Strabo, [708] and Æneas of Paris [709] held the same view. Hinkmar also calls the Council of 787 a Pseudo-Synod, and all Frankish authorities known to us, of the ninth century, reckon only six Councils. Even the (eighth) Council of 869 was at first not recognised by Hinkmar. It was only when the Frankish German Church again came to the light after the dark ages that it also saw the seventh and eighth Councils. Yet the difference with the Pope regarding the pictures hardly did any harm to his prestige in the ninth century. His authority, that is, had not been carried so high or become so sensitive that such shocks could bring about its fall. [710] Image-worship was never able to domesticate itself thoroughly where antiquity was not the ruling spirit. Even at the present day Italy is still the classic land of image-worship in the West. While, however, in the East that worship expresses the religious faith and the philosophy of religion themselves, because it is evolved from the Christology, in the West pictures form part of the system of intercessors and helpers in need. In practice, indeed, the difference is pretty well obliterated. __________________________________________________________________

[687] Of course only tendencies--the confusion that still prevailed at the close of the eighth century as regards Augustinianism is best shown by the fact that the Symbol admitted into the Libri Carolini (symbolum Hieronymi, sermo Augustini) was Pelagius' Confession of Faith ad Innocentium. But it was also, as late as A.D. 1521, produced by the Sorbonne against Luther as Augustine's confession.

[688] I have dealt with the origin and authority of the Athanasian Symbol in Vol. IV., p. 134. Since then Loofs (R. Encykl., Vol. II.3, pp. 177-194) has published an investigation regarding it, distinguished by a comprehensive knowledge of sources and literature. We are agreed as to the following points. (1) The Symbol, whether we may think it to have risen out of two originally independent documents or not, belongs to Roman Southern Gaul. (2) Its first, longer, Trinitarian half, as well as the second, shorter, Christological portion belongs to the period c. 450--(at latest) 600. In the pre-Carlovingian age the Symbol had only a partial authority--the Canon of Autun proves that it was accepted there c. 670. Not till the Carlovingian period was the way prepared for its universal acceptance. Thus only two important points are in dispute. (1) Did the Symbol originate in a sermo de symbolo, or was it directly conceived as a formulary of the faith? (2) Does it consist of two portions originally independent, or was it framed from the first in its present extent? I may here leave the first question alone. As regards the second, I had supported the original independence of the Trinitarian first half, and supposed that the Christological section was only added a considerable time later, perhaps not till the Carlovingian epoch. Loofs (p. 185 ff.) has convinced me, by his evidence as to the Cod. Paris, 3836, that this date has been put too late. But I never based my opinion of an original independence of the two parts on this external testimony invalidated by Loofs, but on the internal matter of the Symbol. The latter Loofs has practically left alone. The following facts fall to be considered. (1) In the opening of the Symbol, §§ 1-3, the doctrine of the Trinity is alone announced as "catholica fides" (compare the edict of Theodosius I. of A.D. 380); there is nothing to suggest that the author means also to deal with Christology. (2) In § 26 we find, consistently with this, the solemn conclusion reverting to the beginning; "Qui vult ergo salvus esse, ita de trinitate sentiat." This whole first half is accordingly a rule of faith complete in itself and entire, elaborated by the aid of Augustine and Vincentius, and anti-Arian. Nothing essential is to be found in it which could not have been written by Augustine, if of course the sentences may have been only gradually polished afterwards. (3) The following section, not hitherto introduced, is, indeed, bracketed with the preceding one by §§ 27 and 48; but these brackets testify plainly enough that an original organic unity is not to be supposed. For (a) § 40 is a replica of § 26, yet (b) the language is somewhat different (in the second section we have "fideliter credere," "fides recta, ut credamus et confiteamur," "fideliter et firmiterque credere"; in the first section: "catholicam fidem tenere," or "integram inviolatamque fidem servare"). (4) Looking to the contents, the Christological section, §§ 28-39, shows, first, the Antinestorian (32) and Antimonophysite attitude (34, 35) completely balanced; secondly, the Gallican rescension of the Apostle's Creed ("passus," "descendit ad inferos," "sedet ad dexteram dei patris omnipotentis--these could only be attributed to Spain); thirdly, the influence of the Nicene Constantinopolitan Creed ("passus est pro nostra salute,"), so that we can hardly ascend beyond the beginning of the sixth century for this part. (5) Weight is to be given to the fact that the author, who has adhered strictly in §§ 36, 37 to the curt form of the Symbol, has considered it necessary in §§ 38, 39 to make a wordy addition, that at Christ's coming all men "reddituri sunt de factis propriis rationem, et qui bona egerunt ibunt in vitam æternam, qui vero mala in ignem æternum." Is this addition not to be understood as in the interests of Semi-Pelagianism? The two portions may have been combined as early as the sixth century. If we could date the Sermo Trevir. we would know more accurately about this.

[689] See Hefele, III., p. 432.

[690] Hefele, III., p. 704; see Libr. Carol. III. 3 (Migne, Vol. 98), where Tarasius is blamed for teaching that the Holy Spirit proceeds ex patre per filium instead of ex filio.

[691] Hefele, III., 750-755.

[692] See Mansi, XIV., p. 18 sq. It is very important that the Pope objected to the last-mentioned argument of the Franks, saying that other things were also necessary for salvation, and were yet not received into the Symbol, since it could admit of no change at all. This meant (as opposed to the Eastern view) that the Symbol did not embrace everything that belonged to salvation. The Pope says (p. 20): "Verumtamen, quæso, responde mihi: num universa hujusmodi fidei mystica sacramenta, quæ symbolo non continentur, sine quibus quisque, qui ad hoc pertingere potest, catholicus esse non potest, symbolis inserenda et propter compendium minus intellegentium, ut cuique libuerit, addenda sunt?" The Pope, besides, asserted, in a very remarkable way, in the interview with the Frankish missi, he thought that all stages of culture could not take up the same attitude to dogma, hat accordingly what was important to some was not to others.

[693] The papal legates in Constantinople (A.D. 88o) still subscribed the Symbol without filiogue. On John VIII., see Hefele IV., p. 482. The Frankish kingdom took the liveliest interest in the controversy in that period; but the grounds on which it rested its own view were always the same. It is not known how and when the "filioque" was admitted in Rome into the Symbol; and we know just as little about how and when Rome accepted the Gallican Apostles' Creed and the Athanasian.

[694] This is true of the cultured, and at that time governing, portion of the clergy.

[695] Hefele, III., p. 433; Hauck, K.-Gesch. II., p. 278 f.

[696] Mansi, XIII., p. 909.
[697] Migne, CII., p. 999 sq.
[698] Reuter, l.c. I., p. 10 f.

[699] The most vigorous defenders of Augustinian spiritual teaching were Claudius of Turin and Agobard; see Reuter, I., p. 16 ff. We are reasonably astonished that Claudius did not fare worse than he did. The study of Augustine had opened his as well as Agobard's eyes to the contrast between the external, superstitious Christianity of their time and the ideal type of Catholicism that had taken shape to itself in the work of the great African.

[700] Mansi, XIII., p. 759.
[701] Mansi, XIV., p. 415 sq. Hefele, IV., 38 ff.

[702] See Claudius' mission in Upper Italy, where iconoclasm broke out, and the worship was described as idolatry.

[703] Mansi, XV., p. 178, 244; XIV., p. 106. Hefele, IV., p. 272.

[704] But the dispute between Rome and Byzantium had already become acute, the gap impassable, so that the west was unable to take part in the great renaissance of the sciences experienced by Byzantium from the time of Photius until the beginning of the tenth century.

[705] See Schrörs, l.c., p. 163.

[706] Contra eorum superstitionem, qui picturis et imaginibus sanctorum adorationis obsequium deferendum putant. Migne, CIV., p. 199.

[707] De cultu imaginum, 1. III. Migne, CVI., p. 305.

[708] De eccles. rerum exordiis. Migne, CXIV., p. 927.

[709] Lib. adv. Græc. Migne, CXXI., p. 685 sq.

[710] On the authority of Peter's Chair itself in Hinkmar's view, see Schrörs, l.c., p. 165 f. But when men spoke of the Pope, they did not always think of the primacy (which, besides, included no administrative power in other dioceses), but also of the Roman Church. She is the "nurse and teacher" of all churches (Hinkmar). __________________________________________________________________

3. The Development of the Practice and Theory of the Mass (the Dogma of the Lord's Supper) and of Penance.

Three factors co-operated to promote a development of the theory of the Lord's Supper in the West in the Carlovingian age. Firstly, the influence of Byzantium, where the controversy about images had led their worshippers to disconnect the symbolical conception from the consecrated elements, in order to avoid the necessity of identifying the Sacrament with the images, and of thus robbing the great mystery of its unique character. [711] Secondly, the practice of the Western Church. The divine service of the Mass was the central point of all Christianity, to which everything referred, and from which every saving influence flowed for the baptized Christian. But if the ordinary life of the Christian was connected with miraculous powers and mysteries, if miracles were in the present, and still more in the accounts of the past, every-day events, [712] then the sacred act effected in the Lord's Supper had to be developed into the wonder of wonders, lest its significance should be impaired by comparison with hundreds of miracles of a common stamp. [713] Thirdly, theology and Christology come before us in this connection. The greater the prominence given in the notion of God to the idea that God, because omnipotent, was a mysterious arbitrary power, and the more vague became the perception of God in Christ and the knowledge measured by moral holiness, the more firmly did men cling to the institutions of the Church as the alone manifest, and seek in them, i.e., in mystery and miracle, to apprehend the hidden God. Further, the more the historical Christ was lost in light which no man can approach, and the more resolutely religious speculation, in order to be truly pious, only saw in him the God, who had added human nature to his fulness (see the Adoptian controversy), the more clearly did men feel themselves constrained to seek Christ not in the historical picture or the Word, but where the mystery of his Incarnation and death was present and palpable. [714]

The active influence of these combined factors undoubtedly received an extremely significant check in the case of Bede, and in the first decades of the Carlovingian age, from the rise of the study of Augustine, whose teaching on the Lord's Supper had been predominantly spiritual. Charles's theologians, or Charles himself, frequently used quite Augustinian language, in speaking of the Lord's Supper. But even in their case variations occur, [715] and towards the end of the period of Louis the Pious, Paschasius Radbertus was able to assert as doctrine, what had long been felt by the majority, that the real (historical) body of Christ was sacrificed in the Mass, and partaken of in the Lord's Supper. [716]

Paschasius Radbertus was perhaps the most learned and able theologian, after Alcuin, as well versed in Greek theology as he was familiar with Augustinianism, a coinprehensive genius, who felt the liveliest desire to harmonise theory and practice, and at the same time to give due weight to everything that had been taught till then by Church tradition regarding the Lord's Supper. [717] His great work on the Lord's Supper was the first Church monograph on the subject. [718] It is a one-sided description of its contents to sum them up in the phrase: "Paschasius taught transubstantiation." [719] The importance of the book lies rather in the fact that the Lord's Supper is exhaustively discussed from all possible points of view, and that a certain unity is nevertheless attained. Paschasius did for this dogma what Origen did for the whole of dogmatics; he is the Origen of the Catholic doctrine of the Lord's Supper, which was placed by him as a theory in the central position that it had long held in practice. We can only appreciate Paschasius' teaching if we keep it in mind that Greek Christological mysticism, Augustinian spiritualism, and--unconsciously to the author himself--the practice of the Frankish Church, had an equal share in it. But we must also remember that the notion of God as inscrutable omnipotence, i.e., arbitrary power, was dominant. Without this conception of deity the doctrine of transubstantiation would never have been reached. [720]

To begin with, Paschasius has given most vigorous expression to Augustinian doctrine not as something foreign to him, but as if he had thoroughly assimilated it. [721] The sacrament is a spiritual food for faith; to eat Christ's flesh means to be and remain in Christ. The rite is given to faith, and faith is to be roused by it. Faith, however, is always related to the invisible; and thus the sacrament in its deepest sense can only be received by the faith that has withdrawn into the invisible world. Christ, the soul, faith, heaven, and the sacrament are most intimately connected--the bodily eye must always look beyond the sensuous to the heavenly behind it. Therefore the meal is a meal for the holy, the elect. Only he who belongs to Christ and is a member in his body enjoys the food worthily, nay, he alone enjoys the food of faith actually. Unbelievers receive the sacrament, but not its virtue (virtus sacramenti). But even Augustine had so distinguished between these two notions that virtus sacramenti sometimes describes its saving efficacy alone, sometimes the miraculous nature of the holy food itself, so that in the former case the sacrament itself signifies the totality of the rite without its corresponding effect, and in the latter merely something objective incapable of further definition. Radbert, like Augustine, prefers the latter version. The believer alone receives the virtus sacramenti as food of faith and incorporation into Christ's body--there was no eating on the part of unbelievers (manducatio infidelium); Christ's flesh as contained in the sacrament did not exist apart from faith. The unbeliever, indeed, receives the sacrament--what that is is indefinable--but he does so to his condemnation; for without the virtus sacramenti the sacrament exists ad judicium damnationis. [722]

In addition to this Augustinianism, a Greek element is very strongly marked in the description of the effects of the holy food; for besides incorporation in Christ and forgiveness of venial sins, the chief emphasis is laid on our soul and body being nourished by this food for immortality. The combination contained in the statement that this is effected by baptism, the Lord's Supper, and Holy Scripture (c. 1, 4), is Western; but the intention to which prominence is given in connection with the Lord's Supper alone, viz. "that even our flesh may be renewed by it to immortality and incorruption," [723] is Greek. Indeed Radbert even says conversely: "the flesh of Christ spiritually digested is transformed into our flesh." [724] But he now went still further with the Greeks--Cyril and John of Damascus. He had learned from them that although the rite existed for faith only, yet the reality of Christ's body was present. [725] This assumption was rendered easy, nay imperative, to the Greeks by their view that Christ's historical body was itself pneumatic from the moment of the Incarnation. Although they then (John of Damascus) completed the identification, and assumed a real presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, they still hesitated secretly, because they did not get over the difficulty caused by the fact that the body once received into heaven did not return. Therefore they assigned the form of the miracle (sacramental transformation and assumption) to the "mystery." Radbert took up the matter here, at the same time influenced by the popular conception and his certainty that the practice of the Church was justified. For the first time in the Church he declares without hesitancy that the sacramental body is that which had been born of Mary, and that this is due to a transformation which only leaves the sensuous appearance unchanged. This is a miracle against nature (or quasi contra naturam: for nature always depends on the will of God); but it is to be believed for that very reason, for we only think worthily of God, who can do anything, when we acknowledge him to be the power that works miracles. What he does here is a miraculous creative act, effected, as always, through the word, in this case the word of institution, and this is spoken not by the priest, but on each occasion by God through the eternal Word (Christ), so that the priest only issues the appeal to God. This constantly repeated creation by God is exactly parallel to the Incarnation--Christ's word corresponds to the Holy Spirit, the elements to the virgin's womb; the effect is the same. The sacramental is the historical body, of course also historically transfigured; for from Cyril's standpoint the transfiguration of the body in the Resurrection is only the manifestation of the properties which it always possessed. [726] In order to explain the startling fact that the results of the transformation were not capable of being perceived by the senses, Radbert had a number of reasons ready: it was unnecessary and repulsive, [727] and besides it would happen often.
[728] The most important of these was that--it was necessary the rite should remain a mystery given to faith alone. We are as far as possible from being prepared for this idea, and yet it was very important to Radbert. The Lord's Supper always presupposes faith and is meant to rouse faith, where it exists, to advance to the undisguised Christ who is not daily sacrificed. Hence the sacrament cannot be a manifest, but is always a disguised, miracle. Hence, moreover, the elements, in so far as they are not perceptibly transformed (colour, taste, and smell remaining), must be regarded as symbols of Christ's body, from which faith penetrates to the mysterious but really created source of salvation. The sensuous appearance of the consecrated elements is the symbol of Christ's body, their essence is the true historical body itself. [729]

We readily perceive that in this phase the bridge to the Augustinian conception has been recovered. Paschasius intended to unite and did unite two positions in his doctrine of the Lord's Supper: the Augustinian, that the sacraments are given to faith and everything in them is spiritually handled, and the Greek, which also seemed to him commended by the letter of Scripture, the Fathers, and a few miracles, that we are confronted by a reality existent prior to all faith, since only the true body and the blood actually shed can redeem us, and since we need the corporeal indwelling of Christ. Both considerations seemed to be served by the view, that in the elements we are dealing with a miraculous creation of Christ's body, which is, however, effected in such a way that faith alone can rise from the still existent semblance of the mere bodily figure (figura corporis) to the apprehension of the heavenly reality.

The voluminous books, afterwards written by Catholics and Lutherans on the Lord's Supper, prove that Radbert's theory opened up a perspective to hundreds of questions, which he did not solve, and, indeed, did not even put. His treatment of the part played by the priest at the sacrament seemed unsatisfactory. His brief expositions as to the creation of the body failed to make certain the identity of the heavenly and the sacramental Christ. There was still no definition of the relation of the unconverted to the converted object of sense-perception. When men began to attempt this definition, nothing short of the whole of philosophy necessarily passed before the mind of the cultured theologian. The claim of the symbolical view had to be determined, and thereby the sacrament, symbol, virtue, reality (res) and, again, the graded and yet identical bodies of Christ (the historical on earth, the transfigured in heaven, the sacramental on earth, the body as Church in heaven and on earth) had to be defined, as it were geologically, as intersecting boulders. "One deep called to the others"; and the fact that in after times the most intelligent men leant an ear to this clamour, and yet remained sane in other respects, proved that the most absurd speculations in the sphere of religion do not necessarily make the whole reason sick. [730]

But the most remarkable feature in Radbert's fundamental theory is that he did not refer primarily to the Mass, or indeed to Christ's death on the Cross; in other words, he did not draw all the consequences which resulted from it. Radbert is not the theologian of the Catholic Mass. The Incarnation and Lord's Supper were for him more intimately connected, as it seems, than Christ's sacrificial death and the dogma of the Lord's Supper. From this we see that Radbert was a disciple of the Greeks, that he was really a theologian, and his interest did not centre primarily on the Church institution of penance, and the divine service of the Mass connected with it. [731]

Rabanus [732] and Ratramnus alone opposed him. The opposition is as obscure, logically, as in the controversy about the virgin birth. As Ratramnus had then taught that the natural had come to pass by a miracle, while Radbert held that the event was contrary to nature; so here again Rabanus and, above all, Ratramnus taught that, while the external miracle (contra naturam)--the communication in the Lord's Supper of the body that was born, that died and rose again--did not take place, the true body was potentialiter (effectively) created, yet in mysterio, by the consecration of the Holy Spirit. [733] Ratramnus examines elaborately the problem that the king had set him, whether that which is received into his mouth by the believer, is in mystery or reality Christ's body. From the king's question he himself formulates other two: whether participation, in the cultus, in the body of Christ was an act in mysterio or in veritate, and whether the sacramental body was identical with the historical which now sits at the right hand of the Father. [734] To the second question he replies that that which lies consecrated on the altar is by no means the historical body, but only the mystery of the body, as also the mystery of the Church. As regards the historical body the consecrated elements are thus only a figure (figura), means of reminiscence for our present earthly life, since we cannot yet see what we believe. [735] But nevertheless believers receive Christ's body and blood in this rite; for faith does not receive what it sees, but what it believes, Accordingly in the Lord's Supper Christ's body exists in an invisbile reality for faith as real food of the soul. [736] The extremely obscure and at least seemingly contradictory statements of Ratramnus make it hard to hit on his meaning correctly. In any case he taught no mere figurative conception. We shall perhaps be most certain to do him justice if we observe what above all he did, and what he did not, intend. He meant above all to emphasise and verify the absolute necessity of faith throughout the rite; the sacrament belonged to faith, existed for it alone, etc. [737] In this he coincides entirely with Radbert, who shared the same interest equally strongly. But in what he would not allow he is distinguished to his advantage from Radbert; since everything is given to faith he would not recognise the common reality, because in view of the latter faith and disbelief are indifferent. To Ratramnus reality (veritas) is concrete being as it presents itself to the senses; for this very reason "sub figura" and "in veritate" he looks on as mutually exclusive opposites. Faith has its own realities, which are real, but only disclose themselves to faith; Ratramnus designates them--mistakenly--as "sub figura," because they are copied by sensuous realities, or, better, rest behind the latter. Radbert, on the other hand, believed himself compelled, precisely as an Augustinian, to conceive veritas as reality in general; hence to him "sub figura" and in veritate are not opposites, since heavenly realities when they appeared as earthly had in his view to manifest themselves sub figura. But Ratramnus was superior to Radbert as a Christian, in that he did not conceive the presence of the heavenly in the earthly to be a miracle against nature, i.e., he followed a different notion of God from the latter. [738] The mysteries of faith are not brought to pass by a continual interruption of the natural order, but they rest as a world administered by the Holy Spirit behind the phenomenal world, and what takes place in the Lord's Supper is not a departure, by means of a special miracle, from operations such as are carried out, e.g., in Baptism (c. 17, 25, 26.) In a word, Ratramnus would have the mystery of the Lord's Supper recognised as in harmony with the method by which God bestows salvation through Baptism and the Word, because as an Augustinian and Christian he shrank from the brutal miracle (the idea of God is here involved), and because he was afraid that otherwise nothing would be left to faith.

It is in this that the importance of Ratramnus consists. But it is questionable whether the learned king for whom he wrote was any the wiser for his book; for not only is Ratramnus confused in his terminology, but also in his matter, [739] because he would not give up the idea that the efficacy of the sacrament was objective, whence it always follows that the miraculous efficacy depends not on the recipients, but on the means. Hence we find numerous expositions in which he talks like Radbert: by the ministry of the priest the bread becomes Christ's body, nay, it is transformed. [740] He does not venture to pursue consistently the parallel he seeks to establish with baptismal water; for the words "body and blood of Christ" are too strong for him. It is sinful to deny that the consecrated elements are Christ's body. [741] Thus the difference between Radbert and Ratramnus can be reduced to the following formula. The former openly and deliberately transferred the spiritual teaching of Augustinianism into the realistic conception, and gave clear expression to the belief of the Church. The latter attempted to maintain complete spiritualism in the interests of a loftier notion of God and of faith, but he was not in a position to carry this out absolutely, because he himself was far too much under the influence of the formula. Therefore he only speaks clearly where he is disowning the miracle. [742] The future belonged to Radbert; [743] nay, Ratramnus' book, it would seem, did not even excite attention, but afterwards met with the most curious history down to the present day. [744]

The doctrine expressed by Radbert, a Pandora's casket of problems to future scholars, was extremely intelligible to the simple. Nothing can guarantee the success of a dogma more fully than the possession of these two qualities. It received its application, above all, in the Mass. The thought of the repeated sacrificial death of Christ, long since conceived, was now as firmly established as that of the repeated assumption of the flesh. What could now approach the Mass? There was no need to alter the ancient wording of missal prayers, which still, when they dealt with the sacrifice, emphasised the sacrifice of praise; for who attended to words? The Mass as a sacrificial rite, in which the holiest thing conceivable was presented to God, had, however, ceased long ago to end in participation, but found its climax in the act that expiated sin and removed evil. It was received into the great institution that conferred atonement. On this a few further remarks are necessary, although no dogmatic conflicts arose.

The frequent repetition of the Mass (in one and the same Church), and its simple celebration (without communion), show that this rite was not intended so much for the congregation as for God: God was to be appeased. The ancient element of commemoration on the part of the celebrants had, especially since the days of Gregory I., been made an independent service, and the communion had been, as it were, changed into a second celebration. [745] The practice, according to which the laity looked on while the priests partook, the laity taking merely a passive part--the rite being consummated on their behalf--while the priests performed the ceremony, corresponded to the prevailing view, especially among German peoples, that laymen were second-class Christians, and that partaking in the Lord's Supper was for them associated with grave dangers. The holy rite belonged to the laity, so far as it represented a form of the Church's intercession peculiarly effective for the mitigation of sin's penalties.

The Mass was thereby included in the Church's atoning institute; but for laymen the Church had long been essentially a baptismal institution, and an establishment for the reconciliation necessary after baptism. In order to understand this, and the immense extent and value acquired by the practice of Confession in the West, we have to observe the following points.

1. The prevailing notion of God was that of omnipotent absolutism, requital and remission. It was in these conceptions that God was a present and really living God, and they directed the thought and practice of trained theologians and laymen. The hidden God was manifest in the fact that he suffered no sin to be unatoned; but he was merciful because he granted remissions (through the mediation of heavenly persons and the Church) a fact which, indeed, did not contravene the general rule that everything must be expiated or punished. This notion of God was already complete when the Church entered into the national life of Germany. It is accordingly not to be regarded as a German modification, but as a conception in harmony with and rising from the unrefined religious consciousness, and especially the Latin spirit. Cyprian and Gregory I. attest this. But as this conception of God could easily combine with German ideas of justice, it was also well adapted to train uncivilised peoples. It had long been settled on purely Latin soil that no sin committed after Baptism could be simply forgiven, but that due penitence (pænitentia legitima), or fitting satisfaction (satisfactio congrua) formed the necessary condition of remission. In keeping with the strict regard for law and sense of duty, which distinguished the Latin Church more than the Greek, ecclesiastical methods paid more heed to the sins of Church members in general. And in accordance with the conviction that sins represented breaches of contract or outrages, of greater or less gravity, the Church had been working at the codification of pænitentia legitima, or the definition of the measure of satisfaction, since the second half of the third century. All this took place without German influence.

2. This system had originally been elaborated with a view to public penance, in presence of the congregation, for the sake of reconciliation, and thus referred to open and gross sins, for which as a rule only a single act of penance was possible. It therefore suffered a severe blow when all society became Christian, and magistrates, being themselves Christians, punished these gross offences of different kinds, even such as the State had not formerly dealt with. The whole ancient institution of penance collapsed in the East. It came almost entirely to an end in the West also in its old form, in so far as the list of public sins, punished by the Church alone, was always growing smaller. [746] But in the German kingdoms, where the Church had not sunk to the level of an institution for worship in the State, and had not entirely abandoned higher religion to the monks, where, on the contrary, it long went hand in hand with the State as a Latin institution with its old Roman law, and trained the nations as a universal power, it did not renounce its penance regulations, which besides suited the German spirit. But a change was necessary in this case also, a change in which German dislike to public humiliations had perhaps as great a share as fear of purgatory and the tendency of the Church to establish throughout the regulations of its monkish castes, in other words, to monachise the secular clergy, and finally also the laity. From this there sprang a deepening of the notion of sin, since new sins, namely, the "roots of sin" themselves were put in the place of the old mortal sins, [747] but there also resulted an externalising of the notion, as "satisfactions," which are more tolerable in the case of great overt offences, were now also applied to these "roots" (intemperance, fornication, greed, anger, ill-temper, secret fear and dislike, presumption and pride).

But, above all, this was followed by the intrusion of the Church into all affairs of private life. What had been the rule in primitive times, namely, the subjection of the private life of the individual to the control of the Church, returned in an entirely new form. But then it was a congregation of brethren which lived together like a family, and in which each was the conscience of the other; now one institution and one class ruled the irresponsible community; and while the latter was restrained, indeed, from extremes, yet, since no one was really capable of properly controlling the life of the individual, consciences were sophisticated by incentives and sedatives, by a frequently over-refined morality (legislation as to fasting and marriage), and by extremely external directions as to satisfaction. The transition to the new practice resulted in the laity themselves demanding the intercession of the Church, the reading of the Mass, invocations of the saints, etc., to an increasing extent, since preachers had always been telling them that they were a sinful people, incapable of coming near God, [748] that the priests held the keys, and that the Church's intercession was the most effective. But the gradual settlement of monachist practice in the world-Church alone explains the facts that actual confession of all sins to the priest, and the imposition of all sorts of satisfactions,
[749] for the hundred and one offences in life and conduct, in a word, that private penance in the presence of the priest, became the rule. This state of matters began in the Iro-Scottish Church, which was in an eminent degree monachist. There penitential regulations--meaning private penance--were, so far as we know, first drawn up for the laity, who were directed to confess their sins to the priest, as the monks had long been enjoined to do in their cloisters. From Ireland, books dealing with penance came to the Anglo-Saxons (Theodore of Canterbury), to the Franks and Rome; they did not establish this footing without opposition, and after they had become a settled institution, they very soon gave offence again, since their directions became more and more external and questionable. To the practice of private penance which thus arose is to be ascribed the new conception of sin, and the new attitude to it, which now became the ruling one in the West, namely, the facile and deadening readiness with which every one confessed himself to be a mortal sinner. What was more tolerable in the ranks of the monks, nay, was in many cases the expression of a really sensitive conscience--I mean the readiness at once to confess oneself a sinner, and to make a less and less distinction between sins and sins--threatened when transferred to the masses to become a worthless practice, because one that blunted the moral sense. Men sinned, and coolly confessed wholesale to a host of sins, lest they might miss the miraculous help of the Church, for some one or other actually committed. If the men of those days had not been so simple, this system would even then have made them thorough hypocrites. But as it was, it worked more like an external system of law--a police institution, which punished wantonness and barbarianism, outbreaks of wild energy and passion. This was not the intention, but it was its actual import, so far as a certain salutary effect cannot be denied it.

3. The institution was already certain in its operations, and made great strides especially in the later Carlovingian period, since the complete separation of the clergy and laity, which had been obliterated in the Merovingian age, was only then made once more complete, and measures began at the same time to be taken to make monks of the former. Nevertheless the dogmatic theory was still entirely awanting. It was not settled that the priest alone could forgive sins--it was still conceded that trifling sins could be expiated without the priest, by means of prayer and alms. Nor were the value and result of priestly forgiveness fixed: was it declaratory or deprecatory? Nor had it been stated to be absolutely necessary to confess all sins to the priest.
[750] And finally no fixed definitions had been deduced from the matter itself of mortal and venial sins, or of the treatment of public and private offences. It was only long afterwards that all these points were decided. We see clearly here that ecclesiastical practice does not wait for dogmatic, indeed, that it does not really need it, as long as it goes with the great stream. The Church possessed a sacrament of penance with all its subtleties for many centuries, during which dogmatic knew of no such thing, but span a finer thread.

4. This is not the place to give the interesting history of the growth of satisfactions. Let us, however, notice four points. (1) The old, more or less arbitrary, definitions dealing with the selection (prayers, alms, lamentations, temporary exclusion), and duration of compensatory punishments were supplemented to an increasing extent by new ones (pilgrimages), as well as by definitions taken from the Old Testament law and German legal ordinances. Charlemagne took a great stride in advance with reference to dependence on the Old Testament. But this led to the computation of compensatory penalties being itself looked at in the light of a divine dispensation, and definitions not taken from the Old Testament were also regarded from the same standpoint. (2) The performance of penance was a means of compensation, so far as--if no sin had preceded it--it would have established merit in the sight of God, or would have bestowed something upon him. (It was accordingly not merely a substitution for punishment, but also a positive property in the sight of God, and therefore a compensation for injury.) Accordingly the whole institution was included under the conception of merit, from of old connected with works and alms (operibus et eleemosynis). But if the performance of penance was after all the presentation of something valuable (sacrifice) to God, something which gave him pleasure, and that for its own sake, it became more effective if as many and as good persons as possible took part in it. If a saint helped by his intercession, then God could not really resist; for there was nothing to be made good by the saint, and therefore his offering was a pure present to God. This dreadful idea that the mighty Judge in Heaven could demand nothing more of the saints, while they were able to bestow much upon him, makes it evident that the system of intercessions necessarily played the most important rôle in the system of penance. The conception of Christ taken by faith, that he represents men in the Father's presence, was perverted in the saddest way, and he was dragged into this system; and since nothing was too lofty or precious to be included as investments in this petty calculation, the repeated sacrificial death of Christ was itself the most important instalment. Masses were the surest protection against sins' penalties in purgatory, because in them Christ himself was presented to the Father, and the infinite value [751] of his Passion was anew brought before him, in other words, the merit of that Passion was multiplied. Hence the accumulation of a treasury of masses was the best "palliative" against the fire, or the most reliable means of abridging it.

(3) Since performances of penance [752] --the penitent disposition was always presupposed in theory--had an objective value to God, and were at the same time in part equivalents, they could be bartered. Not only, however, could like be bartered for like, but a less valuable act could be taken as full payment, if circumstances rendered a complete discharge difficult, or if it was supplemented by the intercession of others, or if the slighter performance sufficiently displayed the penitent mood. It had been the custom in earlier times to shorten the duration and diminish the number of penances imposed by the Church after the penitent had proved his sincerity. This was appropriate enough, for the purpose was to effect reconciliation with the community; but it was now applied to the penitent's relation to God. It was at the same time remembered that the strict Judge was also merciful, i.e., indulgent. Thus arose the system of remissions, i.e., of commutations and redemptions, or of substitutions. The latter originated in German conceptions, but they had a latent root even in ancient times. Commutations and redemptions are first met with in any number in the eighth and ninth centuries. "Weregeld" or blood-money is found sanctioned then; but they already follow from the ancient system, and had certainly been practised in the cloisters long before the Carlovingian age. Therewith, however, indulgences were created, as soon, namely, as the possibility of commutation was admitted and legally fixed, independently of the special circumstances of the individual case. These commutations, which were only established against opposition, completely externalised the whole system. Above all, they interested the Church financially, and made it, already the great landed proprietor, into a banking establishment. How poor was the Greek Church, with its scanty trade in relics, pictures, and lights, compared with her rich sister, who drew bills on every soul!

(4) The whole system of merits and satisfactions had really no reference to sins, but only to their punishment. But since everything ultimately served this system, men were trained to evade sins' penalties as well, securely, and cheaply as possible. The element which seemingly mitigated the dangers of this whole view--namely, that sin itself was left out of sight, since it must be forgiven by God who excites penitence and faith--necessarily resulted in the case of the multitude in their paying little or no attention to sin, and in their thinking only of punishment. Even if they finally entered the cloister, or gave their goods to the poor, they did so, not because they loved God, but because they wished to escape his punishments. Punishment ruled the world and the consciences for whose possession good and evil angels contend.

It would not have been necessary to discuss this practice within the limits of the history of dogma if it had not had a very active influence on dogma in the succeeding period. It had wound itself round Augustinianism from the beginning, and had prevented it from obtaining complete sway in the Church; it influenced Christology even in the time of Gregory I., and then in the classic period of the Middle Ages it acted decisively upon and remodelled all the dogmas that had come down from antiquity. [753] __________________________________________________________________

[711] On the development of the mysteries and Lord's Supper in the Greek Church, see Vol. IV. p. 268. John of Damascus (De fide orth. IV. 13), declared expressly: ouk esti tupos ho artos tou somatos all' auto to soma tou kuriou tetheomenon. After the Synod of 754 (Mansi, XIII., p. 261 sq.), had called the consecrated elements types and images, the second Nicene Synod of 787 (l.c. p. 265) expressly declared that they were not that, since neither the Apostles nor Fathers had so named them; by consecration they rather became auto soma kai auto aima. Yet Transubstantiation, taken strictly in the Western sense, was admittedly never taught by the Greeks.

[712] See Reuter, I., pp. 24 ff. 41 ff.

[713] In order to perceive that the Lord's Supper needed a special prominence to be given to it, notice the view taken by Hinkmar of ordeals, on which Augustine, indeed, had already laid great stress (Schrörs, p. 190 ff.); he regarded them, namely, as sacraments instituted in Scripture, and placed them on a level with the baptismal ceremonies. Hinkmar was not alone in the value he attached to the oath of purgation and divine judgments (see Rozière, Recueil général des formules, Paris, 1859, n. DLXXXI.-DCXXV.; on p. 70, the ceremony is described as christianæ religionis officium), but Agobard, who opposed them, stood almost alone; see Reuter, I., p. 32 ff.

[714] The controversies de partu virginis (Bach, I., p. 152 ff.; see Ratramnus, Liber de eo, quod Christus ex virgine natus est; Radbertus, Opusculum de partu virginis, d'Achery, Spicil. I. p. 52, 44), show still better than the Adoptian controversy, the kind of Christology that was honoured by the religion of the community and monks. Ratramnus described as the poison of the old serpent the fact that some Germans denied that Christ had issued from Mary's womb in the natural way, for thus the reality of Christ's birth was destroyed, although he also acknowledged Mary's perpetual virginity and taught the partus clauso utero: "clausa patuit dominanti." Radbert on the other hand, without answering Ratramnus, consoled some nuns, who had been unsettled by the alleged denial of Mary's virginity, by saying that the Church held firmly to the "clauso utero"; for if Christ had come to the light in the natural way, he would have been like an ordinary man; everything connected with the incarnation, however, was miraculous. He who did not admit Christ to have been born clauso utero, set him under the common law of nature, i.e. sinful nature, and in that case Christ was not free of sin. The difference between the two scholars thus consisted solely in the fact that while Ratramnus maintained the natural process of birth to have taken place miraculously clauso utero, Radbert taught that the birth was a supernatural process, and that Christ had left his mother in a different way from other children. Radbert here also is the more consistent; Ratramnus seeks to unite natural and supernatural. Radbert, at least, in imparting his curious instruction to the virgins of the cloister, does not display the pruriency of Jerome, who is the father of these gynæcological fancies, and the nuns may have taken this question very seriously, as seriously as Marcion and Augustine, because they recognised all that was sexual to be the hearth of sin. To later scholasticism is clue the credit of having explained the partus clause utero scientifically from the ubiquity of Christ's body. Such miraculous conceptions having been diffused as to the body of the historical Christ, it being held, in a word, to be already pneumatic in itself, it was by that very reason sacramental (mysterious). But, in that case, it was impossible not to take the next step, and finally and completely identify the real with that sacramental (mysterious) body that was offered in the Lord's Supper. The lines drawn from the incarnation dogma and the Lord's Supper necessarily converged in the end. That this did not happen earlier was due, apart from the material hindrance presented by Augustine with his sober conceptions of the historical Christ as a real homo, to formal difficulties caused by the traditional idiom (the sacramental body is figura corporis Christi). These had to be removed. Bach remarks very justly (I. p. 156): "The cause of present day misunderstandings of the ancient controversies regarding the Lord's Supper, consists in mistaking the law that governs the formation of language, and that also applies to theological idiom. We refer here to the gradual change of meaning of theological words, even when they have become, as regards their outward verbal form, fixed categories, i.e. termini technici." The admission here frankly made by the Catholic historian of dogma is, we know, not always granted by Lutheran theologians. We have indeed had to listen, in the controversy of our own days, to the wonderful cry that we ought to restore to words their original meaning. As if any one still possessed the old die!

[715] Bede's teaching was thoroughly Augustinian. ("In redemptionis memoriam," "corporis sanguinisque sacramentum," "ad corpus Christi mystice refertur," "spiritualiter intellegite," "non hoc corpus, quod videtis--Christus inquit--manducaturi estis, sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi, spiritualiter intellectum vivificabit vos," "lavat nos a peccatis nostris quotidie in sanguine suo, cum beatæ passionis ad altare memoria replicatur, cum panis et vini creatura in sacramentum carnis et sanguinis ejus ineffabili spiritus sanctificatione transfertur"); passages in Münter (D.-Gesch. II., 1 [1834] p. 223 f.). But we then see how the conception changed step by step until the middle of the ninth century. Alcuin repeats his teacher's principles; but both his opposition to the Council of A.D. 754 (De impio imag. cultu IV. 14: "non sanguinis et corporis dominici mysterium imago jam nunc dicendum est, sed veritas, non umbra, sed corpus"), and in part his study of Greek Christology and adoption of sentiments expressed in the Church practice led him to make statements like the following (Ep. 36): "profer nomen amici tui eo tempore opportuno, quo panem et vinum in substantiam corporis et sanguinis Christi consecraveris." Münter justly remarks (l.c.) that this is not yet synonymous with "in substantiam corporis convertere;" but it approaches it. The general notion of the Sacrament is completely identical in the cases of Isidore, Rabanus Maurus, Ratramnus, and Paschasius Radbertus, and so entirely follows Augustine in its construction that we are not prepared by it for the strictly realistic version in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper.

[716] See Radberti Lib. de corp. et sang. domini (831), new edition, with an Ep. ad Carolum, thirteen years later (Migne, CXX., p. 1267). Steitz in the R.-Encykl. XII., p. 474. Rückert in Hilgenfeld's Ztschr.
1858. Bach. I., p. 156 ff. Reuter, I., p. 41 ff. Choisy, Paschase Radbert, Genève, 1888. Hausher, Der hl. Paschasius, 1862. Ernst, Die Lehre d. h. P. Radbert v. d. Eucharistie, 1896. Geschichte der Abendmahlsfeier by Dieckhoff, p. 13 ff., Ebrard, Kahnis, etc. Ebert, Gesch. d. Lit. des Mittelalters, II. Mabillon, in the second and third parts of the Benedictine Annals. Ratramnus' work (De corpore et sanguine domini ad Carolum) in Migne CXXI., p. 125. Köhler, Rabanus' Streit mit Paschasius, in Hilgenfeld's Zeitschr. 1879, p. 116 ff. A detailed account of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper from Paschasius to Berengar is given by Schnitzer, Berengar von Tours (1890), pp. 127-245.

[717] Radbert's work, De fide, spe et caritate is also important, because it shows greater power to grasp religious doctrine as a whole than we expect at this date.

[718] So far as I know, no inquiry has yet been undertaken as to the homily, De corpore et sanguine Christi, which is found in Jerome's works (Migne, T. XXX., Col. 271 ff.), being ascribed by tradition to Eusebius of Emesa, and of which a copy is also given among the works of Faustus of Riez. In it occurs the sentence: "Visibilis sacerdos visibiles creaturas in substantiam corporis et sanguinis sui verbo suo secreta potestate convertit." The homily belongs to a whole group, on which consult Caspari, Briefe, Abhandlungen and Predigten (1890), p. 418 ff. (see above, p. 254).

[719] Choisy seeks to show that Paschasius was the father of the Catholic dogma even to the manducatio infidelium, and that the spiritual form of the dogma of the Lord's Supper is in his case only apparent, since ultimately everything is dominated by crass realism.

[720] Compare Radbert's extremely characteristic introduction to his treatise: he discusses the almighty will of God as ground of all natural events. God's arbitrary power is the ultimate cause; therefore his actions can be described as contrary to nature as well as natural (the latter, because even the regular course of things is subject to divine absolutism). The new dogma is explicitly based on this conception of God. Notoriously everything can be deduced from it, predestination, accommodation, transubstantiation, etc. Radbert holds the Lord's Supper to be the miracle of miracles, towards which all others point; see 1, 5.

[721] Radbert expressly attacks the Capernaite coarse conception of participation in the Lord's Supper; he declines to adopt the crudely sensuous ideas diffused in the widest circles (Bach, I. 167 ff.); see De corp. et sang. 8, 2. Expos. in Mat. 1. XII., 26. Reality in its common sense is "natura" in Radbert's view; but he never says that the elements are naturaliter transformed. Therefore also Christ's body is not digested.

[722] See esp. ch. VIII., but also 5-7, 14, 21. This spiritual conception, on which Steitz (1.c.) has rightly laid great stress, runs through the whole book. But when Radbert positively calls the body present in the Lord's Supper a corpus spiritale, he does not mean this in contrast with the natural, but the lower bodily nature (caro humana) confined to space. C. 21, 5: "Non nisi electorum cibus est." 6, 2: "Quid est, quod manducant homines? Ecce omnes indifferenter quam sæpe sacramenta altaris percipiunt. Percipiunt plane, sed alius carnem Christi spiritaliter manducat et sanguinem bibit, alius vero non, quamvis buccellam de manu sacerdotis videatur percipere. Et quid accipit, cum una sit consecratio, si corpus et sang. Chr. non accipit? Vere, quia reus indigne accipit, judicium sibi manducat."

[723] "Ut etiam caro nostra per hoc ad immortalitatem et incorruptionem reparetur."

[724] "Carni nostræ caro Christi spiritaliter conviscerata transformatur." See c. 11 and 19, 1: "Non sicut quidam volunt anima sola hoc mysterio pascitur, quia non sola redimitur morte Christi et salvatur, verum etiam et caro nostra, etc. etc.; "nos per hoc in incorruptionem transformamur" (therefore as in Justin); the same thought already in I. 4, 6.

[725] "Spiritale" and "verum" are thus not mutually exclusive.

[726] C. 1, 2: "Nullus moveatur de hoc corpore Christi et sanguine, quod in mysterio vera sit caro et verus sit sanguis, dum sic voluit ille qui creavit: omnia enim quæcumque voluit fecit in cælo et in terra, et quia voluit, licet in figura panis et vini, hæc sic esse, omnino nihil aliud quam caro Christi et sanguis post consecrationem credenda sunt. Unde ipsa veritas ad discipulos: Hæc, inquit, caro mea est pro mundi vita, et ut mirabilius loquar, non alia plane quam quæ nata est de Maria et passa in cruce et resurrexit de sepulcro." Further 7, 2: "corpus quod natum est de Maria virgine . . . resurrexit a mortuis, penetravit coelos et nunc pontifex factus in æternum quotidie interpellat pro nobis." 12, I: "ubi catholica fide hoc mysterium celebratur, nihil a bono majus nihilque a malo minus percipi sacerdote, nihilque aliud quam caro Christi et sanguis dum catholice consecratur, quia non in merito consecrantis sed in verbo efficitur creatoris et virtute spiritus s., ut caro Chr. et sanguis, non alia quam quæ de spiritu s. creata est, vera fide credatur et spiritali intellegentia degustetur . . . Christi est qui per s. s. hanc suam efficit carnem." Cf. 15, 1: "non æstimandum est, quod alterius verbis, quod ullius alterius meritis, quod potestate alicujus ista fiunt, sed verbo creatoris, quo cuncta creata sunt." 8, 2: "substantia panis et vini in Christi carnem et sanguinem efficaciter interius commutatur." 2, 2: "sensibilis res intellegibiliter virtute dei per verbum Christi in carnem ipsius divinitus transfertur."

[727] See c. 10 and 13, and esp. 4, 1: "quia Christum vorari fas dentibus non est, voluit in mysterio hunc panem et vinum vere carnem suam et sanguinem consecratione spiritus s. potentialiter (i.e. efficaciter) creari, creando vero quotidie pro mundi vita mystice immolari."

[728] See c. 14; besides Bach I., p. 168 ff. A lamb, or real blood, or the Christ-child appeared.

[729] On this point Radbert speaks like Ratramnus; see 1, 5: "visu corporeo et gustu propterea non demutantur, quatenus fides exerceatur ad justitiam." 13, 1, 2, "quod colorem aut saporem carnis minime præbet, virtus tamen fidei et intellegentiæ, quæ nihil de Christo dubitat, totum illud spiritaliter sapit et degustat . . . Sic debuit hoc mysterium temperari, ut et arcana secretorum celarentur infidis et meritum cresceret de virtute fidei et nihil deesset interius vere credentibus promissæ veritatis." Nay the disguise incites to loftier aspiration (as with the Greeks): "insuper et quod majus est per hæc secretius præstita ad illam tenderent speciem satietatis ubi jam non pro peccatis nostris quotidie Christus immolabitur, sed satietate manifestationis ejus sine ulla corruptione omnes sine fine fruemur." (One imagines that he is listening to Origen or Gregory of Nyssa.) On figura and veritas, see 4, 1: ". . . ut sicut de virgine per spiritum vera caro sine coitu creatur, ita per eundem ex substantia panis ac vini mystice idem Christi corpus et sanguis consecretur . . . figura videtur esse cum frangitur, dum in specie visibili aliud intelligitur quam quod visu carnis et gustu sentitur. Veritas appellatur, dum corpus Christi et sanguis virtute spiritus in verbo ipsius ex panis vinique substantia efficitur."

[730] The doctrine of the real conversion of the elements in the West is to be regarded as an importation from the East, and is closely connected with the anti-Adoptian version of Cliristology. But it was first in the West that the legal mind and dialectics cast themselves on this subject, and produced a complicated and never to be completed doctrine of endless extent.

[731] Not primarily; for undoubtedly he more than once in his work thinks of the Mass, and draws the inference of the daily sacrifice of Christ's body pro peccatis; see 13, 2; 4, 1, etc.

[732] Ep. ad Eigil. Migne, CXII., p. 1510.

[733] Ratramnus and Rabanus are nearer each other than is currently supposed; but Bach (I. p. 191 ff.) is wrong, when, after the precedent of other Catholics, he tries by an interpretation of Ratramnus' use of language to make him a genuine Catholic. Ratramnus also holds that a miracle takes place, but not the miracle that magically produces the body worn by Christ as a person.

[734] See the opening of the work.

[735] Following on a reference to Ambrose, he writes (c. 75 sq.): "De carne Christi quæ crucifixa et sepulta est, ait, Vera utique caro Christi est.' At de illo quod sumitur in sacramento dicit, Veræ carnis illius sacramentum est,' distinguens sacramentum carnis a veritate carnis. Veritas carnis quam sumpsit de virgine; quod vero nunc agitur in ecclesia mysterium, veræ illius carnis . . . sacramentum . . . non est specie caro, sed sacramentum, siquidem in specie panis est, in sacramento vero verum Christi corpus . . . (elementa) secundum quod spiritualiter vitæ substantiam subministrant corpus et sanguis Christi sunt. Illud vero corpus, in quo semel passus est Christus, non aliam speciem præferebat quam in qua consistebat; hoc enim erat vere quod esse videbatur; . . . at nunc sanguis Christi quem credentes ebibunt et corpus quod comedunt, aliud sunt in specie et aliud in significatione, aliud quod pascunt corpus esca corporea et aliud quod saginant mentes æternæ vita substantia . . . aliud igitur est, quod exterius geritur, aliud item quod per fidem capitur; ad sensum corporis quod pertinet, corruptibile (Radbert also said this) est, quod fides vero capit incorruptible. Exterius igitur quod apparet non est res sed imago rei, mente vero quod sentitur et intelligitur, veritas rei." Even to the last sentence a Radbertian meaning can be given; but this ceases to be possible where Ratramnus--as often happens--designates the whole rite (and it is the rite with which he is generally concerned) as "figura," in "figuram sive memoriam dominicæ mortis," "repræsentatio memoriæ dominicæ passionis," and, further, as "pignus" (see c. 10, 11, 16: "figurate facta"; c. 88: "corpus et sanguis quod in ecclesia geritur, differt ab illo corpore et sanguine quod in Christi corpore jam glorificatum cognoscitur; et hoc corpus pignus est et species, illud vero ipsa veritas. Hoc enim geretur, donec ad illud perveniatur; ubi vero ad illud perventum fuerit hoc removebitur." Reconciliation with Radbert is absolutely impossible where Ratramnus strictly disowns the "permutatio corporalis," and reduces everything to a memorial meal; c. 12: "et quomodo jam Christi corpus dicitur, in quo nulla permutatio facta cognoscitur?" c. 15: "dicant, secundum quod permutata sunt; corporaliter namque nihil in eis cernitur esse permutatum." Catholics excuse him here by saying that he meant to deny "conversion" into a crassly realistic body, "Fatebuntur igitur necesse est aut mutata esse secundum aliud quam secundum corpus, ac per hoc non esse hoc quod in veritate videntur, sed aliud quod non esse secundum propriam essentiam cernuntur. Aut si hoc profiteri noluerint, negare corpus esse sanguinem Christi, quod nefas est non solum dicere verum etiam cogitare." c. 100: "iste panis et sanguis qui super altare ponuntur, in figuram sive memoriam dominicæ mortis ponuntur, et quod gestum est in præterito, præsenti revocet (dominus) memoriæ, ut illius passionis memores effecti, per eam efficiamur divini muneris consortes."

[736] C. 101: "Fides non quod oculus videt sed quod credit accipit, quoniam spiritualis est esca et spiritualis potus, spiritualiter animam pascens et æternæ satietatis vitam tribuens, sicut ipse salvator mysterium hoc commendans loquitur: spiritus est qui vivificat." C. 49: "Christ's true body is distributed in the Lord's Supper according to its invisibilis substantia, and that because the invisibilis substantia is like the potentia divini verbi. Many similar passages elsewhere."

[737] C. 11: "Nam si secundum quosdam figurate hic nihil accipitur, sed totum in veritate conspicitur, nihil hic fides operatur, quoniam nihil spiritale geritur . . . nec jam mysterium erit, in quo nihil secreti, nihil abditi continebitur."

[738] Ratramnus always thinks of the God who excites and nourishes faith.

[739] The difference between Paschasius and Ratramnus is really very subtle if we confine our attention to the question of the reality of Christ's body (and the transformation); but it is not quite so subtle as is represented by Schnitzer (l.c., 167-194). It was, besides, long before Ratramnus' work was held to be heretical.

[740] C. 16, a commutatio is taught, "sed non corporaliter sed spiritualiter facta est . . . spiritualiter sub velamento corporei panis . . . corpus et sanguis Christi existunt."

[741] See C. 15.

[742] Ratramnus has the elements of Zwingli and Calvin's doctrines. Besides, in relation to the invisible substance, he assumes the identity of the eucharistic and historical body, or, at any rate, will not give it up.

[743] In connection with Matt. XXVI. 26, he defended himself skilfully against Ratramnus, whom, for the rest, he does not name.

[744] Bach, I., p. 191 ff.

[745] Walafried Strabo was the first to justify expressly the celebration of the Lord's Supper without communicants, and therefore Masses (Migne, T. 114, col. 943 ff).

[746] When the State punished, e.g., in cases of murder and theft, the ecclesiastical consequences followed without further trial.

[747] This was also effected in the Greek Church through the action of the monks.

[748] See the view taken of the laity in the forged fragments of the pseudo-Isidorian decretals.

[749] Among these, pilgrimages of a year's duration played a great part, a fact that shows the monks' contempt of family life and civic occupations; for these were severely affected by pilgrimages.

[750] I adhere to these statements, in spite of Karl Müller's arguments in his treatise "Der Umschwung in der Lehre von der Busse während des 12 Jahrh." (Abhandl. für Weizäcker, 1892, p. 287 ff.) If I am not mistaken, Müller has been misled by Morinus, and has looked at the state of penance and confession, at the close of ancient and the beginning of mediæval Church history, too much from the standpoint of the modern Roman conception; he has at least presupposed too great a uniformity of theoretical ideas--if one may speak of such. I cannot accept the blunt assertion on p. 292, that down to the twelfth century the priest's absolution was always regarded as simply identical with divine forgiveness, and therefore as indispensable. There was no doctrine proper on this question for centuries, but almost only a practice. As soon as the doctrine is again introduced, doubts also arise, to be once more gradually allayed.

[751] In the fourth ch. of the Synod of Chiersey, 853, it is called "pretii copiositas mysterii passionis;" that is also an anticipation of Anselm's theory of satisfaction.

[752] The peregrinationes also belong to them. That indulgences rest quite essentially on the custom of pilgrimages and their commutation is shown by Götz, Ztschr. f. K.-Gesch., vol. XV., p. 329 ff.

[753] On the history of penance, see Steitz, Das römische Busssacrament, 1854; Wasserschleben, Bussordnungen d. Abendl. Kirche, 1851; v. Zerschwitz Beichte, in Herzog's R.-E. II., p. 220 ff., System der Katechetik I., p. 483 ff., II. 1, p. 208. ff.; Göbl, Gesch. der Katachese in Abendland, 1880. Further, on the history of the ordinances of penance, Wasserschleben, Die irische Kanonensammlung, 2 ed., 1855; and Schmitz, Die Bussbücher and die Bussdisciplin der Kirche, 1883. On the latter's attempt to refer the regulations of penance to Rome, see Theol. Lit.-Ztg., 1883, col. 614 ff. On the development of the separation of clergy and laity in the 9th century, and the beginning of the monachising of the clergy, see Hatch, "Growth of Christian Institutions," Chap. IX. On divine service and discipline in the Carlovingian age, see Gieseler II., 1 (1846) pp. 152-170; on the constitution of German law-courts, feuds, and penance, outlawry and death of the victim, see Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgesch. I., pp. 143 ff., 156 ff., 166 ff.; on the principle of personality and the amount of blood-money and penances, l.c., p. 261 ff.; on the personal rights of the clergy, p. 269 f.; and on the rise of written law, p. 282 ff. If we review the state of the development of German law in the age of the Merovingians, and compare it with the ecclesiastical discipline of penance, as it was independently evolved on Latin ground until Gregory I., we are astonished at the ease with which these systems could be and actually were dovetailed into each other. The Roman law received by the Church underwent great modifications within its pale caused by the conceptions of the Communio of the Church militant with the saints, of satisfactions, merits, and the claim of the Church to remit sins. Above all, the Church's right to punish, which had originally accepted the Roman thought of the public character of crimes, and had treated them accordingly, became more and more a private right. That is, transgressions against God were regarded as injuries done to God--not the violation of public order and the holy, inviolable divine law; and accordingly the idea arose, and got more and more scope, that they were to be treated, as it were, like private complaints. In such cases the alternative, either punishment or satisfaction (compensation), was appropriate. But as regards satisfactions, all the liberties were necessarily introduced that are inherent in that conception, namely, that the injured party himself, or the Church as his representative, could indulgently lessen their amount, or could commute or transfer them, etc. It is obvious how easily this view could fuse with the German one. One or two examples are sufficient. German law held the principle: either outlawry or penance. This corresponds to the Church principle: either excommunication or the performance of satisfactory acts of penance. According to German law, vengeance did not require to be executed on the evil-doer himself, but might he on a member of his clan; nay, it was held in Norway to be a more severe vengeance to strike the best man of the clan instead of the murderer. The Church looked on Christians as forming a "clan" with the saints in heaven, and the performance of penance could to a certain extent, or entirely, be passed on to the latter; Christ had, above all, borne beforehand by his death God's vengeance on the ill-doing race of his brethren. German law held, similarly, that the compensation, the payment of the fine, could be divided. According to the practice of the Church, the saints interceded if prayed to, and presented their merits to God, taking from the sinner a part of the penance imposed upon him. Afterwards the Church positively adopted the German institution, and let earthly friends, comrades, members of the family, and bondmen share in the performance of penance in order to lighten the task. In one respect, however, the action of the Church had a softening and beneficial effect. It restricted to an extraordinary extent the capital punishments closely connected with outlawry. They were objectionable in themselves, and doubly so where they were regarded, on the ground of a primitive priestly law of punishment, as a human sacrifice offered to the gods (Brunner, pp. 173-177). Even in the Roman period the Church in Gaul exerted itself to soften the Roman administration of justice where the latter admitted capital punishment. It continued its efforts with success in the Merovingian age, so that arrangements were more and more frequently made in substitution for the death penalty. The chief argument urged by the Church was doubtless that God did not will the death of the sinner, and that Christ died an atoning and sacrificial death for all. Thus Christ's death obtained an extraordinary importance. It became the grand achievement, whose value even softened the earthly right of punishment. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

Indexes __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References
Genesis
[1]1:1-3:24
Deuteronomy

[2]104 [3]104 [4]104 [5]104 [6]104 [7]104 [8]104 [9]104 [10]104 [11]104

Psalms
[12]98:9 [13]126:3
Ezekiel
[14]1
Matthew

[15]1 [16]6:25-34 [17]7:7-11 [18]9:2 [19]10:28-33 [20]11:25-30 [21]12:31 [22]16:1-28 [23]25:34 [24]26:26

John
[25]25:12 [26]26:1 [27]27:6
Romans

[28]5:12 [29]5:12 [30]5:12 [31]5:12 [32]6:1-23 [33]8:31-39 [34]9:1-33 [35]9:1-33 [36]14:10

1 Corinthians
[37]3:12
2 Corinthians
[38]5:10
Galatians
[39]3 [40]22
Ephesians
[41]1 [42]2 [43]5 [44]14
Philippians
[45]2 [46]4 [47]9 [48]13
Colossians
[49]271 [50]368 [51]368 [52]567 [53]568
1 Timothy
[54]2:4 [55]2:4
Revelation

[56]2:3 [57]20:4 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

* nous: [58]1
* aphtharsia: [59]1 [60]2
* en to logo: [61]1
* eph' ho: [62]1
* idiopoiein: [63]1
* ho on: [64]1
* ho me o: [65]1
* homoousioi: [66]1
* on: [67]1
* onta: [68]1
* organon leptikon: [69]1
* hos dia puros: [70]1
* hoste kai di anthropon kai di alogon katargoumenen sunousian prin
tou mellontos aionos horasthai; kai ho kurios de hemon Iesous ho
Christos ou di' allo ti ek parthenou egennethe, all' hina katargese
gennesin epithumias anomou kai deixe to archonti kai dicha
sunousias anthropines dinaten einai to theo ten anthropou plasin;:
[71]1
* Gnothi seauton: [72]1
* a: [73]1 [74]2
* auto soma kai auto aima: [75]1
* b: [76]1 [77]2
* g: [78]1 [79]2
* d: [80]1 [81]2
* ei gar ho theos theon se ethelese poiesai, edunato; echeis tou
logou to paradeigma: [82]1
* theosebeia: [83]1
* kat' exochen: [84]1 [85]2 [86]3
* katexochen: [87]1
* latreia: [88]1
* me einai: [89]1
* metras estin energeia to kuiskein kai moriou andrikou to
spermainein; hosper de, ei tauta mellei energein tautas tas
energeias, houtos ouk anankaion autois estin to ten archen energein
(horomen goun pollas gunaikas me kuiskousas, hos tas steiras, kai
metras echousas), houtos ouk eutheos kai to metran echein kai
kuiskein anankazei; alla kai me steirai men ex arches,
partheneuousai de, katergesan kai ten sunousian, heterai de kai apo
chronou; kai tous arsenas de tous men ap'arches partheneuontas
horomen, tous de apo chronou, hoste di' auton kataluesthai ton di'
epithumias anomon gamon;: [90]1
* ouk esti tupos ho artos tou somatos all' auto to soma tou kuriou
tetheomenon: [91]1
* peri archon: [92]1
* pneumatikon: [93]1
* proskunesis: [94]1
__________________________________________________________________

Index of Latin Words and Phrases

* anima: [95]1 * ærumnæ: [96]1 * non meam justitiam' tunc enim mea est vel nostra, cum moribus nostris justitiam dei mereri nos putamus perfectam per mores. At non, inquit, hanc habens justitiam, sed quam? Illam ex fide. Non illam quæ ex lege; væ in operibus est et carnali disciplina, sed hanc quæ ex deo procedit justitia ex fide;': [97]1 * . . . transeamus ad sanctorum communionem. Illos hic sententia ista confundit, qui sanctorum et amicorum dei cineres non in honore debere esse blasphemant, qui beatorum martyrum gloriosam memoriam sacrorum reverentia monumentorum colendam esse non credunt. In symbolum prævaricati sunt, et Christo in fonte mentiti sunt.: [98]1 * . . . ut sicut de virgine per spiritum vera caro sine coitu creatur, ita per eundem ex substantia panis ac vini mystice idem Christi corpus et sanguis consecretur . . . figura: [99]1 * ;vita vitæ meæ: [100]1 * Accedit verbum ad elementum et fit sacramentum, etiam ipsum tamquam visibile verbum: [101]1 * Ad gratiam dei pertinet qui credit, non ille, pro cujus voluntate, ut dicitis, sanctitas vestra succedit.: [102]1 * Ad quid ergo persuadendum aut scripturas releges aut conscios nominabis, qui adhuc quod sentis non potes definire: [103]1 * Adam mortalem factum, qui sive peccaret sive non peccaret moriturus fuisset--peccatum Adæ ipsum solum læsit, non genus humanum--parvuli qui nascuntur in eo statu sunt, in quo fuit Adam ante prævaricationem--neque per mortem vel prævaricationem Adæ omne genus hominum moritur, nec per resurrectionem Christi omne genus hominum resurget--lex sic mittit ad regnum coelorum quomodo et evangelium--et ante adventum domini fuerunt homines impeccabiles, i.e.: [104]1 * Admissus ad dominica præcepta ex ipsis statim eruditur, id peccato deputandum, a quo deus arceat.: [105]1 * Aliter quidem quod ipse est, aliter quæ ab ipso. Quod ipse est unum est totumque est quidquid ipse est; quod vero ab ipso est, innumerum est. Et hæc sunt quibus refletur omne quod uno toto clauditur et ambitur. Verum quod varia sunt quæ ab ipso sunt, qui a se est et unum est, variis cum convenit dominare. Et ut omnipotens apparet, contrariorum etiam origo ipse debuit inveniri.: [106]1 * Aliud videtur aliud intelligitur: [107]1 * Amor amatur, et hinc probamus, quod in hominibus, qui rectius amantur, ipse magis amatur.: [108]1 * Anathematizo illos qui sic tenent aut aliquando tenuerunt.: [109]1 * Anathematizo quasi stultos, non quasi hæreticos, si quidem non est dogma: [110]1 * Anathematizo quasi stultos, non quasi hæreticos, si quidem non est dogma.: [111]1 * Auctoritas: [112]1 * Audi excellentem dei dispensatorem, quem veneror ut patrem; in Christo Jesu enim per evangelium me genuit et eo Christi ministro lavacrum regenerationis accepi. Beatum loquor Ambrosium cujus pro Catholica fide gratiam, constantiam, labores, pericula sive operibus sive sermonibus et ipse sum expertus et mecum non dubitat orbis prædicare Romanus.: [113]1 * Audivi (verba Ego sum qui sum) sicut auditur in corde, et non erat prorsus unde dubitarem; faciliusque dubitarem vivere me, quam non esse veritatem: [114]1 * Baptizatum hominem sive justum sive peccatorem loco sancti: [115]1 * Beatus Ambrosius episcopus, in cujus præcipue libris Romana: [116]1 * Bene dicit Hiob (IX. 28): Sciens quod non parceris delinquenti, quia delicta nostra sive per nos sive per semetipsum resecat, etiam cum relaxat: [117]1 * Bono unitatis: [118]1 * Bonorum quorundam intolerabilis magnitudo est, ut ad capienda et præstanda ea sola gratia divinæ inspirationis operetur. Nam quod maxime bonum, id maxime penes deum, nec alius id, quam qui possidet, dispensat, ut cuique dignatur.: [119]1 * Bonorum unus est titulus salus hominis criminum pristinorum abolitione præmissa.: [120]1 * Bonum quod agimus et dei est et nostrum, dei per prævenientem gratiam, nostrum per obsequentem liberam voluntatem. . . . Si nostrum non est, unde nobis retribui præmia speramus? Quia ergo non immerito gratias agimus, scimus, quod ejus munere prævenimur; et rursum quia non immerito retributionem quærimus, scimus, quod obsequente libero arbitrio bona eligimus, quæ ageremus: [121]1 * Cælestius auditorialis scholasticus: [122]1 * Cælestius incredibili loquacitate.: [123]1 * Caritas inchoata inchoata justitia est; caritas provecta provecta justitia est; caritas magna magna justitia est; caritas perfecta perfecta justitia est: [124]1 * Carni nostræ caro Christi spiritaliter conviscerata transformatur.:
[125]1 * Cathedra Cypriani: [126]1 * Cathedra Petri: [127]1 * Catholicam (scil. ecclesiam) facit simplex et verus intellectus in lege (scil. duobus testamentis) singulare ac verissimum sacramentum et unitas animorum.: [128]1 * Catholicus in fide, rex in potestate, pontifex in prædicatione, judex in æquitate, philosophus in liberalibus studiis, inclytus in moribus (?) et omni honestate præcipuus.: [129]1 * Christianus mihi nomen est, catholicus cognomen.: [130]1 * Christus erat voluntas et potestas patris.: [131]1 * Christus in certamine agonis nostri et coronat pariter et coronatur.: [132]1 * Christus in pace negavit: [133]1 * Christus indutus in homine: [134]1 * Christus non vicem passionis sitit: [135]1 * Christus qui est secundus Adam, accepit has geminas generationes, primam vid. quæ secundum carnem est, secundam vero spiritualem, quæ per adoptionem fit, idem redemptor noster secundum hominem complexus in semetipso continet: primam vid. quam suscepit ex virgine nascendo, secundam vero quam initiavit: [136]1 * Commendare: [137]1 * Communio: [138]1 * Confiteor, deum omnipotentem et incommutabilem præscisse et prædestinasse angelos sanctos et homines electos ad vitam gratis æternam, et ipsum diabolum . . . cum ipsis quoque hominibus reprobis . . . propter præscita certissime ipsorum propria futura mala rnerita prædestinasse pariter: [139]1 * Conscientia dantis adtenditur, qui abluat accipientis.: [140]1 * Contemplatio ejus artifices, qui vocat ea quæ non sunt tamquam ea quæ sunt, atque in mensura et numero et pondere cuncta disponit:
[141]1 * Contra eorum superstitionem, qui picturis et imaginibus sanctorum adorationis obsequium deferendum putant.: [142]1 * Corpus permixtum: [143]1 * Credamus et sanctorum communionem, sed sanctos non tam pro dei parte, quam pro dei honore veneremur. Non sunt sancti pars illius, sed ipse probatur pars esse sanctorum. Quare? quia, quod sunt, de illuminatione et de similitudine ejus accipiunt; in sanctis autem non res dei, sed pars dei est. Quicquid enim de deo participant, divinæ est gratiæ, non naturæ. Colamus in sanctis timorem et amorem dei, non divinitatem dei, colamus merita, non quæ de proprio habent, sed quæ accipere pro devotione meruerunt. Digne itaque venerandi sunt, dum nobis dei cultum et futuræ vitæ desiderium contemptu mortis insinuant.: [144]1 * Credo siquidem atque confiteor præscisse teante sæcula quæcunque erant futura, sive bona sive mala, prædestinasse vero tantummodo bona. Bona autem a te prædestinata bifariam sunt tuis a fidelibus indagata . . . i.e: [145]1 * Cultus: [146]1 * Cum antem sub tribus et testatio fidei et sponsio salutis pignerentur, necessario adicitur ecclesiæ mentio, quoniam ubi tres, id est pater et filius et spiritus sanctus, ibi ecclesia, quæ trium corpus est.: [147]1 * Cum autem initio fidei quæ per dilectionem operatur imbuta mens fuerit, tendit bene vivendo etiam ad speciem: [148]1 * Cum igitur liquido clareat hanc sanam et veram esse sententiam, quam primo loco ratio: [149]1 * Cum libros Confessionum ediderim ante quam Pelagiana hæresis exstitisset, in eis certe dixi deo nostro et sæpe dixi: Da quod jubes et jube quod vis. Quæ mea verba Pelagius Romæ, cum a quodam fratre et episcopo meo fuissent eo præsente commemorata, ferre non potuit et contradicens aliquanto commotius pæne cum eo qui commemoraverat litigavit.: [150]1 * Cum propterea credere jubeamur, quia id quod credere jubemur, videre non possumus, ipsam tamen fidem, quando inest in nobis, videmus in nobis.: [151]1 * Cur ergo apud vos non renascuntur per baptismum, qui transeunt a nobis ad vos, cum apud nos fuerint baptizati, si nondum nati sunt?:
[152]1 * De Afris quod propria lege sua utuntur, ut rebaptizent, placuit, ut si ad ecclesiam aliquis de hæresi venerit, interrogent eum symbolum; et si perviderint eum in patre et filio et spiritu sancto esse baptizatum, manus ei tantum imponatur ut accipiat spiritum sanctum. Quod si interrogatus non responderit hanc trinitatem, baptizetur.: [153]1 * De carne Christi quæ crucifixa et sepulta est, ait, Vera utique caro Christi est.' At de illo quod sumitur in sacramento dicit, Veræ carnis illius sacramentum est,' distinguens sacramentum carnis a veritate carnis. Veritas carnis quam sumpsit de virgine; quod vero nunc agitur in ecclesia mysterium, veræ illius carnis . . . sacramentum . . . non est specie caro, sed sacramentum, siquidem in specie panis est, in sacramento vero verum Christi corpus . . . (elementa) secundum quod spiritualiter vitæ substantiam subministrant corpus et sanguis Christi sunt. Illud vero corpus, in quo semel passus est Christus: [154]1 * De fide: [155]1 * De gratiam secundum merita nostra dari, quia si peccatoribus illam det, videtur esse iniquus.: [156]1 * De his, qui scripturas s. tradidisse dicuntur vel vasa dominica vel nomina patrum suorum, placuit nobis, ut quicumque eorum ex actis publicis fuerit detectus, non verbis nudis, ab ordine cleri amoveatur. Nam si iidem aliquos ordinasse fuerint deprehensi et hi quos ordinaverunt rationales (able? capable?) subsistunt, non illis obsit ordinatio: [157]1 * De libris recipiendis et non recipiendis: [158]1 * De sancta trimitate, Utrum pater et filius et spiritus s. de divinitate substantialiter prædicentur, Quomodo substantiæ in eo quod sint bonæ sint, cum non sint substantialia bona, De fide Catholica and Contra Eutychen et Nestorium.: [159]1 * Deum et animam scire cupio. Nihilne plus? Nihil omnino.: [160]1 * Deus hominem sine peccato rectum cum libero arbitrio condidit et in paradiso posuit, quem in sanctitate justitiæ permanere voluit. Homo libero arbitrio male utens peccavit et cecidit, et factus est massa perditionis totius humani generis. Deus autem bonus et justus elegit ex eadem massa perditionis secundum præscientiam suam, quos per gratiam prædestinavit ad vitam, et vitam illis prædestinavit æternam. Ceteros autem, quos justitiæ judicio in massa perditionis reliquit, perituros præscivit, sed non ut perirent prædestinavit, poenam autem illis, quia justus est, prædestinavit æternam. Ac per hoc unam: [161]1 * Deus naturam nostram id est animam rationalem carnemque hominis Christi suscepit, susceptione singulariter mirabili vel mirabiliter singulari, ut nullis justitiæ suæ præcedentibus meritis filius dei sic esset ab initio quo esse homo coepisset, ut ipse et verbum, quod sine initio est, una persona esset.: [162]1 * Deus omnes homines sine exceptione vult salvos fieri, licet non omnes salventur. Quod autem quidem salvantur, salvantis est donum; quod autem quidem pereunt, pereuntium est meritum.: [163]1 * Deus ostendens quid magis velit, minorem voluntatem majore delevit. Quantoque notitiæ tuæ utrumque proposuit, tanto definiit, id te sectari debere quod declaravit se magis velle. Ergo si ideo declaravit, ut id secteris quod magis vult, sine dubio, nisi ita facis, contra voluntatem ejus sapis, sapiendo contra potiorem ejus voluntatem, magisque offendis quam promereris, quod vult quidem faciendo et quod mavult respuendo. Ex parte delinquis; ex parte, si non delinquis, non tamen promereris. Non porro et promereri nolle delinquere est? Secundum igitur matrimonium, si est ex illa dei voluntate quæ indulgentia vocatur: [164]1 * Deus solus docere potuit, quomodo se vellet orari.: [165]1 * Deus terrores incutit: [166]1 * Dilectio summum fidei sacramentum, Christiani nominis thesaurus.:
[167]1 * Dilectus meus, inquit sponsa, candidus et rubicundus. In hoc nobis et candet veritas et rubet caritas.: [168]1 * Doctor angelorum et diaboli: [169]1 * Domini mors potentior erat quam vita .. . Lex Christianorum crux est sancta Christi.: [170]1 * Domini mors potentior erat quam vita.: [171]1 * Dominus jugo suo in gremio ecclesiæ toto orbe diffuso omnia terrena regna subjecit.: [172]1 * Dominus noster, sicut ipse in evangelio loquitur, leni jugo suo nos subdidit et sarcinæ levi; unde sacramentis numero paucissimis, observatione facillimis, significatione præstantissimis societatem novi populi colligavit.: [173]1 * Dona sua coronat deus non merita tua . . . si ergo dei dona sunt bona merita tua, non deus coronat merita tua tamquam merita tua sed tamquam dona sua.: [174]1 * Dum Christus finis est legis, qui sine lege sunt sine Christo sunt; igitur populus sine lege populus sine Christo est.: [175]1 * Ecce homo.: [176]1 * Ecclesiam tu, frater Parmeniane, apud vos solos esse dixisti; nisi forte quia vobis specialem sanctitatem: [177]1 * Ego autem aliquanto posterius didicisse me fateor, in eo quod verbum caro factum est, quomodo catholica veritas a Photini falsitate dirimatur.: [178]1 * Ego vero evangelio non crederem, nisi me catholicae (ecclesiæ) commoveret auctoritas.: [179]1 * Electi sunt ante mundi constitutionem ea prædestinatione, in qua deus sua futura facta præscivit; electi sunt autem de mundo ea vocatione, qua deus id, quod prædestinavit, implevit. Quos enim prædestinavit, ipsos et vocavit, illa scilicet vocatione secundum propositum, non ergo alios sed quos prædestinavit ipsos et vocavit:
[180]1 * Eo quod quisque novit non fruitur, nisi et id diligat . . . neque quisquam in eo quod percipit permanet nisi dilectione.: [181]1 * Est Christiani hominis, quod bonum est velle et in eo quod bene voluerit, currere; sed homini non est datum perficere, ut post spatia, quæ debet homo implere, restet aliquid deo, ubi deficienti succurrat, quia ipse solus est perfectio et perfectus solus dei filius Christus, cæteri omnes semi-perfecti: [182]1 * Est etiam præclarissimum lumen prædestinationis et gratiæ ipse salvator, ipse mediator dei et hominum homo Christus Jesus, qui ut hoc esset, quibus tandem suis vel operum vel fidei præcedentibus meritis natura humana quæ in illo est comparavit? . . . Singulariter nostra natura in Jesu nullis suis præcedentibus meritis accepit admiranda (scil: [183]1 * Et apparuit mihi una facies eloquiorum castorum. Et coepi et inveni quidquid illac verum legeram, hac cum commendatione gratiæ tuæ dici: [184]1 * Et ea quæ dicuntur merita nostra, dona sunt eius: [185]1 * Et in hac vita virtus non est nisi diligere quod diligendum est; faciunt boni amores bonos mores.: [186]1 * Et pervenit cogitatio ad id quod est, in ictu trepidantis aspectus:
[187]1 * Et quoniam (Christianus) quamdin est in isto mortali corpore, peregrinatur a domino, ambulat per fidem non per speciem; ac per hoc omnem pacem vel corporis vel animæ vel simul corporis et animæ refert ad illam pacem, quæ homini mortali est cum immortali deo, ut ei sit ordinata in fide sub æterna lege oboedientia. Jam vero quia duo præcipua præcepta, hoc est dilectionem dei et dilectionem proximi, docet magister deus . . . consequens est, ut etiam proximo ad diligendum deum consulat, quem jubetur sicut se ipsum diligere (sic uxori, sic filiis, sic domesticis, sic ceteris quibus potuerit hominibus), et ad hoc sibi a proximo, si forte indiget, consuli velit; ac per hoc erit pacatus, quantum in ipso est, omni homini pace hominum, id est ordinata concordia cujus hic ordo est, prinmm ut nulli noceat, deinde ut etiam prosit cui potuerit. Primitus ergo inest ei suorum cura; ad eos quippe habet opportuniorem facilioremque aditum consulendi, vel naturæ ordine vel ipsius societatis humanæ. Unde apostolus dicit: Quisquis autem suis et maxime domesticis non providet, fidem denegat et est infideli deterior.' Hinc itaque etiam pax domestica oritur, id est ordinati imperandi oboediendique concordia cohabitantium. Imperaut enim, qui consulunt: sicut vir uxori, parentes finis, domini servis. . . . Sed in domo justi viventes ex fide et adhuc ab illa cælesti civitate peregrinantis etiam qui imperant serviunt eis, quibus videntur imperare. Neque enim dominandi cupiditate imperant, sed officio consulendi, nec principandi superbia, sed providendi misericordia.: [188]1 * Et sumus et nos esse novimus et id esse ac nosse diligimus.: [189]1 * Et ut ostenderet filius dei, se vacasse, fidem tantummodo operatam esse: [190]1 * Et utique verba propterea sunt instituta, non per quæ se homines invicem fallunt, sed per quæ in alterius quisque notitiam cogitationes suas perferat.: [191]1 * Eucharistia panis noster quotidianus est; sed sic accipiamus illum, ut non solum ventre sed et mente reficiamur. Virtus enim ipsa, quæ ibi intelligitur, unitas est, ut redacti in corpus ejus, effecti membra ejus, simus quod accipimus.: [192]1 * Eum, qui post baptismum peccaverit, per pænitentiam credimus posse salvari: [193]1 * Ex persona beatissimi Petri forma unitatis retinendæ vel faciendæ descripta recitatur: [194]1 * Ex utroque fit, id est, ex voluntate hominis et misericordia dei.:
[195]1 * Excepta itaque s. virgine Maria, de qua propter honorem domini nullam prorsus, cum de peccatis agitur, haberi volo quæstionem; unde enim scimus, quid ei plus gratiæ collatum fuerit ad vincendum omni ex parte peccatum, quæ concipere et parere meruit, quem constat nullum habuisse peccatum? hac ergo virgine excepta si omnes illos sanctos et sanctas, cum hic viverent, congregare possimus et interrogare, utrum essent sine peccato, quid fuisse responsuros putamus, utrum hoc quod ista dicit an quod Johannes apostolus?:
[196]1 * Fatebuntur igitur necesse est aut mutata esse secundum aliud quam secundum corpus, ac per hoc non esse hoc quod in veritate videntur, sed aliud quod non esse secundum propriam essentiam cernuntur. Aut si hoc profiteri noluerint, negare corpus esse sanguinem Christi, quod nefas est non solum dicere verum etiam cogitare.: [197]1 * Felices esse volumus et infelices esse nolumus, sed nec velle possumus.: [198]1 * Fide, spe, caritate colendum deum: [199]1 * Fides impetrat quod lex imperat.: [200]1 * Fides non habet meritum, cui humana ratio præbet experimentum:
[201]1 * Fides non quod oculus videt sed quod credit accipit, quoniam spiritualis est esca et spiritualis potus, spiritualiter animam pascens et æternæ satietatis vitam tribuens, sicut ipse salvator mysterium hoc commendans loquitur: spiritus est qui vivificat.:
[202]1 * Foris ab ecclesia constitutus et separatus a compagine unitatis et vinculo caritatis æterno supplicio puniveris, etiam si pro Christi nomine vivus incenderis.: [203]1 * Fuit Adam, et in illo fuimus omnes; periit Adam, et in illo omnes perierunt.: [204]1 * Gloria in excelsis: [205]1 * Gloria patri: [206]1 * Gratia: [207]1 * Gratia vero nisi gratis est, gratia non est.: [208]1 * Hæc est prædestinatio sanctorum nihil aliud: præscientia scil. præparatio beneficiorum dei quibus certissime liberantur, quicunque liberantur.: [209]1 * Hæc omnia Paulus viderat in apostolis ceteris, qui bono unitas per caritatem noluerunt a communione Petri recedere, ejus scil. qui negaverat Christum. Quod si major esset amor innocentiæ quam utilitas pacis unitatis, dicerent se non debere communicare Petro, qui negaverat magistrum.: [210]1 * Hæreat hoc maxime prudentis animo lectoris, omnibus scripturis sacris solum illud, quod in honorem dei catholici sapiunt, contineri, sicut frequentium sententiarum luce illustratur, et sicubi durior elocutio moverit quæstionem, certum quidem esse, non ibi id quod injustum est loci illius auctorum sapuisse; secundum id autem debere intelligi, quod et ratio perspicua: [211]1 * Hæresis Pelagiana multum nos, ut gratiam dei quæ per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum est, adversus eam defenderemus, exercuit.:
[212]1 * Hae sunt nebulæ Pelagianorum de laude creaturæ, laude nuptiarum, laude legis, laude liberi arbitrii, laude sanctorum: [213]1 * Hi qui de nullo suo opere confidunt, ad sanctorum martyrum protectionem currunt atque ad sacra eorum corpora fletibus insistunt, promereri se veniam iis intercedentibus deprecantur.:
[214]1 * Hic omnino granditer et evidenter dei gratia commendatur. Quid enim natura humana in homine Christi meruit ut in unitatem personæ unici filii dei singulariter esset assumpta! Quæ bona voluntas, cujus boni propositi studium, quæ bona opera præcesserunt, quibus mereretur iste homo una fieri persona cum deo? Numquid antea fuit homo, et hoc ei singulare beneficium præstitum est, cum singulariter promereretur deum? Nempe ex quo homo esse coepit, non aliud coepit esse homo quam dei filius: et hoc unicus, et propter deum verbum, quod illo suscepto caro factum est, utique deus. . . . Unde naturæ humanæ tanta gloria, nullis præcedentibus meritis sine dubitatione gratuita, nisi quia magna hic et sola dei gratia fideliter et sobrie considerantibus evidenter ostenditur, ut intellegant homines per eandem gratiam se justifcari a peccatis, per quam factum est ut homo Christus nullum habere posset peccatum.: [215]1 * Hinc post peccatum exul effectus stirpem quoque suam, quam peccando in se tamquam in radice vitiaverat, poena mortis et damnationis obstrinxit, ut quidquid prolis ex illo et simul damnata per quam peccaverat conjuge per carnalem concupiscentiam, in qua inobedientiæ poena similis [so far as the flesh here is not obedient to the will, but acts of itself] retributa est, nasceretur, traheret originale peccatum, quo treheretur per errores doloresque diversos ad illud extremum supplicium.: [216]1 * Hoc illæ litteræ non habent. Non habent illæ paginæ vultum pietatis hujus, lacrimas confessionis, sacrificium tuum, spiritum contribulatum. . . . Nemo ibi cantat: Nonne deo subdita erit anima mea. Ab ipso enim salutare meum: [217]1 * Hoc ipso quod contra voluntatem fecerunt ejus, de ipsis facta est voluntas ejus.: [218]1 * Hominem, si post baptismum lapsus fuerit, per pænitentiam credimus posse salvari: [219]1 * Homines sancti et fideles fiunt cum homine Christo unus Christus, ut omnibus per ejus hanc gratiam societatemque adscendentibus ipse unus Christus adscendat in cælum, qui de cælo descendit.: [220]1 * Hominis sapientia pietas est: [221]1 * Ibi (in Cassiciacum) quid egerim in litteris, jam quidem servientibus tibi, sed adhue superbiæ scholam tanquam in pausatione anhelantibus: [222]1 * Ideoque cum essemus infirmi ad inveniendam liquida ratione veritatem, et ob hoc nobis opus esset auctoritate sanctarum litterarum, jam credere coeperam nullo modo te fuisse tributurum tam excellentem scripturæ per omnes jam terras auctoritatem, nisi et per ipsam tibi credi et per ipsam te quæri voluisses. Jam enim absurditatem quæ me in illis litteris solebat offendere, cum multa ex eis probabiliter exposita audissem, ad sacramentorum altitudinem referebam.: [223]1 * Ille ad deum digne elevat manus, ille orationem bona conscientia effundit qui potest dicere, tu nosti, domine, quam sanctæ et innocentes et mundæ sunt ab omni molestia et iniquitate et rapina quas ad te extendo manus, quemadmodum justa et munda labia et ab omni mendacio libera, quibus offero tibi deprecationem, ut mihi miserearis.: [224]1 * In caritate stat ecclesia.: [225]1 * In isto sine intellectu temporis, tempore . . . est alteritas nata, cito in identitatem revenit: [226]1 * In redemptionis memoriam: [227]1 * Incarnatus dominus in semetipso omne quod nobis inspiravit ostendit, ut quod præcepto diceret, exemplo suaderet.: [228]1 * Infantes debere baptizari in remissionem peccatorum secundum regulam universalis ecclesiæ et secundum evangelii sententiam confitemur, quia dominus statuit, regnum coelorum non nisi baptizatis posse conferri; quod, quia vires naturæ non habent:
[229]1 * Intret in animam tuam Christus, inhabitet in mentibus tuis Jesus. . . . Quid mihi prodest tantorum conscio peccatorum, si dominus veniat, nisi veniat in meam animam, redeat in meam mentem, nisi vivat in me Christus.: [230]1 * Invenietis nobilitatem divini eloquii non secundum vestram assertionem more philosophorum in tumore et pompa esse verborum:
[231]1 * Invenimus ergo in terrena civitate dual formas, unam suam præsentiam demonstrantem, alteram cælesti civitati signifcandæ sua præsentia servientem.: [232]1 * Ipsa ecclesia, quæ in omnibus esse debet placatrix dei, quid est aliud quam exacerbatrix dei? aut præter paucissimos quosdam, qui mala fugiunt, quid est aliud poene omnis coetus Christianorum quam sentina vitiorum?: [233]1 * Ipse quod est esse, subsistit tripliciter.: [234]1 * Ita gestum est, ut his rebus non mystice tantum dictis sed etiam gestis configuraretur vita Christiana quæ hic geritur.: [235]1 * Ita qui per delictorum pænitentiam instituerat dominus satisfacere:
[236]1 * Jube quæso atque impera quidquid vis, sed sana et aperi aures meas.: [237]1 * Justitia est, ut ab eruditis definiri solet (s. Aristoteles), et ut nos intelligere possumus, virtus (si per Stoicos liceat alteri alteram præferre), virtutum omnium maxima fungens diligenter officio ad restituendum sua unicuique, sine fraude, sine gratia.:
[238]1 * Justitia opus est, ut promereri quis possit deum judicem.: [239]1 * Lex Christianorum crux est sancta Christi filii dei vivi.: [240]1 * Lex dei fons ac magistra justitiæ: [241]1 * Libellus Brevissimus: [242]1 * Libellus de tenenda immobiliter scripturæ veritate: [243]1 * Libellus fidei: [244]1 * Libertas arbritii, qua a deo emancipatus homo est: [245]1 * Libertas utriusque partis.: [246]1 * Libertatem arbitrii in primo homine perdidimus: [247]1 * Libido: [248]1 * Libris tuis, quos tanta in omnibus fere gentibus auctoritate fundasti. . . . Non audiendos esse, si qui forte mihi dicerent; unde scis illos libros unius veri et veracissimi dei spiritu esse humano generi ministratos? idipsum enim maxime credendum erat:
[249]1 * Licet a malis interim vita, moribus, corde ac voluntate separari atque discedere, quæ separatio semper oportet custodiatur. Corporalis autem separatio ad sæculi finem fidenter, patienter, fortiter exspectatur.: [250]1 * Longe minor in novo quam in veteri testamento.: [251]1 * Longe tolerabilius est in his quæ a religione sunt sejuncta mentiri, quam in iis, sine quorum fide vel notitia deus coli non potest, falli.: [252]1 * Malos in unitate catholica vel non noverunt, vel pro unitate tolerant quos noverunt.: [253]1 * Malum est contra interdictum aliquid facere; sed pejus est, unitatem non habere, cum possis . . . : [254]1 * Malum si substantia esset, bonum esset. Aut enim esset incorruptibilis substantia, magnum utique bonum; aut substantia corruptibilis esset, quæ nisi bona esset, corrumpi non posset.:
[255]1 * Manifestum est, fieri posse, ut in eis qui sunt ex parte diaboli sanctum sit sacramentum Christi, non ad salutem, sed ad judicium eorum . . . signa nostri imperatoris in eis cognoscimus . . . desertores sunt.: [256]1 * Manifestum itaque est, in Adam omnes peccasse quasi in massa; ipse enim per peccatum corruptus, quos genuit, omnes, nati sunt sub peccato. Ex eo igitur cuncti peccatores, quia ex eo ipso sumus omnes.: [257]1 * Mihi adhærere deo bonum est: [258]1 * Minorem immortalitatem (i.e.: [259]1 * Mitissima poena: [260]1 * Multa præterea quæ de ultimo judicio ita dici videntur, ut diligenter considerata reperiantur ambigua vel magis ad aliud pertinentia, sive scilicet ad eum salva oris adventum, quo per totum hoc tempus in ecclesia sua venit, hoc est in membris suis, particulatim atque paulatim, quoniam tota corpus est ejus: [261]1 * Multo liberius erit arbitrium, quod omnino non poterit servire peccato.: [262]1 * Nam de naturæ possibilitate, de libero arbitrio, et de omni dei gratia et quotidiana gratia cui non sit recte sentienti uberrimum disputare?: [263]1 * Nam in illa (catholica) ecclesia quis spiritus esse potest, nisi qui pariat filios gehennæ?: [264]1 * Nam si secundum quosdam figurate hic nihil accipitur, sed totum in veritate conspicitur, nihil hic fides operatur, quoniam nihil spiritale geritur . . . nec jam mysterium erit, in quo nihil secreti, nihil abditi continebitur: [265]1 * Nascitur credens non ex ministri sterilitate, sed ex veritatis foecunditate.: [266]1 * Naturalia per accidens non convertuntur." "Quod innascitur usque ad finem ejus, cui adhæserit, perseverat.: [267]1 * Natus Christus insinuat nobis gratiam dei, qua homo nullis præcedentibus meritis in ipso exordio naturæ suæ quo esse coepit, verbo deo copularetur in tantam personæ unitatem, ut idem ipse esset filius dei qui filius hominis, etc.: [268]1 * Ne quis putaret, in solis apostolis aut episcopis spem suam esse ponendam, sic Paulus ait: Quid est enim Paulus vel quid Apollo? Utique ministri ejus, in quem credidistis. Est ergo in universis servientibus non dominium sed ministerium.: [269]1 * Nec illud mihi placet, quod in ista vita deo intellecto jam beatam esse animam (in Soliloquiis) dixi, nisi forte spe: [270]1 * Nec mulier petiit, nec Christus promisit, sed fides tantum quantum præsumpsit, exegit.: [271]1 * Nec quidquam bene regenerat, nisi bono semine (boni sacerdotis) regeneretur.: [272]1 * Nemo igitur quærat efficientem causam malæ voluntatis; non enim est efficiens sed deficiens (that is, the aspiration after nothing, after the annulling of life, constitutes the content of the bad will), quia nec illa effectio sed defectio. Deficere namque ab eo, quod summe est, ad id, quod minus est, hoc est incipere habere voluntatem malam. Causas porro defectionum istarum, cum efficientes non sint, ut dixi, sed deficientes, velle invenire tale est, ac si quisquam velit videre tenebras vel audire silentium, quod tamen utrumque nobis notum est, neque illud nisi per oculos, neque hoc nisi per aures, non sane in specie, sed in speciei privatione. Nemo ergo ex me scire quærat, quod me nescire scio, nisi forte, ut nescire discat, quod scire non posse sciendum est. Ea quippe quæ non in specie, sed in ejus privatione sciuntur, si dici aut intellegi potest quodammodo nesciendo sciuntur, ut sciendo nesciantur.: [273]1 * Nemo sibi arroget, nemo de meritis, nemo de potestate se jactet, sed omnes speremus per dominum Jesum misericordiam invenire--quæ enim spes alia peccatoribus?: [274]1 * Neque de ipsis criminibus quamlibet magnis remittendis in sancta ecclesia dei misericordia desperanda est agentibus pænitentiam secundum modum sui cujusque peccati.: [275]1 * Neque per ipsum liberaremur unum mediatorem dei et hominum hominem Jesum Christum, nisi esset et deus. Sed cum factus est Adam homo, scil. rectus, mediatore non opus erat. Cum vero genus humanum peccata longe separaverunt a deo,: [276]1 * Nihil aliud habeo quam voluntatem; nihil aliud scio nisi fluxa et caduca spernenda esse, certa et æterna requirenda . . . si fide te inveniunt, qui ad te refugiunt, fidem da, si virtute, virtutem, si scientia, scientiam. Auge in me fidem, auge spem, auge caritatem.:
[277]1 * Nihil aliud nisi similitudo mortis Christi; nihil autem aliud mortem Christi crucifixi nisi remissionis peccati similitudinem, ut quemadmodum in illo vera mors facta est, sic in nobis vera remissio peccatorum.: [278]1 * Nihil potest per sanctas scripturas probari, quod justitia non possit tueri.: [279]1 * Nisi per indebitam misericordiam nemo liberatur et nisi per debitum judicium nemo damnatur.: [280]1 * Nomen trinitatis est, quod sanctificat, non opus (operantis).:
[281]1 * Non agitur de uno Pelagio, qui jam forte correctus est.: [282]1 * Non autem existimo quemquam ita desipere, ut credat ad ecclesiæ pertinere unitatem eum qui non habet caritatem. Sicut ergo deus unus colitur ignoranter etiam extra ecclesiam nec ideo non est ipse, et fides una habetur sine caritate etiam extra ecclesiam, nec ideo non est ipse, ita et unus baptismus, etc.: [283]1 * Non credere potest quodlibet libero arbitrio, si nulla sit suasio vel vocatio cui credat; profecto et ipsum velle credere deus operatur in homine et in omnibus misericordia ejus prævenit nos: consentire autem vocationi dei vel ab ea dissentire propriæ voluntatis est.: [284]1 * Non est regnum dei esca et potus: [285]1 * Non nisi electorum cibus est.: [286]1 * Non omnia nostra Christus explevit, per crucem quidem suam omnes redemit, sed remansit, ut qui redimi et regnare cum eo nititur, crucifigatur. Hoc profecto residuum viderat, qui dicebat: si compatimur et conregnabimus. Quasi dicat: Quod explevit Christus, non valet nisi ei, qui id quod remansit adimplet: [287]1 * Non respublica est in ecclesia, sed ecclesia in republica est, id est in imperio Romano.: [288]1 * Non rivulum nostrum tuo largo fonti augendo refundimus.: [289]1 * Non sicut quidam volunt anima sola hoc mysterio pascitur, quia non sola redimitur morte Christi et salvatur, verum etiam et caro nostra, etc. etc.: [290]1 * Nos autem dicimus humanam voluntatem sic divinitus adjuvari ad faciendam justitiam, ut præter quod creatus est homo cum libero arbitrio voluntatis, præterque doctrinam qua ei præcipitur quemadmodum vivere debeat, accipiat spiritum sanctum, quo fiat in animo ejus delectatio dilectioque summi illius atque incommutabilis boni quod deus est, etiam nunc cum adhuc per fidem ambulatur, nondum per speciem: ut hac sibi velut arra data gratuiti muneris inardescat inhærere creatori atque inflammetur accedere ad participationem illius veri luminis, ut ex illo ei bene sit, a quo habet ut sit. Nam neque liberum arbitrium quidquam nisi ad peccandum valet, si lateat veritatis via, et cum id quod agendum et quo nitendum est coeperit non latere, nisi etiam delectet et ametur, non agitur, non suscipitur, non bene vivitur. Ut autem diligatur, caritas dei diffunditur in cordibus nostris, non per arbitrium liberum quod surgit ex nobis, sed per spiritum sanctum qui datus est nobis.: [291]1 * Nos minus amasset, nisi et vulnera nostra susciperet: [292]1 * Nos pro nostris angustiis unum inculcamus, bonum atque optimum esse quod deus præcipit. Audaciam existimo de bono divini præcepti disputare. Neque enim quia bonum est, idcirco auscultare debemus, sed quia deus præcepit. Ad exhibitionem obsequii prior est majestas divinæ potestatis, prior est auctoritas imperantis quam utilitas servientis.: [293]1 * Novitas vocum in adoptione, nuncupatione, omnino fidelibus omnibus detestanda est.: [294]1 * Nullus moveatur de hoc corpore Christi et sanguine, quod in mysterio vera sit caro et verus: [295]1 * Numerus ille justorum, qui secundum propositum vocati sunt, ipse est (ecclesia). . . . Sunt etiam quidam ex eo numero qui adhuc nequiter vivant aut etiam in hæresibus vel in gentilium superstitionibus jaceant, et tamen etiam illic novit dominus qui sunt ejus. Namque in illa ineffabili præscientia dei multi qui foris videntur, intus sunt, et multi, qui intus videntur, foris sunt.: [296]1 * Numquid: [297]1 * Numquid nihil est veritas, quoniam neque per finita, neque per infinita locorum spatia diffusa est.: [298]1 * Nunc quoniam propria voce anathematizavit Pelagius incertum stultiloquium, recte respondens, hominem cum adjutorio dei et gratia posse esse sine peccato, respondeat et ad alia capitula.:
[299]1 * Nunc quoniam satisfactum est nobis prosecutionibus præsentis Pelagii monachi, qui quidem piis doctrinis consentit, contraria vero ecclesiæ fidei anathematizat, communionis ecclesiasticæ eum esse et catholicæ confitemur.: [300]1 * Obedientia: [301]1 * Obsequii ratio in similitudine animorum constituta est.: [302]1 * Omne bonum ac malum, quo vel laudabiles vel vituperabiles sumus, non nobiscum oritur, sed agitur a nobis: capaces enim utriusque rei, non pleni: [303]1 * Omnes quotquot fuerunt sancti, ad ipsam ecclesiam pertinent.:
[304]1 * Omnes res origine et radice consistit, et si caput non habet aliquid, nihil est.: [305]1 * Oves dominicum characterem a fallacibus deprædatoribus foris adeptæ.: [306]1 * Parva erat pro nobis domini nostri humilitas in nascendo; accessit etiam ut mori pro mortalibus dignaretur.: [307]1 * Pater . . . filius . . . ne mater quidam ecclesia præteritur. Si quidem in filio et patre mater recognoscitur, de qua constat et patris et filii nomen.: [308]1 * Pax cælestis civitatis ordinatissima et concordissima societas fruendi deo et invicem in deo.: [309]1 * Peccata nostra præterita in baptismatis perceptione laxata sunt, et tamen post baptisma multa commisimus, sed laxari iterum baptismatis aqua non possumus. Quia ergo et post baptisma inquinavimus vitam, baptizemus lacrimis conscientiam.: [310]1 * Peccata, quæ male agendo postea committuntur, possunt et pænitendo sanari, sicut etiam post baptismum fieri videmus: [311]1 * Pelagii nomen cum magna ejus laude cognovi.: [312]1 * Pelagius et Cælestius hujus perversitatis auctores vel perhibentur vel etiam probantur, vel certe si auctores non sunt, sed hoc ab aliis didicerunt, assertores tamen atque doctores: [313]1 * Pensandum est, quod tutior: [314]1 * Per Christum factus est alter mundus.: [315]1 * Per eleemosynas de peccatis præteritis est propitiandus deus, non ad hoc emendus quodam modo, ut peccata semper liceat impune committere.: [316]1 * Per remissionem peccatorum stat ecclesia quæ est in terris.: [317]1 * Per sacra eloquia dono spiritus vivificamur, ut mortifera a nobis opera repellamus; spiritus vadit, cum legentis animum diversis modis et ordinibus tangit deus.: [318]1 * Per se ipsum considerandus est baptismus verbis evangelicis, non adjuncta neque permixta ulla perversitate atque malitia sive accipientium sive tradentium . . . non cogitandum, quis det sed quid det.: [319]1 * Perfecta ignorantia (in scripturis justitia nominatur): [320]1 * Perfecta justitia: [321]1 * Petrus, apostolorum caput, coeli janitor, ecclesiæ fundamentum:
[322]1 * Plus facimus quam in lege et evangelis jussum est--gratiam dei et adjutorium non ad singulos actus dari, sed in libero arbitrio esse, vel in lege ac doctrina--dei gratiam secundum merita nostra dari, quia si peccatoribus illam dat, videtur esse iniquus--si gratia dei est, quando vincimus peccata, ergo ipse est in culpa, quando a peccato vincimur, quia omnino custodire nos aut non potuit aut noluit--unumquemque hominem omnes virtutes posse habere et gratias--filios dei non posse vocari nisi omni modo absque peccato fuerint effecti--oblivionem et ignorantiam non subjacere peccato, quoniam non secundum voluntatem eveniunt, sed secundum necessitatem--non esse liberum arbitrium, si dei indigeat auxilio, quoniam in propria voluntate habet unusquisque aut facere aliquid aut non facere--victoriam nostram non ex dei esse adjutorio, sed ex libero arbitrio--si anima non potest esse sine peccato, ergo et deus subjacet peccato, cujus pars, hoc est anima: [323]1 * Prædestinatio ad mortem: [324]1 * Prædicat Christus Christum.: [325]1 * Præscivit deus hominem ad poenam.: [326]1 * Primum oportet noveris diem natalem domini non in sacramento celebrari, sed tantum in memoriam revocari quod natus sit, ac per hoc nihil opus erat, nisi revolutum anni diem, quo ipsa res acta est, festa devotione signari. Sacramentum est autem in aliqua celebratione, cum rei gestæ commemoratio ita fit, ut aliquid etiam signfcari intelligatur, quod sancte accipiendum est: [327]1 * Pro Augustino responsiones ad capitula objectionum Gallorum calumniantium (against the Gallican monks); Responsiones pro Augustino ad excerpta quæ de Genuensi civitate sunt missa: [328]1 * Professio fidei (to Leontius) contra eos, qui dum per solam dei voluntatem alios dicunt ad vitam attrahi, alios in mortem deprimi, hinc fatum cum gentilibus asserunt, inde liberum arbitrium cum Manichæis negant.: [329]1 * Propter singularitatem personæ, in qua divinitas filii dei cum hurnanitate sua communes habeat actiones, qua ex causa aliquando ea quæ divina sunt referuntur ad humana, et ea quæ humana fiunt interdum adscribuntur ad divina, et hoc ordine aliquando dei filius in hominis filio filius hominis appellari dignatur et hominis filius in dei filio filius dei nuncupatur: [330]1 * Punici: [331]1 * Quæ autem domus dei et ipsa civitas? Domus enim dei populus dei, quia domus dei templum dei . . . omnes fideles, quæ est domus dei, cum angelis faciunt unam civitatem. Habet custodes. Christus custodiebat, custos erat. Et episcopi hoc faciunt: [332]1 * Quæ potest esse perversitas ut qui suis criminibus reus est, alium faciat innocentem?: [333]1 * Quæ tu si non didicisses, Pelagiani dogmatis machina sine architecto necessario remansisset.: [334]1 * Quæritis necessitatem rei quæ esse non potest si patitur necessitatem. Huic motui animi libero, sine coactu originis inquieto, si causa ipso motu detur antiquior, non gignitur omnino sed tollitur.: [335]1 * Qua gratia homo Jesus ab initio factus est bonus, eadem gratia homines qui sunt membra ejus ex malis fiunt boni.: [336]1 * Quam porro ineptum, quam pænitentiam non adimplere, ei veniam delictorum sustinere? Hoc est pretium non exhibere, ad mercem manum emittere: [337]1 * Quantum ad totius mundi pertinet partes, modica pars est in compensatione totius mundi, in qua fides Christiana nominatur.:
[338]1 * Quasi vero ex hoc generet unde separata est, et non ex hoc unde conjuncta est. Separata est enim a vinculo caritatis et pacio, sed juncta est in uno baptismate. Itaque est una ecclesia, quæ sola Catholica nominatur: [339]1 * Quem vero judicem poteris Ambrosio reperire meliorem? De quo magister tuus Pelagius ait, quod ejus fidem et purissimum in scripturis sensum ne inimicus quidem ausus est reprehendere.:
[340]1 * Quemadmodum si fiat ordinatio cleri ad plebem congregandam, etiamsi plebis congregatio non subsequatur, manet tamen in illis ordinatis sacramentum ordinationis, et si aliqua culpa quisquam ab officio removeatur, sacramento domini semel imposito non carebit, quamvis ad judicium permanente: [341]1 * Qui fidem a perfido sumpserit non fidem percipit, sed reatum.:
[342]1 * Qui gratiam confirmat, hominum laudat naturam.: [343]1 * Qui in invidia intus et malevolentia sine caritate vivunt, verum baptisma possunt et accipere et tradere. (Sed) salus, inquit Cyprianus, extra ecclesiam non est. Quis negat? Et ideo quæcumque ipsius ecclesiæ habentur, extra ecclesiam non valent ad salutem. Sed aliud est non habere, aliud non utiliter habere: [344]1 * Qui vero in ecclesia remitti peccata non credens contemnit tantam divini muneris largitatem et in hac obstinatione mentis diem claudit extremum, reus est illo irremissibili peccato in spiritum sanctum.: [345]1 * Qui vult ergo salvus esse, ita de trinitate sentiat.: [346]1 * Quia corpus ille catholicum ad omnem hominem habuit, omne quod passus est catholicum fecit; id est ut omnis caro in ipso crucifixa sit: [347]1 * Quia intra Catholicam constitutos plures audivi destruere nec non et alios adstruere.: [348]1 * Quia naturalia ab initio substantiæ usque ad terminum illius perseverant.: [349]1 * Quia unum verbum dei est, per quod facta sunt omnia, quod est incommutabilis veritas, ibi principaliter atque incommutabiliter sunt omnia simul, et omnia vita sunt et omnia unum sunt.: [350]1 * Quicunque natus est sub peccato, quem ipsa nosciæ conditionis hæreditas adstrinxit ad culpam.: [351]1 * Quid aliud istis restat nisi ut ipsum regnum cælorum ad hanc temporalem vitam, in qua nunc sumus, asserant pertinere? Cur enim non et in hanc insaniam progrediatur cæca præsumptio? Et quid hac assertione furiosius? Nam etsi regnum cælorum aliquando ecclesia etiam quæ hoc tempore est appellatur ad hoc utique sic appellatur, quia futuræ vitæ sempiternæque colligitur.: [352]1 * Quid animam faciet beatam, nisi meritum suum et præmium domini sui? Sed et meritum ejus gratia est illius, cujus, præmium erit beatitudo ejus.: [353]1 * Quid enim prodest ecclesiæ dei Christum appellare adoptivum filium vel deum nuncupativum?: [354]1 * Quid est gratia? peccati remissio, i.e.: [355]1 * Quid est, quod manducant homines? Ecce omnes indifferenter quam sæpe sacramenta altaris percipiunt. Percipiunt plane, sed alius carnem Christi spiritaliter manducat et sanguinem bibit, alius vero non, quamvis buccellam de manu sacerdotis videatur percipere. Et quid accipit, cum una sit consecratio: [356]1 * Quid habes, quod non accepisti.: [357]1 * Quid intelligimus carnis sensum et carnis vitam nisi quodcunque pudet pronuntiare?: [358]1 * Quid inter Pelagium et Cælestium in hac quæstione distabit, nisi quod ille apertior, iste occultior fuit; ille pertinacior, iste mendacior, vel certe ille liberior, hic astutior.: [359]1 * Quid opus est, ut eorum scrutemur opuscula, qui prius quam ista hæresis (Pelagianorum) oriretur, non habuerunt necessitatem in hac difficili ad solvendum quæstione versari? quod procul dubio facerent, si respondere talibus cogerentur. Unde factum est, ut de gratia dei quid sentirent, breviter quibusdam scriptorum suorum locis et transeunter adtingerent, immorarentur vero in eis, quæ adversus inimicos ecclesiæ disputabant, et in exhortationibus ad quasque virtutes, quibus deo vivo et vero pro adipiscenda vita æterna et vera felicitate servitur. Frequentationibus autem orationum simpliciter apparebat dei gratia quid valeret; non enim poscerentur de deo quæ præcipit fieri, nisi ab illo donaretur ut fierent.: [360]1 * Quid primum, quid ultimum, teneatur, quæ totius definitionis summa sit, quod certum propriumque fidei catholicæ fundamentum.: [361]1 * Quid tam necessarium fuit ad erigendam spem nostram, quam ut demonstraretur nobis, quanti nos penderet deus quantumque diligeret: [362]1 * Quis alienam mortem sua solvit nisi solus dei filius.: [363]1 * Quisquis tibi enumerat vera merita sua, quid tibi enumerat nisi munera tua.: [364]1 * Quod ais, ad colendum recte deum sine ipsius adjutorio dici a nobis sufficere unicuique libertatem arbitrii, omnino mentiris. Cum igitur cultus dei multis intelligatur modis, et in custodia mandatorum et in execratione vitiorum et in simplicitate conversationis et in ordine mysteriorum et in profunditate dogmatum . . . qui fieri potest, ut nos in confuso dicamus, sine adjutorio dei liberum arbitrium sufficiens ad ejus esse culturam . . . cunt utique ista omnia, tam quæ dogmatibus quam quæ mysteriis continentur, libertas arbitrii per se non potuerit invenire: [365]1 * Quod bellum gravius et amarius cogitari potest, quam ubi voluntas sic adversa est passioni et passio voluntati, ut nullius earum victoria tales inimicitiæ finiantur, et ubi sic confligit cum ipsa natura corporis vis doloris, ut neutrum alteri cedat? Hic [in terra] enim quando contingit iste conflictus, aut dolor vincit et sensum mors adimit, aut natura vincit et dolorem sanitas tollit. Ibi autem et dolor permanet ut affligat, et natura perdurat ut sentiat; quia utrumque ideo non deficit, ne poena deficiat.: [366]1 * Quod homini proficit, deo servit.: [367]1 * Quod operum lex minando imperat, hoc fidei Iex credendo impetrat. Ipsa est illa sapientia quæ pietas vocatur, qua colitur pater luminum, a quo est omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum. . . . Lege operum dicit deus: Fac quod jubeo; lege fidei dicitur deo: Da quod jubes. . . . Non spiritum hujus mundi accepimus, ait constantissimus gratiæ prædicator, sed spiritum qui ex deo est, ut sciamus quæ a deo donata sunt nobis. Quis est autem spiritus mundi hujus, nisi superbiæ spiritus? . . . Nec alio spiritu decipiuntur etiam illi qui ignorantes dei justitiam et suam justitiam volentes constituere, justitiæ dei non sunt subjecti. Unde mihi videtur magis esse fidei filius, qui novit a quo speret quod nondum habet, quam qui sibi tribuit id quod habet. Colligimus non justificari hominem littera, sed spiritu, non factorum meritis, sed gratuita gratia.: [368]1 * Quod ratio arguit, non potest auctoritas vindicare: [369]1 * Quomodo Adam non perseverando peccavit, qui perseverantiam non accepit?: [370]1 * Quos deus semel prædestinavit ad vitam, etiamsi negligant, etiamsi peccent, etiamsi nolint, ad vitam perducentur inviti, quos autem prædestinavit ad mortem, etiamsi currant, etiamsi festinent, sine causa laborant.: [371]1 * Rape occasionem inopinatæ felicitatis, ut ille tu, nihil quondam penes deum nisi stilla situlæ et areæ pulvus et vasculum figuli, arbor exinde fias ills quæ penes aquas seritur, etc.: [372]1 * Ratio: [373]1 * Redditur quidem meritis tuis corona sua, sed dei dona sunt merita tua.: [374]1 * Regnat carnalis cupiditas, ubi non est dei caritas.: [375]1 * Reliqua vero et secundum ipsorum testimonium a me dicta non sunt, pro quibus ego satisfacere non debeo.: [376]1 * Remota justitia quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia: [377]1 * Renovatio = justificatio = sanctificatio = sanctitas: [378]1 * Res dei ratio, quia deus nihil non ratione providit, nihil non ratione tractari intellegique voluit.: [379]1 * Responsiones pro Augustino ad capitula objectionum Vincentiarium:
[380]1 * Restat jam de credentis merito: [381]1 * Sæpe mihi ignota est humana conscientia, sed certus sum de Christi misericordia . . . non est perfidus Christus, a quo fidem percipio, non reatum . . . origo mea Christus est, radix mea Christus est . . . semen quo regeneror, verbum dei est . . . etiam si ille, per quem audio, quæ mihi dicit ipse non facit . . . me innocentem non facit nisi qui mortuus est propter delicta nostra et resurrexit propter justificationem nostram. Non enim in ministrum, per quem baptizor, credo, sed in eum, qui justificat impium.: [382]1 * Salutis unda a culpa primi parentis absolvimur, sed tamen reatum ejusdem culpæ diluentes absoluti quoque adhuc carnaliter obimus.:
[383]1 * Sanctas quidem apostoli esse paginas confitemur, non ob aliud, nisi quia rationi: [384]1 * Scripturæ sanctæ, quas ecclesiæ catholicæ commendat auctoritas.:
[385]1 * Secundum id, quod unigenitus est, non habet fratres; secundum id autem quod primogenitus est, fratres vocare dignatus est omnes qui post ejus et per ejus primatum in dei gratiam renascuntur per adoptionem filiorum.: [386]1 * Sed bene quod nos onere talium personarum prior levasti. Nam in libro ad Timasium cum s. Pelagius venerabilium virorum tam Ambrosii quam Cypriani recordatus fuisset, qui liberum arbitrium in libris suis commendaverant, respondisti nulla te gravari auctoritate talium, ita ut diceres eos processu vitæ melioris, si quid male senserant, expiasse.: [387]1 * Sed non ex toto vult; non ergo ex toto imperat: [388]1 * Semen quo regeneror verbum dei est.: [389]1 * Si Italiæ adjaces habes Romam, unde nobis auctoritas quoque praesto est.: [390]1 * Si per gratiam (De gestis 30) omnia facimus, quando vincimur a peccato, non nos vincimur, sed dei gratia, quæ voluit nos adjuvare omni modo et non potuit.: [391]1 * Si qua culpa in episcopis invenitur, nescic quis Petri successori subjectus non sit; cum vero culpa non exigit, omnes secundum rationem humilitatis æquales sunt.: [392]1 * Sic enim oportebat prius hominem fieri, ut et bene velle posset et male, nec gratis si bene, nec impune, si male; postea vero sic erit, ut male velle non possit, nec ideo libero carebit arbitrio . . . ordo prætermittendus non fuit, in quo deus ostendere voluit, quam bonum sit animal rationale quod etiam non peccare possit, quamvis sit melius quod peccare non possit.: [393]1 * Sic et Non: [394]1 * Signacula quidem rerum divinarum esse visibilia, sed res ipsas invisibiles in eis honorari.: [395]1 * Singulariter ad absolutionem nostram oblata cum lacrimis et benignitate mentis sacri altaris hostia suffragatur, quia is, qui in se resurgens a mortuis jam non moritur, adhuc per hanc in suo mysterio pro nobis iterum patitur. Nam quoties ei hostiam suæ passionis offerimus, toties nobis ad absolutionem nostram passionem illius reparamus.: [396]1 * Spiritale: [397]1 * Spiritus dei, qui cum a confitentibus non discedit neque dividitur, ipse in nobis loquitur et coronatur.: [398]1 * Sub laude baptismatis eructat Augustinus Manichæorum sordes ac naturale peccatum, ut ecclesiæ catholicæ pura hactenus sacramenta contaminet: [399]1 * Tam porro nemo est qui esse se nolit, quam nemo est qui non esse beatus velit. Quo modo enim potest beatus esse, si nihil sit?:
[400]1 * Tanto quisque tolerabiliorem: [401]1 * Tantum sentiebam de domino Christo meo, quantum de excellentis sapientiæ viro, cui nullus posset æquari; præsertim quia mirabiliter natus ex virgine ad exemplum contemnendorum temporalium pro adipiscenda immortalitate divina pro nobis cura tantam auctoritatem magisterii meruisse videbatur.: [402]1 * Tenebatur justa damnatione genus humanum et omnes erant iræ filii:
[403]1 * Traduciani pro se sursum deorsum plebecularum aut ruralium aut theatralium scita commendant.: [404]1 * Tui profecto sic semper indigent omnes electi tui, quo videlicet tibi de te solo semper valeant placere. Quemadmodum palmites indigent vite, quo fructum queant ferre, vel aër aut oculi luce, quo vel ille lucidus esse vel illi possint videre. . . . te igitur supplex invoco . . . ut largiaris indigentissimo mihi per gratuitae gratiæ tuæ invictissimam virtutem, etc: [405]1 * Ubi enim erat illa ædificans caritas a fundamento humilitatis, quod est Christus Jesus?: [406]1 * Ubi ergo malum et unde et qua huc irrepsit? Quæ radix ejus et quo semen ejus? An omnino non est? Cur ergo timemus et cavemus quod non est? Aut si inaniter timemus, certe vel timor ipse malum est . . . et tanto gravius malum, quanto non est quod timeamus. Idcirco aut est malum quod timemus, aut hoc malum est quia timemus: [407]1 * Ubi latuit, ubi dormivit hoc nomen adoptionis vel nuncupationis de Christo?: [408]1 * Unigenitus vocatur secundum divinitatis excellentiam, quia sine fratribus, primogenitus secundum susceptionem hominis, in qua per adoptionem gratiæ fratres habere dignatus est, de quibus esset primogenitus.: [409]1 * Unitas: [410]1 * Ut etiam caro nostra per hoc ad immortalitatem et incorruptionem reparetur.: [411]1 * Ut quodammodo peccato moreretur, dum moritur carni.: [412]1 * Væ tibi flumen moris humani? quis resistet tibi? quamdiu non siccaberis? quosque volves Evæ, filius in mare magnum et formidolosum, quod vix transeunt qui lignum [ecclesiam] conscenderint?: [413]1 * Venerabilis memoriæ Milevitanus episcopus catholicæ communionis Optatus.: [414]1 * Venit inter homines mediator dei et hominum, homo Christus Jesus, ad præbendum exemplum vitæ hominibus simplex, ad non parcendum malignis spiritibus rectus ad debellandum superbiam timens deum, ad detergendam vero in electis suis immunditiam recedens a malo.:
[415]1 * Verumtamen, quæso, responde mihi: num universa hujusmodi fidei mystica sacramenta, quæ symbolo non continentur, sine quibus quisque, qui ad hoc pertingere potest, catholicus esse non potest, symbolis inserenda et propter compendium minus intellegentium, ut cuique libuerit, addenda sunt?: [416]1 * Vides non dubitasse Mariam, sed credidisse et ideo fructum fidei consecutam. . . . Sed et vos beati, qui audistis et credidistis; quæcunque enim crediderit anima et concipit et generat dei verbum et opera ejus agnoscit. Sit in singulis Mariæ anima, ut magnificet dominum; sit in singulis spiritus Mariæ, ut exultet in deo. Si secundum carnem una mater est Christi, secundum fidem tamen omnium fructus est Christus: [417]1 * Virginibus nec maritus dominus, dominus vester ac caput Christus est ad instar et vicem masculi.: [418]1 * Virginitas et prompta fides Christum bibit alvo cordis et intactis condit paritura latebris.: [419]1 * Virtutes ita crescent et perficientur, ut te ad vitam vere beatam, quæ nonnisi æterna est, sine ulla dubitatione perducant: ubi jam nec prudenter: [420]1 * Visibilis sacerdos visibiles creaturas in substantiam corporis et sanguinis sui verbo suo secreta potestate convertit.: [421]1 * Vivit enim unicus pater noster et mater ecclesia.: [422]1 * Vobis (Donatistis) pacem nos annuntiamus, non ut, cum ad nos veneritis, alterum baptismum accipiatis, sed ut eum qui jam apud vos erat utiliter habeatis: [423]1 * Voluntas est nihil aliud quam motus animi cogente nullo: [424]1 * Voluntas facti origo est;: [425]1 * Vos oves Christi estis, characterem dominicum portatis in Sacramento.: [426]1 * a baptismate incipit renovatio: [427]1 * a commutatio: [428]1 * a deo: [429]1 * a necessario: [430]1 * a patre: [431]1 * abyssus corruptionis nostræ: [432]1 * actio rationalis: [433]1 * ad Innocentium: [434]1 * ad corpus Christi mystice refertur: [435]1 * ad deum: [436]1 [437]2 * ad discendum necessarie dupliciter ducimur, auctoritate atque ratione: [438]1 * ad judicium damnationis: [439]1 * ad salutem valet: [440]1 * adjutorium: [441]1 [442]2 [443]3 [444]4 [445]5 [446]6 [447]7 [448]8
[449]9 [450]10 [451]11 * adjuvante gratia esse: [452]1 * adjuvat spiritus sanctus inspirans pro concupiscentia mala concupiscentiam bonam, hoc est caritatem diffundens in cordibus nostris.: [453]1 * adoptio: [454]1 [455]2 [456]3 [457]4 [458]5 [459]6 [460]7 [461]8
[462]9 * adoptivi cum adoptivo, servi cum servo, Christi cum Christo, deus inter deos: [463]1 * adoptivi hominis non horruisti vestimentum: [464]1 * adoptivi hominis passio: [465]1 * alicui rei amore inhærere propter se ipsam: [466]1 * aliquos vero ad malum divina potestate prædestinatos esse non solum non credimus, sed etiam, si sunt qui tantum malum credere velint, cum omni detestatione illis anathema dicimus.: [467]1 * alter: [468]1 [469]2 * alteritas nata: [470]1 * altissimis ignorantiæ tenebris: [471]1 * amor: [472]1 * amor boni: [473]1 * amor dei usque ad contemptum sui: [474]1 * amor essendi et sciendi: [475]1 * amor sui: [476]1 * amore inhærere: [477]1 * amplexus dei: [478]1 * amplius nobis profuit culpa quam nocuit: [479]1 * anathematizo: [480]1 * anathemo qui vel sentit vel dicit, gratiam dei, qua Christus venit in hunc mundum peccatores salvos facere, non solum per singulas horas aut per singula momenta, sed etiam per singulos actus nostros non esse necessariam, et qui hanc conantur auferre, poenas sortiantur æternas: [481]1 * angeli et deinde corporalia omnia subministrata: [482]1 * angelus: [483]1 [484]2 * animae medicina distribuitur in auctoritatem atque rationem: [485]1 * ante unum quod est in numero, plane simplex.: [486]1 * antiqui homines: [487]1 * antiquitas catholicæ fidei: [488]1 * appetitus: [489]1 * appetitus beatitudinis: [490]1 * aptum: [491]1 * arbitrium honestatis: [492]1 * artificium promerendi obsequium est, obsequii vero disciplina morigera subjectio est.: [493]1 * assensus, fiducia: [494]1 * assumptio: [495]1 * assumtio hominis: [496]1 * assumtio hominis = adoptio hominis: [497]1 * assumtio humanæ naturæ: [498]1 * attigimus veritatem modice toto ictu cordis: [499]1 * auctoritas: [500]1 [501]2 [502]3 [503]4 [504]5 [505]6 [506]7 [507]8
[508]9 * augmenta beneficiorum divinorum utilia esse et necessaria omnibus in commune ætatibus dicimus, ita tamen ut nec virtus nec peccatum sine propria cuiquam voluntate tribuatur.: [509]1 * augmentum beneficiorum dei: [510]1 * auxilium: [511]1 * baptismum unum tenemus quod iisdem sacramenti verbis in infantibus, quibus etiam in majoribus, asserimus esse celebrandum.: [512]1 * beata necessitas: [513]1 * beata necessitas boni: [514]1 [515]2 * bona concupiscentia: [516]1 * boni: [517]1 * bonorum operum: [518]1 * bonum: [519]1 * bonum esse: [520]1 [521]2 * bonum velle: [522]1 * bonus, divinæ dignitati congruns: [523]1 * cælestis societas: [524]1 [525]2 * carentia dei: [526]1 * caritas: [527]1 [528]2 [529]3 * caritas christiana nisi in unitate ecclesiæ non potest custodiri, etsi baptismum et fidem teneatis: [530]1 * caritas est gratia testamenti novi.: [531]1 * caritas infusa: [532]1 * caritas unitatis: [533]1 * caro: [534]1 * caro humana: [535]1 * castigatio: [536]1 * castigationem victus atque cultus offenso domino præstare: [537]1 * castitas: [538]1 * catechumenus mereri cupit baptismum, timet adhuc delinquere, ne non mereretur accipere.: [539]1 * cathedra: [540]1 [541]2 * catholica: [542]1 * catholica fides: [543]1 * catholicam fidem tenere: [544]1 * causa causatrix non causata: [545]1 * causatum: [546]1 * certum propriumque fidei catholicæ fundamentum Christus est: [547]1 * certus numerus electorum: [548]1 * certus quidem in istis eram, nimis taken infirmus ad fruendum te.:
[549]1 * cessatio delicti: [550]1 * character indelebilis: [551]1 * christianæ religionis officium: [552]1 * civitas dei: [553]1 [554]2 [555]3 [556]4 * civitas terrena: [557]1 [558]2 [559]3 [560]4 * clausa patuit dominanti: [561]1 * clauso utero: [562]1 [563]2 [564]3 * coge intrare: [565]1 * cognata hæresis: [566]1 * collationes patrum: [567]1 * commendat pænitentiam deo et temporali afflictatione æterna supplicia non dicam frustratur sed expungit: [568]1 * commendatior: [569]1 * commenta, veritati contraria, catholicæ fidei penitus inimica:
[570]1 * commentum diaboli: [571]1 * communicatio: [572]1 * communio sanctorum: [573]1 [574]2 [575]3 [576]4 * concordant nobiscum angeli etiam nunc: [577]1 * concupiscentia: [578]1 * conditio necessitatis: [579]1 * conditio voluntatis: [580]1 * confertur a trinitate: [581]1 * confessio: [582]1 * conficere corpus Christi: [583]1 * congregationi sanctorum admixti: [584]1 * conjunctus; applicatus: [585]1 * conlatio divinitatis meritorum remunerandorum fuit ratio: [586]1 * conscientia dantis adtenditur, qui abluat accipientis: [587]1 * conscientia et voluntas, ubi et culpa sapit et gratia: [588]1 * consilia: [589]1 [590]2 [591]3 [592]4 [593]5 [594]6 [595]7 * consilia dominica: [596]1 * consilia evangelica: [597]1 * consuetudo: [598]1 * consuetudo peccati amorem delicti facit et exstinguit pudorem:
[599]1 * contemplatio rationalis: [600]1 [601]2 * contra naturam: [602]1 * contritio: [603]1 * convenientior: [604]1 * conversio mentis: [605]1 * convertuntur fide, veniunt opere, convertuntur deserendo mala, veniunt bona faciendo.: [606]1 * cooperans: [607]1 * copula: [608]1 * corporis sanguinisque sacramentum: [609]1 * corpus Christi: [610]1 * corpus et sanguis quod in ecclesia geritur, differt ab illo corpore et sanguine quod in Christi corpore jam glorificatum cognoscitur; et hoc corpus pignus est et species, illud vero ipsa veritas. Hoc enim geretur, donec ad illud perveniatur; ubi vero ad illud perventum fuerit hoc removebitur.: [611]1 * corpus permixtum: [612]1 [613]2 * corpus permixtum, verum: [614]1 * corpus quod natum est de Maria virgine . . . resurrexit a mortuis, penetravit coelos et nunc pontifex factus in æternum quotidie interpellat pro nobis: [615]1 * corpus spiritale: [616]1 * corruptibilitas: [617]1 * corruptio optimi pessima: [618]1 * creatio ex nihilo: [619]1 * credentes et viventes ex fide; fideles quippe ejus quos redemit sanguine suo dicti sunt regnum ejus.: [620]1 * credere deum, credere de deo, credere in deum: [621]1 * credere in eum, hoc est manducare panem vivum: [622]1 * credo remissionem peccatorum per sanctam ecclesiam: [623]1 * credo remissionem peccatorum per sanctam ecclesiam.: [624]1 * cui concurrit fides credentium et professio: [625]1 * cultus: [626]1 [627]2 [628]3 * cum deus coronat merita nostra, nihil aliud coronat quam munera sua.: [629]1 * cum dicat gratis justificari hominem per fidem sine operibus legis, nihil aliud volens intelligi in eo, quod dicit gratis: [630]1 * cum solum sit in nobis velle, et in hoc probatur nostra erga deum mens, an ea velimus quæ cum voluntate ipsius faciunt, alte et impresse recogitandum esse dico dei voluntatem, quid etiam in occulto velit. Quæ enim in manifesto scimus omnes.: [631]1 * cunctarum origo virtutum in rationabili animo sita est.: [632]1 * cupiditas, amor: [633]1 * cupido, amor: [634]1 * da quod jubes, et jube quod vis: [635]1 * data: [636]1 * datum: [637]1 * de Constantinopolitana ecclesia quod dicunt, quis eam dubitet sedi apostolica; esse subjectam: [638]1 * de fide: [639]1 * de monasterio: [640]1 * de naturalibus aliquas veritatis partes: [641]1 * de partu virginis: [642]1 * de plebeia fæce sellularii, milites, scholastici auditoriales, tabernarii, cetarii, coqui, lanii, adolescentes ex monachis dissoluti: [643]1 * de substantia carnis: [644]1 * debita: [645]1 * debitum in scripturis delicti figura est.: [646]1 * definitiones Cælestii: [647]1 * deflere, metus dei: [648]1 * deforme atque indecens: [649]1 * dei est omne quod sumus: [650]1 * dei filius incarnatus tremendus: [651]1 * delictum: [652]1 * delinquenti dominus nequaquam parcit, quia delictum sine ultione non deserit. Aut enim ipse homo in se pænitens punit, aut hoc deus cum homine vindicans percutit.: [653]1 * deo non adhærere: [654]1 * descendit ad inferos: [655]1 * desideria carnis mala: [656]1 * destituta veritas: [657]1 * deum iratum, indignatum mitigare, placare, reconciliare.: [658]1 * deum non novit nisi naturali jure, non etiam familiari: [659]1 * deum patrem et ejus ecclesiam matrem habere.: [660]1 * deus: [661]1 * deus induravit per justum judicium, et ipse Pharao per liberum arbitrium.: [662]1 * deus ipse: [663]1 * deus ita suadet ut persuadeat.: [664]1 * deus justus est ad remuneranda: [665]1 * deus offenses: [666]1 * deus quæ vult præcipit et accepto: [667]1 * deus, Jesus, spiritus: [668]1 * dicant, secundum quod permutata sunt; corporaliter namque nihil in eis cernitur esse permutatum.: [669]1 * diffusio caritatis: [670]1 * disciplinæ satisfacere: [671]1 * disciplina: [672]1 * discipulus dulcissimus: [673]1 * divina operatio: [674]1 [675]2 * divina operatio trinitatis: [676]1 * divitem manentem in divitiis suis regnum dei non posse ingredi, nisi omnia sua vendiderit; nec prodesse eidem posse, si forte ex ipsis divitiis mandata fecerit.: [677]1 * docendi fontem aperire gloriantur: [678]1 * docere, flectere, movere: [679]1 * doctor ecclesiæ Romanæ : [680]1 * doctrina: [681]1 [682]2 * doctrina Christiana: [683]1 * domini: [684]1 * dominus ac redemptor noster cum sancta ecclesia, quam redemit secundum carnem, una substantia est.: [685]1 * donum dei: [686]1 * donum perseverantiæ: [687]1 * dotes: [688]1 [689]2 * duobus modis unus creditur filius: [690]1 * durius: [691]1 * ecclesia: [692]1 [693]2 * ecclesia mater: [694]1 * ecclesiastica una conversatio: [695]1 * effensus deus: [696]1 * ego . . . te (scil. deum) quæsivi, te desideravi, tibi credidi; de homine nihil speravi . . . ego verbis antistitis fidem dedi, quæ a te data dicuntur, quæque te inspirant, te loquuntur, de te promittunt; huic de se nihil credidi nec gestis ejus, sed fidei quæ ex te est, me copulavi.: [697]1 * elementum, receptaculum, habitaculum, habitator, locus naturæ.:
[698]1 * eo quod quisque novit, non fruitur, nisi et id diligit, neque quisquam in eo quod percipit permanet nisi dilectione: [699]1 * ergismus: [700]1 * error prædestinationis: [701]1 * esse: [702]1 [703]2 * esse, scire, amare: [704]1 * et ex gentibus fuisse salvatos: [705]1 * et qæerebam viam comparandi roboris quod esset idoneum ad fruendum te, etc.,: [706]1 * et quomodo jam Christi corpus dicitur, in quo nulla permutatio facta cognoscitur?: [707]1 * et si philosophorum ego senatum advocavero, tu continuo sellularios, opifices omneque in nos vulgus accendas: [708]1 * et si quid aliud in scripturis canonicis commendatur. . . . Illa autem quæ non scripta, sed tradita custodimus, quæ quidem toto terrarum orbe servantur, datur intelligi vel ab ipsis apostolis, vel plenariis conciliis, quorum est in ecclesia saluberrima auctoritas, commendata atque statuta retineri, sicut quod domini passio et resurrectio et ascensio in cælum et adventus de cælo spiritus sancti anniversaria sollemnitate celebrantur, et si quid aliud tale occurrit quod servatur ab universa, quacumque se diffundit, ecclesia.: [709]1 * etsi non ita possunt mutare naturam, reatu tamen obligant filios:
[710]1 * etsi venia est pænitentiæ fructus, hanc quoque consistere non licet sine cessatione delicti. Ita cessatio delicti radix est veniæ ut venia sit pænitentiæ fructus: [711]1 * eucharistia, missa, sacrificium, oblatio, hostia, sacramentum passionis, communio: [712]1 * ex deo: [713]1 * ex filio: [714]1 * ex natura, sub lege, sub gratia (Christi): [715]1 * ex nihilo: [716]1 [717]2 * ex nolentibus volentes: [718]1 * ex operibus carnis: [719]1 * ex patre per filium: [720]1 * ex toto: [721]1 * exempto reatu: [722]1 * exercitium: [723]1 * externa communio sacramentorum: [724]1 * extra ecclesiam: [725]1 * facilius dicimus quid non sit, quam quod sit: [726]1 * felices: [727]1 * fidei merito: [728]1 * fideliter credere: [729]1 * fideliter et firmiterque credere: [730]1 * fideliter laborare: [731]1 * fideliter laborare auxiliante Christo: [732]1 * fides: [733]1 [734]2 [735]3 [736]4 [737]5 * fides credentis: [738]1 [739]2 * fides historica: [740]1 * fides impetrat quod lex imperat.: [741]1 * fides implicita: [742]1 [743]2 * fides præcedit rationem: [744]1 [745]2 * fides prævenit rationem: [746]1 * fides quæ creditur: [747]1 * fides recta, ut credamus et confiteamur: [748]1 * fiducia: [749]1 [750]2 * figura: [751]1 [752]2 [753]3 * figura corporis: [754]1 * figura corporis Christi: [755]1 * figuram sive memoriam dominicæ mortis: [756]1 * figurate facta: [757]1 * filii sanctæ matris: [758]1 * filiogue: [759]1 * filioque: [760]1 [761]2 [762]3 [763]4 [764]5 [765]6 [766]7 [767]8
[768]9 [769]10 * filius adoptivus: [770]1 * filius adoptivus humanitate nequaquam divinitate: [771]1 * filius dei: [772]1 * filius dei naturalis: [773]1 * filius festinat in actionem: [774]1 * filius hominis: [775]1 * filius proprius: [776]1 * filius secundum carnem: [777]1 * fons: [778]1 [779]2 * fortiter scandalizare: [780]1 * fratri satisfacere: [781]1 * fruitio dei: [782]1 * garriebam plane quasi peritus: [783]1 * gemina: [784]1 * gemina prædestinatio: [785]1 * gemina predestinatio: [786]1 * gemina predestinatio . . . sive reproborum ad mortem.: [787]1 * genere et natura: [788]1 * gentiles veræ castitatis (and that is the virtue kat' exochen:
[789]1 * genus: [790]1 [791]2 * gratia: [792]1 [793]2 [794]3 [795]4 [796]5 [797]6 [798]7 [799]8
[800]9 [801]10 * gratia Christi: [802]1 * gratia creans: [803]1 * gratia gratis : [804]1 * gratia gratis data: [805]1 [806]2 [807]3 [808]4 * gratia gratis data præveniens: [809]1 * gratia infusa: [810]1 [811]2 [812]3 * gratia infusa, inspiratio dilectio: [813]1 * gratia irresistibilis: [814]1 [815]2 * gratia per: [816]1 * gratia per Christum: [817]1 * gratia prima: [818]1 * gratia prima (universalis): [819]1 * gratiam dei et adjutorium non ad singulos actus dari (in other places he says the opposite) sed in libero arbitrio esse vel in lege ac doctrina: [820]1 * gratis: [821]1 [822]2 * gratis data: [823]1 * gula: [824]1 * hæreditarium vinculum: [825]1 * habere: [826]1 [827]2 * hic etiam filius dei natura est filius, non adoptione.: [828]1 * hic jam carnis interitum in officium pænitentiæ interpretantur, quod videatur jejuniis et sordibus et incuria omni et dedita opera malæ tractationis carnem exterminando satis deo facere: [829]1 * hinc deus irasci exorsus, unde offendere homo inductus.: [830]1 * historicus doctus: [831]1 * hoc etiam credimus, quod accepta per baptismum gratia omnes baptizati: [832]1 * hoc mirabile et speciale in te pietatis dei donum prædicamus, quod tanta devotione ecclesias Christi a perfidorum doctrinis intrinsecus purgare tuerique niteris, quanta forinsecus a vastatione paganorum defendere vel propagare conaris. His duabus gladiis: [833]1 * hominem innumeris divinæ gratiæ speciebus juvari . . . præcipiendo, benedicendo, sanctificando, coercendo, provocando, illuminando.:
[834]1 * hominis sapientia pietas est: [835]1 * homo: [836]1 [837]2 [838]3 [839]4 [840]5 [841]6 [842]7 [843]8 * homo igitur innocentia quidem plenus, sed virtutis capax nascitur, aut laudem aut reprehensionem ex proposito accedente meriturus . . . nec justos nasci parvulos nec injustos, quod futuri sunt actibus suis, sed tantummodo infantiam innocentiæ dote locupletem.:
[844]1 * homo libero arbitrio emancipatus a deo: [845]1 * honorandam esse paucitatem: [846]1 * humanitas: [847]1 * ideo habuit voluntatem malam, quia voluit.: [848]1 * ideo simplex dicitur quoniam quod habet hoc est: [849]1 * ignis purgatarius: [850]1 * ignorantia, concupiscentia, error, dolor, metus, delectatio morbida: [851]1 * ille: [852]1 [853]2 * illicite datum: [854]1 * illuminatio et doctrina: [855]1 * impeccantia: [856]1 * imperium: [857]1 [858]2 * imputare: [859]1 * in abditis receptaculis: [860]1 * in adsumtione carnis a deo persona petit hominis, non natura:
[861]1 * in animi nostris naturalis quædam sanctitas est.: [862]1 * in concreto: [863]1 * in ecclesia esse: [864]1 * in excessu: [865]1 * in membris Christi: [866]1 * in mysterio: [867]1 [868]2 * in occulto: [869]1 * in paradiso ab animo coepit elatio: [870]1 * in partu: [871]1 [872]2 * in quo: [873]1 [874]2 * in remissionem peccatorum: [875]1 * in singulis portionibus totus est: [876]1 * in substantiam corporis convertere: [877]1 * in unitatis vinculo caritate: [878]1 * in uno et altero ecclesia est, ecclesia vero Christus: [879]1 * in veritate: [880]1 [881]2 [882]3 * incommutabile: [883]1 * incorporea veritas: [884]1 * incorporea veritas, spiritalis substantia, incommutabilis et vera veritatis æternitas: [885]1 * indebita bonitas: [886]1 * indulgentia: [887]1 * indulgere: [888]1 * ineffabilis simplex natura: [889]1 * ineffabiliter mirabilis, incomparabiliter honorandus, præstantissimus patronus, columna veritatis ubique gentium conspicua, specialis fidei patronus.: [890]1 * infames, ineptissimæ: [891]1 * infideles: [892]1 * infirmatum, attenuatum: [893]1 * ingens sacrilegium: [894]1 * insubstantiata sunt omnia onta: [895]1 * insuper et quod majus est per hæc secretius præstita ad illam tenderent speciem satietatis ubi jam non pro peccatis nostris quotidie Christus immolabitur: [896]1 * integram inviolatamque fidem servare: [897]1 * intellectus rerum veraciter ipsæ res sunt.: [898]1 * inter alia: [899]1 * intolerandum scilicet pudori, domino offenso satisfacere: [900]1 * intra modum: [901]1 * invisibilis substantia: [902]1 [903]2 * invitum hominem facit peccare: [904]1 * ipsa conditio nascendi solvitur gratia renascendi.: [905]1 * ipsa virtus et præmium virtutis: [906]1 * ipsa vita æterna merces est operum bonorum: [907]1 * ipse se ipsum conterminavit: [908]1 * ira: [909]1 * iste panis et sanguis qui super altare ponuntur, in figuram sive memoriam dominicæ mortis ponuntur, et quod gestum est in præterito, præsenti revocet (dominus) memoriæ, ut illius passionis memores effecti, per eam efficiamur divini muneris consortes.: [910]1 * ita sunt hæc quodammodo indiscrete permixta atque confusa, ut quid ex quo pendeat inter multos magna quæstione volvatur, i.e.: [911]1 * itane tandem, juvenis confidentissime, consolari te debes, quia talibus displices, an lugere?: [912]1 * jejunium iratum deum homini reconciliat: [913]1 * judicium: [914]1 * jus humanæ societatis: [915]1 * justa vindicta: [916]1 * juste prædestinati ad poenam (mortem): [917]1 * justi: [918]1 [919]2 * justificatio: [920]1 * justificatio ex fide: [921]1 [922]2 * justificatio in hac vita nobis secundum tria ista confertur: prius lavacro regenerationis, quo remittuntur cuncta peccata, deinde congressione cum vitiis, a quorum reatu absoluti sumus, tertio dum nostra exaudiatur oratio, qua dicimus, Dimitte nobis debita nostra.: [923]1 * justitia: [924]1 [925]2 [926]3 [927]4 * labentis mundi odia promeremur: [928]1 * labor humanæ obedientiæ: [929]1 * latrocinium: [930]1 * laudator concupiscentia: [931]1 * lavat nos a peccatis nostris quotidie in sanguine suo, cum beatæ passionis ad altare memoria replicatur, cum panis et vini creatura in sacramentum carnis et sanguinis ejus ineffabili spiritus sanctificatione transfertur: [932]1 * laxatio: [933]1 * legi dei aut operi dei scripta disputatorum præjudicant!: [934]1 * levissima: [935]1 * lex: [936]1 [937]2 [938]3 [939]4 [940]5 [941]6 [942]7 [943]8 [944]9 * lex sic mittit ad regnum cælorum quomodo et evangelium.: [945]1 * liberalitas: [946]1 * libero arbitrio semper co-operatur: [947]1 * libertas periit, sed illa, quæ in paradiso fuit, non liberum arbitrium.: [948]1 * libertatem scriptura divina nostri confirmat arbitrii sed et infirntitatem.: [949]1 * liberum arbitrium: [950]1 [951]2 [952]3 [953]4 [954]5 [955]6 * liberum arbitrium et post peccata tam plenum est quam fuit ante peccata.: [956]1 * liberum sic confitemur arbitrium, ut dicamus nos indigere dei semper auxilio: [957]1 * libido: [958]1 [959]2 [960]3 [961]4 * libido matris: [962]1 * licet in scholis aliud disserentes: [963]1 * licet quæstionis res sit ista, non hæresis.: [964]1 * lux incommutabilis: [965]1 * magnis impedimentis angoribus, quos intuenti mihi hac tempestate ecclesiarum statum partim indignatio ingerit partim miseratio:
[966]1 * malæ voluntati veniam pro inæstimabili liberalitate largitur et innocentiam, quam creat bonam, facit innovando adoptandoque meliorem: [967]1 * mala: [968]1 [969]2 * mala in ordinem redacta faciunt decorem universi: [970]1 * male liberum: [971]1 * malum: [972]1 * malum originale: [973]1 * mandata: [974]1 * manducatio infidelium: [975]1 [976]2 * massa damnata: [977]1 * massa peccati (perditionis): [978]1 * massa perditionis: [979]1 [980]2 [981]3 [982]4 [983]5 * mater omnium virtutum: [984]1 * melius judicavit, de malis bene facere, quam mala nulla esse permittere: [985]1 * mera capacitas utriusque: [986]1 * merita: [987]1 [988]2 * merita cujusque: [989]1 * merita pænitentiæ: [990]1 * meritis: [991]1 * meritum de congruo et de condigno: [992]1 * meritum fidei: [993]1 [994]2 * meritum, præmium: [995]1 * metus est instrumentum pænitentiæ: [996]1 * militia Christi: [997]1 * minimum et levissimum peccatum: [998]1 * minister verbi et sacramenti evangelici, si bonus est, consocius fit evangelii, si autem malus est, non ideo dispensator non est evangelii.: [999]1 * minus prospecte suscepta: [1000]1 * misera necessitas non posse non peccandi: [1001]1 * misera necessitas peccandi: [1002]1 * miseric. subsequens: [1003]1 * misericordia præveniens: [1004]1 * missi: [1005]1 * mixtura: [1006]1 * modus: [1007]1 [1008]2 * monstrum: [1009]1 [1010]2 * morbus: [1011]1 * mors cum ipso genere traducto: [1012]1 * mors ipsa non moritur.: [1013]1 * motus: [1014]1 * motus genitalium: [1015]1 * moveri ipsum quo est esse: [1016]1 * multisque aliis similibus.: [1017]1 * mundus de nihilo a deo factus: [1018]1 * mundus reconciliatus deo per carnem Christi: [1019]1 * munera: [1020]1 * munera dei: [1021]1 * munus dei: [1022]1 * munus dei per Christum: [1023]1 * mutabilia: [1024]1 * mutatio: [1025]1 * mysterium grande in cruce Christi: [1026]1 * nam si plena esset, nec imperaret ut esset, quia jam esset: [1027]1 * nascendi conditione: [1028]1 * naturæ vitio eunuchus matris utero editus: [1029]1 * natura: [1030]1 [1031]2 [1032]3 [1033]4 * natura conversa: [1034]1 * natura vitiata: [1035]1 [1036]2 [1037]3 * natura vitiate: [1038]1 * natura-gratia: [1039]1 * naturalis quæ dicitur sanctitas: [1040]1 * naturaliter: [1041]1 * ne tanto remissior sit ad virtutem animus ac tardior, quanto minus se posse credat et dum quod inesse sibi ignorat id se existimet non habere.: [1042]1 * nebulæ de Aristotelicis categoriis: [1043]1 * nec ideo libero carebit arbitrio: [1044]1 * nemo indulgentia dei utendo promeretur, sed voluntati obsequendo:
[1045]1 * neque scientia divinæ legis, neque natura neque sola remissio peccatorum: [1046]1 * nihil: [1047]1 [1048]2 [1049]3 * nihil illi simile demonstrat antiquitas: [1050]1 * nihil sit cassum, nihil ludificatorium: [1051]1 * nilhil: [1052]1 * non æstimandum est, quod alterius verbis, quod ullius alterius meritis, quod potestate alicujus ista fiunt, sed verbo creatoris:
[1053]1 * non est bonæ et solidæ fidei sic omnia ad voluntatem dei referre et ita adulari unum quemque dicendo nihil fieri sine nutu ejus, ut non intellegamus, esse aliquid in nobis ipsis: [1054]1 * non est dogma: [1055]1 [1056]2 * non est tanti unius meritum, ut universa quæ naturaliter sunt instituta perturbet.: [1057]1 * non ex toto volumus, non ergo ex toto [nobis] imperamus.: [1058]1 * non facile humana ratione discernitur quemadmodum dominus petentibus tribuat, a quærentibus inveniatur et rursus inveniatur a non quærentibus se et palam adpareat inter illos, qui eum non interrogabant.: [1059]1 * non filius adoptione: [1060]1 * non hoc corpus, quod videtis--Christus inquit--manducaturi estis, sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi, spiritualiter intellectum vivificabit vos: [1061]1 * non hoc illa erat; sed aliud, aliud valde ab istis omnibus. Nec ita erat supra mentem meam sicut oleum super aquam, nec sicut coelum super terram, sed superior, quia ipsa fecit me, et ego inferior, quia factus sum ab ea. Qui novit veritatem novit eam, et qui novit eam, novit æternitatem. Caritas novit eam. O æterna veritas, et vera caritas, et cara æternitas! tu es deus meus; tibi suspiro die ac nocte.: [1062]1 * non imputare: [1063]1 * non in genere suo, non in specie, non in modo: [1064]1 * non inhærere deo: [1065]1 * non nostri laboris est, quod sæpe moneo, ut nos salvemus; sed sola fides in Christum nobis salus est . . . nostrum pene jam nihil est nisi solum credere qui superavit omnia. Hoc est enim plena salvatio, Christum hæc vicisse. Fidem in Christo habere, plenam fidem, nullus labor est, nulla difficultas, animi tantum voluntas est . . . justitia non tantum valet quantum fides: [1066]1 * non numerandas, sed ponderandas esse sententias; ad aliquid inveniendum multitudinem nihil prodesse cæcorum: [1067]1 * non omnia restaurantur sed quæ in Christo sunt: [1068]1 * non omnis panis sed accipiens benedictionem fit corpus Christi:
[1069]1 * non posse: [1070]1 [1071]2 * non posse non mori: [1072]1 * non posse peccare: [1073]1 * non possumus: [1074]1 * non qua creamur, sed qua recreamur et renovamur.: [1075]1 * non quod sine voluntate nostra justificatio fiat, sed voluntas nostra ostenditur infirma per legem, ut sanet: [1076]1 * non repetimus quod jam erat, sed damus quod non erat.: [1077]1 * non sanguinis et corporis dominici mysterium imago: [1078]1 * non solum actuum, verum etiam cogitationum bonarum ex deo esse principium, qui nobis et initia sanctæ voluntatis inspirat et virtutem atque opportunitatem eorum quæ recte cupimus tribuit peragendi . . . deus incipit quæ bona sunt et exsequitur et consummat in nobis, nostrum vero est, tit cotidie adtrahentem nos gratiam dei humiliter subsequamur.: [1079]1 * non summum bonum esse: [1080]1 * nondum considerasti, quanti ponderis sit peccatum: [1081]1 * nos angelorum, si meruimus, candidati: [1082]1 * nos per hoc in incorruptionem transformamur: [1083]1 * nostra merita, dei munera: [1084]1 * nova creatura: [1085]1 * nudum et inerme conditionis bonum.: [1086]1 * nulla est iniquitas: [1087]1 * nullatenus peccatum sine vindicta laxatur: [1088]1 * nulli compensatio: [1089]1 * nullo modo credendum est, ut omnipotens deus pater, qui spiritus est, de semetipso carnem generet: [1090]1 * nuncupativus deus: [1091]1 * nuptiæ: [1092]1 * oblatio: [1093]1 * offendere deum: [1094]1 * offendere, satisfacere, promereri, acceptare: [1095]1 * offendisti, sed reconciliari adhuc potes; habes cui satisfacias et quidem volentem.: [1096]1 * omne bonum a deo: [1097]1 * omne bonum in humilitate perficitur: [1098]1 * omne delictum aut venia dispungit aut poena, venia ex castigatione, poena ex damnatione: [1099]1 * omne peccatum ex voluntate: [1100]1 * omnes in alternis exsistentes et semper simul homoousioi: [1101]1 * omnes justi sunt, in quibus nunc regnat mediator: [1102]1 * omnes naturæ ex deo, non de deo: [1103]1 * omnes salutis inpromerendo deo: [1104]1 * omnis substantia a deo: [1105]1 * opera: [1106]1 * opera a deo dari merito fidei, ipsam vero fidem sic esse a nobis ut nobis non sit a deo.: [1107]1 * operarii vel ministri baptismi: [1108]1 * operatio divina: [1109]1 * operibus et eleemosynis: [1110]1 * opinantes quam scientes: [1111]1 * oportet magistrum doctoremque virtutis homini simillimum fieri, ut vincendo peccatum doceat hominem vincere posse peccatum . . . ut desideriis carnis edomitis doceret, non necessitatis esse peccare, sed propositi ac voluntatis.: [1112]1 * opus operatum: [1113]1 * ordinatio malorum: [1114]1 * ordinator peccatorum: [1115]1 [1116]2 * ordo, species, modus: [1117]1 * pænitentia demonstratur acceptabilis deo: [1118]1 * pænitentia legitima: [1119]1 [1120]2 * pænitentiam deo immolare . . . magis merebitur fructum pænitentiæ qui nondum ea usus est quam qui jam et abusus est.: [1121]1 * panis: [1122]1 * panis est corpus Christi . . . corpus Christi si vis intelligere, apostolum audi: vos estis corpus Christi.: [1123]1 * pars peregrinans: [1124]1 * partus clause utero: [1125]1 * partus clauso utero: [1126]1 * passus: [1127]1 * passus est pro nostra salute: [1128]1 * patientia corporis [penances] precationes commendat, deprecationes affirmat; hæc aures Christi aperit, clementiam elicit.: [1129]1 * pax: [1130]1 * pax cælestis: [1131]1 * pax ecclesiæ dimittit peccata et ab ecclesiæ pace alienatio tenet peccata; petra tenet, petra dimittit; columba tenet, columba dimittit; unitas tenet, unitas dimittit: [1132]1 * pax terrena: [1133]1 [1134]2 [1135]3 * peccando promeremur: [1136]1 * peccata naturalia: [1137]1 * peccator patri satisfacit: [1138]1 * peccatrix successio: [1139]1 * peccatum: [1140]1 * peccatum originis: [1141]1 * peccatum originis, tradux peccati: [1142]1 * peccatum vitari potest: [1143]1 * per aditum fidei aperitur aditus visionis dei: [1144]1 * per carnem: [1145]1 * per continentiam negotiaberis magnam substantiam sanctitatis:
[1146]1 * per gratiam dei bona merita comparamus quibus ad vitam perveniamus æternam.: [1147]1 * per hanc stat ecclesia qua in terris est: [1148]1 * per incentivum maledictæ generationis ardorem et per inlecebror:
[1149]1 * per, propter: [1150]1 * peregrinationes: [1151]1 * permixtio: [1152]1 * permutatio corporalis: [1153]1 * persona: [1154]1 * persona hominis: [1155]1 * pestifer: [1156]1 * philosophia vera: [1157]1 [1158]2 * pie: [1159]1 * pignus: [1160]1 * plena: [1161]1 * plena in voluntate bona: [1162]1 * plus: [1163]1 * poculum humanæ salutis, quod confectum est infirmitate nostra et virtute divina, habet quidem in se, ut omnibus prosit, sed si non bibitur non medetur.: [1164]1 * porro ignorantia quam profunda quamque patiendi ejus dura conditio, ut liberari ab ea nisi prævaricatione non posset, scientiam quippe boni malique absque ansa condemnabili nequaquam capessiturus.:
[1165]1 * posse: [1166]1 * posse non: [1167]1 * posse non peccare: [1168]1 * posse non peccare, --mori,--deserere bonum: [1169]1 * possibilitas: [1170]1 [1171]2 [1172]3 [1173]4 * possibilitas boni: [1174]1 * possibilitas utriusque: [1175]1 [1176]2 * post veteres hæreses inventa etiam modo hæresis est non ab episcopis seu presbyteris vel quibuscumque clericis, sed a quibusdam veluti monachis: [1177]1 * potentia actuosa: [1178]1 [1179]2 * potentia divini verbi: [1180]1 * potentialiter: [1181]1 * præcepta: [1182]1 [1183]2 [1184]3 [1185]4 * prædestinatio ad malum: [1186]1 * prædestinatio ad mortem: [1187]1 * præter: [1188]1 * pretii copiositas mysterii passionis: [1189]1 * pretium: [1190]1 * primordiale delictum expiare: [1191]1 * prius occultius, postea manifestius: [1192]1 * privatio: [1193]1 * privatio boni: [1194]1 [1195]2 [1196]3 * privatio substantiæ: [1197]1 * pro amoris pii memoria: [1198]1 * pro defunctis commendandis: [1199]1 * pro peccatis: [1200]1 * profectus: [1201]1 * profer nomen amici tui eo tempore opportuno, quo panem et vinum in substantiam corporis et sanguinis Christi consecraveris.: [1202]1 * proinde de immunditia nuptiarum mundus homo non nascitur, quia interveniente libidine seminatur.: [1203]1 * promereri deum: [1204]1 * propositum dei, quo non ob hoc hominem fecerat, tit periret, sed ut in perpetuum viveret, manet immobile, cuius benignitas cum bonæ voluntatis in nobis quantulamcunque scintillam emicuisse perspexerit vel quam ipse tamquam de dura silice nostri cordis excuderit, confovet eam et exsuscitat et confortat . . . qui enim ut pereat unus ex pusillis non habet voluntatem, quomodo sine ingenti sacrilegio putandus est non universaliter omnes, sed quosdam salvos fieri velle pro omnibus? ergo quicumque pereunt, contra illius pereunt voluntatem . . . deus mortem non fecit.:
[1205]1 * proprie sacerdotes: [1206]1 * pulchritudo: [1207]1 * pulchrum: [1208]1 * punctum saliens: [1209]1 * quæ a deo: [1210]1 * quæ ecclesia dei salutaria probat, infamat nociva.: [1211]1 * quæ ratione defendi non potest: [1212]1 * quæ salvari possent: [1213]1 * quæ sursum sunt sapite: [1214]1 * quædam enim sunt divinæ liberalitatis, quædam nostræ operationis.:
[1215]1 * quærebam viam: [1216]1 * qua demonstrat et revelat deus quid agere debeamus, non qua donat atque adjuvat ut agamus.: [1217]1 * quamvis non possit credere, sperare, diligere homo rationalis, nisi velit: [1218]1 * quasi: [1219]1 * quasi contra naturam: [1220]1 * quasi ecclesia: [1221]1 [1222]2 * quasi necessariam: [1223]1 * que ad salutem pertinent adimplere: [1224]1 * qui sumus membra ejus: [1225]1 * quia Christum vorari fas dentibus non est, voluit in mysterio hunc panem et vinum vere carnem suam et sanguinem consecratione spiritus s. potentialiter (i.e.: [1226]1 * quia ipsum velle a deo nobis operatur, fit ut ex deo et operationem et voluntatem habeamus.: [1227]1 * quia non possunt secundum categorias Aristotelis de dogmatibus judicare.: [1228]1 * quid est aliud caritas quam voluntas?: [1229]1 * quid est altare, nisi sedes et corporis et sanguinis Christi, cujus illic per certa momenta: [1230]1 * quid interesset inter præsumptionem et confessionem, inter videntes quo eundun sit nec videntes qua, et viam ducentem ad beatificam patriam, non tantum cernendam, sed et habitandam: [1231]1 * quidquid nobis optamus, in illum auguramur, et illi deputamus, quod ab illo exspectamus.: [1232]1 * quis non ipso nominum sectarumque conglobatarum strepitu terretur?:
[1233]1 * quod Hieronymus ei tamquam æmulo inviderit.: [1234]1 * quod colorem aut saporem carnis minime præbet, virtus tamen fidei et intellegentiæ, quæ nihil de Christo dubitat, totum illud spiritaliter sapit et degustat . . . Sic debuit hoc mysterium temperari, ut et arcana secretorum celarentur infidis et meritum:
[1235]1 * quod in eo ex virgine creando efficax Dei sapientia et virtus exstiterit, et in nativitate ejus divinæ prudentiæ et potestatis opus intellegatur, sitque in eo efficientia potius quam natura sapientiæ.: [1236]1 * quod scriptum est et apostolicæ disciplinæ robustissima auctoritate firmatum: [1237]1 * quodammodo naturalis: [1238]1 * quomodo id fieri potuerit: [1239]1 * quomodo multæ mansiones apud patrem, si non pro varietate meritorum . . . porro et si fidei propterea congruebat sublimitati et claritatis aliqua prolatio, tale quid esse opportuerat illud emolumenti: [1240]1 * quos fecit quia voluit nec condemnat nisi spretus; si cum non spernitur, faciat consecratione meliores, nec detrimentum justitiæ patitur et munificentia miserationis ornatur.: [1241]1 * radix virtutum: [1242]1 * rapi in deum: [1243]1 * ratio: [1244]1 [1245]2 [1246]3 [1247]4 [1248]5 [1249]6 [1250]7
[1251]8 [1252]9 [1253]10 [1254]11 [1255]12 [1256]13 [1257]14
[1258]15 [1259]16 [1260]17 [1261]18 * ratio intelligentia: [1262]1 * ratio promerendi deum: [1263]1 * ratio salutis certam formam: [1264]1 * rationabilis naturæ individua subsistentia: [1265]1 * rationabiliter visum est, ut fides præcedat rationem: [1266]1 * re non tempore posterior: [1267]1 * reatus: [1268]1 [1269]2 * reatus peccati: [1270]1 [1271]2 * rebus in pejorem partem properantibus, quod mundi fini suo incumbentis indicium est: [1272]1 * reconciliati sumus per solum filium secundum carnem, sed non soli filio secundum divinitatem: [1273]1 * reconciliatio cum deo: [1274]1 * reconciliatio, redemptio, satisfactio, immolatio, meritum: [1275]1 * reconciliator: [1276]1 * reddituri sunt de factis propriis: [1277]1 * redemptor: [1278]1 * regio ubertatis indeficientis, ubi pascis Israel in æternum veritatis pabulo, et ubi vita sapientia est: [1279]1 * regnum cælorum: [1280]1 * regnum dei: [1281]1 * regnum dei, civitas dei: [1282]1 * religio vera: [1283]1 * reliquiæ Pelagianorum: [1284]1 * remissio peccatorum: [1285]1 [1286]2 [1287]3 [1288]4 [1289]5 * rependamus: [1290]1 * rependere: [1291]1 * repræsentatio memoriæ dominicæ passionis: [1292]1 * reprobati: [1293]1 * reprobi: [1294]1 * reputare: [1295]1 * res: [1296]1 [1297]2 [1298]3 [1299]4 * res invisibilis: [1300]1 * res ipsa quæ nunc Christiana religio nuncupatur, erat apud antiquos, nec defuit ab initio generis humani, quousque ipse Christus venit in carne, unde vera religio, quæ jam erat, coepit appellari Christiana: [1301]1 * res sæculi: [1302]1 * res sacramenti: [1303]1 * restituere: [1304]1 * restitutio peccatoris: [1305]1 * resurrectio carnis: [1306]1 * robur in infirmitate perficitur: [1307]1 * rursus debita redeunt per hæresis aut schismatis obstinationem et ideo necessarium habent hujusmodi homines venire ad Catholicam pacem: [1308]1 * s. ecclesia in apostolorum principis soliditate firmata est.:
[1309]1 * sacerdos, sacrificium, caput ecclesiæ: [1310]1 * sacerdotes: [1311]1 * sacerdotium: [1312]1 * sacramenta per se esse sancta, non per homines: [1313]1 * sacramentum: [1314]1 * sacramentum baptismi: [1315]1 * sacramentum baptismi dandi: [1316]1 * sacramentum et verbum dei populo ministrare.: [1317]1 * sacramentum unitatis: [1318]1 * sacrificium corporis Christi: [1319]1 * salus: [1320]1 [1321]2 * salus per gratiam in baptismo donatam certissima.: [1322]1 * salutaria sacramenta: [1323]1 * salvator per adoptionem carnis sedem repetiit deitatis: [1324]1 * sancta ecclesia: [1325]1 [1326]2 [1327]3 * sancta membra ac viscera ecclesia: [1328]1 * sancti: [1329]1 [1330]2 * sancti et spiritales: [1331]1 * sancti, perfecti: [1332]1 * sapientia hominis pietas: [1333]1 * satisfacere: [1334]1 * satisfacere deo: [1335]1 * satisfacere ecclesiæ; satisfactio congrua: [1336]1 * satisfacimus deo domino nostro: [1337]1 * satisfactio: [1338]1 [1339]2 [1340]3 [1341]4 [1342]5 * satisfactio congrua: [1343]1 * satisfactio, poena: [1344]1 * scire deum et animam: [1345]1 * se rapere in deum: [1346]1 * secundum corporis præsentiam: [1347]1 * secundum merita: [1348]1 [1349]2 [1350]3 * secundum merita bonaæ: [1351]1 * secundum merita nostra: [1352]1 * sed non corporaliter sed spiritualiter facta est . . . spiritualiter sub velamento corporei panis . . . corpus et sanguis Christi existunt.: [1353]1 * sedet ad dexteram dei patris omnipotentis: [1354]1 * semper auxilio dei homines indigere nec aliquid humanam fragilitatem quod ad salutem pertinet per se solam i.e.: [1355]1 * semper generans generatio: [1356]1 * sensibilis res intellegibiliter virtute dei per verbum Christi in carnem ipsius divinitus transfertur.: [1357]1 * sermo de symbolo: [1358]1 * servi dei: [1359]1 * servitium, adoratio: [1360]1 * si quæ vero præter fidem quæstiones natæ sunt . . . non ego quasi auctor alicujus dogmatis definita hæc auctoritate statui.: [1361]1 * si satisfactio congrua non negligatur: [1362]1 * sic deus, ut dicatur etiam dei donum: [1363]1 * sicut baptizatus, si ab unitate recesserit, sacramentum baptismi non amittit, sic etiam ordinatus, si ab unitate recesserit, sacramentum dandi baptismi non amittit.: [1364]1 * sicut erat in principio: [1365]1 * sigillum: [1366]1 [1367]2 * signum: [1368]1 * signum rei invisibilis: [1369]1 * sive per nos, sive per deum: [1370]1 * sola fide: [1371]1 [1372]2 * solo sacramento: [1373]1 * species: [1374]1 [1375]2 * spes: [1376]1 * spiritalis substantia: [1377]1 * spiritualiter intellegite: [1378]1 * spiritus: [1379]1 [1380]2 [1381]3 * splendida vitia: [1382]1 * sponsa Christi, unius cubiculi sanctitatem casto pudore custodit.:
[1383]1 * status: [1384]1 * strepitus turbarum de omni ordine conversationis hominum: [1385]1 * studium: [1386]1 [1387]2 * suam potestatem ad dei cultum maxime dilatandum majestati ejus famulam faciunt, si plus amant illud regnum, ubi non timent habere consortes.: [1388]1 * sub figura: [1389]1 [1390]2 [1391]3 [1392]4 * sub specie æternitatis: [1393]1 [1394]2 * sub specie prædestinationis: [1395]1 * substantia panis et vini in Christi carnem et sanguinem efficaciter interius commutatur: [1396]1 * substantia, persona: [1397]1 * summa est voluntatis dei salus eorum, quos adoptavit.: [1398]1 * summum: [1399]1 * summum : [1400]1 * summum bonum: [1401]1 [1402]2 [1403]3 * summum bonum, summum esse: [1404]1 * summum esse: [1405]1 * superbia: [1406]1 [1407]2 * superbia animi: [1408]1 * symbolum apostolicum: [1409]1 * tanta est erga creaturam suam pietas creatoris, ut non solum comitetur eam, sed etiam præcedit iugiter providentia, qui cum in nobis ortum quendam bonæ voluntatis inspexerit, inluminat eam confestim atque confortat et incitat ad salutem, incrementum tribuens ei quam vel ipse plantavit vel nostro conatu viderit emersisse.: [1410]1 * tantum relevat confessio: [1411]1 * termini technici: [1412]1 * terrena felicitas: [1413]1 * timor: [1414]1 [1415]2 * timor fundamentum salutis est, præsumptio impedimentum timoris:
[1416]1 * tolle exempli causam, tolle et pretii, quod pro nobis factus est.:
[1417]1 * totius ecclesiæ figuram gerens: [1418]1 * toto coelo: [1419]1 * totum illud, quod volebamus nolumus et totum illud, quod deus vult, volumus: [1420]1 * totus Christus caput et corpus est.: [1421]1 * traditores: [1422]1 * tradux peccati: [1423]1 [1424]2 [1425]3 [1426]4 * tres personæ: [1427]1 * tria in unoquoque consideranda sunt veraciter pænitente, videlicet conversio mentis, confessio oris et vindicta peccati.: [1428]1 * trina deitas: [1429]1 [1430]2 * trinitas summe et æquabiliter et immutabiliter bona: [1431]1 * tristitia: [1432]1 * tu solus altissimus: [1433]1 * turba qualiumcumque clericorum: [1434]1 * tutius: [1435]1 [1436]2 * ubi catholica fide hoc mysterium celebratur, nihil a bono majus nihilque a malo minus percipi sacerdote, nihilque aliud quam caro Christi et sanguis dum catholice consecratur, quia non in merito consecrantis sed in verbo efficitur creatoris et virtute spiritus s.: [1437]1 * ubi ipsa veritas vita animæ nostræ erit: [1438]1 * ujus igitur pænitentiæ secundæ et unius quanto in arte negotium est, tanto operosior probatio: [1439]1 * ultro officium facere deo.: [1440]1 * una catholica ecclesia non in qua sola unus baptismus habetur, sed in qua sola unus baptismus salubriter habetur: [1441]1 * una deitas: [1442]1 * unde ex multa eloquentia accidit, quod dixit per Salomonem spiritus sanctus: ex multiloquio non effugies peccatum" and "error tamen illius sermone multo, ut dixi, contractus, lucta hostium exaggeratus necdum hæresis quæstionem absolvit.: [1443]1 * unitas: [1444]1 * universalis animæ liberandæ via: [1445]1 * universalis caro, universalis anima; in isto omnia universalia erant: [1446]1 * universitas: [1447]1 * universitas specialis: [1448]1 * universos sed qui sequerentur: [1449]1 * universum: [1450]1 * unum totum: [1451]1 * unus ex trinitate: [1452]1 * unus mediator: [1453]1 * ut superbia humana per humilitatem dei argueretur: [1454]1 * utiliter habere: [1455]1 * utraque natura: [1456]1 * utrumque in Catholica non licet iterari.: [1457]1 * varia: [1458]1 * vasa in contumeliam in domo dei: [1459]1 * vasa in honorem: [1460]1 * velle, concupiscere, perficere: [1461]1 * venia: [1462]1 [1463]2 * veniale delictum: [1464]1 * vera poenitentia: [1465]1 * verbum: [1466]1 * verbum = evangelium: [1467]1 * verbum dei in humilitate: [1468]1 * verbum et homo una persona: [1469]1 * verbum fidei: [1470]1 * veritas: [1471]1 [1472]2 [1473]3 [1474]4 * verum: [1475]1 * verum esse: [1476]1 * verus et proprius filius: [1477]1 * vetuit lapsos peccata dolere: [1478]1 * vetus homo: [1479]1 * via tutior: [1480]1 * victus victori legem dat: [1481]1 * vir acer ingenio, in divinis scripturis doctus, Græca et Latina lingua scholasticus; prius quam impietatem Pelagii in se aperiret, clarus in doctoribus ecclesiæ fuit: [1482]1 * virtus: [1483]1 * virtus sacramenti: [1484]1 [1485]2 [1486]3 * virtutem nemo unquam acceptam deo retulit: [1487]1 * visibiliter celebratur, oportet invisibiliter intelligi: [1488]1 * visio: [1489]1 * visu corporeo et gustu propterea non demutantur, quatenus fides exerceatur ad justitiam.: [1490]1 * vita: [1491]1 * vita æterna: [1492]1 [1493]2 * vita beata: [1494]1 * vita mortalis, mors vitalis: [1495]1 * vitium: [1496]1 [1497]2 * vitium originis: [1498]1 [1499]2 * vitium voluntatis: [1500]1 * vocatio: [1501]1 [1502]2 [1503]3 [1504]4 * volitare: [1505]1 * voluntarium: [1506]1 * voluntarius executor justitiæ: [1507]1 * voluntas = caritas: [1508]1 * voluntas humana: [1509]1 * voluntas sensualis, animalis, spiritalis: [1510]1 * vulnus: [1511]1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

[1512]i [1513]ii [1514]iii [1515]iv [1516]v [1517]vi [1518]vii
[1519]viii [1520]ix [1521]x [1522]xi [1523]xii [1524]xiii
[1525]xiv [1526]xv [1527]xvi [1528]1 [1529]2 [1530]3 [1531]4
[1532]5 [1533]6 [1534]7 [1535]8 [1536]9 [1537]10 [1538]11
[1539]12 [1540]13 [1541]14 [1542]15 [1543]16 [1544]17 [1545]18
[1546]19 [1547]20 [1548]21 [1549]22 [1550]23 [1551]24 [1552]25
[1553]26 [1554]27 [1555]28 [1556]29 [1557]30 [1558]31 [1559]32
[1560]33 [1561]34 [1562]35 [1563]36 [1564]37 [1565]38 [1566]39
[1567]40 [1568]41 [1569]42 [1570]43 [1571]44 [1572]45 [1573]46
[1574]47 [1575]48 [1576]49 [1577]50 [1578]51 [1579]52 [1580]53
[1581]54 [1582]55 [1583]56 [1584]57 [1585]58 [1586]59 [1587]60
[1588]61 [1589]62 [1590]63 [1591]64 [1592]65 [1593]66 [1594]67
[1595]68 [1596]69 [1597]70 [1598]71 [1599]72 [1600]73 [1601]74
[1602]75 [1603]76 [1604]77 [1605]78 [1606]79 [1607]80 [1608]81
[1609]82 [1610]83 [1611]84 [1612]85 [1613]86 [1614]87 [1615]88
[1616]89 [1617]90 [1618]91 [1619]92 [1620]93 [1621]94 [1622]95
[1623]96 [1624]97 [1625]98 [1626]99 [1627]100 [1628]101
[1629]102 [1630]103 [1631]104 [1632]105 [1633]106 [1634]107
[1635]108 [1636]109 [1637]110 [1638]111 [1639]112 [1640]113
[1641]114 [1642]115 [1643]116 [1644]117 [1645]118 [1646]119
[1647]120 [1648]121 [1649]122 [1650]123 [1651]124 [1652]125
[1653]126 [1654]127 [1655]128 [1656]129 [1657]130 [1658]131
[1659]132 [1660]133 [1661]134 [1662]135 [1663]136 [1664]137
[1665]138 [1666]139 [1667]140 [1668]141 [1669]142 [1670]143
[1671]144 [1672]145 [1673]146 [1674]147 [1675]148 [1676]149
[1677]150 [1678]151 [1679]152 [1680]153 [1681]154 [1682]155
[1683]156 [1684]157 [1685]158 [1686]159 [1687]160 [1688]161
[1689]162 [1690]163 [1691]164 [1692]165 [1693]166 [1694]167
[1695]168 [1696]169 [1697]170 [1698]171 [1699]172 [1700]173
[1701]174 [1702]175 [1703]176 [1704]177 [1705]178 [1706]179
[1707]180 [1708]181 [1709]182 [1710]183 [1711]184 [1712]185
[1713]186 [1714]187 [1715]188 [1716]189 [1717]190 [1718]191
[1719]192 [1720]193 [1721]194 [1722]195 [1723]196 [1724]197
[1725]198 [1726]199 [1727]200 [1728]201 [1729]202 [1730]203
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[1749]222 [1750]223 [1751]224 [1752]225 [1753]226 [1754]227
[1755]228 [1756]229 [1757]230 [1758]231 [1759]232 [1760]233
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[1767]240 [1768]241 [1769]242 [1770]243 [1771]244 [1772]245
[1773]246 [1774]247 [1775]248 [1776]249 [1777]250 [1778]251
[1779]252 [1780]253 [1781]254 [1782]255 [1783]256 [1784]257
[1785]258 [1786]259 [1787]260 [1788]261 [1789]262 [1790]263
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[1797]270 [1798]271 [1799]272 [1800]273 [1801]274 [1802]275
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[1851]324 [1852]325 [1853]326 [1854]327 [1855]328 [1856]329
[1857]330 [1858]331 __________________________________________________________________

This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org, generated on demand from ThML source.

References

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