CHAPTER V: COUNTER-MOVEMENTS

COUNTER-MOVEMENTS
I

We have already discussed (pp. 57 f.) the first systematic opposition offered to Christianity and its progress, viz., the Jewish counter-mission initiated from Jerusalem. This expired with the fall of Jerusalem, or rather, as it would seem, not earlier than the reign of Hadrian. Yet its influence continued operate for long throughout the empire, in the shape of malicious charges levelled by the Jews against the Christians. The synagogues, together with individual Jews, carried on the struggle against Christianity by acts of hostility and by inciting hostility. [836]

We cannot depict in detail the counter-movements on the part of the state, as these appear in its persecutions of the church. [837] All that need be done here is to bring out some of the leading points, with particular reference to the significance, both negative and positive, which the persecutions possessed for the Christian mission.

Once Christianity presented itself in the eyes of the law and the authorities as a religion distinct from that of Judaism, its character as a religio illicita was assured. No express decree was needed to make this plain. In fact, the "non licet" was rather the presupposition underlying all the imperial rescripts against Christianity. After the Neronic persecution, which was probably [838] instigated by the Jews (see above, p. 58), though it neither extended beyond Rome nor involved further consequences, Trajan enacted that provincial governors were to use their own discretion, repressing any given case, [839] but declining to ferret Christians out. [840] Execution was their fate if, when suspected of lèse-majesté as well as of sacrilege [841] they stubbornly refused to sacrifice before the images of the gods of the emperor, thereby avowing themselves guilty of the former crime. On the cultus of the Cæsars, and on this point alone, the state and the church came into collision. [842] The apologists are really incorrect in asserting that the Name itself ("nomen ipsum") was visited with death. At least, the statement only becomes correct when we add the corollary that this judicial principle was adopted simply because the authorities found that no true adherent of his sect would ever offer sacrifice.
[843] He was therefore an atheist and an enemy of the state.

Down to the closing year of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the imperial rescripts with which we are acquainted were designed, not to protect the Christians, but to safeguard the administration of justice and the police against the encroachments of an anti-Christian mob, [844] as well as against the excesses of local councils who desired to evince their loyalty in a cheap fashion by taking measures against Christians. Anonymous accusations had been already prohibited by Trajan. Hadrian had rejected the attempts of the Asiatic diet, by means of popular petitions, to press governors into severe measures against the Christians. Pius in a number of rescripts interdicted all "novelties" in procedure; beyond the injunctions that Christians were not to be sought out ("quaerendi non sunt"), and that those who abjured their faith were to go scot-free, no step was to be taken. During this period, accusations preferred by private individuals came to be more and more restricted, both in criminal procedure as a whole, and in trials for treason. Even public opinion [845] was becoming more and more adverse to them. And all this told in favour of Christianity. Most governors or magistrates recognized that there was no occasion for them to interfere with Christians; convinced of their real harmlessness, they let them go their own way. Naturally, the higher any person stood in public life, the greater risk he ran of coming into collision with the authorities on the score of his Christian faith. Only on the lowest level of society, in fact, did this danger become at all equally grave, since life was not really of very much account to people of that class. People belonging to the middle classes, again, were left unmolested upon the whole; that is, unless any conspiracy succeeded in haling them before a magistrate. Down to the middle of the third century, this large middle class furnished but a very small number of martyrs. Irenæus writes (about 185 A.D.; see above: p. 369): "Mundus pacem habet per Romanos, et nos [Christiani] sine timore in via ambulamus et navigamus quocumque voluerimus." Soldiers, again, were promptly detected whenever they made any use of their Christian faith in public. So were all Christians who belonged to the numerous domains of the emperors.

Apart from the keen anti-Christian temper of a few proconsuls and the stricter surveillance of the city-prefects, this continued to be the prevailing attitude of the state down to the days of Decius, i.e., to the year 249. During this long interval, however, three attempts at a more stringent policy were made. "Attempts" is the only term we can use in this connection, for all three lost their effect comparatively soon. Marcus Aurelius impressed upon magistrates and governors the duty of looking more strictly after extravagances in religion, including those of Christianity. The results of this rescript appear in the persecution of 176-180 A.D.; but when Commodus came to the throne, the edict fell into abeyance.--Then, in 202 A.D., Septimius Severus forbade conversions to Christianity, which of course involved orders to keep a stricter watch on Christians in general. As the persecutions of the neophytes and catechumens in 202-203 attest, the rescript was not issued idly; yet before long it too was relaxed. Finally, Maximinus Thrax ordered the clergy to be executed, which implied the duty of hunting them out--in itself a fundamental innovation in the imperial policy. Outside Rome, however, it is unlikely that this order was put into practice, save in a few provinces, although we do not know what were the obstacles to its enforcement. Down to the days of Maximinus Thrax the clergy do not appear to have attracted much more notice than the laity, and the edict of Maximinus did not strike many of them down. Still, it was significant. Plainly, the state had now become alive to the influential position occupied by the Christian clergy.

These attempts at severity were of brief duration. But the comparative favour shown to Christianity, upon the other hand, by Commodus, Alexander Severus, and Philip the Arabian led to a steady improvement in the prospects of Christianity with the passage of every decade.

Viewed externally, then, the persecutions up to the middle of the third century were not so grave as is commonly represented. Origen expressly states that the number of the martyrs during this period was small; they could easily be counted. [846] A glance at Carthage and Northern Africa (as seen in the writings of Tertullian) bears out this observation. Up till 180 A.D. there were no local martyrs at all; up to the time of Tertullian's death there were hardly more than a couple of dozen, even when Numidia and Mauretania are included in the survey. And these were always people whom the authorities simply made an example of. Yet it would be a grave error to imagine that the position of Christians was quite tolerable. No doubt they were able, as a matter of fact, to settle down within the empire, but the sword of Damocles hung over every Christian's neck, and at any given moment he was sorely tempted to deny his faith, since denial meant freedom from all molestation. The Christian apologists complained most of the latter evil, and their complaint was just. The premium set by the state upon denial of one's faith was proof positive, to their mind, that the administration of justice was controlled by demonic influence.

Despite the small number of martyrs, we are not to underrate the courage requisite for becoming a Christian and behaving as a Christian. We are specially bound to extol the staunch adherence of the martyrs to their principles. By the word or the deed of a moment, they might have secured exemption from their punishment, but they preferred death to a base immunity. [847]

The illicit nature of Christianity unquestionably constituted a serious impediment to its propaganda, and it is difficult to say whether the attractiveness of all forbidden objects and the heroic bearing of the martyrs compensated for this drawback. It is an obstacle which the Christians themselves rarely mention; they dwell all the more upon the growth which accrued to them ever and anon from the martyrdoms. [848] All over, indeed, history shows us that it is the "religio pressa" which invariably waxes strong and large. Persecution serves as an excellent means of promoting expansion. [849]

From the standpoint of morals, the position of living under a sword which fell but rarely, constituted a serious peril. Christians could go on feeling that they were a persecuted flock. Yet as a rule they were nothing of the kind. Theoretically, they could credit themselves with all the virtues of heroism, and yet these were seldom put to the proof. They could represent themselves as raised above the world, and yet they were constantly bending before it. As the early Christian literature shows, this unhealthy state of matters led to undesirable consequences.
[850]

The development went on apace between 259 and 303. From the days when Gallienus ruled alone, Gallienus who restored to Christianity the very lands and churches which Valerian had confiscated, down to the nineteenth year of Diocletian, Christians enjoyed a halcyon immunity which was almost equivalent to a manifesto of toleration. [851] Aurelian's attempt at repression never got further than a beginning, and no one followed it up; the emperor and his officials, like Diocletian the reformer subsequently, had other business to attend to. It was during this period that the great expansion of the Christian religion took place. For a considerable period Christians had held property and estates (in the name, I presume, of men of straw); now they could come before the public fearlessly, [852] as if they were a recognized body. [853]

Between 249 and 258, however, two chief and severe persecutions of Christians took place, those under Decius and Valerian, while the last and fiercest began in February of 303. The former lasted only for a year, but they sufficed to spread fearful havoc among the churches. The number of the apostates was much larger, very much larger indeed, than the number of the martyrs. The rescript of Decius, a brutal stroke which was quite unworthy of any statesman, compelled at one blow all Christians, including even women and children, to return to their old religion or else forfeit their lives. Valerian's rescripts were the work of a statesman. They dealt merely with the clergy, with people of good position, and with members of the court; all other Christians were let alone, provided that they refrained from worship. Their lands and churches were, however, confiscated. [854] The tragic fate of both emperors "mortes persecutorum!") put a stop to their persecutions. Both had essayed the extirpation of the Christian church, the one by the shortest possible means, the other by more indirect methods. [855] But in both cases the repair of the church was effected promptly and smoothly, while the wide gaps in its membership were soon filled up again, once the rule was laid down that even apostates could be reinstated.

The most severe and prolonged of all the persecutions was the last, the so-called persecution under Diocletian. It lasted longest and raged most fiercely in the east and south-east throughout the domain of Maximinus Daza; it burned with equal fierceness, but for a shorter period, throughout the jurisdiction of Galerius; while over the domain of Maximianus and his successors its vigour was less marked, though it was still very grievous. Throughout the West it came to little. It began with imperial rescripts, modelled upon the statesman like edict of Valerian, but even surpassing it in adroitness. Presently, however, these degenerated into quite a different form, which, although covered by the previous edicts of Decius, outdid them in pitiless ferocity throughout the East. Daza alone had recourse to preventive measures of a positive character. He had Acts of Pilate fabricated and circulated in all directions (especially throughout schools), which were drawn up in order to misrepresent Jesus; [856] on the strength of confessions extorted from Christians, he revived the old, abominable charges brought against them, and had these published far and wide in every city by the authorities (Eus., H.E., i. 9; ix. 5. 7); he got a high official of the state to compose a polemical treatise against Christianity; [857] he invited cities to bring before him anti-Christian petitions; [858] finally--and this was the keenest stroke of all--he attempted to revive and reorganize all the cults, headed of course by that of the Cæsars, upon the basis of the new classification of the provinces, in order to render them a stronger and more attractive counterpoise to Christianity. [859] "He ordered temples to be built in every city, and enacted the careful restoration of such as had collapsed through age; he also established idolatrous priests in all districts and towns, placing a high priest over them in every province, some official who had distinguished himself in some line of public service. This man was also furnished with a military guard of honor." Eus., H.E., viii. 14; see ix. 4: "Idolatrous priests were now appointed in every town, and Maximinus further appointed high priests himself. For the latter position he chose men of distinction in public life, who had gained high credit in all the offices they had filled. They showed great zeal, too, for the worship of those gods." Ever since the close of the second century the synodal organization of the church, with its metropolitans, had been moulded on the provincial diets of the empire--i.e., the latter formed the pattern of the former. But so much more thoroughly had it been worked out, that now, after the lapse of a century, the state attempted itself to copy this synodal organization with its priesthood so firmly centralized and so distinguished for moral character. Perhaps this was the greatest, at any rate it was the most conspicuous, triumph of the church prior to Constantine.

The extent of the apostasy which immediately ensued is unknown, but it must have been extremely large. When Constantine conquered Maxentius, however, and when Daza succumbed before Constantine and Licinius, as did Licinius in the end before Constantine, the persecution was over.
[860] During its closing years the churches had everywhere recovered from their initial panic; both inwardly and outwardly they had gained in strength. Thus when Constantine stretched out his royal hand, he found a church which was not prostrate and despondent but well-knit, with a priesthood which the persecution had only served to purify. He had not to raise the church from the dust, otherwise that politician would have hardly stirred a finger: on the contrary, the church confronted him, bleeding from many a wound, but unbent and vigorous. All the counteractive measures of the state had proved of no avail besides, of course, these were no longer supported by public opinion at the opening of the fourth century, as they had been during the second. Then, the state had to curb the fanaticism of public feeling against the Christians; now, few were to be found who countenanced hard measures of the state against the church. Gallienus himself had, on his deathbed, to revoke the edicts of persecution, and his rescript, which was unkindly phrased (Eus., H.E., viii. 17), was ultimately replaced by Constantine's great and gracious decree of toleration (Eus., H.E., x. 5; Lact., de Mort. xlviii.).

II

Several examples have been already given (in Book II., Chapters IV. And VI.) of the way in which Christians were thought of by Greek and Roman society and by the common people during the second century. [861] Opinions of a more friendly nature were not common. No doubt, remarks like these were to be heard: "Gaius Seius is a capital fellow. Only, he's a Christian!"--"I'm astonished that Lucius Titius, for all his knowledge, has suddenly turned Christian" (Tert., Apol. iii.).--"So-and-so thinks of life and of God just as we do, but he mingles Greek ideas with foreign fables" (Eus., H.E., vi. 19). [862] They were reproached with being inconceivably credulous and absolutely devoid of judgment, with being detestably idle ("contemptissma inertia") and useless for practical affairs ("infructuositas in negotiis"). [863] These, however, were the least serious charges brought against them. The general opinion was that Christian doctrine and ethics, with their absurdities and pretensions, [864] were unworthy of any one who was free and cultured (so Porphyry especially). [865] The majority, educated and uneducated alike, were still more hostile in the second century. In the foreground of their calumnies stood the two charges of OEdipodean incest and Thyestean banquets, together with that of foreign, outlandish customs, and also of high treason. Moreover, there were clouds of other accusations in the air. Christians, [866] it, was reported, were magicians and atheists; they worshipped a god with an ass's head, and adored the cross, the sun, or the genitalia of their priests (Tert., Apol. xvi., and the parallels in Minucius). [867] It was firmly believed that they were magicians, that they had control over wind and weather, that they commanded plagues and famines, and had influence over the sacrifices. [868] "Christians to the lions"--this was the cry of the mob. [869] And even when people were less rash and cruel, they could not get over the fact that it seemed mere pride and madness to abandon the religion of one's ancestors. [870] Treatises against Christianity were not common in the second or even in the third century, but there may have been controversial debates. A Cynic philosopher named Crescens attacked Justin in public, though he seems to have done no more than echo the popular charges against Christianity. Fronto's attack moved almost entirely upon the same level, if it be the case that his arguments have been borrowed in part by the pagan Cæcilius in Minucius Felix. Lucian merely trifled with the question of Christianity. He was no more than a reckless, though an acute, journalist. The orator Aristides, again, wrote upon Christianity with ardent contempt, [871] while the treatise of Hierocles, which is no longer extant, is described by Eusebius as extremely trivial. Celsus and Porphyry alone remain, of Christianity's opponents. [872] Only two men; but they were a host in themselves.

They resembled one another in the seriousness with which they undertook their task, in the pains they spent on it, in the loftiness of their designs, and in their literary skill. The great difference between them lay in their religious standpoint. Celsus's interest centres at bottom in the Roman Empire. [873] He is a religious man because the empire needs religion, and also because every educated man is responsible for its religion. It is hard to say what his own conception of the world amounts to. But for all the hues it assumes, it is never coloured like that of Cicero or of Seneca. For Celsus is an agnostic above all things, [874] so that he appreciates the relative validity of idealism apart from any stiffening of Stoicism, just as he appreciates the relative validity of every national religion, and even of mythology itself. Porphyry, [875] on the other hand, is a thinker pure and simple, as well as a distinguished critic. And he is not merely a religious philosopher of the Platonic school, but a man of deeply religious temperament, for whom all thought tends to pass into the knowledge of God, and in that knowledge to gain its goal.

Our first impression is that Celsus has not a single good word to say for Christianity. He re-occupies the position taken by its opponents in the second century; only, he is too fair and noble an adversary to repeat their abominable charges. To him Christianity, this bastard progeny of Judaism [876] --itself the basest of all national religions--appears to have been nothing but an absurd and sorry tragedy from its birth down to his own day. He is perfectly aware of the internal differences between Christians, and he is familiar with the various stages of development in the history of their religion. These are cleverly employed in order to heighten the impression of its instability. He plays off the sects against the Catholic Church, the primitive age against the present, Christ against the apostles, the various revisions of the Bible against the trustworthiness of the text, and so forth, although, of course, he admits that the whole thing was quite as bad at first as it is at present. Even Christ is not exempted from this criticism. What is valuable in his teaching was borrowed from the philosophers; the rest, i.e., whatever is characteristic of himself, is error and deception, so much futile mythology. In the hands of those deceived deceivers, the apostles, this was still further exaggerated; faith in the resurrection rests upon nothing better than the evidence of a deranged woman, and from that day to this the mad folly has gone on increasing and exercising its power--for the assertion, which is flung out at one place, that it would speedily be swept out of existence, is retracted on a later page. Christianity, in short, is an anthropomorphic myth of the very worst type. Christian belief in providence is a shameless insult to the Deity--a chorus of frogs, forsooth, squatting in a bog and croaking, "For our sakes was the world created"!

But there is another side to all this. The criticism of Celsus brings out some elements of truth which deserve to be considered; and further, wherever the critic bethinks himself of religion, he betrays throughout his volume an undercurrent of feeling which far from being consonant with his fierce verdict. For although he shuts his eyes to it, apparently unwilling to admit that Christianity could be, and had already been, stated reasonably, he cannot get round that fact; indeed--unless we are quite deceived--he has no intention whatever of concealing it from the penetrating, reader. Since there has really to be such a thing as religion, since it is really a necessity, the agnosticism of Celsus leads him to make a concession which does not differ materially from the Christian conception of God. He cannot take objection to much in the ethical counsels of Jesus--his censure of them as a plagiarism being simply the result of perplexity. And when Christians assert that the Logos is the Son of God, what can Celsus do but express his own agreement with this dictum? Finally, the whole book culminates in a warm patriotic appeal to Christians not to withdraw from the common regime, but to lend their aid in order to enable the emperor to maintain the vigour of the empire with all its ideal benefits. [877] Law and piety must be upheld against their inward and external foes! Surely we can read between the lines. Claim no special position for yourselves, says Celsus, in effect, to Christians! Don't rank yourselves on the same level as the empire! On these terms we are willing to tolerate you and your religion. At bottom, in fact, the "True Word" of Celsus is nothing more than a political pamphlet, a thinly disguised overture for peace. [878]

A hundred years later, when Porphyry wrote against the Christians, a great change had come over the situation. Christianity had become a power. It had taken a Greek shape, but "the foreign myths" were still retained, of course, while in most cases at least it had preserved its sharp distinction between the creator and the creation, or between God and nature, as well as its doctrine of the incarnation and its paradoxical assertions of an end for the world and of the resurrection. This was where Porphyry struck in, that great philosopher of the ancient world. He was a pupil of Plotinus and Longinus. For years he had been engaged in keen controversy at Rome with teachers of the church and gnostics, realizing to the full that the matter at stake was God himself and the treasure possessed by mankind, viz., rational religious truth. Porphyry knew nothing of political ideals. The empire had indeed ceased to fill many people with enthusiasm. Its restorer had not yet arrived upon the scene, and religious philosophy was living meanwhile in a State which it wished to begin and rebuild. Porphyry himself retired to Sicily, where he wrote his fifteen books "Against the Christians." This work, which was "answered" by four leading teachers of the church (Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinarius, and Philostorgius), perished, together with his other polemical treatises, owing to the victory of the church and by order of the emperor. All that we possess is a number of fragments, of which the most numerous and important occur in Macarius Magnes. For I have no doubt whatever that Porphyry is the pagan philosopher in that author's "Apocriticus."
[879]

This work of Porphyry is perhaps the most ample and thoroughgoing treatise which has ever been written against Christianity. It earned for its author the titles of panton dusmenestatos kai polemotatos ("most malicious and hostile of all"), "hostis dei, veritatis inimicus, sceleratarum artium magister" (God's enemy, a foe to truth, a master of accursed arts), and so forth. [880] But, although our estimate can only be based on fragments, it is not too much to say that the controversy between the philosophy of religion and Christianity lies to-day in the very position in which Porphyry placed it. Even at this time of day Porphyry remains unanswered. Really he is unanswerable, unless one is prepared first of all to agree with him and proceed accordingly to reduce Christianity to its quintessence. In the majority of his positive statements he was correct, while in his negative criticism of what represented itself in the third century to be Christian doctrine, he was certainly as often right as wrong. In matters of detail he betrays a good deal of ignorance, and he forgets standards of criticism which elsewhere he has at his command.

The weight which thus attaches to his work is due to the fact that it was based upon a series of very thoroughgoing studies of the Bible, and that it was undertaken from the religious standpoint. Moreover, it must be conceded that the author's aim was neither to be impressive nor to persuade or take the reader by surprise, but to give a serious and accurate refutation of Christianity. He wrought in the bitter sweat of his brow--this idealist, who was convinced that whatever was refuted would collapse. Accordingly, he confined his attention to what he deemed the cardinal points of the controversy. These four points were as follows:--He desired to demolish the myths of Christianity, i.e., to prove that, in so far as they were derived from the Old and New Testaments, they were historically untenable, since these sources were themselves turbid and full of contradictions. He did not reject the Bible in toto as a volume of lies. On the contrary, he valued a great deal of it as both true and divine. Nor did he identify the Christ of the gospels with the historical Christ. [881] For the latter he entertained a deep regard, which rose to the pitch of a religion. But with relentless powers of criticism he showed in scores of cases that if certain traits in the gospels were held to be historical, they could not possibly be genuine, and that they blurred and distorted the figure of Christ. He dealt similarly with the ample materials which the church put together from the Old Testament as "prophecies of Christ." But the most interesting part of his criticism is unquestionably that passed upon Paul. If there are any lingering doubts in the mind as to whether the apostle should be credited, in the last instance, to Jewish instead of to Hellenistic Christianity, these doubts may be laid to rest by a study of Porphyry. This critic, a Hellenist of the first water, feels keener antipathy to Paul than to any other Christian. Paul's dialectic is totally unintelligible to him, and he therefore deems it both sophistical and deceitful. Paul's proofs resolve themselves for him into flat contradictions, whilst in the apostle's personal testimonies he sees merely an unstable, rude, and insincere rhetorician, who is a foe to all noble and liberal culture. It is from the hostile criticism of Porphyry that we learn for the first time what highly cultured Greeks found so obnoxious in the idiosyncrasies of Paul. In matters of detail he pointed to much that was really offensive; but although the offence in Paul almost always vanishes so soon as the critic adopts a different standpoint, Porphyry never lighted upon that standpoint.
[882]

Negative criticism upon the historical character of the Christian religion, however, merely paved the way for Porphyry's full critical onset upon the three doctrines of the, faith which he regarded as its most heinous errors. The first of these was the Christian doctrine of creation, which separated the world from God, maintained its origin within time, and excluded any reverent, religious view of the universe as a whole. In rejecting this he also rejected the doctrine of the world's overthrow as alike irrational and irreligious; the one was involved in the other. He then directed his fire against the doctrine of the Incarnation, arguing that the Christians made a false separation (by their doctrine of a creation in time) and a false union (by their doctrine of the incarnation) between God and the world. Finally, there was the opposition he offered; to the Christian doctrine of the resurrection.

On these points Porphyry was inexorable, warring against Christianity as against the worst of mankind's foes; but in every other respect he was quite at one with the Christian philosophy of religion, and was perfectly conscious of this unity. And in his day the Christian philosophy of religion was no longer entirely inexorable on the points just mentioned; it made great efforts to tone down its positions for the benefit of Neoplatonism, as well as to vindicate its scientific (and therefore its genuinely Hellenic) character.

How close [883] the opposing forces already stood to one another! Indeed, towards the end of his life Porphyry seems to have laid greater emphasis upon the points which he held in common with the speculations of Christianity; [884] the letter he addressed to his wife Marcella might almost have been written by a Christian. [885]

In the work of Porphyry Hellenism wrote its testament with regard to Christianity--for Julian's polemical treatise savoured more of a retrograde movement. The church managed to get the testament ignored and invalidated, but not until she had four times answered its contentions. It is an irreparable loss that these replies have not come down to us, though it is hardly a loss so far as their authors are concerned. We have no information regarding the effect produced by the work, beyond what may be gathered from the horror displayed by the fathers of the church. Yet even a literary work of superior excellence could hardly have won the day. The religion of the church had become a world-religion by the time, that Porphyry wrote, and no professor can wage war successfully against such religions, unless his hand grasps the sword of the reformer as well as the author's pen.

The daily intercourse of Christians and pagans is not to be estimated, even in Tertullian's age, from the evidence supplied by episodes of persecution. It is unnecessary to read between the lines of his ascetic treatises, for numerous passages show, involuntarily but unmistakably, that as a rule everything went on smoothly in their mutual relationships. People lived together, bought and sold, entertained each other, and even intermarried. In later days it was certainly not easy to distinguish absolutely between a Christian and a non-Christian in daily life. Many a Christian belonged to "society" (see Book IV. Chap. II.), and the number of those who took umbrage at the faith steadily diminished. Julius Africanus was the friend of Alexander Severus and Abgar. Hippolytus corresponded with the empress. Origen had a position in the world of scholarship, where he enjoyed great repute. Paul of Samosata, who was a bishop, formed an influential and familar figure in the city of Antioch. The leading citizens of Carthage--who do not seem to have been Christians--were friends of Cyprian, according to the latter's biography (ch. xiv.), and even when he lay in prison they were true to him. "Meantime a large number of eminent people assembled, people, too, of high rank and good family as well as of excellent position in this world. All of these, for the sake of their old friendship with Cyprian, advised him to beat a retreat. And to make their advice substantial, they further offered him places to which he might retire" ("Conveniebant interim plures egregii et clarissimi ordinis et sanguinis, sed et saeculi nobilitate generosi, qui propter amicitiam eius antiquam secessum subinde suaderent, et ne parum esset nuda suadela, etiam loca in quae secederet offerebant"). Arnobius, Lactantius, and several others were philosophers and teachers of repute. Yet all this cannot obscure the fact that, even by the opening of the fourth century, Christianity still found the learning of the ancient world, so far as that survived, in opposition to itself. One swallow does not make a summer. One Origen, for all his following, could not avail to change the real posture of affairs. Origen's Christianity was passed over as an idiosyncrasy; it commended itself to but a small section of contemporary scholars; and while people learned criticism, erudition, and philosophy from him, they shut their eyes to his religion. Nor were matters otherwise till the middle of the fourth century. Learning continued to be "pagan." It was the great theologians of Cappadocia and, to a more limited extent, those of Antioch (though the latter, judged by modern standards, were more scientific than the former), who were the first to inaugurate a change in this respect, albeit within well-defined limits. They were followed in this by Augustine. Throughout the East, ancient learning really never came to terms at all with Christianity, not even by the opening of the fifth century; but, on the other hand, it was too weak to be capable of maintaining itself side by side with the church in her position of privilege, and consequently it perished by degrees. By the time that it died, however, Christianity had secured possession of a segment, which was by no means inconsiderable, of the circle of human learning.

CONCLUSION

Hergenröther (Handbuch der allgem. Kirchengesch., i. pp. 109 f.) has drawn up, with care and judgment, a note of twenty causes for the expansion of Christianity, together with as many causes which must have operated against it. The survey is not without value, but it does not clear up the problem. If the missionary preaching of Christianity in word and deed embraced all that we have attempted to state in Book II., and if it was allied to forces such as those which have come under our notice in Book III., then it is hardly possible to name the collective reasons for the success, or for the retardation, of the movement. Still less can one think of grading them, or of determining their relative importance one by one. Finally, one has always to recollect not only the variety of human aptitudes and needs and culture, but also the development which the missionary preaching of Christianity itself passed through, between the initial stage and the close of the third century.

Reflecting more closely upon this last-named consideration, one realizes that the question here has not been correctly put, and also that it does not admit of any simple, single answer. At the opening of the mission we have Paul and some anonymous apostles. They preach the unity of God and the near advent of judgment, bringing tidings to mankind of Jesus Christ, who ad recently been crucified, as the Son of God, the Judge, the Saviour. Almost every statement here seems paradoxical and upsetting. Towards the close of our epoch, there was probably hardly one regular missionary at work. The scene was occupied by a powerful church with an impressive cultus of its own, with priests, and with sacraments, embracing a system of doctrine and a philosophy of religion which were capable of competing on successful terms with any of their rivals. This church exerted a missionary influence in virtue of her very existence, inasmuch as she came forward to represent the consummation of all previous movements in the history of religion. And to this church the human race round the basin of the Mediterranean belonged without exception, about the year 300, in so far as the religion, morals, and higher attainments of these nations were of any consequence. The paradoxical, the staggering elements in Christianity were still there. Only, they were set in a broad frame of what was familiar and desirable and "natural"; they were clothed in a vesture of mysteries which made people either glad to welcome any strange, astonishing item in the religion, or at least able to put up with it. [886]

Thus, in the first instance at any rate, our question must not run, "How did Christianity win over so many Greeks and Romans as to become ultimately the strongest religion in point of numbers?" The proper form of our query must be, "How did Christianity express itself, so as inevitably to become the religion for the world, tending more and more to displace other religions, and drawing men to itself as to a magnet?" For an answer to this question we must look partly to the history of Christian dogma and of the Christian cultus. For the problem does not lie solely within the bounds of the history of Christian missions, and although we have kept it in view throughout the present work, it is impossible within these pages to treat it exhaustively.

One must first of all answer this question by getting some idea of the particular shape assumed by Christianity as missionary force about the year 50, the year 100, the year 150, the year 200, the year 250, and the year 300 respectively before we can think of raising the further question as to what, forces may have been dominant in the Christian propaganda at any one of these six epochs. Neither, of course, must we overlook the difference between the state of matters in the East and in the West, as well as in several groups of provinces. And even were one to fulfil all these preliminary conditions, one could not proceed to refer to definite passages as authoritative for a solution of the problem. All over, one has to deal with considerations which are of a purely general character. I must leave it to others to exhibit these considerations--with the caveat that it is easy to disguise the inevitable uncertainties that meet us in this field by means of the pedantry which falls back on rubrical headings. The results of any survey will be trustworthy only in so far as they amount to such commonplaces as, e.g., that the distinctively religious element was a stronger factor in the mission at the outset than at a later period, that a similar remark applies to the charitable and economic element in Christianity, that the conflict with polytheism attracted some people and offended others, that the same tray be said of the rigid morality, and so forth.

From the very outset Christianity came forward with a spirit of universalism, by dint of which it laid hold of the entire life of man in all its functions, throughout its heights and depths, in all its feelings, thoughts, and actions. This guaranteed its triumph. In and with its universalism, it also declared that the Jesus whom it preached was the Logos. To him it referred everything that could possibly be deemed of human value and from him it carefully excluded whatever belonged to the purely natural sphere. From the very first it embraced humanity and he world, despite the small number of the elect whom it contemplated. Hence it was that those very powers of attraction, by means of which it was enabled at once to absorb and to subordinate the whole of Hellenism, had a new light thrown upon them. They appeared almost in the light of a necessary feature in that age. Sin and foulness it put far from itself. But otherwise it built itself up by the aid of any element whatsoever that was still capable of vitality (above all, by means of a powerful organization). Such elements it crushed as rivals and conserved as materials of its own life. It could do so for one reason--a reason which no one voiced, and of which no one was conscious, yet which every truly pious member of the church expressed in his own life. The reason was that Christianity, viewed in its essence, was something simple, something which could blend with coefficients of the most diverse nature, something which, in fact, sought out all such coefficients. For Christianity, in its simplest terms, meant God as the Father, the Judge and the Redeemer of men, revealed in and through Jesus Christ.

And was not this religion bound to conquer? Alongside of other religions it could not hold its own for any length of time; still less could it succumb. Yes, victory was inevitable. It had to prevail. All the motives which operated in its extension are as nothing when taken one by one, in face of the propaganda which it exercised by means of its own development from Paul to Origen, a development which maintained withal an exclusive attitude towards polytheism and idolatry of every kind.

ADDENDA TO VOLUME I

P. 57, note 2, adds: "We cannot at this point enter into the very complicated question of Paul's reputation in the Gentile church. The highest estimate of him prevailed among the Marcionites. Origen, after declaring that they held that Paul sat on Christ's right hand in heaven, with Marcion on his left, adds: Porro alii legentes: Mittam vobis advocatum spiritum veritatis, volunt intellegere apostolum Paulum' ( Hom. xxv. in Lucam, vol. v. pp. 181 f., ed. Lomm.). Even were these people supposed to belong to the Catholic Church--which I think unlikely--this conception would not be characteristic of the great church. It would be rather abnormal."

P. 57, line 5 from top, add the following note: "The persecution of king Herod now began. It was directed against the twelve (Acts xii.). He made an example of James the son of Zebedee, whom he caused to be executed (why, we do not know). Then he had Peter put in prison, and, although the latter escaped death, he had to leave Jerusalem. This took place in the twelfth year after the death of Christ. Thereafter only individual apostles are to be found at Jerusalem. Peter was again there at the Apostolic Council (so called). Paul makes his agreement not with the eleven, however, but simply with Peter, James the Lord's brother, and John. Where were the rest? Were they no longer in Jerusalem? or did they not count on such an occasion?"

P. 355, line 23 from top, after "Hermas" add: "A whole series of teachers is mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, in a passage (Strom., i. 11) which also shows how international they were: My work is meant to give a simple outline and sketch of those clear, vital discourses and of those blessed and truly notable men whom I have been privileged to hear. Of these, one, an Ionian, was in Greece; two others were in Magna Græcia--one of them came from Coele-Syria, the other from Egypt. Others, again, I met in the East: one came from Assyria; the other was a Hebrew by birth, in Palestine. When I came across the last (though in importance he was first of all), I found rest. I found him concealed in Egypt, that Sicilian bee.'" __________________________________________________________________

[836] Cp. the martyrdom of Polycarp or of Pionius. In the Martyr. Cononis the magistrate says to the accused: ti planasthe, anthropon theon legontes, kai touton biothane; hos emathon para Ioudaion akribos, kai ti to genos autou kai hosa enedeixato to ethnei auton kai pos apethanen staurotheis; prokomisantes gar autou ta hupomnemata [??] epanegnosan moi (von Gebhardt's Acta Mart. Selecta, p, 131) "Why do ye err, calling a man God, and that too a man who died a violent death? For so have I learnt accurately from the Jews, both as to his race and his manifestation to their nation and his death by crucifixion. They brought forward his memoirs and read them out to me." In his polemical treatise, Celsus makes a Jew come forward against the Christians--and this reflected the actual state of matters. Any pagans who wished to examine Christianity closely and critically, had first of all to get information from the Jews. On the other hand, as has been already shown (pp. 66 f.), the Christians did not fail to condemn the Jews most severely. The instance narrated by Hippolytus (Philos, ix. 12) apropos of the Roman Christian Callistus, is certainly remarkable, but none the less symptomatic. In order to secure a genuine martyrdom, Callistus posted himself on Sabbath at a synagogue and derided the Jews.

[837] See Neumann's Der römische Staat und die allg. Kirche, i. 1890; Mommsen, "Der Religionsfrevel nach röm. Recht" (in the Hist. Zeitschr., vol. lxiv. [N.S. vol. xxviii.], part 3, pp. 389-429; Harnack on "Christenverfolgung" in the Prot. Real-Encykl. III.3; Weiss, Christenverfolgungen (1899); and Linsenmayer's Die Bekämpfung des Christentums durch den röm. Staat (1905).

[838] Without this hypothesis it is scarcely possible, in my opinion, to understand the persecution. Cp. my essay in Texte u. Unters., xxviii. 2 (1905).

[839] Trajan approves Pliny's procedure in executing Christians who, upon being charged before him, persistently refused to sacrifice. But he adds, "nothing can be laid down as a general principle, to serve as a fixed rule of procedure" ("in universum aliquid quod quasi certam formam habeat constitui non potest").

[840] This did not, of course, exclude criminal procedure in certain cases at the discretion of the governor. Even during the second century special regulations were enacted for the treatment of Christians. For a true appreciation of the repressive and the criminal procedure, cp. Augar in Texte u. Unters., xxviii. 4 (1905).

[841] "Atheism"; cp. my essay in Texte u. Unters. (ibid.).

[842] Tert., Apol. x.: "Sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur, summa haec causa, immo tots est" ("We are arraigned for sacrilege and treason; that is the head and front, nay, the sum total of our offence"). But the "sacrilegium" was hardly to be distinguished practically from "majestas."

[843] Pliny (Ep. xcvi. 5): "Quorum nihil posse cogi dicuntur qui sunt re vera Christiani" ("Things which no real Christian, it is said, can be made to do").

[844] Observe that society and the populace down to about Caracalla's reign (and during that reign) were keenly opposed to Christianity; the state had actually to curb their zeal. Thereafter, the fanaticism of the rabble and the aversion of a section of society steadily declined. People likely began to get accustomed to the fact of the new religion's existence. Tertullian (Scorp. i) says that the "ethnici de melioribus" (the better sort of pagans) asked: "Siccine tractari sectam nemini molestam? perire homines sine causa?" ("Is a harmless sect to be treated thus? Are men to die for no reason?"). This meant that Roman emperors and governors of pagan disposition had to redouble their vigilance.

[845] Tertullian does declare (Apol. ii.) that "every man is a soldier against traitors and public enemies" ("in reos majestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est"), but he is referring to open criminals, not to suspected persons.

[846] Cp. c. Cels. III. viii. It is also significant that he expressly declares the last days would be heralded by general persecutions, whereas hitherto there had been only partial persecutions: "Nunquam quidem consenserunt omnes gentes adversus Christianos; cum autem contigerint quae Christus praedixit, tunc quasi succendendi sunt omnes a quibusdam gentilibus incipientibus Christianos culpare, ut tunc fiant persecutiones iam non ex parte sicut ante, sed generaliter ubique adversus populum dei" (Comment. Ser. in Matt. xxxix., vol. iv. p. 270, ed. Lommatzsch) = "Never, indeed, have all nations combined against Christians. But when the events predicted by Christ come to pass, then all must be as it were inflamed by some of the heathen who begin to charge Christians, so that persecutions then occur universally against all God's people, instead of here and there, as hitherto has been the case" (cp. also p. 271). Not to exaggerate Origen's remark about the small number of the martyrs, cp. Iren. iv. 33. 9: "Ecclesia omni in loco multitudinem martyrum in omni tempore praemittit ad patrem" ("The church in every place and at all times sends on a multitude of martyrs before her to the Father").

[847] Martyrs and confessors, of course, were extravagantly honored in the churches, and the prospect of "eternal" glory might allure several (Marcus Aurelius condemns the readiness of Christians for martyrdom as pure fanaticism and vainglory; cp. also Lucian's Proteus Peregrinas). The confessors were assigned a special relationship to Christ. As they had attached themselves to him, so he had thereby attached himself to them. They were already accepted, already saved; Christ gave utterance through their lips henceforth. Furthermore, they had a claim to be admitted into the ranks of the clergy (oldest passage on this in Tertullian, de Fuga, xi.); and on important ecclesiastical occasions, especially on all matters relating to penitence, their decision had to be accepted (cp., e.g., Tert., ad Mart. i., where they restore the excommunicated). It was not easy to differ from them. The blood shed by martyrs was held to possess an expiatory value like the blood of Christ (cp., e.g., Origen, Hom. xxiv. 1 in Num. vol. x. p. 293, Hom. vii. 2. in Judic. vol. xi. p. 267). Even in Tertullian's day there were hymns to the martyrs (cp. de Scorp. vii.: "cantatur et exitus martyrum"). On the other hand, we must not forget how the Christians themselves depreciated martyrdom when the martyrs did not belong to their own party in the church. How the opponents of the Montanists scoffed and sneered at the Montanist confessors! And how meanly Tertullian speaks (e.g., in de Ieiun. xii.), towards the end of his life, about the catholic martyrs! Think of Tertullian on Praxeas the confessor, of Hippolytus on Callistus the confessor, of Cyprian on martyrs who were disagreeable to him! And sneers were not all. They spoke of vainglory in this connection, just as Marcus Aurelius did.

[848] Cp., e.g., Justin, Apol. ii. 12 (where he admits that the Christian martyrdoms helped to convert him), Dial. cx.; Tert., Apol. l.; Lact., Inst., v. 19; and August., Epist. iii.

[849] Reference must be made, however, to the fact that even among Christians there were certain circles which eschewed open confession and martyrdom for good reasons. Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian (Scorp. i.) mention the Valentinians and some other gnostics in this connection. But obviously there were, some in the church who shared this view. "Nesciunt simplices animae," they held, "quid quomodo scriptum sit, ubi et quando et coram quibus confitendum, nisi quod nec simplicitas ista, sed vanitas, immo dementia pro deo mori, ut qui me salvum faciat. sic is occidet, qui salvum facere debebit? semel Christus pro nobis obiit, semel occisus est, ne occideremur. si vicem repetit, num et ille salutem de mea nece expectat? an deus hominum sanguinem flagitat, maxime si taurorum et hircorum recusat? certe peccatoris paenitentiam mavult quam mortem" ("The simple souls do not know what is written, or the meaning of what is written, about where and when and before whom we must make confession; all they know is that to die for God, who preserves me, is not simple artlessness but folly and madness! Shall he slay me, who ought to preserve me? Christ died once for us, was killed once, that we should not die. If he requires this in return, does he look for salvation from my death? Or does God, who refuses the blood of bulls and goats, demand the blood of men? Assuredly he would rather have the sinner repent than die.") They also said (ch. xv.) that the word of Jesus about confessing him does not apply to a human tribunal but to that of the heavenly ones (æons) through whose sphere the soul rises up after death ("Non in terris confitendum apud homines, minus vero, ne deus humanum sanguinem sitiat nec Christus vicem passionis, quasi et ipse de ea salutem consecuturus, exposcat").

[850] This does not even take into account the clandestine arrangements made with local authorities, or the intrigues and corruption that went on. From Tertullian's treatise de Fuga we learn that Christian churches in Africa frequently paid moneys to the local funds--i.e., of course, to the local authorities--to ensure that their members were left unmolested. The authorities themselves often advised this. Cp. Tert., Apol. xxvii.: "Datis consilium, quo vobis abutamur" ("You advise us to take unfair advantage of you"); and ad Scap. iv.: "Cincus Severus [the proconsul] Thysdri ipse dedit remedium, quomodo responderent Christiani, ut dimitti possent" ("Cincius Severus himself pointed out the remedy at Thysdrus, showing how Christians should answer so as to get acquitted").

[851] From the fragments of Porphyry's polemical treatise, and indeed from his writings as a whole, we see how Christians were recognized (in contemporary society) as a well-known party which had no longer to fear any violence.

[852] We do not know under what title they came forward.

[853] Cp. the pagan (Porphyry) in Macar. Magnes., iv. 21: hoi Christianoi mimoumenoi tas kataskeuas ton naon megistous oikous oikodomousin ("The Christians erect large buildings, in imitation of the temple-fabrics"). So previously Cæcilius, Minuc. ix: "Per universum orbem sacraria ista taeterrima impiae coitionis adolescunt" ("All over the world the utterly foul rites of that impious union are flourishing apace"). For details on church-building, see below.--The epithet of Christianos occurs quite openly for the first time, so far as I am aware, in the year 279 upon a tomb in Asia Minor (see Cumont, Les Inscr, chrét. de l'Asie mineure, p. 11 ).

[854] The state never attacked the religion of private individuals. All it waged war upon was the refusal to perform the ceremonies of the cultus. Cp. the pregnant statement of the Acta Cypriani, i.: "Sacratissimi imperatores praeceperunt, eos qui Romanam religionem non colunt, debere Romanas caerimonias recognoscere" ("The most sacred Roman emperors enjoined that those who did not adhere to the Roman religion should recognize the Roman rites"). It was on principle therefore that Valerian and Diocletian attempted to stamp out Christian worship.

[855] Obviously, they saw that the procedure hitherto adopted was absurd, and that it had failed to harm the church. They rightly judged that Christians must be exterminated, if they were not to be let alone. "They must be sought out and punished" ("Quaerendi et puniendi sunt").

[856] "Even the school teachers were to lecture on these zealously to their pupils, instead of upon the usual scholastic subjects; they were also to see that they were learnt by heart." "Children at school repeated the names of Jesus and of Pilate, very day, and also recited the Acts of Pilate, which were composed in order to deride us."

[857] The emperor himself is probably concealed behind Hierocles.

[858] The cities were subservient to this command; cp, the inscription of Arycanda and Eus., H.E., ix. 7.

[859] Julian simply copied him in all these measures. The moving spirit of the whole policy was Theoteknus (Eus., H.E., ix. 2 f.), for we cannot attribute it to an emperor who was himself a barbarian and abandoned to the most debased forms of excess.

[860] Licinius was driven in the end to become a persecutor of the Christians, by his opposition to Constantine (cp. the conclusion of Eusebius's Church History and his Vita Const., i. ad fin., ii. ad init.). Among his laws, that bearing upon the management of prisons (to which allusion has been made already; cp. p. 164) deserves notice (cp. Eus., H.E., x. 8), as do the rescripts against the mutual intercourse of bishops, the holding of synods, the promiscuous attendance of men and women at worship, and the instruction of women by the bishops (Vita Const. i. 51. 53).

[861] A complete survey is given in my Gesch. der altchristl. Litt., i. pp. 865 f.

[862] This is Porphyry's opinion of Origen. It deserves to be quoted in full, for its unique character. "Some Christians, . . . . instead of abandoning the Jewish scriptures, have addressed themselves to the task of explaining them. These explanations are neither coherent and consistent, nor do they harmonize with the text; instead of furnishing us with a defence of these foreign sects they rather give us praise and approbation of their doctrines. They produce expositions which boast of what Moses says unambiguously, as if it were obscure and intricate, and attach thereto divine influence as to oracles full of hidden mysteries. . . . . This sort of absurdity can be seen in the case of a man whom I met in my youth [at Cæsarea], and who at that time was very famous, as he still is by his writings. I mean Origen, whose fame is widely spread among the teachers of these doctrines, He was a pupil of Ammonius, the greatest philosopher of our day, and--so far as knowledge was concerned-- he had gained much from the instruction of his teacher. But in the right conduct of life he went directly against Ammonius. . . . . Educated as a Greek among Greeks, he diverged to barbarous impudence. To this he devoted himself and his attainments; for while he lived outwardly like a Christian, in this irregular fashion, he was a Greek in his conception of life and of God, mixing Greek ideas with foreign fables. Plato was his constant companion. He had also the works of Numenius, Cronius, Apollophanes, Longinus, Moderatus, Nikomachus, and the most eminent Pythagoreans constantly in his hands, He also used the writings of the Stoic Chæremon and of Cornutus. Thence he derived the allegorical method of exegesis common in the Greek mysteries, and applied it to the Jewish scriptures."

[863] Cp. the charge brought against the consul, T. Flavius Clemens (in Suetonius). Tert., Apol. xlii.: "Infructuosi in negotiis dicimur." What Tertullian makes the cloak say (de Pallio, v.; cp. above, p. 306) is to be understood as a Christian's utterance. The heathen retorted that this was "ignavia."

[864] Cp. Tert., de Scorp. vii.: "funesta religio, lugubres ritus, ara rogus, pollinctor sacerdos" (the deadly religion, the mournful ceremonies, the altar-pyre, and the undertaker-priest).

[865] No one takes the trouble, the apologists complain, to find out what Christianity really is (Tert., Apol, i. f.); even a pagan thinker would be condemned forthwith if he propounded ideas which agree with those of Christianity. Cp. Tert., de Testim. i. "Ne suis quidem magistris alias probatissimis atque lectissimis fidem inclinavit humana de incredulitate duritia, sicubi in argumenta Christianae defensionis impingunt. tunc vani poetae . . . . tunc philosophi duri, cum veritates fores pulsant. hactenus sapiens et prudens habebitur qui prope Christianum pronuntiaverit, cum, si quid prudentiae aut sapientiae affectaverit seu caerimonias despuens seu saeculum revincens pro Christiano denotetur" ["The hardness of the human heart in its unbelief prevents them even from crediting their own teachers (who otherwise are highly approved and most excellent), whenever they touch upon any arguments which favour Christianity. Then are the poets vain, . . . . then are the philosophers senseless, when they knock at the gates of truth. Anyone who goes the length of almost proclaiming Christian ideas will be held to be wise and sagacious so far; he will be branded as a Christian if he affect wisdom and knowledge in order to scoff at their rites or to expose the age"). Christian writings were not read. "Tanto abest ut nostris literis annuant homines, ad quas nemo venit nisi iam Christianus" (Tert., loc. cit.: "Far less do men assent to our writings; nay, none comes to them unless he is a Christian already").

[866] Christ himself was held to be a magician; cp. evidence on this point from Justin to Commodian.

[867] It is not difficult to trace the origin of these calumnies. The ass's head came, as Tertullian himself was aware, from the Histories of Tacitus, and referred originally to the Jews. They were doubtless worshippers of the sun, because they turned to the east in prayer. The third libel was of course based upon the attitude assumed at confession.

[868] Emphasis was often laid also upon the empty and terrible chimeras circulated by Christians (Minuc. v.). Origen (Comment. Ser. in Matth. xxxix., vol. iv. p. 270, Lomm.): "Scimus et apud nos terrae motum factum in locis quibusdam et factas fuisse quasdam ruinas, ita ut, qui erant impii extra fidem, causam terrae motus dicerent Christianos, propter quod et persecutiones passae sunt ecclesiae et incensae sunt; non solum autem illi, sed et qui videbantur prudentes, talia in publico dicerent quia propter Christianos fiunt gravissimi terrae motus" ("We know, too, that there have been earthquakes in our midst, with several ruinous results, so that the impious unbelievers declared that Christians were to blame for the earthquakes. Hence the churches have suffered persecutions and been burnt. And not only such people, but others who seemed really sensible gave open expression to the opinion that Christians are the cause of the fearful earthquakes"). Similar allusions often occur in Tertullian. The fear of Christians influencing the sacrifices played some part in the initial persecution of Diocletian.

[869] "Christianos ad leones!" Tertullian recalls this fearful shout no fewer than four times (Apol. xl., de Spectac. xxvii., de Exhort. xii., de Resurr. xxiii.).

[870] Cp. Clem. Alex., Protrept., x. 89: all' ek pateron, phate, paradedomenon hemin ethos anatrepein ouk eulogon ("But, you say, it is discreditable to overturn the custom handed down to us from our fathers"). The author of the pseudo-Justin Cohort. ad Græcos goes into this argument with particular thoroughness (cp. i., xiv., xxxv.-xxxvi.).

[871] Orat. xlvi. He defends "the Greek nationality against the Christian and philosophic cosmopolitanism." To him, Christians are despisers of Hellenism (cp. Bernays, Ges. Abhandl., ii. p. 364). How a man like Tatian must have irritated him! Neumann (Der röm. Staat u. die allgem. Kirche, p. 36) thus recapitulates the charge of Aristides (though Lightfoot, in his Ignatius, vol. i. p. 517, thinks that it is the Cynics who are pilloried); "People who themselves are simply of no account venture to slander a Demosthenes, while solecisms at least, if nothing more, are to be found in every one of their own words. Despicable creatures themselves, they despise others; they pride themselves on their virtues, but never practise them; they preach self-control, and are lustful. Community of interests is their name for robbery, philosophy for ill-will, and poverty for an indifference to the good things of life. Moreover, they degrade themselves by their avarice. Impudence is dubbed freedom by them, malicious talk becomes openness forsooth, the acceptance of charity is humanity. Like the godless folk in Palestine, they combine servility with sauciness. They have severed themselves deliberately from the Greeks, or rather from all that is good in the world. Incapable of cooperating for any useful end whatsoever, they yet are masters of the art of undermining a household and setting its members by the ears. Not a word, not an idea, not a deed of theirs has ever borne fruit. They take no part in organizing festivals, nor do they pay honor to the gods. They occupy no seats on civic councils, they never comfort the sad, they never reconcile those who are at variance, they do nothing for the advancement of the young, or indeed of anybody. They take no thought for style, but creep into a corner and talk stupidly. They are venturing already on the cream of Greece and calling themselves philosophers'! As if changing the name meant anything! As if that could of itself turn a Thersites into a Hyacinthus or a Narcissus!"

[872] Lactantius professes to know that "plurimi et multi" wrote in Greek and Latin against the Christians in Diocletian's reign (Instit., v. 4), but even he adduces only one anonymous writer besides Hierocles. Occasionally a single litterateur who was hostile to Christianity stirred up a local persecution, as, e.g., was probably the case with Crescens the Cynic philosopher at Rome. Even before the edict of Decius a persecution had broken out in Alexandria, of which Dionysius (in Eus., H.E., vi. 41. 1) writes as follows: ouk apo tou basilikou prostagmatos ho diogmos par' hemin erxato, alla gar holon eniauton proulabe, kai phthasas ho kakon te polei taute mantis kai poietes, hostis ekeinos en, ekinese kai parormese kath' hemon ta pl?ethe ton ethnon, eis ten epichorion autous deisidaimonian anarripisas ("Our persecution did not begin with the imperial decree, but preceded that decree by a whole year. The prophet and framer of evil for this city, whoever he was, previously stirred up and aroused against us the pagan multitude, reviving in them the superstition of their country").

[873] We can only surmise about his personality and circumstances. He represented the noble, patriotic, and intelligent bureaucracy of Rome, about which we know so little otherwise.

[874] The same sort of attitude is adopted by the pagan Cæcilius (in Min. Felix, 5. f.), a sceptic who approves of religion in general, but who entertains grave doubts about a universal providence. "Amid all this uncertainty, your best and noblest course is to accept the teaching of your forebears, to honor the religious customs which have been handed down to you, and humbly to adore the deities whom your fathers taught you not to know but, first and foremost, to fear." Chap. vii. then runs in quite a pious current.

[875] Born at Tyre. His original name was Malchus, so that he was a Semite (for Malchus as a Christian name in the vicinity of Cæsarea (Pal.) during Valerian's reign, cp. Eus., H.E., vii. 12)

[876] Like Porphyry and Julian at a later period, however, Celsus lets Judaism alone, because it was a national religion. Apropos of an oracle of Apollo against the Christians, Porphyry observes: "In his quidem irremediabile sententiae Christianorum manifestavit Apollo, quoniam Judaei suscipiunt deum magis quam isti" ("In these verses Apollo exposed the incurable corruption of Christians, since it is the Jews, said he, more than the Christians, who recognize God"), Aug., de Civit. Dei, xix. 26.

[877] In several of the proceedings against Christians the magistrate expresses his concern lest the exclusiveness of Christians excite anarchy; cp., e.g., the Acta Fructuosi Tarrac. ii.: "Qui audiuntur, qui timentur, qui adorantur, si dii non coluntur nec imperatorum vultus adorantur?"

[878] Cæcilius, too, was in the last resort a politician and a patriot, since he defended the old religion by asserting that "by means of it Rome has won the world" (Min. Felix vi.).

[879] At best we must leave it an open question whether a plagiarism has been perpetrated upon Porphyry.

[880] Augustine, however, called him "the noble philosopher, the great philosopher of the Gentiles, the most learned of philosophers, although the keenest foe to Christians" ("philosophus nobilis, magnus gentilium philosophus, doctissimus philosophorum, quamvis Christianorum acerrimus inimicus," de Civit. Dei, xix. 22) Compare the adjectives showered on him by Jerome: "Fool, impious, blasphemer, mad, shameless, a sycophant, a calumniator of the church, a mad dog attacking Christ" ("Stultus, impius, blasphemus, vesanus, impudens, sycophantes, calumniator ecclesiae, rabidus adversus Christum canis").

[881] It is only in a modified sense, therefore, that he can be described as an "opponent" of Christianity. As Wendland very truly puts it, in his Christentum u. Hellenismus (1902), p. 12, "The fine remarks of Porphyry in the third book of his peri tes ek logion philosophias (pp. 180 f., Wolff), remarks to which theologians have not paid attention, show how from the side of Neoplatonism also attempts were made to bring about a mutual understanding and reconciliation." "Praeter opinionem," says Porphyry (cp. August., de Civit. Dei, xix. 23), "profecto quibusdam videatur esse quod dicturi sumus. Christum enim dii piissimum pronuntiaverunt et immortalem factum et cum bona praedicatione eius merninerunt, Christianos vero pollutos et contaminatos et errore implicatos esse dicunt" ("What I am going to say may indeed appear extraordinary to some people. The gods have declared Christ to have been most pious; he has become immortal, and by them his memory is cherished. Whereas the Christians are a polluted sect, contaminated and enmeshed in error"). Origen (Cels., I. xv., IV. li) tells how Numenius, the Pythagorean philosopher, quoted the Jewish scriptures with deep respect, interpreting them allegorically (Clem. Alex., Strom., i. 22. 150, indeed ascribes to him the well-known saying that Plato is simply Moses Atticizing--ti gar esti Platon e Mouses attikizon; cp. also Hesych. Miles. in Müller's Fragm. Hist. Gr., iv. 171, and Suidas, s. v. "Noumenios," with the more cautious remarks of Eusebius in his Præp., xi. 9. 8-18, 25). Amelius the Platonist, a contemporary of Origen, quoted the gospel of John with respect (Eus., Præp., xi. 19. 1); cp. August., de Civit. Dei, x. 29: "Initium evangelii secundum Johannem quidam Platonicus aureis litteris conscribendum et per omnes ecclesias in locis eminentissimis proponendum esse dicebat" ("A certain Platonist used to say that the opening of John's gospel should be inscribed in golden letters and set up in the most prominent places of every church").

[882] The apostle Paul began to engage the attention of pagans as well. This comes e.g., in the cross-examinations of the Egyptian governor Culcianus (shortly after 303 A.D.), as is confirmed by the two discussions between him and Phileas and Dioscorus (cp. Quentin, "Passio
S. Dioscuri" in Anal. Boll., vol. xxv., 1905, pp. 321 f.), discussions which otherwise are quite independent of each other. In the latter Culcianus asks, "Was Paul a god?" In the former he asks, "He did not immolate himself" Further, "Paul was not a persecutor?" "Paul was not an uneducated person? He was not a Syrian? He did not dispute in Syriac?" (To which Phileas replies, "He was a Hebrew; he disputed in Greek, and held wisdom to be the chief thing.") Finally, "Perhaps you are going to claim that he excelled Plato?" I know of nothing like this in other cross-examinations, and I can only conjecture, with Quentin, that it is an authentic trait. At that period, about the beginning of the Diocletian persecution, the Scriptures were ordered to be given up. The very fact of this order shows that the state had come to recognize their importance, and this in turn presupposes, as it promoted, a certain acquaintance with their contents.

[883] This is particularly clear from the Neoplatonic works which were translated into Latin, and which came into the possession of Augustine (Confess., vii. 9). He owed a great deal to them, although he naturally conceals part of his debt. He admits frankly that the ideas of John i.1-5, 9, 10, 13, 16, and Phil. ii. 6, were contained in these volumes.

[884] The magical, thaumaturgic element which Porphyry, for all his clear, scientific intellect, held in honor, was probably allowed to fall into the background while he attacked the Christians. But his Christian opponents took note of it. Here, indeed, was one point on which they were the more enlightened of the two parties, so far as they were not already engulfed themselves in the cult of relics and bones. The characterization of Porphyry which Augustine gives in the de Civit. Dei (x. 9) is admirable: "Nam et Porphyrius quandam quasi purgationem animae per theurgian, cunctanter tamen et pudibunda quodam modo disputatione, promittit, reversionem vero ad deum hanc artem praestare cuiquam negat, ut videas eum inter vitium sacrilegae curiositatis et philosophiae professionem sententiis alternantibus fluctuare" ("For even Porphyry holds out the prospect of some kind of purgation of the soul by aid of theurgy; though he does so with some hesitation and shame, denying that this art can secure for anyone a return to God. Thus you can detect his judgment vacillating between the profession of philosophy and an art which he feels to be both sacrilegious and presumptuous ").

[885] The Christian charm of the letter comes from the pagan basis of the Sextus sayings which are preserved in the Christian recension; cp. my Chronologie, ii. 2, pp. 190 f.

[886] Alongside of the church in its developed form, one man may perhaps be mentioned who did more than all the rest put together for the mission of Christianity among the learned classes, not only during his lifetime, but still more after his death. I mean Origen. He was the "Synzygus" of the Eastern Church in the third century. The abiding influence of the man may be gathered, two centuries after he died, from the pages of Socrates the church historian. He domiciled the religion of the church in Hellenism (for thinkers and cultured people), so far as such a domicile was possible. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

Indexes __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References
Exodus
[1]22:28
Deuteronomy
[2]12:30 [3]32:21
Joshua
[4]24:14
1 Kings
[5]14:6
Psalms
[6]1:1 [7]36 [8]36 [9]74:9 [10]82:2-3
Isaiah

[11]6:9-10 [12]18:1 [13]18:1 [14]18:1-2 [15]43:19 [16]52:2 [17]53:1-12 [18]56:7

Jeremiah
[19]7:6
Micah
[20]5:4
Zechariah
[21]9:9
Matthew

[22]2:1-12 [23]2:23 [24]3:9 [25]4:13 [26]4:13 [27]5:13-14
[28]7:15 [29]7:15 [30]7:22 [31]8:11 [32]8:11 [33]9:12
[34]10:1 [35]10:1 [36]10:1-42 [37]10:5 [38]10:5-6 [39]10:7
[40]10:17 [41]10:17 [42]10:18 [43]10:21 [44]10:23 [45]10:23
[46]10:23 [47]10:32 [48]10:32 [49]10:34-37 [50]10:40
[51]10:40 [52]10:41 [53]10:41 [54]10:42 [55]10:42 [56]11:1
[57]11:13 [58]11:13 [59]11:18 [60]11:25 [61]12:18 [62]12:21
[63]12:22 [64]12:28 [65]12:48 [66]15:24 [67]16:1-28
[68]16:18 [69]16:18 [70]17:20 [71]18:17 [72]18:17 [73]19:21
[74]19:28 [75]19:28 [76]19:28 [77]20:1 [78]20:17 [79]21:21
[80]21:28 [81]21:33 [82]21:43 [83]21:43 [84]22:9 [85]22:16
[86]22:29-31 [87]23:6 [88]23:8 [89]23:8 [90]23:8 [91]23:15
[92]24:11 [93]24:14 [94]24:14 [95]24:20 [96]24:25 [97]26:13
[98]26:14 [99]26:20 [100]26:47 [101]28:16 [102]28:19
[103]28:19 [104]28:19 [105]28:19 [106]28:19 [107]28:19

Mark

[108]1:17 [109]1:32 [110]1:34 [111]1:39 [112]2:2 [113]2:9
[114]2:17 [115]3:6 [116]3:13 [117]3:13 [118]3:14 [119]3:14
[120]4:10 [121]5:2 [122]6:1-56 [123]6:1-56 [124]6:7
[125]6:7 [126]6:7 [127]6:13 [128]6:20 [129]7:25 [130]7:27
[131]7:29 [132]9:35 [133]9:38 [134]10:32 [135]11:11
[136]11:17 [137]12:1 [138]12:13 [139]12:28-34 [140]13:9
[141]13:10 [142]13:10 [143]13:10 [144]13:22 [145]14:8-9
[146]14:9 [147]14:10 [148]14:17 [149]14:20 [150]14:43
[151]16:9 [152]16:14 [153]16:15 [154]16:17 [155]16:20

Luke

[156]1:1-2:52 [157]1:4 [158]1:32 [159]1:61 [160]2:1
[161]2:1-20 [162]2:8-14 [163]2:10-11 [164]2:11 [165]2:14
[166]2:14 [167]2:14 [168]2:32 [169]2:36 [170]3 [171]3:23
[172]4:23 [173]4:26-27 [174]4:34 [175]5:1 [176]5:31
[177]6:13 [178]6:13 [179]8:1 [180]8:2 [181]9:1 [182]9:1
[183]9:10 [184]9:12 [185]9:38 [186]10:1 [187]10:17
[188]10:33 [189]11:14 [190]11:26 [191]11:49 [192]12:4
[193]12:51 [194]13:19 [195]14:48 [196]15:11 [197]16:9
[198]17:5 [199]18:31 [200]20:9 [201]21:24 [202]22:3
[203]22:14 [204]22:30 [205]22:47 [206]24:9 [207]24:10
[208]24:33 [209]24:47 [210]27:16 [211]41

John

[212]1:1-5:9 [213]1:10 [214]1:13 [215]1:16 [216]1:29
[217]3:29 [218]4:1-54 [219]4:21 [220]4:22 [221]4:42
[222]6:53 [223]6:67 [224]6:70 [225]6:71 [226]7:20
[227]7:48-49 [228]8:48 [229]10:16 [230]10:16 [231]10:16
[232]10:20 [233]10:33 [234]12:8 [235]12:20 [236]12:20
[237]13:6 [238]15:13 [239]18:33 [240]20:21 [241]20:24
[242]20:31

Acts

[243]1:1-2:47 [244]1:2 [245]1:8 [246]1:8 [247]1:8 [248]1:8
[249]1:11 [250]1:11 [251]1:21 [252]1:26 [253]2 [254]2:7
[255]2:7 [256]2:9-11 [257]2:14 [258]2:18 [259]2:37
[260]3:1-4:37 [261]4:33 [262]4:35 [263]4:36 [264]4:36
[265]4:36 [266]4:36 [267]4:36 [268]4:37 [269]5:2 [270]5:12
[271]5:18 [272]5:29 [273]5:34 [274]5:40 [275]6:1-15
[276]6:1-15 [277]6:2 [278]6:5 [279]6:6 [280]6:6 [281]6:7
[282]6:7 [283]6:9 [284]6:9 [285]8:1 [286]8:1 [287]8:1
[288]8:1-13 [289]8:2 [290]8:4 [291]8:15 [292]8:26
[293]8:26-38 [294]9:27 [295]9:27 [296]9:31 [297]9:31
[298]9:32 [299]9:36 [300]10 [301]10:20 [302]11:1 [303]11:19
[304]11:22 [305]11:22 [306]11:26 [307]11:27 [308]11:27
[309]11:27 [310]11:28 [311]11:29 [312]12:1 [313]12:1-25
[314]12:1-25 [315]12:1-25 [316]12:17 [317]12:17 [318]12:25
[319]13:1 [320]13:1 [321]13:1 [322]13:1 [323]13:1 [324]13:1
[325]13:1 [326]13:1 [327]13:1-52 [328]13:1-52 [329]13:1-14:28
[330]13:3 [331]13:7 [332]13:13 [333]13:38 [334]13:44
[335]13:46 [336]13:50 [337]14:4 [338]14:14 [339]14:15
[340]14:18 [341]14:23 [342]15:1 [343]15:1-41 [344]15:1-41
[345]15:1-41 [346]15:2 [347]15:3 [348]15:4 [349]15:4
[350]15:5 [351]15:6 [352]15:22 [353]15:22 [354]15:22
[355]15:23 [356]15:23 [357]15:32 [358]15:32 [359]15:36-41
[360]16:1 [361]16:4 [362]16:6-8 [363]17:18 [364]17:18
[365]17:22-30 [366]17:22-31 [367]17:28 [368]17:28 [369]17:31
[370]17:31 [371]18:2 [372]18:21-32 [373]18:24 [374]19:1
[375]19:1-41 [376]19:13 [377]19:19 [378]20:18 [379]20:28
[380]21 [381]21:8 [382]21:8 [383]21:10 [384]21:16
[385]21:38 [386]22:4 [387]22:5 [388]24:5 [389]24:5
[390]26:10 [391]26:28 [392]27:3 [393]28:21 [394]28:21
[395]28:23-28 [396]28:30-31

Romans

[397]1:1 [398]1:1-3:31 [399]1:5 [400]1:5 [401]1:8 [402]1:13
[403]1:14 [404]1:19 [405]2:8 [406]2:14 [407]2:14 [408]2:16
[409]2:19 [410]4:3 [411]7:1 [412]8:29 [413]9:1
[414]9:1-11:36 [415]11:1-36 [416]11:13 [417]11:13 [418]11:25
[419]11:29 [420]12:1 [421]12:13 [422]13:1 [423]15:19
[424]15:26 [425]16:1 [426]16:1 [427]16:7 [428]16:7
[429]16:7 [430]16:7 [431]16:7 [432]38 [433]42 [434]44
[435]59:4

1 Corinthians

[436]1:1 [437]1:1 [438]1:1-2:16 [439]1:2 [440]1:2 [441]1:9
[442]1:13 [443]1:17 [444]2:3-4 [445]2:6 [446]4:9 [447]4:9
[448]4:15 [449]4:15 [450]5:1-13 [451]7:1-40 [452]7:14
[453]7:20 [454]7:20 [455]8:5 [456]9:1 [457]9:1 [458]9:1-2
[459]9:1-2 [460]9:2 [461]9:4 [462]9:5 [463]9:5 [464]9:5
[465]9:6 [466]9:7 [467]9:14 [468]10:32 [469]11:8 [470]11:18
[471]12:2 [472]12:2 [473]12:13 [474]12:26 [475]12:26
[476]12:28 [477]12:28 [478]12:28 [479]12:28 [480]12:28
[481]12:28 [482]12:28 [483]14:3 [484]14:23 [485]14:24
[486]14:26 [487]15:3 [488]15:3 [489]15:4 [490]15:5
[491]15:5 [492]15:5 [493]15:5 [494]15:7 [495]15:7 [496]15:7
[497]15:8 [498]15:9 [499]15:9 [500]15:29 [501]15:33
[502]16:2

2 Corinthians

[503]1:1 [504]1:1 [505]1:19 [506]3:1 [507]5:17 [508]8:1-24
[509]8:9 [510]8:23 [511]8:23 [512]9:13 [513]10:3-6
[514]10:5 [515]11:5 [516]12:7 [517]12:11 [518]12:12
[519]12:12 [520]12:12

Galatians

[521]1:1 [522]1:2 [523]1:8 [524]1:16 [525]1:17 [526]1:17
[527]1:22 [528]1:22 [529]2:1 [530]2:1-21 [531]2:1-21
[532]2:1-21 [533]2:1-21 [534]2:8 [535]2:8 [536]2:9
[537]2:10 [538]2:11-13 [539]2:13 [540]2:20 [541]3:28
[542]4:19 [543]4:19 [544]5:6 [545]5:22 [546]6:10 [547]9:19

Ephesians

[548]2:11 [549]2:14 [550]2:14 [551]2:19 [552]2:20 [553]2:20
[554]2:20 [555]3:5 [556]3:5 [557]3:5 [558]3:5 [559]3:5
[560]3:20 [561]4:2 [562]4:2 [563]4:11 [564]4:11 [565]4:11
[566]4:11 [567]4:28 [568]6:9 [569]6:10-18 [570]6:12
[571]6:12 [572]13

Philippians

[573]1:2 [574]2:6 [575]2:25 [576]2:25 [577]2:25 [578]3:20

Colossians

[579]1:6 [580]2:8 [581]3:11 [582]3:11 [583]3:11 [584]4:1 [585]4:10 [586]4:10 [587]4:10 [588]4:15

1 Thessalonians

[589]1:8 [590]1:9-10 [591]2:7 [592]2:7 [593]2:14 [594]2:14 [595]2:14 [596]2:15 [597]2:15 [598]5:8 [599]5:12 [600]5:14

2 Thessalonians
[601]2:5-7 [602]3:6 [603]3:10 [604]3:12
1 Timothy

[605]1:18 [606]1:18 [607]2:7 [608]2:7 [609]3:1 [610]3:1-16
[611]3:2 [612]3:15 [613]3:15 [614]4:1 [615]4:14 [616]5:8
[617]5:10 [618]5:10 [619]5:16 [620]6:1

2 Timothy

[621]1:2 [622]1:11 [623]2:3 [624]2:17 [625]3:6 [626]4:5 [627]4:5 [628]4:9 [629]4:10 [630]4:11

Titus

[631]1:5 [632]1:5 [633]1:8 [634]1:12 [635]2:11 [636]3:1 [637]3:4 [638]3:4 [639]3:18

Philemon
[640]1:2 [641]1:23 [642]1:24 [643]1:24
Hebrews

[644]2:3 [645]2:3 [646]3:1 [647]6:10 [648]6:10 [649]10:25
[650]10:32 [651]10:34 [652]10:34 [653]13:2 [654]13:7
[655]13:13 [656]13:17 [657]13:17 [658]13:23 [659]13:24
[660]13:24

James

[661]1:1 [662]1:27 [663]2:23 [664]3:1 [665]3:1 [666]3:15
[667]4:1-5:20 [668]4:1-5:20 [669]5:4 [670]5:14 [671]5:14
[672]5:15

1 Peter

[673]2:9 [674]2:13 [675]2:17 [676]2:24 [677]3:1 [678]4:2 [679]4:9 [680]4:16 [681]4:16 [682]5:9 [683]5:12

2 Peter

[684]1:1 [685]2:1 [686]2:1 [687]3:2 [688]3:2

1 John
[689]2:27 [690]4:1 [691]5:8 [692]5:19
2 John
[693]1:1-13
3 John

[694]1:1-14 [695]1:1-14 [696]1:1-14 [697]1:2 [698]1:2 [699]1:5-8 [700]1:15

Jude
[701]1:12 [702]1:17
Revelation

[703]2:1-3:22 [704]2:2 [705]2:2 [706]2:9 [707]2:20
[708]2:23 [709]3:9 [710]11:8 [711]11:11 [712]18:20
[713]18:20 [714]21:14 [715]21:14

Baruch
[716]2:29
1 Maccabees

[717]4:46 [718]9:27 [719]14:41 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

* dikaioi andres gegenentai philoi theou; houtoi prophetai keklentai:
[720]1 * hoitines elalesan humin ton logon tou theou: [721]1 * piston: [722]1 * to ton Christianon theosebes genos: [723]1 * philoi (oikeioi) tou theou: [724]1 * archaios mathetes: [725]1 * Iakobo to dikaio kai Ioanne kai Petro meta ten anastasin paredoken ten gnosin ho kurios, houtoi tois loipois apostolois paredokan, k.t.l.: [726]1 * ho propheteuon anthropois lalei paraklesin: [727]1 * &8c ,, caXot: [728]1 * (Christos) heauto ton laon ton kainon hetoimazon: [729]1 * (sophia): [730]1 * (tois) philois: [731]1 * -ianos: [732]1 * 8[8a?KaXot: [733]1 * [ton theon] kai ton par' autou huion elthonta kai didaxanta hemas tauta kai ton ton allon hepomenon kai exomoioumenon agathon angelon straton, pneuma te to prophetikon sebometha kai proskunoumen:
[734]1 * Upernoeton: [735]1 * Ailios Pouplios Ioulios apo Debeltou koloneias tes Thrakes episkopos: [736]1 * Basileides o kata ten Peneapolin paroikon episkopos.: [737]1 * Geron ho kai Kuriakos, Attalos epiklen Hesaias: [738]1 * Dardanias; Dakos Makedonias: [739]1 * Didaskaloi hoi didaxantes semnos kai hagnos ton logon tou kuriou . . . . kathos kai parelabon to pneuma to hagion: [740]1 * Dionusiou iatrou presbuterou: [741]1 * Dionusios tois kata Armenian adelphois epistellei, hon epeskopeue Merouzanes: [742]1 * Dio kai en to ekeinou onomati (that of Jesus) hoi alethos autou mathetai, par autou labontes ten charin, epitelousin ep' euergesia te ton loipon anthropon, kathos heis hekastos auton dorean eilephe par autou; hoi men gar daimonas elaunousi bebaios kai alethos, hoste pollakis kai pisteuein autous ekeinous tous katharisthantas apo ton poneron pneumaton kai einai en te ekklesia; hoi de kai prognosin echousi ton mellonton kai optasias kai rheseis prophetikas; alloi de tous kamnontas dia tes ton cheiron epitheseos iontai kai hugieis apokathistasin; ede de kai nekroi egerthesan kai paremeinan sun hemin hikanois etesi; kai ti gar? ouk estin arithmon eipein ton charismaton hon kata pantos tou kosmou he ekklesia para theou labousa en to onomati Iesou Christou tou staurothentos epi Pontiou Pilatou, hekastes hemeras ep' euergesia te ton ethnon epitelei: [743]1 * Doulous kai doulas me huperephanei; alla mede autoi phusiousthosan:
[744]1 * Ei gar de hoion te eis hena sumphronesai nomon tous ten 'Asian kai Europen kai Libuen Hellenas te kai barbarous achri peraton nenememenous: [745]1 * Ei tis Christianos dia to onoma tou christou . . . . katakrithe hupo asebon eis . . . . metallon, me paridete auton, all' ek tou kopou kai tou hidrotos humon pempsate auto eis diatrophen autou kai eis misthodosian ton stratioton: [746]1 * Euphrainou ourane kai hoi hagioi kai hoi apostoloi kai hoi prophetai: [747]1 * Zakchaios [the bishop] monos humin holos heauton ascholein apodedokos, koilian echon kai heauto me euscholon, pos dunatai ten anankaian porizein trophen? ouchi de eulogon estin pantas humas tou zen autou pronoian poiein, ouk anamenontas auton humas aitein? touto gar prosaitountos estin; mallon de tethnexetai limo e touto poiein hupostaie; pos de kai humeis ou diken huphexete, me logisamenoi hoti "axios estin ho ergates tou misthou autou"? kai me legeto tis; Oukoun ho dorean paraschetheis logos poleitai? me genoito; ei tis gar echon pothen zen laboi, houtos polei ton logon--ei de me echon tou zen charin lambanei trophen, hos kai ho kurios elaben en te deipnois kai philois, ouden echon ho eis authis panta echon, ouch hamartanei. akolouthos oun timate [by an honorarium] presbuterous, katechetas, diakonous chresimous, cheras eu bebiokuias, orphanous hos ekklesias tekna: [748]1 * ThEOS SOTER: [749]1 * Themison etolmese, mimoumenos ton apostolon, katholiken tina suntaxamenos epistolen katechein tous ameinon autou pepisteukotas:
[750]1 * Kalabrias; Markos K.--Dardanias; Dakos Makedonias.--Thessalias; Klaudianos Th., Kleonikos Thebon.--Pannonias; Domnos P.--Gotthias; Theophilos G.--Bosporou; Kadmos B.).: [751]1 * Kata Ponton: [752]1 * Kestoi: [753]1 * Kreskes ton kata Galatian ekklesion, Akulas de kai Niketes ton kata Asian paroikion: [754]1 * Korinthon, Philippous, Smurnan: [755]1 * Leontios ho kai Theoktistos Bikratios ho kai Bibianos: [756]1 * Loueitha: [757]1 * Markianoi, Oualentinianoi, Basilidianoi, Satornilianoi: [758]1 * Meletios ton kata Ponton ekklesion episkopos: [759]1 * Meta tauta : [760]1 * Nazaret (Nazara): [761]1 * Nazoraios. Ho Nazoraios: [762]1 * Naodoros ho kai Apelles: [763]1 * Nikolaon proseluton: [764]1 * Noumenios: [765]1 * Petros sun tois hendeka: [766]1 * Pantokrator: [767]1 * Parangeliai: [768]1 * Paresche Solomoni mathein ho theos kai ten kata ton daimonon technen eis opheleian kai therapeian tois anthropois; epodas te suntaxamenos hais paregoreitai ta nosemata kai tropous exorkoseon katelipen, hois hoi endoumenoi ta daimonia hos meket' epanelthein ekdioxousi; kai haute mechri nun par' hemin he therapeia pleiston ischuei: [769]1 * Peri onomaton ta en aporretois philosophein.: [770]1 * Prosphatos genomenos en Ankura tes Galatias kai katalabon ten kata topon (not Ponton) ekklesian hupo tes nias tautes . . . . pseudopropheteias diatethrulemenen: [771]1 * Ponton: [772]1 [773]2 * Pas ho apostolos erchomenos pros humas dechtheto hos kurios; ou menei de ei me hemeran mian; ean de e chreia, kai ten allen; treis de ean meine, pseudoprophetes estin; exerchomenos de ho apostolos meden lambaneto ei me arton heos hou aulisthe; ean de argurion aite, pseudoprophetes estin: [774]1 * Sulloukianistai: [775]1 * Sunagoge ton Hebraion: [776]1 * Timotheos ge men tes en Epheso paroikias historeitai protos ten episkopen eilechenai, hos kai Titos ton epi Kretes ekklesion:
[777]1 * Ti gar, says Justin's (Dial. c. Tryph: [778]1 * To exothen di' optasion kai enupnion delothenai ti ouk estin apokalupseos alla orges: [779]1 * To Ioudaion genos polu men kata pasan ten oikoumenen parespartai tois epichoriois, pleiston de te Suria: [780]1 * Philotimia: [781]1 * Phirmilianos men tes Kappadokon Kaisareias episkopos en, Gregorios de kai Athenodoros adelphoi ton kata Ponton paroikion poimenes, kai epi toutois Helenos tes en Tarso paroikias, kai Nikomas tes en Ikonio: [782]1 * Christiane trophe: [783]1 * Christianismos: [784]1 * Christianoi: [785]1 * Christianoi: [786]1 * Christianos: [787]1 * Christou: [788]1 * Christou philoi: [789]1 * aichmalotizontes gunaikaria: [790]1 * hai ekklesiai tou theou hai ousai en te Ioudaia: [791]1 * autos estin he eirene hemon : [792]1 * baru nomisantes ten ton apostolon echein prosegorian: [793]1 * basileia tou theou: [794]1 * basileia tou theou: [795]1 * basileuein ou thelo, ploutein ou boulomai, ten strategian paretemai . . . . doxomanias apellagmai: [796]1 * basileus: [797]1 [798]2 * basileis: [799]1 * blastos neos antheseien ex ethnon: [800]1 * blasphemousin eis allelous houtoi pandeina rheta kai arreta, kai ouk an eixaien oude kath' dtioun eis homonoian pante allelous apostugountes: [801]1 * blepete . . . . ton laon touton [new and evidently young] einai proton: [802]1 * barbaros, Skuthes, doulos, eleutheros: [803]1 * genomenoi eremodeis, me kollomenoi tois doulois tou theou, alla monazontes apolluousi tas heauton psuchas: [804]1 * gnostikos, pneumatikos: [805]1 * gnoston oun esto humin hoti tois ethnesin apestale touto to soterion tou theou; autoi kai akousontai: [806]1 * gnoston esto humin, hoti dia toutou humin aphesis hamartion katangelletai apo panton hon ouk edunethete en nomo Mouseos dikaiothenai: [807]1 * gnostos schedon pasi dia ten pros theon agapen kai parresian tou logou; en gar kai ouk amoiros apostolikou charismatos: [808]1 * gnorimoi: [809]1 * gnosis: [810]1 [811]2 * gnosis): [812]1 * gene: [813]1 [814]2 * genos: [815]1 [816]2 [817]3 * diatassomai: [818]1 * didaskaleia: [819]1 [820]2 * didaskaleion: [821]1 [822]2 [823]3 * didaskalia tes te genneseos kai tes anastaseos tou hegapemenou:
[824]1 * didache kuriou: [825]1 * didachai xenai: [826]1 * didache kuriou dia ton ib apostolon: [827]1 * didache: [828]1 * didaxantes semnos kai hagnos ton logon tou theou . . . . kathos kai parelabon to pneuma to hagion: [829]1 * didaskaloi: [830]1 [831]2 [832]3 [833]4 [834]5 [835]6 * didaskaloi katholikoi: [836]1 * didaskaloi,: [837]1 * didaskalos einai legon ouk edei to didaskomenon hup' autou kratunein: [838]1 * didaskalos tes ekklesias: [839]1 * didaskalous: [840]1 * didaskein eis to prostheinai dikaosunen kai gnosin kuriou: [841]1 * diduskalos ekeines ton Christianon mathematon genomenos: [842]1 * dikaiomata tou theou: [843]1 * dia Silouanou umin tou pistou adelphou, hos logizomai, di' oligon egrapsa: [844]1 * dia men ten chreian to proton, husteron de kai hupo philotimias tos poiounton: [845]1 * dia cheiron sou ergase eis lutron hamartion sou: [846]1 * diakonoi: [847]1 * diakonon: [848]1 * diakonos tes ekklesias tes en Kenchreais: [849]1 * doko, ho theos hemas tous apostolous eschatous apedeixen hos epithanatious: [850]1 * douloi Christou: [851]1 * dunameis, charismata iamaton, antilempseis, kuberneseis, gene glosson: [852]1 * dunameis, iamata, antilempseis, k.t.l.,: [853]1 * dustherapeutos: [854]1 * doso ou monon tois philois, alla kai tois philois ton philon:
[855]1 * dexasthe ten sumboulen hemon: [856]1 * dogma: [857]1 [858]2 * dunamis estin tou arretou patros kai ouchi anthropeiou logou kataskeue: [859]1 * ei de kai tis ton Hellenon houto kouphos ten gnomen, hos en tois agalmasin endon oikein nomizein tous theous, pollo katharoteron eichen ten ennoian tou pisteuontos hoti eis ten gastera Marias tes parthenon eisedu to theion, embruon te egeneto kai techthen esparganothe, meston haimatos choriou kai choles kai ton eti pollo touton atopoteron: [860]1 * ei koina ta philon, theophiles de ho anthropor to Theo--kai gar oun philos mesiteuontos tou logou--ginetai de oun ta panta tou anthropou, hoti ta panta tou theou, kai koina amphoin toin philoin ta panta, tou pheou kai tou anthropou: [861]1 * ei me ti treis tinas hupotithemenos phuseis, treis politeias, hos hupelabon tines, diagraphei, kai Ioudaion men arguran, Hellenon de triten: [862]1 * ei athanatos gegonen ho anthropos, estai kai theos: [863]1 * eis marturion autois: [864]1 * eis pasan polin ede pareleluthei, kai topon ouk esti rhadios heurein tes oikoumenes hos ou paradedektai touto to phulon med' epikrateitai hup' autou: [865]1 * eis tous oikous auton hupedexanto tous doulous tou theou: [866]1 * eis ton kosmon: [867]1 * eis Attalon Pergamenon to genei: [868]1 * ei tis di' optasian pros didaskalian sophisthenai dunatai: [869]1 * ei tis dunatai en hagneia menein eis timen tes sarkos tou kuriou, en akauchesia meneto; ean kauchesetai, apoleto: [870]1 * ei tis lalei, hos logia theou· ei tis diakonei, hos ex ischuos hes choregei ho theos: [871]1 * eie d' an kai he homonoia ton pollon apo ton trion arithmoumene meth' hon ho kurios, he mia ekklesia, ho heis anthropos, to genos to hen. e me ti meta men tou henos tou Ioudaiou ho kurios nomotheton en, propheteuon de ede kai ton Ieremian apostellon eis Babulona, alla kai tous ex ethnon dia tes propheteias kalon, sunege laous tous duo, tritos de en ek ton duein ktizomenos heis kainon anthropon, ho de emperipatei te kai katoikei en aute te ekklesia:
[872]1 * euangelistes: [873]1 * euangelisasthai tous kata ten oikoumenen anthropous, ginoskein, hoti heis theos estin).: [874]1 * eukarpia tes apostoles: [875]1 * eusebeon phulon: [876]1 * heuprepes moicheia: [877]1 * heuromen en tois ton palaion sungrammasin, hos hoi ten Hierousalem oikountes tou ton Ioudaion ethnous hiereis kai presbuteroi grammata diacharaxantes eis panta diepempsanto ta ethne tois hapantachou Ioudaiois diaballontes ten Christou didaskalian hos hairesin kainen kai allotrian tou theou, parengellon te di' epistolon me paradexasthai auten . . . . hoi te apostoloi auton epistolas biblinas komizomenoi . . . . apantachou ges dietrechon, ton peri tou soteros hemon endiaballontes logon. apostolous de eiseti kai nun ethos estin Ioudaiois onomazein tous enkuklia grammata para ton archonton auton epikomizomenons: [878]1 * heuromen en tois ton palaion sungrammasin, hos hoi ten Hierousalem oikountes tou ton Ioudaion ethnous hiereis kai presbuteroi grammata diacharaxantes eis panta diepempsanto ta ethne tois hapantachou Ioudaiois diaballontes ten Christou didaskalian hos hairesin kainen kai allotrian tou theou, parengellon te di' epistolon me paradexasthai auten . . . . hoi te apostoloi auton epistolas biblinas komizomenoiThe allusion is to Isa. xviii. 1-2: [879]1 * e'men agnoou'menos to proso'po tais ekklesi'ais tes Ioudaias tais en Christo: [880]1 * theopoiesis: [881]1 * theosebeia: [882]1 * theou diakonos: [883]1 * theoreis, adelphe, posai muriades eisin en tois Ioudaiois ton pepisteukoton, kai pantes zelotai tou nomou huparchousin: [884]1 * theos pater pantokrator: [885]1 * theos: [886]1 * thiasoi: [887]1 * thatton an tis tous apo Mousou kai Christou metadidaxeien e tous tais hairesi prostetekotas iatrous te kai philosophous: [888]1 * katharoi: [889]1 * kathaper ton phreaton hosa pephuken bruein apantloumena eis to archaion anapiduei metron, houtos he metadosis agathe philanthropias huparchousa pege, koinonousa tois dipsosi potou auxetai palin kai pimplatai: [890]1 * kathoti estesen hemeran en he mellei krinein ten oikoumenen en dikaiosune en andri ho horisen: [891]1 * kathos apestalken me ho pater, kago pempo humas: [892]1 * kainotomei ho Ioulianos peri ten proseyorian, Galilaious anti Christianon onomasas te kai kaleisthai nomothetesas . . . . onoma [Galilaioi] ton ouk eiothoton: [893]1 * kalon eleemosune hos metanoia hamartias, kreisson nesteia proseuches, eleemosune de amphoteron: [894]1 * kanon katholikos: [895]1 * kat' exochen: [896]1 * kata pneuma: [897]1 * kata panta topon: [898]1 * kata ta dogma tou euangeliou: [899]1 * kata chronon tou Tiberiou e tou soteros exelampse parousia . . . . e te nea tou demou diadoche suneste, k.t.l.: [900]1 * kata choras kai poleis kerussontes kai tous hupakouontas te boulesei tou theou baptizontes kathistanon tas aparchas auton, dokimasantes to pneumati, eis episkopous kai diakonous ton mellonton pisteueinn: [901]1 * kat' edochen: [902]1 * kat' exochen: [903]1 * kai Barnabas sunapechthe: [904]1 * kai autos edoken tous men apostolous, tous de prophetas, tous de euangelistas, tous de poimenas kai didaskalous: [905]1 * kai gunaixin epetrepsen, ei anandroi eien kai helikia ge ekkaiointo anaxia e heauton axian me boulointo kathairein dia to nomimos gamethenai, echein hena hon an hairesontai, sunkoiton, eite oiketen, eite eleutheron, kai touton krinein anti andros me nomo gegamemenen: [906]1 * kai gar en hos alethos dia men Moseos paidagogos ho kurios tou laou tou palaiou, di' hautou de tou neou kathegemon laou, prosopon pros prosopon: [907]1 * kai met' epistolon houtos apostelletai eis ten Kilikon gen; hos anelthon ekeise apo hekastes poleos tes Kilikias ta epidekata kai tas aparchas para ton en te eparchia Ioudaion eisepratten . . . . epei oun, hoia apostolos (houtos gar par autois, hos ephen, to axioma kaleitai), embrithestatos kai kathareuon dethen ta eis katastasin eunomias, houtos epitelein proballomenos, pollous ton kakon katastathenton archisunagogon kai hiereon kai presbuteron kai azaniton . . . . kathairon te kai metakinon tou axiomatos hupo pollon enekoteito, k.t.l.: [908]1 * kai med' auto to para Ioudaiois timoumeno theo kata ta par autois prosanechein nomima, kainen de tina kai eremen anodian heautois suntemein mete ta Hellenon mete ta Ioudaion phulattousan: [909]1 * kai ohus men etheto ho theos en te ekklesia proton apostolous, deuteron prophetas, triton didaskalous: [910]1 * kai houte hai en Germaniais hidrumenai ekklesiai allos pepisteukasin e allos paradidoasin, oute en tais Iberiais, oute en Keltois, oute kata tas anatolas oute en Aigupto, oute en Libue oute hai kata mesa tou kosmou hidrumenai : [911]1 * kai tois ethnesin: [912]1 * kai tou Paulou kategorountes ouk aischunontai epiplastois tisi tes ton pseudapostolon auton kakourgias kai planes logois pepoiemenois. Tarsea men auton, hos autos homologei kai ouk arneitai, legontes ex Hellenon de auton upotithentai, labontes ten prophasin ek tou popou dia to philalethes hup' autou rhethen, hoti, Tarseus eimi, ouk asemou poleos polites. eita phaskousin auton einai Hellena kai Hellenidos metros kai Hellenos patros paida, anabebekenai de eis Hierosoluma kai chronon ekei memenekenai epitethumekenai de thugatera tou hiereos pros gamon agagesthai kai toutou heneka proseluton geuesthai kai peritmethenai, eita me labonta ten koren orgisthai kai kata peritomes gegraphenai kai kata sabbatou kai nomothesias: [913]1 * kai tacha alethos adunaton men to toiouto tois eti en somasi ou men adunaton kai apolutheisin auton: [914]1 * kai asebeis horamata kai enupnia alethe blepousin . . . . to eusebei emphuto kai katharo anabluxei to no to alethes, ouk honeiro spoudazomenon, alla sunesei agathois didomenon: [915]1 * kai hoti tois eis auton pisteuousin, hos ousi mia psuche en mia sunagoge kai mia ekklesia, ho logos tou theou hos thugatri, te ekklestia te ex onomatos autou genomene kai metaschouse tou onomatos autou--Christianoi gar pantes kaloumetha--[eiretai], homoios phaneros hoi logoi kerussooi, k.t.l.: [916]1 * kai hos upokrinamenoi kai hos katanankasantes tous homodoulous thusai, hate de parakousantes tou apostolou ta auta thelontos poiein tous despotas tois doulois, anientas ten apeilen, eidotas, phesin, hoti kai humon kai auton ho kurios estin en ouranois, kai prosopolepsia par' auto ouk estin (Eph. vi. 9: [917]1 * keitai en ponero : [918]1 * keruxo kai spero ton logon tes zoes, peri te tes eleuseos tou Iesou kathos egeneto, kai peri tes apostoles autou, kai heneka tinos apestale hupo tou patros, kai peri tes dunameos kai ton ergon autou kai musterion hon elalesen en kosmo, kai poia dunamei tauta epoiei, kai peri tes kaines autou keruxeos, kai peri tes mikrotetos kai peri tes tapeinoseos, kai pos etapeinosen heauton kai apetheto kai esmikrunen autou ten theoteta, kai estaurothe, kai katebe eis ton Aiden, kai dieschise phragmon ton ex aionos me schisthenta, kai anegeiren nekrous kai katebe monos, anebe de meta pollou ochlou pros ton patera autou: [919]1 * kerussete legontes hoti engiken he basileia ton ouranon.: [920]1 * keruxai: [921]1 * krites: [922]1 * kuriake didaskalia: [923]1 * kamnontes te psuche: [924]1 * kosmos tou kosmou: [925]1 * kurios: [926]1 * kurios Christos: [927]1 * lego umin, tois philois mou: [928]1 * labontes ten sphragida mian phronesin eschon kai hena noun, kai mia pistis auton egeneto kai mia agape . . . . dia touto he oikodome tou purgou mia chroa egeneto lampra hos ho helios: [929]1 * lalountes ton logon tou theou: [930]1 * laloumen theou sophian en musterio ten apokekrummenen: [931]1 * lalountes ton logon tou theou: [932]1 [933]2 [934]3 [935]4 [936]5 * laos ho egapemenou, ho philoumenos kai philon auton: [937]1 * legomene par humin apostole: [938]1 * logike latreia: [939]1 * loipon apostolon: [940]1 * lousai ton pepeismenon kai sunkatatetheimenon: [941]1 * logos: [942]1 * logos tes parthenias kai tes proseuches: [943]1 * legein auton, homos ouk orthos ouchi daimonon epithesei tous anthropous ekbacheuesthai, hugron de tinon kakochumian to pathos ergazesthai; me gar einai to parapan ischun daimonon anthropon phusin epereazousan: [944]1 * legousin hoi Oualentinianoi hoti ho kata heis ton propheton eschen pneuma exaireton eis diakonian, touto epi pantas tous tes ekklesias exechuthe; dio kai ta semeia tou pneumatos iaseis kai propheteiai dia tes ekklesias epitelountai: [945]1 * legon; ean me akousete tes phones mou, ei men he bombesis he megale he polle haute apostrepsei eis mikran en tois ethnesin hou diaspero autous ekei: [946]1 * logos: [947]1 * logos didaches e propheteias e diakonias: [948]1 * logos theou peri enkrateias kai anastaseos: [949]1 * logos protreptikos: [950]1 * logos tes enkrateias kai anastaseos: [951]1 * lutrosai tous desmious hemon: [952]1 * megistai: [953]1 * megistai de ou poleis monon alla kai choirai ton pepisteukoton esan: [954]1 * me lipotaktein hemas apo tou thelematos autou: [955]1 * me tis humon pascheto hos phoneus e kleptes . . . . ei de hos Christianos: [956]1 * mathetai: [957]1 [958]2 [959]3 [960]4 [961]5 * mathetai: [962]1 * mestai: [963]1 * meta ib ete exelthete eis ton kosmon, me tis eipe; ouk ekousamen:
[964]1 * meta logou: [965]1 * meta polles apodeixeos: [966]1 * meta ten proseuchen: [967]1 * meden holos enosphisanto eis epithumian poneran: [968]1 * metrokomia: [969]1 * misanthropia: [970]1 * mnemoneuete hoti pote humeis ta ethne . . . . ete apellotriomenoi tes politeias tou Israel . . . . (ho Christos) estin he eirene hemon, ho poiesas ta amphotera hen kai to mesotoichon tou phragmou lusas . . . . hina tous duo ktise en hauto eis hena kainon anthropon poion eirenen, kai apokatallaxetous amphoterous en heni somati: [971]1 * mnemoneuontes hon eipen ho kurios didaskon: [972]1 * mnesthenai ton proeiremenon rhematon hupo ton hagion propheton kai tes ton apostolon humon entoles tou kuriou kai soteros: [973]1 * musterion: [974]1 * mathema: [975]1 * memnesthe apostolon e didaskalon e propheten.: [976]1 * me katatitheothai tas ousias eis to koinon; apistounton gar to toiouton; ei d' apiston, oude philon: [977]1 * me kata tous Hellenas sebesthe ton theon . . . mede kata Ioudaious sebesthe . . . . mede kata Ioudaious sebesthe): [978]1 * me ouk echomen exousian adelphen gunaika periagein hos kai hoi loipoi apostoloi kai hoi adelphoi tou kuriou kai Kephas: [979]1 * me polloi didaskaloi ginesthe, eidotes hoti meizon krima lempsometha: [980]1 * me polloi didaskaloi ginesthe: [981]1 * me amelei tou en soi charismatos, ho edothe soi dia propheteias [meta epitheseos ton cheiron tou presbuteriou]: [982]1 * me tis ek ton archonton episteusen eis auton e ek ton Pharisaion; alla ho ochlos houtos ho me ginoskon ton nomon eparatoi eisin:
[983]1 * muthon tina kai planen: [984]1 * nomothetes: [985]1 * neoi ho laos ho kainos pros antidiastolen tou presbuterou laou ta nea mathontes agatha: [986]1 * nomos: [987]1 * xenon ean idosin, hupo stegen eisagousi kai chairousin ep' auto hos epi adelpho alethino: [988]1 * oi mathetai: [989]1 * oi Ioudaioi paro'trunan tas sebomenas gunaikas tas euschemonas kai tous protous tes poleos: [990]1 * oiemati didas. kalou epartheis . . . . idion charaktera didaskaleiou sunestesato: [991]1 * hoi Christianoi genealogountai apo Iesou Christou.: [992]1 * hoi Christianoi mimoumenoi tas kataskeuas ton naon megistous oikous oikodomousin: [993]1 * hoi gnorimoi: [994]1 * hoi dokountes echein theon: [995]1 * hoi de m apostoloi kai didaskaloi tou kerugmatos tou huiou tou theou: [996]1 * hoi dodeka mathetai: [997]1 * hoi euangelisamenoi: [998]1 * hoi kata ten Asian kai Phrugian adelphoi: [999]1 * hoi mathetai: [1000]1 * hoi makarioi apostoloi te kai didaskaloi: [1001]1 * hoi men oun lithoi hoi tetragonoi kai leukoi kai sumphonountes tais harmogais auton, houtoi eisin hoi apostoloi (add kai prophetai) kai episkopoi kai didaskaloi kai diakonoi hoi poreuthentes kata ten semnoteta tou theou kai episkopesantes kai didaxantes kai diakonesantes hagnos kai semnos tois eklektois tou theou, hoi men kekoimemenoi, hoi de eti ontes: [1002]1 * hoi polloi: [1003]1 * hoi prophetai kata Christon Iesoun ezesan: [1004]1 * hoi prophetai eph' hemon propheteusantes ou parexeteinan heautous tois apostolois: [1005]1 * hoi pro emou apostoloi: [1006]1 * hoi tes ekklesias diakonoi tou episkopou sunetos rhembomenoi estosan ophthalmoi, hekastou tes ekklesias polupragmonountes tas praxeis . . . . tous de kata sarka nosountas manthanetosan kai to agnounti plethei prosantiballetosan, hin' epiphainontai, kai ta deonta epi te tou prokathezomenou gnome parechetosan: [1007]1 * hoi philoi: [1008]1 [1009]2 [1010]3 [1011]4 * hoi philoi: [1012]1 [1013]2 * hoi chorepiskopoi eisi men eis tupon ton hebdomekonta; hos de sulleitourgoi dia ten spouden ten eis tous ptochous prospherousi timomenoi: [1014]1 * hoi adelphoi: [1015]1 [1016]2 * hoi akousantes: [1017]1 * hoi apostoloi: [1018]1 * hoi apo tes ekklesias: [1019]1 * hoi apostoloi kata choras kai poleis kerussontes . . . . kathistanon tas aparchas auton, dokimasantes to pneumari, eis episkopous kai diakonous ton mellonton pisteuein: [1020]1 * hoi apostoloi kai hoi didaskaloi hoi keruxantes to onoma tou huiou tou theou: [1021]1 * hoi apostoloi kai hoi presbuteroi adelphoi tois kata te`n Antiocheian kai Surian kai Kilikian adelphois: [1022]1 * hoi en Bienne kai Lougdouno tes Gallias paroikountes douloi Christou: [1023]1 * hoi en Bienne kai Lougdouno tes Gallias paroikountes douloi tou Christou: [1024]1 * hoi hepieikeis presbuteroi kai didaskaloi: [1025]1 * hoi hendeka apostoloi: [1026]1 * hoi rhantizontes paides hoi euangelisamenoi hemin ten aphesin hamartion kai ton hannismon tes kardias, hois edoken tou euangeliou ten exousian--ousin dekaduo eis marturion ton phulon, hoti dekaduo phulai tou Israel--eis to kerussein: [1027]1 * ohi: [1028]1 * oidamen hoti houtos estin ho soter tou kosmou: [1029]1 * oidate hoti hote ethne ete pros ta eidola . . . . egesthe: [1030]1 * oiden ho ten emphuton dorean tes didaches autou themenos en hemin:
[1031]1 * oikos theou, hetis estin ekklesia theou zontss, stulos kai hedraioma tes aletheias: [1032]1 * ou diatassomai humin hos on tis . . . . proslalo humin hos sundidaskalitais mou: [1033]1 * ou dechetai par' oudenos thusias ho theos, ei me dia ton hiereon autou: [1034]1 * ou thelo humas agnoein to musterion touto, hoti porosis apo merous to Israel gegonen achris hou to pleroma ton ethnon eiselthe, kai houtos pas Israel sothesetai . . . ametameleta gar ta charismata kai he klesis tou theou.: [1035]1 * ou me oud' eiten ho kurios, Dos, e IIarasches, e Euergeteson, e Boethesan; philon de poiesai; ho de philos ouk ek mias doseos ginetai, all' ex holes anapauseos kai sunousias makras: [1036]1 * ou monon hoi ton Ioudaion paides pros toutous kektentai misos, alla anistamenoi heothen kai meses hemeras kai peri ten hesperan, tris tes hemeras, hote euchas epitelousin en tais auton sunagogais eparontai autois kai anathematizousi phaskontes hoti; Epikatarasai ho theos tous Nazoraious. kai gar toutois perissoteron enechousi, dia to apo Ioudaion autous ontas Iesoun kerussein einai Christon, hoper estin enantion pros pous eti Ioudaious tous Christon me dexamenous: [1037]1 * ouai . . . . ho apostellon en thalasse homera kai epistolas bublinas epano tou hudatos: [1038]1 * oudamou oud' epi tinos ton legomenon huion tou Dios to staurothenai emimesanto: [1039]1 * oude gar aidoia echei he huaina hama ampho, arrenos kai theleos, kathos hupeilephasi tines, hermaphroditous teratologountes kai triten tauten metaxu theleias kai arrenos androgunon kainotomountes phusin: [1040]1 * ouk aitios, all' elenchos: [1041]1 * ouk eimi eleutheros; ouk eimi apostolos; ouchi Iesoun ton kurion hemon heoraka; ou to ergon mou humeis este en kurio: [1042]1 * ouk apodeousi muriadon hekaton hoi ten Alexandreian kai ten choran Ioudaioi katoikountes apo tou pros Libuen katabathmou mechri ton horion Aithiopias: [1043]1 * ouk apo tou basilikou prostagmatos ho diogmos par' hemin erxato, alla gar holon eniauton proulabe, kai phthasas ho kakon te polei taute mantis kai poietes, hostis ekeinos en, ekinese kai parormese kath' hemon ta pl?ethe ton ethnon, eis ten epichorion autous deisidaimonian anarripisas: [1044]1 * ouk exousias echete autocheires genesthai hemon dia tous nun epikratountas, hosakis de an edunete, kai touto epraxate: [1045]1 * ouk ereis idia einai: [1046]1 * ouk eni Ioudaios oude Hellen, ouk eni arsen kai thelu; pantes gar humeis heis este en Christo Iesou: [1047]1 * ouk estin doulos meizon tou kuriou autou, oude apostolos meizon tou pempsantos auton.: [1048]1 * ouk estin epi tes oikoumenes demos ho me moiran hemeteran echon:
[1049]1 * ouk estin hemin he pale pros haima kai sarka, alla pros tas archas, pros tas exousias, pros tous kosmokratorous tou skotous toutou, pros ta pneumatika tes ponerias en tois epouraniois: [1050]1 * ouk erkei to polon eirekenai monon, alla kai to neon prosetheken auto, ten en Christo neolaian tes anthropotetos . . . . emphainon :
[1051]1 * ouk oligon plethos Ioudaion anapephurtai.: [1052]1 * ouketi este xenoi kai paroikoi, all' este sumpolitai ton hagion kai oikeioi tou theou: [1053]1 * ohus men etheto ho theos en te ekklesia proton apostolous, k.t.l.:
[1054]1 * oute grammata peri sou edexametha apo tes Ioudaias: [1055]1 * oute gar peritome ti estin oute akrobustia, alla kaine ktisis:
[1056]1 * oute paragenomenos tis ton adelphon apengeilen: [1057]1 * ousin dekaduo eis marturion ton phulon hoti ib hai phulai tou Israel: [1058]1 * hou to molopi autoi iathete: [1059]1 * houtoi hoi en pollois kai poikilais pragmateiais empephurmenoi ou kollontai tois doulois tou theou, all' apoplanontai: [1060]1 * houtos [ho christos] en te kardia tes ges, en chomati krubeis kai triemero megiston dendron gennetheis exeteine tous heautou kladous eis ta perata tes ges. ek toutou prokupsantes hoi ib' apostoloi, kladoi horaioi, kai euthaleis genethentes skepe engenethesan tois ethnesin, hos peteinois ouranou, huph' hon kladon skepasthentes hoi pantes, hos ornea hupo kalian sunelthonta metelabon tes ex auton proerchomenes edodimou kai epouranion trophes: [1061]1 * houtos ouketi hos prophetes all' hos mantis logisthesetai: [1062]1 * houtos ton par autois axiomatikon andron enarithmios en; eisi de houtoi meta ton patriarchen apostoloi kaloumenoi, prosedreuousi de to patriarche kai sun auto pollakis kai en nukti kai en hemera sunechos diagousi, dia to sumbouleuein kai anapherein auto ta kata ton nomon: [1063]1 * houtos ho Palladios megisten ousan ton Rhomaion archen mikran edeixe te tachuteti: [1064]1 * houtos ho soter hemon Iesous Christos hos anthropos genomenos en te Ioudaia kata panta dikaios kai pepleromenos theia sophia, philanthropos edidaxen hemas tis ho ton holon theos kai ti telos aretes epi semnen politeian harmozon pros tas ton anthropon psuchas; hos dia tou pathein epausen tas archas ton hamartion:
[1065]1 * pantes gar hoi prophetai kai ho nomos heos Ioannou epropheteusan:
[1066]1 * paidion de oude prosientai orphanon hai tous psittakous kai tous charadrious ektrephousai: [1067]1 * paionion pharmakon: [1068]1 * panti doulo theou pas o kosmos polis, patris de he epouranios Ierousalem; entautha de paroikein, all' ou katoikein, hos xenoi kai parepidemoi tetagmetha: [1069]1 * panti to aitounti se didou kai me apaitei; pasi gar thelei didosthai ho pater ek ton idion charismaton. makarios ho didous kata ten entolen; athoos gar estin. ouai to lambanonti; ei men gar chreian echon lambanei tis, athoos estai; ho de me chreian echon dosei diken, hina ti elabe kai eis ti; en sunoche de genomenos exetasthesetai peri hon epraxe, kai ouk exeleusetai ekeithen, mechris hou apodo ton eschaton kodranten: [1070]1 * parangellomen humin en onomati tou kuriou I. Ch. stellesthai humas apo pantos adelphou ataktos peripatountos: [1071]1 * paradosousin humas eis sunedria kai en tais sunagogais auton mastigosousin humas . . . . paradosei de adelphos adelphon eis thanaton kai pater teknon kai epanastesontai tekna epi goneis kai thanatosousin autous . . . . hotan de diokosin humas en te polei taute, pheugete eis ten heteran.: [1072]1 * paramuthikos: [1073]1 * paroikia: [1074]1 * paroikein: [1075]1 * paroikounton: [1076]1 * paroikountes: [1077]1 * paroikia: [1078]1 * paroikiai: [1079]1 * paroikias episkoipein: [1080]1 * paradosis: [1081]1 * parechontes meta pases euphrosunes tas trophas . . . . tois atechnois dia ton epitedeumaton ennoumenoi tas prophaseis tes anankaias trophes; technite ergon, adranei eleos: [1082]1 * patrida epi gen ouk echomen: [1083]1 * patridas oikousin idias, all' hos paroikoi; metechousi panton hos politai, kai panth' hupomenousin hos xenoi; pasa xene patris estin auton, kai pasa patris xene: [1084]1 * pais theou: [1085]1 * par hemin oun esti tauta akousai kai mathein para ton oude tous charakteras ton stoicheion epistamenon, idioton men kai barbaron to phthegma, sophon de kai piston ton noun onton, kai peron kai cheron tinon tas opseis; hos suneinai ou sophia anthropeia tauta gegonenai, alla dunamei theou legesthai: [1086]1 * periodeutai: [1087]1 * peri bot. chul.: [1088]1 * peri dedemenou e lelumenou: [1089]1 * peri diaphoras sphugmon: [1090]1 * peri propheteias: [1091]1 * peri panton euchomai se euodousthai kai hugiainein, kathos euodoutai sou he psuche: [1092]1 * peri tes ek logion philosophias: [1093]1 * peri ton sunestiathenton en heorte ethnike, en topo aphorismeno tois ethnikois, idia bromata epikomisamenon kai phagonton, edoxe dietian hupopesontas dechthenai: [1094]1 * peri philon: [1095]1 * peri phuson: o men gar ietros horei te deina, thinganei te aedeon ep' allotriesi de xumphoresin idias karpoutai lupas.: [1096]1 * peri agapes ou melei autois, ou peri cheras, ou peri orphanou, ou peri thlibomenou, ou peri dedemenou e lelumenou, e peri peinontos e dipsontos: [1097]1 * pistoi: [1098]1 [1099]2 * pistoi: [1100]1 * pleonasantes authis: [1101]1 * plen oligon tinon: [1102]1 * pleroma ton ethnon: [1103]1 * pmostates ton Galilaion: [1104]1 * pneumatikoi: [1105]1 * pneumatikoi: [1106]1 [1107]2 * pneuma te to prophetikon: [1108]1 * poimenes: [1109]1 [1110]2 * poimenes (episkopoi): [1111]1 * poimenes,: [1112]1 * poiounton: [1113]1 * politeia: [1114]1 [1115]2 * politeia tou kosmou: [1116]1 * polla de thelon graphein ouch hos didaskalos: [1117]1 * polus ochlos: [1118]1 * poreusontai gar angeloi kouphoi, k.t.l.: [1119]1 * presbuterous houtoi echousi kai archisunagogous; sunagogen de houtoi kalousi ten heanton ekklesian kai ouchi ekklesian; to Christo de onomati monon semnunontai: [1120]1 * presbuterous: timate presbuterous katechetas, diakonous chresimous, cheras eu bebiokuias: [1121]1 * proelegen hote edidasken: [1122]1 * proeipon hoti toioutos tis aphixetai panta dikaios kai enaretos, hos eis pantas eu psiesas anthropous ep' arete peisei sebein ton panton theon, hon hemeis phthaoantes timomen, hoti emathomen semnas etolas as ouk edeiuen, kai ou peplanemetha: [1123]1 * proegoumenoi: [1124]1 * prokathemene tes agapes: [1125]1 * proorontas tous logous tou didaskalon hemon: [1126]1 * prostatis pollon kai emou autou: [1127]1 * propheteuein: [1128]1 * prophetikou tinos e kai apostolikou charismatos kai arithmou:
[1129]1 * prophetes elegen einai: [1130]1 * prophetes, ei ha didaskei ou poiei, pseudoprphetes esti: [1131]1 * prophetai: [1132]1 * proutetakto: [1133]1 * protostates tes ton Nazoraion haireseos: [1134]1 * prototokos en pollois adelphois: [1135]1 * pros eleon kai anaktesin ton deomenon poioumena kai pros boetheian ton ekpesonton. haper an tis phortika einai nomize, ou kata ten theian kai makarian didaskalian phronei: [1136]1 * proton: [1137]1 * proton panton pisteuson, hoti heis estin ho theos ho ta panta ktisas kai katartisas, k.t.l. : [1138]1 * proton, deuteron,: [1139]1 * puknoteron sunagogai ginesthosan: [1140]1 * panta ta logia kuriou kai tes genneseos kai tes anastaseos tou egapemenou: [1141]1 * pantas timesate, ten adelphoteta agapate, ton theon phobeisthe, ton basilea timate: [1142]1 * panteis: [1143]1 * pantes heautous phoneusantes poreuesthe ede para ton theon kai hemin pragmata me parechete: [1144]1 [1145]2 * panton dusmenestatos kai polemotatos: [1146]1 * patrioi theoi: [1147]1 * pan to genos ton dikaion: [1148]1 * pas Israel: [1149]1 * pasa de gaia sethen pleres kai pasa thalassa: [1150]1 * pasa he en kosmo adeliphotes: [1151]1 * pasi tois ethnesin: [1152]1 * pasin anthropois enantion: [1153]1 * sophia daimoniodes.: [1154]1 * sophia logou: [1155]1 * sophia, sunesis, episteme: [1156]1 [1157]2 * sophian en tois teleiois: [1158]1 * spoudazete puknoteron sunerchesthai eis eucharistian, theou:
[1159]1 * stasiazein pros to koinon: [1160]1 * strateusometha oun, andres adelphoi, meta pases ekteneias en tois amomois prostagmasin autou; katanoeoomen tous strateuomenous tois hegoumenois hemon; pos eutaktos, pos eueiktos, pos hupotetagmenos epitelousin ta diatassomena; ou pantes eisin eparchoi oude chiliarchoi oude ekatontarchoi oude pentakontarchoi oude to kathexes, all' hekastos en to idio tagmati ta epitassomena hupo tou basileos kai ton hegoumenon epitelei: [1161]1 * strateuometha--ta hopla tes strateias--pros kathairesin ochuromaton--logismous kathairountes--aichmalotizontes: [1162]1 * stratiotes Christou: [1163]1 * stulos kai hedraioma tes aletheias: [1164]1 * sunchoretike esti tes athanasias tois epilabousin auten: [1165]1 * sunagogai: [1166]1 * sunagoge: [1167]1 [1168]2 * sunekalesa tous presbuterous kai didaskalous ton en tais komais adelphon: [1169]1 * sunkakopatheson hos kalos stratiotes I. Ch. oudeis strateuomenos empleketai tais tou biou pragmateiais, hina to stratologesanti arese. ean de athlese tis, ou stephanoutai ean me nomimos athlese:
[1170]1 * suntalaiporoi kai summisoumenoi: [1171]1 * sunethos heauto gelon to Ioudaion kai Christianon genos pantas parabebleke nukteridon hormatho e murmexin ek kalias proelthousin e batrachois peri telma sunedreuousin e skolexin en borborou gonia ekklesiazousi kai pros allelous diapheromenois, tines auton eien hamartoloteroi, kai phaskousin hoti panta hemin ho theos prodeloi kai prokatangellei, kai ton panta kosmon kai ten ouranion phoran apolipon kai ten tosauten gen paridon hemin monois politeuetai kai pros hemas monous epikerukeuetai kai pempon ou dialeipei kai zeton, hopos aei sunomen auto. kai en to anaplasmati ge heautou paraplesious hemas poiei skolexi, phaskousin hoti ho theos estin, eita met' ekeinon hemeis hup' autou gegonotes pante homoioi to theo, kai hemin panta hupobebletai, ge kai hudor kai aer kai astra, kai hemon heneka panta, kai hemin douleuein tetaktai. legousi de ti par' auto hoi skolekes, hemeis delade, hoti nun, epeide tines [en] hemin plemmelousin, aphixetai theos e pempsei ton huion, hina kataphlexe tous adikous, kai hoi loipoi sun auto zoen aionion echomen. kai epipherei ge pasin hoti tauta [mallon] anekta skolekon kai batrachon e Ioudaion kai Christianon pros allelous diapheromenon : [1172]1 * sunenesan: [1173]1 * sunesan: [1174]1 * sphragis, sphragizein, photismos , photizein: [1175]1 * soter: [1176]1 * soter: [1177]1 [1178]2 * soter,: [1179]1 * soter.: [1180]1 * soteria grammata: [1181]1 * soteres: [1182]1 * soteres ton anthropon: [1183]1 * sumbolon: [1184]1 * sun oudeni periergo kai magiko e pharmakeutiko pragmati, alla mone euche kai horkosesin haplousterais kai hosa an dunaito prosagein haplousteros anthropos.: [1185]1 * tauten ten parangelian paratithemai soi, teknon Timothee, kata tas proagousas epi se propheteias: [1186]1 * tauta anthropou ou dokei ta erga, tauta dunamis esti theou :
[1187]1 * tetimemenoi: [1188]1 * tosaute autous pleonexia pareschekei kai anoia kateilephei, hos me hepesthai tois hupo ton palai katadeichtheisin . . . . alla kata ten auton prothesin kai hos hekastos ebouleto, houtos heautois kai nomous poiesai kai toutous paraphulastein kai en diaphorois diaphora plethe sunagein: [1189]1 * tous de: [1190]1 * tous xenous meta pases prothumias eis tous heauton oikous lambanete: [1191]1 * tous astheneis: [1192]1 * tous te Ioudaious pleonasantas authis, hoste chalepos an aneu taraches hupo tou ochlou sphon tes poleos eirchthenai, ouk exelase; men, to de de patrio bio chromenous ekeleuse me sunathroizesthai:
[1193]1 * tois desmiois sunepathesate: [1194]1 * tois men orphanois poiountes ta goneon, tais de cherais ta andron,:
[1195]1 * tois en phulakais epiphainomenoi hos dunasthe boetheite: [1196]1 * tou theou tou kai to legein kai to akouein hemin choregountos aitoumai dothenai emoi men eipein houtos, k.t.l.: [1197]1 * tou kurion: [1198]1 [1199]2 [1200]3 * tou huiou tou theou onoma bebelothenai kata pasan ten gen kai blasphemeisthai hoi archiereis tou laou humon kai didaskaloi eirgasanto: [1201]1 * triton: [1202]1 * triton genos: [1203]1 * tros tous philous poreuthenti epimeleias tuchein: [1204]1 * tote esomai mathetes alethes tou Christou, hote oude to soma mou ho kosmos opsetai: [1205]1 * ta diatagmata ton apostolon: [1206]1 * ta pathe ho paramuthetikos logos iatai: [1207]1 * ta semeia hemon ouk eidomen, ouk estin eti prophetes, kai hemas ou gnosetai eti: [1208]1 * ta sumposia: [1209]1 * ta ek tou dikaiou kopou athroizomena chremata diatassete diakonountes agorasmous ton hagion, rhuomenoi doulous kai aichmalotous, desmious, epereazomenous, hekontas ek katadikes k.t.l.: [1210]1 * ta ethne: [1211]1 * ta ethne akouonta ek tou stomatos hemon ta logia tou theou hos kala kai megala thaumazei; epeita katamathonta ta erga hemon hoti ouk estin axia ton rhematon hon legomen, enthen eis blasphemian trepontai, legontes einai muthon tina kai planen: [1212]1 * tas de en tois barbarikois ethnesin tou theou ekklesias oikonomeisthai chre kata ten kratesasan sunetheian ton pateron:
[1213]1 * taxis propheton marturon te kai apostolon: [1214]1 * teknon mou, tou lalountos soi ton logon tou theou mnesthese nuktos kai hemeras, timeseis de auton hos kurion; hothen gar he kuriotes laleitai, ekei kurios estin: [1215]1 * ten diakonian tes episkopes tes en Lougdouno pepisteumenos: [1216]1 * ten kata Ponton ekklesian: [1217]1 * ti gar esti Platon e Mouses attikizon: [1218]1 * ti planasthe, anthropon theon legontes, kai touton biothane; hos emathon para Ioudaion akribos, kai ti to genos autou kai hosa enedeixato to ethnei auton kai pos apethanen staurotheis; prokomisantes gar autou ta hupomnemata [??] epanegnosan moi:
[1219]1 * tis gar parepidemesas pros humas . . . . to megaloprepes tes philoxenias humon ethos ouk ekeruxen?: [1220]1 * to katechon (ho katechon): [1221]1 * to mentoi peri tes monarchias tou monou theou kai tes poluarchias ton sebomenon theon diarreden zetesomen, hon ouk oidas oude tes monarchias ton logon aphegesasthai. Monarches gar estin ouch ho monos on all' ho monos archon; archei d' homophulon delade kai homoion, hoion Hadrianos ho basileus monarches gegonen, ouch hoti monos eo oud' hoti boon kai probaton erchen, hon archousi poimenes e boukoloi, all' hoti anthropon ebasileuse ton homogenon ten auten phusin echonton; hosautos theos ouk an monarches kurios eklethe, ei me theon erche. touto gar eprepe to theio megethei kai to ouranio kai pollo axiomati: [1222]1 * to par Hebraiois [prophetikon pneuma] epelipen: [1223]1 * to prophetikon pneuma to somateion estin tes prophetikes taxeos, ho estin to soma tes sarkos Iesou Christou to migen te anthropoteti dia Marias: [1224]1 * to ton theosebon genos: [1225]1 * to phos hemin echarisato . . . . peroi ontes te dianoia proskunountes lithous kai zula kai chruson kai arguron kai chalkon, erga anthropon . . . . amaurosin oun perikeimenoi kai toiautes achluos gemontes en te horasei aneblepsamen: [1226]1 * to phulon ton Christianon: [1227]1 * to argurion sou sun soi eie eis apoleian: [1228]1 * ton gar euergetounta me sunientes theon aneplasan tinas soteras Dioskourous . . . . kai Asklepion iatron: [1229]1 * ton kurion: [1230]1 * ton panton epopten kai ktisten theon houtoi sebontai, hon kai pantes, hemeis de prosonomazontes heteros Zena kai Dia: [1231]1 * ton huion tou theou proskunoumen , tous de marturas hos mathetas kai mimetas tou kuriou agapomen: [1232]1 * topon: [1233]1 * tes men gar tou soteros hemon Iesou Christou parousias neosti pasin anthropois epilampsases, neon homologoumenos ethnos, ou mikron oud' asthenes oud' epi gonias pou ges hidrumenon, alla kai panton ton ethnon poluanthropotaton te kai theosebestaton . . . . to para tois pasi te tou Christou prosegoria tetimemenon: [1234]1 * tes men Rhomaion ekklesias . . . . Xustos, tes de ep' Antiocheias . . . . Demetrianos, Phirmilianos de Kaisareias tes Kappadokon, kai epi toutois ton kata Ponton ekklesion Gregorios kai o toutou adelphos Athenodoros: [1235]1 * tes par' humin kategnon nomothesias; mian men gar echren einai kai koinen hapanton ten politeian: [1236]1 * te ekklesia te paroikouse Amastrin hama tais kata Ponton, Bakchulidou men kai Elpistou hosan auton epi to grapsai protrepsanton memnemenos . . . . episkopon auton onomati Palman huposemainon: [1237]1 * te ekklesia tou theou te ouse en Korintho sun tois hagiois pasin tois ousin en hole te Achaia: [1238]1 * te ekklesia te paroikouse Gortunan hama tais loipais kata Kreten, Philippon episkopon auton apodechomenos: [1239]1 * ton automolounton ap' autou: [1240]1 * ton de en Aigupto paroikion ten episkopen neosti tote meta Ioulianou Demetrios hupeilephei: [1241]1 * ton de en Aigupto paroikion ten episkopen tote Demetrios hupeilephei: [1242]1 * ton kata . . . . epeskopei: [1243]1 * ton kata Gallian paroikion has Eirenaios epeskopei: [1244]1 * ton kata Ponton ekklesion episkopos: [1245]1 * ton kata Ponton episkopon, hon Palmas hos archaiotatos proutetakto:
[1246]1 * ton logon tou kuriou Iesou ohus elalesen didaskon: [1247]1 * ton poiounton: [1248]1 * huios parakleseos: [1249]1 * philoi tou theou (christou): [1250]1 * philtatos o makarios o theou philos: [1251]1 * phaneron gar estin hemin, o basileu, hoti tria gene eisin anthropon en tode to kosmo; hon eisin hoi ton par' humin legomenon theon proskunetai kai Ioudaioi kai Christianoi; autoi de palin hoi tous pollous sebomenoi theous eis tria diairountai gene, Chaldaious te kai Hellenas kai Aiguptious: [1252]1 * philanthropotatos: [1253]1 [1254]2 * philotimia ton poiounton: [1255]1 * philoptochos: [1256]1 * philosophoi para Surois): [1257]1 * phoboumenoi: [1258]1 * phoboumenos ton theon: [1259]1 * photizomenoi dia tou onomatos tou christou toutou; ho men gar lambanei suneseos pneuma, ho de boules, ho de ischuos, ho de iaseos, ho de prognoseos, ho de didaskalias, ho de phobou theou:
[1260]1 * philos Iesou: [1261]1 * philos ho anthropos to theo: [1262]1 * charismati didaches: [1263]1 * cheirontonesantes: [1264]1 * cheirotonesantes autois kat' ekklesian presbuterous: [1265]1 * cheirotonesate heautois episkopous kai diakonous: [1266]1 * chrematisai: [1267]1 * chrematisai trotos en Antiocheia tous mathetas Christianous [Chrestianous ].: [1268]1 * christemporos: [1269]1 * christoi: [1270]1 * chorepiskopous me exeinai presbuterous e diakonous cheirotonein:
[1271]1 * chorepiskopoi, episkopoi ton agron (en tais komais e tais chorais), sulleitourgoi: [1272]1 * cherais huperetein, orphanous kai husteroumenous episkeptesthai:
[1273]1 * psuchikoi: [1274]1 [1275]2 * agapeseis hos koren tou ophthalmou sou panta ton lalounta soi ton logon kuriou, mnesthese hemeran kriseos nuktos kai hemeras: [1276]1 * agrammatos: [1277]1 * adelphoi: [1278]1 [1279]2 * adelphoi kai suntherapontes: [1280]1 * adelphoi: [1281]1 * adelphoes: [1282]1 * adelphotes: [1283]1 * adunaton touto nomisas einai epipherei [sc. Celsus] hoti ho touto oiomenos oiden ouden : [1284]1 * atheotes: [1285]1 [1286]2 [1287]3 [1288]4 * all' eis doxan theou pleon douleuetosan, hina kreittonos eleutherias apo theou tuchosin; me eratosan apo tou koinou eleutherousthai, hina me douloi heurethosin epithumias: [1289]1 * all' hoi kath' hupothesin Kelsou pantes an peisthentes Rhomaioi euchomenoi periesontai ton polemion e oude ten archen polemesontai, phrouroumenoi hupo theias dunameos, tes dia pentekonta dikaious pente poleis holas epangeilamenes diasosai: [1290]1 * all' hoi tes eparchias episkopoi en tautais tais polesi kathistan episkopous opheilousin, entha kai proteron etunchanon gegonotes episkopoi; ei de heuriskoito houto plethunousa tis en pallo arithmo laou polis, hos axian auten kai episkopes nomizesthai, lambaneto:
[1291]1 * all' ek pateron, phate, paradedomenon hemin ethos anatrepein ouk eulogon: [1292]1 * all' ereis; kai men peritetmetai ho laos eis sphragida.: [1293]1 * amixia: [1294]1 [1295]2 [1296]3 * amixia (misanthropia): [1297]1 * anti agron agorazete psuchas thlibomenas, katha tis dunatos estin :
[1298]1 * aner dedokimasmenos par' apostolois: [1299]1 * apokalupsis: [1300]1 * apostellein: [1301]1 * apostolikos aner ton kath' hemas genomenos: [1302]1 * apostole t. peritomes: [1303]1 * apostoloi: [1304]1 * apostolois: [1305]1 * apostellein: [1306]1 [1307]2 * apostolous: [1308]1 * aposunagogos): [1309]1 * apoteichizontes heautous kai aporregnuntes apo ton loipon anthropon: [1310]1 * apo de Artaxerxou mechri tou kath' hemas chronou gegraptai men hekasta, pisteos d' ouch homoias hexiotai tois pro auton, dia to me genesthai ten ton propheton akribe diadochen: [1311]1 * apo: [1312]1 * apostoloi: [1313]1 [1314]2 [1315]3 [1316]4 * apostoloi kai didaskaloi hoi keruxantes eis holon ton kosmon kai hoi didaxantes semnos kai hagnos ton logon tou kuriou: [1317]1 * apostoloi ekklesion: [1318]1 * apostoloi, prophetai,: [1319]1 * apostolos: [1320]1 * apostolos auton: [1321]1 * apostolos, didaskalos: [1322]1 * apostolos; strategos kata ploun pempomenos).: [1323]1 * areskete ho strateuesthe, aph' hou kai ta opsonia komisesthe; metis humon desertor heurethe; to baptisma humon meneto hos hopla, he pistis hos perikephalaia, he agape hos doru, he upomone hos panoplia; ta deposita humon ta erga humon, hina ta akkepta humon axia komisesthe: [1324]1 * arogoi humin kai summachoi pros eirenen esmen panton mallon anthropon: [1325]1 * asthenountas therapeuete, nekrous egeirete, leprous katharizete, daimonia ekballete).: [1326]1 * aspazontai se hoi philoi; aspazou tous philous kat' onoma: [1327]1 * asebeia kai adikeia: [1328]1 * aphilarguroi: [1329]1 * aphobia: [1330]1 * atheoi: [1331]1 * atheoi, misanthropoi": [1332]1 * andras cheirontonesantes eklektous eis pasan ten oikoumenen epempsate, kerussontas hoti airesis tis atheos kai anomos egegertai apo Iesou tinos Galilaiou planou, hon staurosanton hemon hoi mathetai autou apo tou mnematos nuktos . . . . planosi tous anthropous legontes egegerthai auton ek nekron kai eis ouranon aneleluthenai, kateipontes dedidachenai kai tauta haper kata ton homologounton Christon kai didaskalon kai huion theou einai panti genei anthropon athea kai anoma kai anosia legete: [1333]1 * andras cheirotonesantes eklektous: [1334]1 * andras eklektous apo Ierousalem eis pasan ten gen, legontas hairesin atheon Christianon pephenenai, katalegontas tauta, haper kath' hemon hoi agnoountes hemas pantes legousin, hoste ou monon heantois adikias aitioi huparchete, alla kai tois allois hapasin haplos anthropois: [1335]1 * aneu tinos akribous pisteos ta toiauta paredexanto: [1336]1 * achri hou plerothosin kairoi ethnon: [1337]1 * hagios epodos: [1338]1 * hate philosophoi to genos ontes: [1339]1 * Alexandros tis, Phrux men to genos, iatros de ten epistemen:
[1340]1 * Antiochea: [1341]1 * Aphorisate de moi ton Barnaban kai Saulon eis to ergon ho proskeklemai autous: [1342]1 * enkrateia: [1343]1 * enkekleistai men he psuche to somati, sunechei de aute to soma; kai Christianoi katechontai men hos en phroura to kosmo, autoi de sunechousi ton kosmon: [1344]1 * egeneto en tais hemerais ekeinais exelthen dogma para Kaisaros Augoustou apographesthai pasan ten oikoumenen: [1345]1 * ego de ouch hos didaskalos all' hos heis ex humon hupodeixo:
[1346]1 * ego de ouch hos didaskalos, all' hos meta pases haplotetos prosekon hemas allelois dialegesthai: [1347]1 * ego epano meno tinos Martinou tou Timotinou balaneiou, kai para panta ton chronon touton--epedemesa de te Rhomaion polei touto deuteron--ou ginosko allen tina suneleusin ei me ten ekeinou:
[1348]1 * ethnon apostolos: [1349]1 * ek goun tes Hellenikes paideias, alla kai ek tes nomikes eis to hen genos tou sozomenou sunagontai laou hoi ten pistin prosiemenoi, ou chrono diairoumenon ton trion laon, hina tis phuseis hupolaboi trittas, k.t.l.: [1350]1 * ek merous ginoskomen . . . . blepomen gar arti di' esoptrou en ainigmati: [1351]1 * ek pantas genous anthropon: [1352]1 * ekdioxantes hemas . . . . koluontes hemas tois ethnesin lalesai, hina sothosin: [1353]1 * ekeinoi monoi oiomenoi ton theon gignoskein ouk epistantai: [1354]1 * ekklesia: [1355]1 [1356]2 [1357]3 [1358]4 [1359]5 [1360]6 [1361]7
[1362]8 [1363]9 * ekklesia tou theou: [1364]1 * ekklesia, ekklesia tou theou: [1365]1 * ekklesiai: [1366]1 [1367]2 * ekklesia: [1368]1 [1369]2 * ekklesia tou theou: [1370]1 * ekklesiai: [1371]1 * ekklesiai Paulou, Petrou: [1372]1 * ekkleia katholike = pasa he ekklesia: [1373]1 * elabomen: [1374]1 * elabomen charin kai apostolen: [1375]1 * elpizo epituchein en Rhome theriomachesai, hina epituchein dunetho mathetes einai: [1376]1 * elueto pasa mageia, kai pas desmos hephanizeto kakias, agnoia kathereito, palaia basileia diephtheireto, theou anthropinos phaneroumenou eis kainoteta aidiou zoes; archen de elambanen to para theo apertismenon. enthen ta panta sunekineito dia to meletasthai thanatou katalusin: [1377]1 * en: [1378]1 [1379]2 * en Christo Iesou oute peritome ti ischuei oute akrobustia, alla pistis di' agapes energoumene : [1380]1 * en gar te philoxenia heurisketai agathopoiesis pote: [1381]1 * en dunamei Iesou christou: [1382]1 * en thlipsei: [1383]1 * en pase eparchia kai polei eisin mou tekna kata theon: [1384]1 * en touto pas ho pisteuon dikaioutai: [1385]1 * en tois kath' hemas chronois didaskalos apostolikos kai prophetikos, genomenos episkopos tes en Smurne katholikes ekklesias: [1386]1 * en tois adikemasin auton mallon matheteuomai: [1387]1 * en tou Ellenikou: [1388]1 * en allois de ethnesin estin hope kai en komais episkopoi hierountai, hos para Arabiois kai Kutriois egnon kai para tos en Phrugiais Nauatianois kai Montanistais: [1389]1 * en allois ethnesin estin hope kai en komais episkopoi hierountai, hos para Arabiois kai Kuprois egnon kai para tois en Phrugiais Nauatianois kai Montanistais: [1390]1 * en heni pneumati hemeis pantes eis hen soma ebaptisthemen, eite Ioudaioi eite Hellenes, eite douloi eite eleutheroi. : [1391]1 * en hemera hote krinei ho theos ta krupta ton anthropon dia Christou Iesou: [1392]1 * en oligo me peitheis Christianon poiesai: [1393]1 * eneskepsen he orge pasa eis Sankton tonSo, rightly, Schwartz.:
[1394]1 * eniote de hoi daimones monon enidonton humon pheuxontai; isasin gar tous apodedokotas heautous to theo, dio timontes autous pephobemenoi pheugousin).: [1395]1 * ex anankon lutrousthai tous doulous tou theou: [1396]1 * episemoi en tois apostolois, ohi kai pro emou gegonan en Christo:
[1397]1 * epephane he charis tou theou soterios pasin anthropois: [1398]1 * episkopein: [1399]1 [1400]2 * epistates: [1401]1 * epistolai sustatikai: [1402]1 * epistametha pollous en hemin paradedokotas heautous eis desma, hopos heterous lutrosontai; polloi heautous exedokan eis douleian, kai labontes tas timas auton heterous epsomisan: [1403]1 * epitrepsate autois (i.e: [1404]1 * epichorioi presbuteroi: [1405]1 * epoiesen dodeka hina osin met' autou kai hina apostelle autous kerussein kai echein exousian ekballein ta daimonia: [1406]1 * epi ges eirene: [1407]1 * episkopoi: [1408]1 [1409]2 * episkopoi ton homoron agron te kai poleon: [1410]1 * eschatous: [1411]1 * etechthe humin soter, hos estin Christos kurios;: [1412]1 * ean ho allophulos ton nomos praxe, Ioudaios estin, me praxas de Ioudaios Hellen: [1413]1 * hekasten: [1414]1 * engista ekklesiai: [1415]1 * ethne: [1416]1 [1417]2 [1418]3 [1419]4 [1420]5 [1421]6 [1422]7
[1423]8 * ethnos: [1424]1 [1425]2 [1426]3 * ethnos ton Christianon: [1427]1 * ethnos hagion, laos hagios: [1428]1 * elegen ten hagneian prodromon einai tes mellouses aphthartou basileias : [1429]1 * entheou zelon apostolikou mimematos suneispherein ep' auxesei kai oikodome tou theiou logou promethoumenoi, hon heis genomenos kai Pantainos: [1430]1 * epeita: [1431]1 * eremos edokei einai apo tou theou ho laos hemon, nuni de pisteusantes pleiones egenometha ton dokounton echein theon:
[1432]1 * esti ta ethne en hois oudepo oudeis humon tou genous okesen:
[1433]1 * estin houtos ho aion kai ho mellon duo echthroi. houtos legei moicheian kai phthoran kai philargurian kai apaten, ekeinos de toutois apotassetai. ou dunametha oun ton duo philoi einai. dei de hemas touto apotaxamenous ekeino chrasthai. oiometha, hoti beltion estin ta enthade misesai, hoti mikra kai oligochronia kai phtharta; ekeina de agapesai, ta agatha ta aphtharta: [1434]1 * esto humin, ton ex ethnon, kurios kai Christos kai theos gnorizomenos, hos hai graphai semainousin, hoitines kai apo tou onomatos autou Christianoi kaleisthai pantes eschekate; hemeis de, tou theou tou kai auton touton poiesantos latreutai ontes, ou deometha tes homologias autou oude tes proskuneseos: [1435]1 * echoite aph' heauton kai ten epouranion basileian exetazein; hos gar humin patri kai huio panta kecheirotai, anothen ten basileian eilephosin--basileos gar psuche en cheiri theou, phesi to prophetikon pneuma--houtos heni to theo kai to par autou logo huio nooumeno ameristo panta hupotetaktai: [1436]1 * hethnos: [1437]1 * hekastos en te klesei he eklethe, en taute meneto; doulos eklethes? me soi meleto; all' ei kai dunasai eleutheros genesthai, mallon chresai): [1438]1 * heteron ton apostolon ouk eidon ei me Iakobon ton adelphon tou kuriou: [1439]1 * Ekklesiastikoi: [1440]1 * Exelexamen humas dodeka mathetas krinas axious emou kai apostolous pistous hegesamenos einai, pempon epi ton kosmon euangelisasthai tous kata ten oikoumenen anthropous, k.t.l.: [1441]1 * Episkopos paroikion: [1442]1 * Hellenistai: [1443]1 * Hellenistai: [1444]1 * Hellenon sideran e chalken, Christianon chrusen], Christianon de, hois ho chrusos ho basilikos enkatamemiktai, to hagion pneuma:
[1445]1 * Hellen kai Ioudaios, peritome kai akrobustia: [1446]1 * Hellenes: [1447]1 * Hellenes, Ioudaioi, and Galilaioi: [1448]1 * e gennaiotes tou theophilous kai theosebous genous ton Christianon:
[1449]1 * he didaskalia tou soteros: [1450]1 * he kath' hemas philosophia: [1451]1 * he mathetria: [1452]1 * he paroikia: [1453]1 * he peri tous xenous philanthropia: [1454]1 * he polupais men, ouch huper ton kurion de agapesasa eautes ta tekna: [1455]1 * he prophetike taxis: [1456]1 * he tou dogmatos henosis: [1457]1 * he tes psuches soteria: [1458]1 * he ton piston phratria: [1459]1 * he chrestotes kai he philanthropia epephane tou soteros hemon theou: [1460]1 * he chrestotes kai he philanthropia epephane tou soteros hemon theou . . . . esosen hemas.: [1461]1 * he chorizousa tes epistemes arete: [1462]1 * he anastasis: [1463]1 * he apostolos: [1464]1 * he enkrateia: [1465]1 * he ekklesia he paroikousa ten polin: [1466]1 * he ekklesia kath' holes tes Ioudaias kai Galilaias kai Samarias eichen eirenen: [1467]1 * he en Smurne katholike ekklesia: [1468]1 * he en Suria ekklesia: [1469]1 * he en Suria ekklesia: [1470]1 * he energeia tes pseudous tautes taxeos tes epilegomenes neas propheteias: [1471]1 * hegiastai ho aner ho apistos en te gunaiki, kai hegiastai he gune he hapistos hen to adelpho; epei ara ta tekna humon akatharta estin, nun de hagia estin: [1472]1 * hegemones: [1473]1 * hegeito en Alexandreia tes ton piston autothi diatribes ton apo paideias aner epidoxotatos, onoma auto Pantainos, ex archaiou ethous didaskaleiou ton hieron logon par autois sunestotos: [1474]1 * hegoumenoi: [1475]1 [1476]2 [1477]3 [1478]4 [1479]5 * hemeis hoi dodeka mathetai: [1480]1 * e horamati kai enupnio agnoei tini pisteuei: [1481]1 * epia pharmaka : [1482]1 * Hemeis de anaptuxantes tas biblous has eichomen ton propheton, ha men dia parabolon, ha de di' ainigmaton, ha de authentikos kai autolexei ton Christon Iesoun onomazonton, heuromen kai ten parousian autou kai ton thanaton kai ton stauron kai tas loipas kolaseis pasas, hosas epoiesan auto hoi Ioudaioi, kai ten egersin kai ten eis ouranous analepsin pro tou Hierosoluma krithenai, kathos egegrapto tauta panta ha edei auton pathein kai gegrammenon eis auton: [1483]1 * Herodianoi: [1484]1 * iatroi anarguroi: [1485]1 [1486]2 * iatros philarguros en: [1487]1 * idiotes: [1488]1 * idou he meter mou kai hoi adelphoi mou: [1489]1 * historeitai med' oligous menas boskesas ta probatia ho Petros estaurosthai: [1490]1 * iasai . . . . exanasteson tous asthenountas, parakaleson tous oligopsuchountas: [1491]1 * idios apostoloi: [1492]1 * isai ouk estin hugieia kai gnosis, all' he men mathesei, he de iasei periginetai; ouk an oun tis noson eti proteron ti ton didaskalikon ekmathoi prin e teleon hugianai; oude gar osautos pros tous manthanontas e kamnontas aei ton parangelmaton hekaston legetai, alla pros ohus men eis gnosin, pros ohus de eis iasin. kathaper oun tois nosousi to soma iatrou chrezei, taute kai tois asthenousi ten psuchen paidagogou dei, hin' hemon iasetai ta pathe, eita de kai didaskalou, hos kathegesetai pros katharan gnoseos epitedeioteta eutrepizon ten psuchen, dunamenen choresai ten apokalupsin tou logou: [1493]1 * hina euangelizomai auton en tois ethnesin: [1494]1 * hina mikro paradeigmati ten humeteran sunesin hupomnesaimi, iste depou kai tous philosophous autous hos heni men hapantes dogmati suntithentai, pollakis de epeidan ei tini ton apophaseon merei diaphonosin, ei kai te tes epistemes arete chorizontai, te mentoi tou dogmatos henosei palin eis allelous sumpneousin: [1495]1 * hina me tis euthus kat' archas, hos eis Mousou kai Christou diatriben aphigmenos, nomon anapodeikton akoue: [1496]1 * hina strateue ten kalen strateian: [1497]1 * hina are sussemon eis tous aionas: [1498]1 * hina eni klero Ephesion heuretho ton Christianon, ohi kai tois apostolois pantote sunenesan: [1499]1 * Igenonto tines pro pollou chronou panton touton ton nomizomenon philosophon palaioteroi, makarioi kai dikaioi kai theophileis, theio pneumati lalesantes kai ta mellonta thespisantes, ha de nun ginetai; prophetas de autous kalousin; houtoi monoi to alethes kai eidon kai exeipon anthropois, met' eulabethentes mete dusopethentes tina . . . . alla mona tauta eipontes ha ekousan kai ha eidon hagio plerothentes pneumati; sungrammata de auton eti kai nun diamenei, k.t.l. . . . . Emou de parachrema pur en te psuche anephthe kai eros eiche me ton propheton kai ton andron ekeinon, hoi eisi Christou philoi : [1500]1 * Ioudaioi kath' hekasten polin eisi pampletheis Asias te kai Surias:
[1501]1 * Ioudaioi mallon kai ouden heteron; panu de houtoi echthroi tois Ioudaiois huparchousin: [1502]1 * Ischuein dokousin . . . . to onomati Iesou meta tes epangelias ton peri auton historion.: [1503]1 * ho Eirenaios ek prosopou hon hegeito kata ten Gallian adelphon episteilas: [1504]1 [1505]2 * ho Nazoraios: [1506]1 [1507]2 [1508]3 * ho didaskalos: [1509]1 * ho didaktikos: [1510]1 * ho kata ten Pentapolin paroikion episkopos: [1511]1 * ho laos: [1512]1 * ho panakes tes anthropotetos iatros ho soter: [1513]1 * ho soter: [1514]1 * ho hagnos en te sarki eto kai me alazoneuestho: [1515]1 * ho episkopos Surias: [1516]1 * hopote chreia tinos porou pros to anankaion genoito, hama hoi pantes sumballesthe: [1517]1 * ho agnoountes eusebeite, touto ego katangello humin: [1518]1 * hos anelthon ekeise apo hekastes poleos tes Kilikias ta epidekata ktl eisepratten: [1519]1 * hos an potise hena ton mikron touton poterion psuchroo monon eis onoma mathetou: [1520]1 * homera: [1521]1 * hoper euseboumen eis ton ton Christianon theon, hon hegoumetha hena touton ex arches poieten kai demiourgon tes pases ktiseos, horates te kai aoratou, kai kurion Iesoun Christon paida theou, hos kai prokekeruktai hupo ton propheton mellon paraginesthai to genei ton anthropon soterias kerux kai didaskalos kalon matheton: [1522]1 * hopou men episkopous katasteson, hopou de holas ekklesias armoson, hopou de klero hena ge tina kleroson ton hupo tou pneumatos semainomenon: [1523]1 * hopou ouk eni Hellen kai Ioudaios, peritome kai akrobustia, barbaros, Skuthes, doulos, eleutheros: [1524]1 * hopou an phane ho episkopos, ekei to tlethos esto; hosper hopou an e Christos Iesous, ekei he katholike ekklesia: [1525]1 * hote etesen ho didaskalos ton arton: [1526]1 * hoti ta auta epa'thete kai umei?s hupo ton idion sumphuleton, kathos kai autoi: [1527]1 * umeis philoi mou este, ean poiete ha entellomai humin. ouketi lego humas doulous . . . . humas de eireka philous, hoti panta ha ekousa para tou patros mou egnorisa humin: [1528]1 * humeis genos eklekton, basileion hierateuma, ethnos hagion, laos eis peripoiesin: [1529]1 * humeis me klethete rhabbei; heis gar estin humon ho didaskalos, pantes de humeis adelphoi este: [1530]1 * humeis tes kata tou dikaiou kai hemon ton ap' ekeinou kakes prolepseos aitioi: [1531]1 * hupothetikos: [1532]1 * hupomnemata: [1533]1 * huper ton nekron: [1534]1 * huper hamartion mellon tou laou tou kainou prospherein ten sarka:
[1535]1 * hupo ton Ioudaion: [1536]1 * hupo optasias akouein e par autes enargeias, 14); ho optasia pisteuon: [1537]1 * hos kai hai engista ekklesiai epempsan episkopous, hai de presbuterous kai diokonous: [1538]1 * hos tupo theou: [1539]1 * hos apo tou henos Iakob ekeinou, tou kai Israel epiklethentos, to pan genos humon prosegoreuto Iakob kai Israel, houto kai hemeis apo tou gennesantos hemas eis theon Christou . . . . kai theou tekna alethina kaloumetha kai esmen . . . .: [1540]1 * hos ho iatros hugieian parechetai tois sunergousi pros hugieian, houtos kai ho theos ten audion soterian tois sunergousi pros gnosin te kai eupragian: [1541]1 * hosper dia tou somatos ho soter elalei kai iato, houtos kai proteron "dia ton propheton," nun de "dia ton apostolon kai didaskalon" . . . . kai pantote anthroton ho philanthropos enduetai theos eis ten anthropon soterian, proteron men tous prophetas, nun de ten ekklesian: [1542]1 * hosper kai ho Paulos polus kai de kai ho Petros en tois ton piston paisin anomazetai: [1543]1 * hoste kai humeis hosios kai dikaios manthanontes ha paradidomen humin, phulassesthe kainos ton theon dia tou Christou sebomenoi; heuromen gar en tais graphais kathos ho kurios legei; idou diatithemai humin kainen diatheken ouch hos diethemen tois patrasin humon en orei Choreb; nean hemin dietheto, ta gar Hellenon kai Ioudaion palaia, humeis de hoi kainos auton trito genei sebomenoi Christianoi : [1544]1 * o deiloi, ei thelete apothneskein, kremnous he brochous echete:
[1545]1 * "Oionistes : [1546]1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Hebrew Words and Phrases

* dh: [1547]1
* qhl: [1548]1
* qhl: [1549]1 [1550]2
* slvch: [1551]1
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Index of Latin Words and Phrases

* Ab indoctis hominibus et rudibus scripta sunt et idcirco non sunt facili auditione credenda: [1552]1 * Ab initio sic non erat: [1553]1 * Ab initio sic non erat.: [1554]1 * Actum et de sacris Aegyptiis Judaicisque pellendis factumque patrum consultum, ut quattuor milia libertini generis ea superstitione infecta, quis idonea aetas, in insulam Sardiniam veherentur, coercendis illic latrociniis et, si ob gravitatem caeli interissent, vile damnum; ceteri cederent Italia, nisi certam ante diem profanes ritus exuissent: [1555]1 * Adfirmabant autem [i.e: [1556]1 * Adgregatam primo in loco plebem de misercordiae bonis instruit. Docet divinae lectionis exemplis . . . . tunc deinde subiungit nun esse mirabile, si nostros tantum debito caritatis obsequio foveremus; cum enim perfectum posse fieri, qui plus aliquid publicano vel ethnico fecerit, qui malum bono vincens et divinae clementiae instar exercens inimicos quoque dilexerit. . . . . Quid Christiana plebs faceret, cui de fide nomen est? distributa sunt ergo continuo pro qualitate hominum atque ordinum ministeria [organized charity, then]. Multi qui paupertatis beneficio sumptus exhibere non poterant, plus sumptibus exhibebant, compensantes proprio labore mercedem divitiis omnibus cariorem . . . . fiebat itaque exuberantium operum largitate, quod bonum est ad omnes, non ad solos domesticos fidei: [1557]1 * Adjurati (daemones) per deum verum et solum inviti miseris corporibus inhorrescunt, et vel exiliunt statim vel evanescunt gradatim, prout fides patientis adiuvat aut gratia curantis adspirat. Sic Christianos de proximo fugitant, quos longe in coetibus per vos lacessebant: [1558]1 * Aegros quoque quibus defuerit qui adsistat, curandos fovendosque suscipere summae humanitatis et magnae operationis est: [1559]1 * Alexandriae Marco evangelista instituente semper ecclesiastici fuere doctores: [1560]1 * Alia causa nulla est cur nobis invicem fratrum nomen impertiamus nisi quia pares esse nos credimus. Nam cum omnia humana non corpore sed spiritu metiamur, tametsi corporum sit diversa condicio, nobis tamen servi non sunt, sed eos et habemus et dicimus spiritu fratres, religone conservos: [1561]1 * Alia nos opinor, natura, Cyropennæ [Cynopae?] aut Sciapodes:
[1562]1 * Apostolorum erat tradere.: [1563]1 * Apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu, sed adversus omnes alios hostile odium: [1564]1 * Arrius Antoninus in Asia cum persequeretur instanter, omnes illius civitatis Christiani ante tribunalia eius se manu facta obtulerunt. tum ille paucis duci jussis reliquis ait: [1565]1 * Barbarismis, soloecismis obsitae sunt res vestrae et vitiorum deformitate pollutae: [1566]1 * Beturia Paula--que bixit ann. LXXXVI. meses VI. proselyta ann. XVI. nomine Sara mater synagogarum Campi et Bolumni: [1567]1 * Bonum huius sectae usu iam et de commercio innotuit: [1568]1 * Ceterum qualia illa sunt, quae nec oculus vidit nec auris audivit nec in cor hominis ascenderunt? Credo, circa et utraque cavea et omni stadio gratiora: [1569]1 * Christi: [1570]1 * Christiana fidelis: [1571]1 * Christiana gens: [1572]1 * Christiani homines sunt vobiscum degentes, eiusdem victus, habitus, instructus, eiusdem ad vitam necessitatis. neque enim Brachmanae aut Indorum gymnosophistae sumus, silvicolae et exules vitae . . . . si caeremonias tuas non frequento, attamen et illa die homo: [1573]1 * Christianos ad leones!: [1574]1 * Christianos facere consuerunt: [1575]1 * Christianus: [1576]1 [1577]2 * Christianus nec aedilitatem affectat: [1578]1 * Cincus Severus [the proconsul] Thysdri ipse dedit remedium, quomodo responderent Christiani, ut dimitti possent: [1579]1 * Conveniebant interim plures egregii et clarissimi ordinis et sanguinis, sed et saeculi nobilitate generosi, qui propter amicitiam eius antiquam secessum subinde suaderent, et ne parum esset nuda suadela, etiam loca in quae secederet offerebant:
[1580]1 * Cum concutitur imperium, concussis etiam ceteris membris eius utique et nos, licit extranei a turbis aestimemur: [1581]1 * Cum et tempora totius spei fida sunt sacrosancto stilo, ne liceat eam ante constitui quam in adventum, opinor, Christi, vota nostra suspirant in saeculi huius occasum, in transitum mundi quoque ad diem domini magnum, diem irae et retributionis.: [1582]1 * Cum plurimi iudices viri in Israel fuisse referuntur, de nullo eorum dicitur quia propheta fuerit, nisi de Debbora muliere. praestat et in hoc non minimam consolationem mulierum sexui etiam prima ipsius literae facies, et provocat eas, ut nequaquam pro infirmitate sexus desperent, etiam prophetiae gratiae capaces se fieri posse, sed intelligant et credant quod meretur hanc gratiam puritas mentis non diversitas sexus: [1583]1 * Cum staret pater ad me deiciendam jussus est ab Hilariano (the judge) proici, et virga percussus est. et doluit mihi casus patri mei, quasi ego fuissem percussa: sic dolui pro senecta eius misera:
[1584]1 * Datis consilium, quo vobis abutamur: [1585]1 * Deum quilibet opifex Christianus et invenit, et ostendit, et exinde totum quod in deum quaeritur re quoque adsignat, licet Plato adfirmet factitatorem universitatis neque inveniri facilem et inventum enarrari in omnes difficilem: [1586]1 * Deus pristina instrumenta manifestis verborum et sensuum luminibus ab omni ambiguitatis obscuritate purgavit: [1587]1 * Dicens: si non audieritis vocis meae, si sonos magnos hagminis iste avertatur in minima in gentibus, hubi dispergam ibi.: [1588]1 * Dirigantur in provinciam et ad plebem Arelate consistentem a te litterae quibus abstento Marciano alius in loco eius substituatur:
[1589]1 * Doctores esse volunt et disertos sese ostendere . . . . neque adtendunt ad id quod dicit [Scriptura]: Ne multi inter vos sint doctores, fratres, neque omnes sitis prophetæ.' . . . . Timeamus ergo iudicium quod imminet doctoribus; grave enim vero iudicium subituri sunt doctores illi, qui docentCp. Did., xi. 10: prophetes, ei ha didaskei ou poiei, pseudoprphetes esti: [1590]1 * Eadem, inquit, et philosophi monent atque profitentur: [1591]1 * Ecclesia mater: [1592]1 * Ecclesia omni in loco multitudinem martyrum in omni tempore praemittit ad patrem: [1593]1 * Ego imperium huius saeculi non cognosco: [1594]1 * Ego magis ridebo vulgus, tum quoque, cum ipsos defunctos atrocissime exurit, quos postmodum gulisossime nutrit. . . . . O pietatem de crudelitate ludentem!: [1595]1 * Ego, inquit, nihil foro, nihil campo, nihil curiae debeo, nihil officio advigilo, nulla rostra praeoccupo, nulla praetoria observo, canales non odoro, cancellos non adoro, subsellia non contundo, iura non conturbo, causas non elatro, non iudico, non milito, non regno, secessi de populo. in me unicum negotium mihi est; nisi aliud non curo quam ne curem. vita meliore magis in secessu fruare quam in promptu. sed ignavam infamabis. scilicet patriae et imperio reique vivendum est. erat olim ista sententia. nemo alii nascitur moriturus sibi. certe cum ad Epicuros et Zenones ventum est, sapientes vocas totum quietis magisterium, qui eam summae atque unicae voluptatis nomine consecravere: [1596]1 * Elinguis philosophia vita contenta est: [1597]1 * Episcopi, presbyteres et diacones de locis suis [this is the one point of the prohibition] negotiandi causa non discedant. . . . sane ad victum sibi conquirendum aut filium, aut libertum, aut mercenarium, aut amicum, aut quemlibet mittant; et si voluerint negotiari, intra provinciam negotientur: [1598]1 * Et Caesares credidissent super Christo, si aut Caesares non essent necessarii saeculo, aut si et Christiani potuissent esse Caesares:
[1599]1 * Et inde est quod plurimo daemonum numero iam victo ad credulitatem venire gentes relaxantur, qui utique nullatenus sinerentur, si integras eorum, sicut prius fuerant, subsisterent legiones: [1600]1 * Et nos religiosi sumus, et simplex est religio nostra: [1601]1 * Et puto liberos habet. nam est illi societas in penatibus coniunx, et tamen nec vinculo pignerum cedit nec obsequio pietatis abductus a proposito suo deficit: [1602]1 * Externas caeremonias, Aegyptios Judaicosque ritus compescuit, coactis qui superstitione ea tenebantur religiosas vestes cum instrumento omni comburere. Judaeorum juventutem per speciem sacramenti in provincias gravioris caeli distribuit, reliquos gentis eiusdem vel similia sectantes urbe summovit, sub poena perpetuae servitutis nisi obtemperassent: [1603]1 * Faustinus, our colleague, residing at Lyons, has repeatedly sent me information which I know you also have received both from him and also from he rest of our fellow-bishops established in the same province" ("Faustinus collega noster Lugduni consistens semel adque iterum mihi scripsit significans ea quae etiam vobis scio utique nuntiata tam ab eo quam a ceteris coepiscopis nostris in eadem provincia constitutis: [1604]1 * Ferme apud vos ultra stilus non solet. ab Assyriis, si forte, aevi historiae patescunt. qui vero divinas lectitamus, ab ipsius mundi natalibus compotes sumus: [1605]1 * Fideles nomina gentilium filiis suis non imponant; sed potius omnis natio Christianorum suit nominibus utatur, ut gentiles suis utuntur, imponanturque nomina Christianorum secundum scripturam in baptismo: [1606]1 * Fidelis: [1607]1 * Fiducia christianorum resurrectio mortuorum, illa credentes sumus:
[1608]1 * Fieri non nasci solet christiana anima.: [1609]1 * Fiunt, non nascuntur Christiani: [1610]1 * Fratres etiam vestri sumus, lure naturae matris unius: [1611]1 * Habetis et vos tertium genus etsi non de tertio ritu: [1612]1 * Hanc compositionem nondum exemplariis suffectam: [1613]1 * Hi qui de paginis evangelicis sortes legunt, etsi optandum est, ut hoc potius faciant quam ad daemonia concurrant, tamen etiam ista mihi displicet consuetudo: [1614]1 * Hic est qui per absentiam patris noster, nobis hic studentibus, sororem nostram Victoriam seducens, hinc de splendidissima Carthaginis civitate una cum Secunda et Restituta ad Abitinensem coloniam secum usque perduxit, quique nunquam domum nostram ingressus est, nisi tunc quando quibusdam persuasionibus puellares animos illiciebat: [1615]1 * Hic est qui prophetas in ecclesia constituit, magistro erudit:
[1616]1 * Hodie etiam geritur, ut per exorcistas voce humana et potestate divina flagelletur et uratur et torqueatur diabolus, et cum exire se et homines dei dimittere saepe dicat, in eo tamen quod dixerit fallat . . . . cum tamen ad aquam salutarem adque ad baptismi sanctificationem venitur, scire debemus et fidere [which sounds rather hesitating], quia illic diabolus opprimitur: [1617]1 * Hominum plerique orationem demonstrativam continuam morte assequi nequeunt, quare indigent, ut instituantur parabolis. veluti nostro tempore videmus homines illos, qui Christiani vocantur, fidem suam e parabolis petiisse. Hi tamen interdum talia faciunt, qualia qui vere philosophantur. Nam quod mortem contemnunt, id quidem omnes ante oculos habemus; item quod verecundia quadam ducti ab usu rerum venerearum abhorrent. sunt enim inter eos et feminae et viri, qui per totam vitam a concubitu abstinuerint;From the time of Justin (and probably even earlier) Christians were always pointing, by way of contrast to the heathen, to the group of their brethren and sisters who totally abjured marriage. Obviously they counted on the fact that such conduct would evoke applause and astonishment even among their opponents (even castration was known, as in the case of Origen and of another person mentioned by Justin). Nor was this calculation quite mistaken, for the religious philosophy of the age was ascetic. Still, the applause was not unanimous, even among strict moralists. The pagan in Macarius Magnes, III. xxxvi. (i.e:
[1618]1 * Honeste nata, liberaliter instituta, matronaliter nupta, habens patrem et matrem et fratres duos, alterum aeque catechuminum, et filium infantem ad ubera: [1619]1 * Hunc (nummum) Christiani, hunc Judaei, hunc omnes venerantur et gentes: [1620]1 * Hunc [nummum] Christiani: [1621]1 * Iam [as a boy] credebam et mater et omnis domus, nisi pater solus, qui tamen non evicit in me ius maternae pietatis, quominus in Christum crederem: [1622]1 * Iam pridem per omnes provincias et per urbes singulas ordinati sunt episcopi: [1623]1 * Idem tertium genus hominum eunuchos dicebat: [1624]1 * Ideo assumit Paulus verba etiam de his qui foris sunt, tit sanctificet eos.: [1625]1 * Idiotae, quorum semper maior pars est: [1626]1 * Illi omnes non meo nutu, sed dei praecepto reguntur; audiant me itaque, si iusta persuadeam, sin vero perversa et nocitura, contemnant: [1627]1 * Illi qui, cum Christiani sint, solemnitates gentium celebrant, anathema in ecclesias introducunt. Qui de astrorum cursibus vitam hominum et gesta perquirunt, qui volatus avium et cetera huiusmodi, quae in saeculo prius observabantur, inquirunt, de Jericho anathema inferunt in ecclesiam, et polluunt castra domini et vinci faciunt populum dei: [1628]1 * Illo igitur charismate, quod a domino accepisti, illo inservi fratribus pneumaticis, prophetis, qui dignoscant dei esse verba ea, quae loqueris, et enarra quod accepisti charisma in ecclesiastico conventu ad aedificationem fratrum tuorum in Christo: [1629]1 * In Judaeorum oleastro insiti sumus: [1630]1 * In caritatis operibus semper primum locum sibi vindicavit ecclesia Romana: [1631]1 * In congressione nominis sui desuper spectans volentes conprobat, adiuvat dimicantes, vincentes coronat: [1632]1 * In conventiculis summus oratur deus, pax cunctis et venia postulatur magistratibus exercitibus regibus familiaribus inimicis, adhuc vitam degentibus et resolutis corporum vinctione, in quibus aliud auditur nihil nisi quod humanos faciat, nisi quod mites, verecundos, pudicos, castos, familiaris communicatores rei et cum omnibus vobis solidae germanitatis necessitudine copulatos: [1633]1 * In ecclesia mihi nomen Christi infanti est inditum: [1634]1 * In eo quod amicos dicit suos discipulos, manifeste ostendit se esse verbum Dei, quem et Abraham . . . . sequens amicus factus est dei . . . . quoniam amicitia dei : [1635]1 * In his quidem irremediabile sententiae Christianorum manifestavit Apollo, quoniam Judaei suscipiunt deum magis quam isti: [1636]1 * In omnibus his diversis nominibus simile et prope unum doctrinae officium video fruisse tractatum: [1637]1 * In quo apostolus ostendit [sc. 1 Cor. xv. 7: [1638]1 * In unaquaque domo, cum inter credentem et non credentem coeperit esse diversitas, necessario pugna fit, incredulis quidem contra fidem dimicantibtis, fidelibus vero in illis errorem veterem et peccatorum vitia confutantibus: [1639]1 * In uno et altero Christus est, ecclesia vero Christus. ergo cum te ad fratrum genua protendis, Christum contrectas, Christum exoras:
[1640]1 * Infructuosi in negotiis dicimur.: [1641]1 * Initium evangelii secundum Johannem quidam Platonicus aureis litteris conscribendum et per omnes ecclesias in locis eminentissimis proponendum esse dicebat: [1642]1 * Intrat ad me pater consumptus taedio et coepit parbam suam evellere et in terram mittere et prosternere se in faciem et inproperare armis suis et dicere tanta verba quae moverent universam creaturam:
[1643]1 * Jacebant interim tota civitate vicatim non jam corpora, sed cadavera plurimorum: [1644]1 * Judaei interfectores domini . . . . apostolos interficientes et persequentes ecclesiam.: [1645]1 * Judaei mente sola unumque numen intellegunt . . . . igitur nulla simulacra urbibus suis, nedum templis sistunt; non regibus haec adolatio non Cæsaribus honor: [1646]1 * Judaeorum juventatem per speciem sacramenti in provincias gravioris caeli distribuit.: [1647]1 * Judaeorum misera gentilitas.: [1648]1 * Languores quidem animae ab apostolo in his (Rom. ii. 8: [1649]1 * Largitas operationis infracta est. . . . nunc de patrimonio nec decimas damus et cum vendere jubeat dominus, emimus potius et augemus: [1650]1 * Latebrosa et lucifuga natio: [1651]1 * Libertini: [1652]1 * Licentia vero danda non est ordinandi episcopum aut in vico aliquo aut in modica civitate, cui sufficit unus presbyter, quia non est necesse ibi episcopum fieri, ne vilescat nomen episcopi et auctoritas. non debent illi ex alia provincia invitati facere episcopum, nisi aut in his civitatibus, quae episcopos habuerunt, aut si qua talis aut tam populosa est civitas, quae mereatur habere episcopum: [1653]1 * Malunt solvi conjuges matrimoniis, exheredari a parentibus liberi quam fidem rumpere Christianam et salutaris militiae sacramenta deponere: [1654]1 * Martialis [episcopus] præter gentiliam turpia et lutulenta conviva in collegio diu frequentata filios in eodem collegio exterarum gentium more apud profana sepulcra deposuit et alienigenis consepelivit: [1655]1 * Medicos fortassis quis accipiet etiam eos qui alicuius partis corporis vel certi doloris sanitatem pollicentur: ut puta si auricularis, si fistulæ vel dentium, non tamen si incantavit, si inprecatus est si ut vulgari verbo impostorum utar, exorcizavit: non sunt ista medicinæ genera, tametsi sint, qui hos sibi profuisse cum praedicatione adfirmant: [1656]1 * Medicum dici in scripturis divinis dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, etiam ipsius domini sententia perdocemur, sicut dicit in evangeliis: [1657]1 * Memini cum interpretarer 1 Cor. i. 2: [1658]1 * Milites Christi sumus et stipendium ab ipso donativumque percepimus: [1659]1 * Mox a saevitia secandi urendique transisse nomen in carnificem et in tædium artem omnesque medicos: [1660]1 * Multo patientius et tolerabilius audivit levari adversus se aemulum principem quam constitui Romae dei sacerdotem: [1661]1 * Mundus pacem habet per Romanos, et nos [Christiani] sine timore in via ambulamus et navigamus quocumque voluerimus.: [1662]1 * Mundus pacem habet per Romanos, et nos sine timore in viis ambulamus et navigamus quocumque voluerimus: [1663]1 * Nam cum dominus adveniens sanasset illa quae Adam portaverat vulnera et venena serpentis antiqui curasset, legem dedit sano et pracepit ne ultra jam peccaret, ne quid peccanti gravius eveniret. Coartati eramus et in angustum innocentiae praescriptione conclusi, nec haberet quid fragilitatis humanae infirmitas atque imbecillitas faceret; nisi iterum: [1664]1 * Nam cum omnes milites Christi custodire oportet praecepta imperatoris sui [so Lact., Instit: [1665]1 * Nam et Porphyrius quandam quasi purgationem animae per theurgian, cunctanter tamen et pudibunda quodam modo disputatione, promittit, reversionem vero ad deum hanc artem praestare cuiquam negat, ut videas eum inter vitium sacrilegae curiositatis et philosophiae professionem sententiis alternantibus fluctuare: [1666]1 * Nam saepe accidit, ut is qui humilem sensum gerit et abiectum et qui terrena sapit, excelsum sacerdotii gradum vel cathedram doctores insideat: [1667]1 * Ne multi inter vos sint doctores neque omnes sitis prophetae:
[1668]1 * Ne suis quidem magistris alias probatissimis atque lectissimis fidem inclinavit humana de incredulitate duritia, sicubi in argumenta Christianae defensionis impingunt. tunc vani poetae . . . . tunc philosophi duri, cum veritates fores pulsant. hactenus sapiens et prudens habebitur qui prope Christianum pronuntiaverit, cum, si quid prudentiae aut sapientiae affectaverit seu caerimonias despuens seu saeculum revincens pro Christiano denotetur: [1669]1 * Nec alia causa est cur nobis invicem fratrum nomen impertiamus, nisi quia pares esse nos credimus: [1670]1 * Nec ignibus funerandum aiunt (i.e: [1671]1 * Nec proicimus sanctum canibus nec margaritas ante porcos; sed dei laudes celebramus cum omnimoda disciplina et cum omni prudentia et cum omni timore dei atque animi intentione. Cultum sacrum non exercemus ibi, ubi inebriantur gentiles et verbis impuris in conviviis suis blasphemant in impietate sua. Propterea non psallimus gentilibus neque scripturas illis praelegimus, ut ne tibicinibus aut cantoribus aut hariolis similes simus, sicut multi:
[1672]1 * Nec ulla magis res aliena quam publica . . . . unam omnium rempublicam agnoscimus, mundum: [1673]1 * Nemo enim apostolorum aut fratrem aut patrem passus est traditorem, quod plerique iam nostri: [1674]1 * Nemo eorum, quos dominus allegit, non habeo, dixit, quo vivam. Fides famem non timet. Scit etiam famem non minus sibi contemnendam propter deum quam omne mortis genus; didicit non respicere vitam, quanto magis victum? Quotusquisque haec adimplevit? sed quae penes homines difficilia, penes deum facilia?: [1675]1 * Nemo illic archisynagogus Judaeorum, nemo Samarites, nemo Christianorum presbyter, non mathematicus, non haruspex, non aliptes.: [1676]1 * Non ab initio dii facti sumus; sed primo quidem homines, tunc demum dii: [1677]1 * Non desunt, qui hoc Cyprianum prorsus non sensisse contendant, sed sub eius nomine a praesumptoribus atque mendacibus fuisse confictum. neque enim sic potuit integritas atque notitia litterarum unius quamlibet inlustris episcopi custodivi quemadmodum scriptura canonica tot linguarum litteris et ordine ac succession celebrationis ecclesiasticae custoditur, contra quam tamen non defuerat qui sub nominibus apostolorum multa confingerent frustra quidem, quia illa sic commendata, sic celebrata, sic nota est:
[1678]1 * Non in terris confitendum apud homines, minus vero, ne deus humanum sanguinem sitiat nec Christus vicem passionis, quasi et ipse de ea salutem consecuturus, exposcat: [1679]1 * Non quo aliquem gentilium lateat tanti viri vita: [1680]1 * Non sum ego doctor, sed lex docet: [1681]1 * Non te latet praeceptum esse nobis divinitus, ut etiam eis qui negant se fratres nostros esse dicamus, fratres nostri estis.:
[1682]1 * Nonnulli quidem, quibus de pristina litteratura et curiositatis labor et memoriae tenor perseveravit, ad eum modum opuscula penes nos condiderunt, commemorantes et contestificantes in singula rationem et originem et traditionem et argumenta sententiarum, per quae recognosci possit nihil nos aut novum aut portentosum suscepisse, de quo non etiam communes et publicae litterae ad suffragium nobis patrocinentur, si quid aut erroris eiecimus aut aequitatis admisimus: [1683]1 * Nos gentes nationesque distinguimus: deo una domus est mundus hic totus: [1684]1 * Nos soli innocentes, quid mirum, si necesse est? enim vero necesse est. Innocentiam a deo edocti et perfecte eam novimus, ut a perfecto magistro revelatam, et fideliter custodiamus, ut ab incontemptibili dispectore mandatam. Vobis autem humana aestimatio innocentiam tradidit, humana item dominatio imperavit, inde nec plenae nec adeo timendae estis disciplinae ad innocentiae veritatem. Tanta est prudentia hominis ad demonstrandum bonum quanta auctoritas ad exigendum; tam illa falli facilis quam ista contemni. Atque adeo quid plenius, dicere: Non occides, an docere: ne irascaris quidem?: [1685]1 * Nos sumus non gens' [Deut. xxxii. 21: [1686]1 * Nulla magis res nobis aliena quam publica; unam omnium rempublicam agnoscimus, mundum: [1687]1 * Nullam dico dominationem ita unius esse, ita singularem, ita monarchiam, ut non etiam per alias proximas personas administretur, quas ipsa prospexerit officiales sib: [1688]1 * Nunquam a dextera mea liber iste discedit. nam si agnoscis, ecce--et aperit librum qui veste latebat--en ipsum! hic mihi, inquit, terra ac mari comes, hic in peregrinatione tota socius et consolator fuit. sed referam tibi sane, quo liber iste penetrarit, et quam nullus fere in orbe terrarum locus sit, ubi non materia tam felicis historiae pervulgata teneatur. primus eum Romanae urbi vir studiossimus tui Paulinus invexit; deinde cum tota certatim urbe raperetur, exultantes librarios vidi, quod nihil ab his quaestiosius haberetur, siquidem nihil illo promptius, nihil carius venderetur. hic navigationis meae cursum longe ante praegressus, cum ad Africam veni, iam per totam Carthaginem legebatur. solus eum Cyrenensis ille presbyter non habebat, sed me largiente descripsit. nam quid ego de Alexandria loquar? ubi paene omnibus magis quam tibi notus est. hic Aegyptum, Nitriam, Thebaidain ac tota Memphitica regna transivit. hunc ego in eremo a quodam sene legi vidi: [1689]1 * Nunquam quidem consenserunt omnes gentes adversus Christianos; cum autem contigerint quae Christus praedixit, tunc quasi succendendi sunt omnes a quibusdam gentilibus incipientibus Christianos culpare, ut tunc fiant persecutiones iam non ex parte sicut ante:
[1690]1 * Omnes ecclesiae una; probant unitatem ecclesarum communcatio pacis et appellatio fraternitatis et contesseratio hospitalitatis:
[1691]1 * Omnis autem medicus ex herbarum succis vet arborum vel etiam metallorum venis vel animantium naturis profectura corporibus medicamenta componit. Sed herbas istas si quis forte, antequam pro ratione artis componantur, adspiciat, si quidem in agris aut montibus, velut foenum vile conculcat et praeterit. Si vero eas intra medici scholam dispositas per ordinem viderit, licet odorem tristem, fortem et austerum reddant, tamen suspicabitur eas curae vel remedii aliquid continere, etiamsi nondum quae vel qualis sit sanitatis ac remedii virtus agnoverit. Haec de communibus medicis diximus. Veni nunc ad Jesum coelestem medicum, intra ad hanc stationem medicinae eius ecclesiam, vide ibi languentium iacere multitudinem. Venit mulier, quae et partu immunda effecta est, venit leprosus, qui extra castra separatus est pro immunditia leprae, quaerunt a medico remedium, quomodo sanentur, quomodo mundentur, et quia Jesus hic, qui medicus est, ipse est et verbum dei, aegris suis non herbarum succis, sed verborum sacramentis medicamenta conquirit. Quae verborum medicamenta si quis incultius per libros tamquam per agros videat esse dispersa, ignorans singulorum dictorum virtutem, ut vilia haec et nullum sermonis cultum habentia praeteribit. Qui sero ex aliqua parte didicerit animarum apud Christum esse medicinam, intelliget profecto ex hic libris, qui in ecclesiis recitantur, tamquam ex agris et montibus, salutares herbas adsumere unumquemque debere, sermonum dumtaxat vim, ut si quis illi est in anima languor, non tam exterioris frondis et corticis, quam succi interioris hausta virtute sanetur:
[1692]1 * Opto a Christi vocabulo nuncupari et habere nomen quod benedicitur super terram, et cupio tam opere quam sensu et esse et dici Christianus: [1693]1 * Oramus etiam pro imperatoribus, pro ministris eorum et potestatibus, pro statu saeculi, pro rerum quiete, pro mora finis:
[1694]1 * Ostendimus totum statum nostrum, et quibus modis probare possimus ita esse sicut ostendimus, ex fide scilicet et antiquitate divinarum litterarum: [1695]1 * Pagani alieni a civitate dei ex locorum agrestium conpitis et pagis pagani vocantur: [1696]1 * Per universum orbem sacraria ista taeterrima impiae coitionis adolescunt: [1697]1 * Pestem et luem criminaris, cum peste ipsa et lue vel detecta sint vel aucta crimina singulorum, dum nec infirmis exhibetur misericordia et defunctis avaritia inhiat ac rapina. Idem ad pietatis obseqium timidi,Cp. Cyprian, per Pont: [1698]1 * Pistores: [1699]1 * Plane, tertium genus: [1700]1 * Plures efficimur quotiens metimur a vobis; semen est sanguis Christianorum . . . . illa ipsa obstinatio, quam exprobratis magistra est: [1701]1 * Porro alii legentes: Mittam vobis advocatum spiritum veritatis, volunt intellegere apostolum Paulum: [1702]1 * Postea vero et illis adiecti sunt alii liberalitate eorum qui ordinationes faciebant.: [1703]1 * Praeter opinionem," says Porphyry (cp. August., de Civit. Dei:
[1704]1 * Precantes sumus semper pro omnibus imperatoribus: vitam illis prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercitus fortes, senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quietum, quaecumque hominis et Caesaris vota sunt [a deo oramus]: [1705]1 * Principale crimen generis humani, summus saeculi reatus, tota causa iudicii, idolatria: [1706]1 * Proculus Christianus, qui Torpacion cognominabatur.: [1707]1 * Propter senectam ac mores optimas in domo christiana satis a dominis honorabatur; unde etiam curam filiarum dominicarum commissam diligenter gerebat, et erat in eis coercendis, cum opus esset, sancta severitate vehemens atque in docendis sobria prudentia: [1708]1 * Pudens: [1709]1 * Pudens miles optio, præpositus carceris, nos magnificare coepit, intelligens magnam virtutem esse in nobis; qui multos ad nos admittebat, ut et nos et illi invicem refrigeraremus: [1710]1 * Quaerendi et puniendi sunt: [1711]1 * Quale munus cuius editio deo spectante celebratur! Si in gentilium munere grande et gloriosum videtur proconsules vel imperatores habere presentes, et apparatus ac sumptus apud munerarios maior est ut possint placere maioribus--quanto inlustrior muneris et maior est gloria deum et Christum spectatores habere, quanto istic et apparatus uberior et sumptus largior exhibendus est, ubi ad spectaculum conveniunt caelorum virtutes, conveniunt angeli omnes, ubi munerario non quadriga vel consulatus petitur sed vita aeterna praestatur, nec captatur inanis et temporarius favor vulgi sed perpetuum praemium regni caelestis accipitur: [1712]1 * Quando id quod in honore alicuius idoli ab ethnicis agitur [sc. the theatrical spectacles] a fidelibus christianis spectaculo frequentatur, et idololatria gentilis asseritur et in contumeliam dei religio vera et divina calcatur: [1713]1 * Quapropter facere te oportet plenissimas litteras ad coepiscopos nostros in Gallia constitutos, ne ultra Marcianum pervicacem et superbum . . . . collegio nostro insultare patiantur: [1714]1 * Quei dixerunt trenus duo apostuli et duo rebbites: [1715]1 * Qui audiuntur, qui timentur, qui adorantur, si dii non coluntur nec imperatorum vultus adorantur?: [1716]1 * Quid autem, si philosophi etiam illa incursaverunt quae penes nos apocryphorum confessione damnantur, certos nihil recipiendum quod non conspiret germanae, et ipso iam aevo pronatae propheticae paraturae, quando et pseudoprophetarum meminerimus et multo prius apostatarum spirituum: [1717]1 * Quid ergo dicemus magiam? Quod omnes paene--fallaciam! Sed ratio fallaciae solos non fugit Christianos, qui spiritualia nequitiae, non quidem socia conscientia, sed inimica scientia novimus, nec invitatoria operatione, sed expugnatoria dominatione tractamus multiformem luem mentis humanae, totius erroris artificem, salutis pariter animaeque vastatorem. Sic etiam magiae, secundae scilicet idololatriae: [1718]1 * Quid ergo, si episcopus, si diaconus, si vidua, si virgo, si doctor, si etiam martyr lapsus a regula fuerit?: [1719]1 * Quid erit summum ac praecipuum, in quo diabolus et pompae et angeli eius censeantur, quam idololatria? . . . . Igitur si ex idololatria universam spectaculorum paraturam constare constiterit, indubitate praeiudicatum erit etiam ad spectacula pertinere renuntiationis nostrae testimonium in lavacro, quae diabolo et pompae et angelis eius sint mancipata, scil. per idololatriam. Commemorabimus origines singulorum, quibus incunabulis in saeculo adoleverint, exinde titulos quorundam, quibus nominibus nuncupentur, exinde apparatus, quibus superstitionibus instruantur, tum loca, quibus praesidibus dicantur, tum artes, quibus auctoribus deputentur. Si quid ex his non ad idolum pertinuerit, id neque ad idololatriam neque ad nostram eiurationem pertinebit: [1720]1 * Quis dives salvetur?: [1721]1 * Quoniam non desunt vitiorum assertores blandi et indulgentes patroni qui praestant vitiis auctoritatem et quod est deterius censuram scripturarum caelestium in advocationem criminum convertunt: [1722]1 * Quorum nihil posse cogi dicuntur qui sunt re vera Christiani:
[1723]1 * Regula et disciplina quam ab Jesu Christo traditam sibi apostoli per successionem posteris quoque suis sanctam ecclesiam docentibus tradiderunt: [1724]1 * Sacramentum ignorantes: [1725]1 * Sacratissimi imperatores praeceperunt, eos qui Romanam religionem non colunt, debere Romanas caerimonias recognoscere: [1726]1 * Sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur, summa haec causa, immo tots est: [1727]1 * Sancti non solum non agunt festivitatem in die natali suo, sed a spiritu sancto repleti exsecrantur hunc diem: [1728]1 * Scimus et apud nos terrae motum factum in locis quibusdam et factas fuisse quasdam ruinas, ita ut, qui erant impii extra fidem, causam terrae motus dicerent Christianos, propter quod et persecutiones passae sunt ecclesiae et incensae sunt; non solum autem illi, sed et qui videbantur prudentes, talia in publico dicerent quia propter Christianos fiunt gravissimi terrae motus: [1729]1 * Scio somnia ridicula et visiones ineptas quibusdam videri: [1730]1 * Scripturas sanctas non ad legendum tantum, sed et ad habendum tribuebat promptissime, nec solum viris sed et feminis quas vidisset lectioni deditas, unde et multos codices praeparabat, ut cum necessitas poposcisset, volentibus largiretur: [1731]1 * Semetipsum esse qui inter Judaeos quidem quasi fllius apparuerit, in Samaria autem quasi pater descenderit, in reliquis vero gentibus quasi spiritus sanctus adventaverit: [1732]1 * Seneca saepe noster.: [1733]1 * Si ab una ecclesia inchoanda est medicina [i.e.: [1734]1 * Si adsideamus literae, et secundum hoc vel quod Judaeis vel id quod vulgo videtur accipiamus, quae in lege scripta sunt, erubesco dicere et confiteri, quia tales leges dederit deus. videbuntur enim magis elegantes et rationabiles hominum leges, verbi gratia vel Romanorum vel Atheniensium vel Lacedaemoniorum. si vero secundum hanc intelligentiam, quam docet ecclesia, accipiatur dei lex, tunc plane omnes humanas supereminet leges et veri dei lex esse creditur.: [1735]1 * Si caput mulieris vir est, ubique et virginis, de qua fit mulier illa quae nupsit, nisi si virgo tertium genus: [1736]1 * Si paenurian talis et necessitatem paupertatis obtendit, potest inter ceteros qui ecclesiae alimentis sustinentur huius quoque necessitatis adiuvari, si tamen contentus sit frugalioribus et innocentibus cibis nec putet salario se esse redimendum, ut a peccatis cesset: [1737]1 * Si propheta es, praenuntia aliquid; si apostolus, praedica publice; si apostolicus, cum apostolis senti; si tantum Christianus es, crede quod traditum est: [1738]1 * Si qui in metallis et si qui in insulis, vel in custodiis, dumtaxat ex causa dei sectae, alumni suae confessionis fiunt: [1739]1 * Si quidem doctores, dum exspectant munera vestra aut timent personas, laxant singula vobis; et ego non doceo.: [1740]1 * Si quis idola fregerit et ibidem fuerit occisus, quatenus in evangelio scriptum non est neque invenietur sub apostolis unquam factum, placuit in numerum eum non recipi martyrum: [1741]1 * Si tranquillas praebueris aures tuas, dico mysterium simplicitatis:
[1742]1 * Sic omnes [sc. ecclesiae] primae et omnes apostolicae, dum una omnes, probant unitatem communicatio pacis et appellatio fraternitatis et contesseratio hospitalis, quae iura non alio natio regit quam eiusdem sacramenti una traditio: [1743]1 * Siccine tractari sectam nemini molestam? perire homines sine causa?: [1744]1 * Sicut in aliqua, verbi gratia, civitate, ubi nondum Christiani nati sunt, si accedat aliquis et docere incipiat, laboret, instruat, adducat ad fidem, et ipse postmodam its quos docuit princeps et episcopus fiat.: [1745]1 * Simplices quique, ne dixerim imprudentes et idiotae, quae maior semper credentium pars est: [1746]1 * Sin aliqua e pecoribus dissipata invenerit dominus, vae erit pastoribus. quod si ipsi pastores dissipati reperti fuerint, quid respondebunt pro pecoribus his? numquid dicunt, a pecore se vexatos? non credetur illis. incredibilis enim res est, pastorem pati posse a pecore: [1747]1 * Solet in visionibus esse tentatio; nam nonnunquam angelus iniquitatis transfigurat se in angelum lucis, et ideo cavendum est et sollicite agendum, ut scienter discernas visionum genus, sicut et Iesus Nave, cum visionem viderit, sciens in hoc esse tentationem, statim requisit ab eo qui apparuit et dicit: Noster es an adversariorum?: [1748]1 * Stultus, impius, blasphemus, vesanus, impudens, sycophantes, calumniator ecclesiae, rabidus adversus Christum canis: [1749]1 * Subito apparuit illi unus de exorcistis, vir probatus et circa religiosam disciplinam bene semper conversatus, qui exhortatione quoque fratrum plurimorum qui et ipsi fortes ac laudabiles in fide aderant excitatus erexit se contra illum spiritum nequam revincendum . . . . ille exorcista inspiratus dei gratia fortiter restitit et esse illum nequissimum spiritum qui prius sanctus putabatur ostendit: [1750]1 * Superstitionis indignae est, ut archisynagogi sive presbyteri Judaeorum vel quos ipsi apostolos: [1751]1 * Supervenit de civitate pater meus, consumptus taedio et adscendit ad me, ut me deliceret dicens: Filia, miserere canis meis, miserere patri, si dignus sum a te pacer vocari; si his te manibus ad hunc florem aetatis provexi, si te praeposui omnibus fratribus tuis; ne me dederis in dedecus hominum. aspice fratres tuos, aspice matrem tuam et materteram, aspice filium tuum, qui post te vivere non poterit . . . . haec dicebat quasi pater pro sua pietate, basians mihi manus, et se ad pedes meos jactans et lacrimans me iam non filiam nominabat, sed dominam: [1752]1 * Tanto abest ut nostris literis annuant homines, ad quas nemo venit nisi iam Christianus: [1753]1 * Tertium genus [dicimur] de ritu: [1754]1 * Tertium genus dicimur: [1755]1 * Tertium genus sumus: [1756]1 * Timide conveniunt in ecclesiam: dicitis enim, quoniam incondite convenimus et simul convenimus et complures concurrimus in ecclesiam, quaerimur a nationibus et timemus, ne turbentur nationes: [1757]1 * Traditionem apostolorum in toto mundo manifestatam, in omni ecclesia adest perspicere omnibus qui vera velint videre, et habemus annumerare eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis et successiones eorum usque ad nos. . . . . Sed quoniam valde longum est, in hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successiones: [1758]1 * Tu tuba canens dei milites, caelestibus armis instructos, ad congressionis proelium excitasti et in acie prima, spiritali gladio diabolum interfecisti, agmina quoque fratrum hinc et inde verbis tuis composuisti, ut invidiae inimico undique tenderentur et cadavera ipsius publici hostis et nervi concisi calcarentur:
[1759]1 * Tunc pater mittit se in me, ut oculos mihi erueret, sed vexavit tantum . . . . tunc paucis diebus quod caruissem patrem, domino gratias egi et refrigeravi absentia illius: [1760]1 * Ubi ipsos codices quaerimus? Unde aut quomodo comparamus? A quibus sumimus?: [1761]1 * Unde et simpliciores quique domino Christo credentium existimant, quod omnia peccata, quaecumque commiserint homines, ex istis contrariis virtutibus mentem delinquentium perurgentibus fiant:
[1762]1 * Unde scis illos libros (veteri Testamenti) unius veri et veracissimi dei spiritu esse humano generi ministratos?: [1763]1 * Usque hodie a patriarchis Judaeorum apostolos mitti: [1764]1 * Usque quo genus tertium?: [1765]1 * Uxorem iam pudicam maritus iam non zelotypus, filium iam subiectum pater retro patiens abdicavit, servum iam fidelem dominus olim mitis ab oculis relegavit: [1766]1 * Vae miserae mihi! non mihi respondes? miserator esto mei, domine; aspice filium tuum dulcissimum, convertere ad nos, noli nos spernere. Quid festinas? quo tendis? cur nos odisti?: [1767]1 * Valentiniani eos qui sunt ab ecclesia communes' et ecclesiasticos' dicunt: [1768]1 * Veniet tecum [i.e.: [1769]1 * Viduarum et infirmorum et omnium pauperum curam peto diligenter habeatis, sed et peregrinis si qui indigentes fuerint sumptus suggeratis de quantitate mea propria quam apud Rogatianum compresbyterum nostrum dimisi. Quae quantitas ne forte iam erogata sit, misi eidem per Naricum acoluthum aliam portionem, ut largius et promptius circa laborantes fiat operatio: [1770]1 * Vincendi vincentibus legem dederunt: [1771]1 * Virginitas et viduitas et modesta in occulto matrimonii dissimulatio et una notitia eius: [1772]1 * Virginitas neutrius est sexus: [1773]1 * Vos vero suspensi interim atque solliciti honestis voluptatibus abstinetis, non spectacula visitis, non pompis interestis, convivia publica absque vobis, sacra certamina: [1774]1 * a deo secundus ante omnes et super omnes deos: [1775]1 * a minori ad maius: [1776]1 * a parentibus dicor Tarachus, et cum militarem nominatus sum Victor:
[1777]1 * a propos: [1778]1 [1779]2 [1780]3 * ab illis enim incepit infamia: [1781]1 * actor nominis: [1782]1 * ad hoc: [1783]1 * ad nostras litteras nemo venit nisi iam Christianus: [1784]1 * adoptio: [1785]1 * adversus paganes: [1786]1 * alii ordines dentium, alii ad incestam libidinem nervi? . . . . homo est enim et Christianus et quod et tu: [1787]1 * aliquid praenuntiare: [1788]1 * amici dei: [1789]1 [1790]2 [1791]3 * ante constitutionem episcopi nihil innovandum putavimus: [1792]1 * appellabat: [1793]1 [1794]2 * appellat: [1795]1 * apud Jesum tam miles est paganus fidelis, quam paganus est miles fidelis: [1796]1 * aqua medicinalis: [1797]1 * arca: [1798]1 * arcana apocryphorum superducunt, blasphemiae fabulas: [1799]1 * argumentum e silentio: [1800]1 * auctoritas: [1801]1 * auctoritas interpretiva: [1802]1 * autor nominis: [1803]1 * caeremoniae Romanae: [1804]1 * cantatur et exitus martyrum: [1805]1 * cari dei: [1806]1 * cari deo: [1807]1 [1808]2 * castra Christi: [1809]1 * catholica: [1810]1 [1811]2 * catholica fides et religio: [1812]1 * catholica traditio: [1813]1 * ceteri coepiscopi nostri in eadem provincia constituti: [1814]1 * chor-episcopi: [1815]1 * chor-episcopus: [1816]1 * chorepiscopi: [1817]1 * cives Romani: [1818]1 * coepiscopi: [1819]1 * coepiscopi nostri in Gallia constituti: [1820]1 * cognitiones de Christianis: [1821]1 * collegia: [1822]1 * collegia funeraticia: [1823]1 * collegia tenuiorum: [1824]1 * communes: [1825]1 * complexio oppositorum: [1826]1 [1827]2 [1828]3 [1829]4 * consilia: [1830]1 * contemnere deos: [1831]1 * contemptissma inertia: [1832]1 * cultus: [1833]1 [1834]2 [1835]3 [1836]4 [1837]5 [1838]6 [1839]7
[1840]8 [1841]9 [1842]10 [1843]11 [1844]12 [1845]13 [1846]14
[1847]15 [1848]16 [1849]17 [1850]18 [1851]19 [1852]20 [1853]21
[1854]22 [1855]23 [1856]24 [1857]25 [1858]26 [1859]27 [1860]28
[1861]29 [1862]30 [1863]31 [1864]32 [1865]33 [1866]34 [1867]35
[1868]36 [1869]37 [1870]38 [1871]39 * cum interim usque eo sceleratissimae gentis consuetudo valuit, ut per omnes iam terras recepta sit; victi victoribus leges dederunt:
[1872]1 * demutatum, suppletum, impletum, perfectum: [1873]1 * deus clinicus: [1874]1 * dicor ecclesiasticus: [1875]1 * diminuendo: [1876]1 * disciplina arcani: [1877]1 * dispersi, palabundi et soli et caeli sui extorres vagantur per orbem sine homine, sine deo rege, quibus nec advenarum iure terram patriam saltim vestigio salutare conceditur: [1878]1 * divas: [1879]1 * divi filius: [1880]1 * divina lectio, orationes assiduae, et sermo doctrinae: [1881]1 * doctores: [1882]1 * doctores audientium: [1883]1 * doctores ecclesiae: [1884]1 * dominus: [1885]1 * eadem provincia: [1886]1 * ecclesia: [1887]1 * ecclesia insidias et persecutiones a Judaeis patitur: [1888]1 * ecclesiastici: [1889]1 [1890]2 * ego quia opto esse ecclesiasticus et non ab haeresiarcha aliquo, sed a Christi vocabulo nuncupari: [1891]1 * erant: [1892]1 * eruenda et execranda consensio: [1893]1 * et credidit vulgus Judaeo; quod enim aliud genus seminarium est infamiae nostrae?: [1894]1 * et ipsos tres pueros a dei filio protectos--in mysterio nostro qui sumus tertium genus hominum--non vexavit: [1895]1 * et prophetae et apostoli locum habuit: [1896]1 * ethnici de melioribus: [1897]1 * etiam nunc Judaei non moventur adversus gentiles, adversus eos, qui idola colunt et deum blasphemant, et illos non oderunt nec indignantur adversus eos; adversus Christiano vero insatiabili odio feruntur: [1898]1 * ex cathedra: [1899]1 * exitiabilis superstitio: [1900]1 * expunctum: [1901]1 * famula decrepita: [1902]1 * fidelis: [1903]1 * fides catholica: [1904]1 * fides pagana: [1905]1 * fontes persecutionum: [1906]1 [1907]2 * forum publicum: [1908]1 * fratres: [1909]1 * funesta religio, lugubres ritus, ara rogus, pollinctor sacerdos:
[1910]1 * gens: [1911]1 * gens contumelia numinum insignis: [1912]1 * gens totius orbis: [1913]1 * gentes: [1914]1 [1915]2 * genus: [1916]1 [1917]2 * genus alterum: [1918]1 [1919]2 * genus primum: [1920]1 * genus secundi hominis: [1921]1 * genus tertium: [1922]1 [1923]2 [1924]3 [1925]4 [1926]5 [1927]6
[1928]7 * gloria in excelsis: [1929]1 * habes et apostolorum opus praedicatum: [1930]1 * homines deploratae, inlicitae ac desperatae factionis: [1931]1 * honores et purpuras despiciunt (despising honors and purple robes).: [1932]1 * hostes maluistis vocare generis humani Christianos: [1933]1 * hostis dei, veritatis inimicus, sceleratarum artium magister:
[1934]1 * idiotæ: [1935]1 * ignavia: [1936]1 * imperator: [1937]1 [1938]2 * in compito Acilio: [1939]1 * in dubio pro reo: [1940]1 * in partibus infidelium: [1941]1 * in publicum muta, in angulis garrula; templa ut busta despiciunt, deos despuunt, rident sacra . . . . occultis se notis et insignibus noscunt et amant mutuo paene antequam noverint . . . . cur nullas aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra . . . . nisi illud quod colunt et interprimunt, aut punieudum est aut pudendum? unde autem vel quis ille aut ubi deus unicus, solitarius, destitutus, quem non gens libera, non regna, non saltem Romana superstitio noverunt? Judaeorum sola et misera gentilitas unum et ipsi deum, sed palam, sed templis, aris, victimis caeremoniisque coluerunt, cuius adeo nulla vis ac potestas est, ut sit Romanis numinibus cum sua sibi natione captivus. At iam Christiani quanta monstra, quae portenta confingunt.: [1942]1 * in reos majestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est: [1943]1 * in toto: [1944]1 [1945]2 * infructuosi in negotiis: [1946]1 * infructuositas in negotiis: [1947]1 * infructuositas in negotio: [1948]1 * interregnum: [1949]1 * ipso facto: [1950]1 * judices vice Christi: [1951]1 * lex radix evangeliorum: [1952]1 * longe sunt a civitate dei: [1953]1 * magistri: [1954]1 * majestas: [1955]1 * medius fidius: [1956]1 * miles Christi: [1957]1 * milites: [1958]1 [1959]2 [1960]3 * milites Christi: [1961]1 [1962]2 * milites dei: [1963]1 * ministri evangelii: [1964]1 * momenta: [1965]1 * mortes persecutorum: [1966]1 * multitudo credentium: [1967]1 * mutatis mutandis: [1968]1 [1969]2 [1970]3 * mysterium salutare: [1971]1 * mysterium tremendum: [1972]1 * natio: [1973]1 * natio in publico muta, in angulis garrula: [1974]1 * nil praeter nubes et caeli numen adorant: [1975]1 * nolens volens: [1976]1 * noli me tangere: [1977]1 * nomen est omen: [1978]1 [1979]2 * nomen ipsum: [1980]1 * non licet: [1981]1 * nostrorum bonorum status iam mergitur: [1982]1 * numina: [1983]1 * nuptiarum conventiones et filiorum procreationes: [1984]1 * nutrimenta spiritus: [1985]1 * oblationes: [1986]1 * occidere: [1987]1 * occidi: [1988]1 * odium generis humani.: [1989]1 * omnia prorsus ut in quandam caenosam latrinam in eius animam flagitia confluxerant: [1990]1 * operarii mercenarii, qui religionem et pietatem pro mercibus habeant, qui simulent lucis filios, cum non sint lux sed tenebrae, qui operantur fraudem, qui Christum in negotio et quaestu habeant:
[1991]1 * orbis Romanus: [1992]1 * pagani: [1993]1 [1994]2 [1995]3 [1996]4 [1997]5 * paganicum: [1998]1 * paganus: [1999]1 [2000]2 [2001]3 [2002]4 * pagus: [2003]1 * pallium: [2004]1 [2005]2 * panis et circenses: [2006]1 * parce unicæ spei totius orbis: [2007]1 * participatio dei: [2008]1 * pax terrena: [2009]1 * per flagitia invisi: [2010]1 * perpetiendum pro deo, quod aeque fides pagana condixit: [2011]1 * petitio principii: [2012]1 * philosophus nobilis, magnus gentilium philosophus, doctissimus philosophorum, quamvis Christianorum acerrimus inimicus: [2013]1 * pistorum praecipuus et postremus philosophus: [2014]1 * plebs Arelate consistens: [2015]1 * plebs profanae coniurationis: [2016]1 * plurimi et multi: [2017]1 * praesident maiores natu: [2018]1 * pravae religionis obscuritas: [2019]1 * presbyteri: [2020]1 * primi inter pares: [2021]1 * profectio ecclesiae e gentibus: [2022]1 * provincia: [2023]1 * provincia Lugdunensis: [2024]1 [2025]2 [2026]3 * provincia Narbonensis: [2027]1 [2028]2 [2029]3 * provincia Narbonesis: [2030]1 * præcepta: [2031]1 * publici hostes: [2032]1 * pulchrum et utile est visitare pupillos et viduas, imprimis pauperes qui multos habent liberos: [2033]1 * purifici roris perfusio: [2034]1 * quaerendi non sunt: [2035]1 * qui in professione religionis videntur: [2036]1 * qui omnes regressuri ad ecclesiam non essent, nisi cum Trofimo comitante venissent: [2037]1 * qui per flagitia invisi erant: [2038]1 * quid pro quo: [2039]1 * quod ab initio fuit: [2040]1 * quod nunquam magis fit quam cum in persecutione destituitur a clero: [2041]1 * quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat: [2042]1 * religio Christiana: [2043]1 [2044]2 * religio illicita: [2045]1 * religio licita: [2046]1 * religio pressa: [2047]1 * religiones licitae: [2048]1 * repletae autem sunt non modo civitates credentium, sed regiones:
[2049]1 * representatio totius nominis Christiani: [2050]1 * residuum: [2051]1 * restitutio in integrum: [2052]1 * rex: [2053]1 * ructando curantur: [2054]1 * sacerdotes: [2055]1 * sacramentum: [2056]1 [2057]2 [2058]3 * sacramentum ignorantes: [2059]1 * sacraria taeterrima impiae citionis: [2060]1 * sacrilegium: [2061]1 * sarmenticii: [2062]1 * satis celebritatis: [2063]1 * sceleratissima gens: [2064]1 * scutum quoddam ac refugium Antiochiae regionis: [2065]1 * secta: [2066]1 * semi-axii: [2067]1 * senes domestici: [2068]1 * seniores et praepositi: [2069]1 * si quis diaconus gens plebem sine episcopo vel presbytero: [2070]1 * si reges a regendo dicuntur, omnes utique, qui ecclesias dei regunt, reges merito appellabuntur: [2071]1 * sicut dorso gandiuscularum puellarum parvuli portari solent:
[2072]1 * simplices: [2073]1 * simplices et idiotae: [2074]1 [2075]2 * simpliciores: [2076]1 * spiritalis: [2077]1 * spretis atque calcatis divinis numinibus invicem certae religionis mentita sacrilega presumptione dei, quem praedicaret unicum:
[2078]1 * stips: [2079]1 [2080]2 * stulti: [2081]1 [2082]2 * superstitio nova et malefica: [2083]1 * superstitio prava, immodica: [2084]1 * synagogae Judaeorum fontes persecutionum: [2085]1 * tam a Faustino quam a ceteris coepiscopis nostris in eadem provincia constitutis: [2086]1 * taurobolium: [2087]1 * tertium genus: [2088]1 * tituli criminum: [2089]1 * toga virilis: [2090]1 * tolle, lege: [2091]1 * ultima ratio: [2092]1 * unitas sacramenti: [2093]1 * vana et demens superstitio: [2094]1 * vel magus vet astrologus, hariolus, somniorum interpres, praestigiator . . . . vel qui phylacteria conficit . . . . hi omnes et qui sunt similes his neque instruendi neque baptizandi sunt.:
[2095]1 * vera de satisfactione medicina: [2096]1 * verisimile non est, ut ea species sacramenti, in quam fides tota committitur, in quam disciplina tota conititur, ambigue annuntiata et obscura proposita videatur: [2097]1 * vernaculi ecclesiae: [2098]1 * via: [2099]1 * via media: [2100]1 * via negationis et eminentiæ: [2101]1 * vir togatus: [2102]1 * virgines subintroductæ: [2103]1 * visitare pupillos et viduas: [2104]1 * vocor Agathos-angelus: [2105]1 * "Nesciunt simplices animae," they held, "quid quomodo scriptum sit, ubi et quando et coram quibus confitendum, nisi quod nec simplicitas ista, sed vanitas, immo dementia pro deo mori, ut qui me salvum faciat. sic is occidet, qui salvum facere debebit? semel Christus pro nobis obiit, semel occisus est, ne occideremur. si vicem repetit, num et ille salutem de mea nece expectat? an deus hominum sanguinem flagitat, maxime si taurorum et hircorum recusat? certe peccatoris paenitentiam mavult quam mortem": [2106]1 * "Non difficile est doctori," says Cyprian (Ep: [2107]1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of French Words and Phrases

* Avant la fin du IIIe: [2108]1 * Cette formule semble plutôt désigner un groupe ecclésiastique que deux groupes ayant chacun son organization distincte: en tout cas, elle n'offre rien de contraire à l'indistinction des deux églises.:
[2109]1 * D'autres églises que celle de Lyon ont eu d'abord un cercle de rayonnement très étendu et ne se sont en quelque sorte subdivisées qu'après une indivision d'assez longue durée. Je ne veux pas entrer ici dans l'histoire de l'évangélization de l'empire romain: cela m'entraînerait beaucoup trop loin. Il me serait facile de trouver en Syrie, en Égypte et ailleurs des termes de comparaison assez intéressants. Je les néglige pour me borner à un seul exemple:
[2110]1 * Dans les pays situés à, quelque distance de la Mediterranée et de la basse vallée du Rhône, il ne s'est fondé aucune église (Lyon exceptée) avant le milieu du IIIe: [2111]1 * Il en résulte que, dans l'ancienne Gaule celtique, avec ses grandes subdivisions en Belgique, Lyonnaise, Aquitaine et Germanie, une seule église existait au IIe: [2112]1 * Je ne sais s'il y est entré, du vivant de Paul, un seul païen, je veux dire un homme qui ne connût pas déjà, avant d'y entrer, le judaïsme et la Bible.: [2113]1 * Le verbe episkopein: [2114]1 * ce n'est pas des nouvelles de l'église du Pont qu'il a eues à Ancyre, c'est l'église elle-même, l'église du Pont, qu'il y a rencontrée: [2115]1 * chef-lieu: [2116]1 * dénouement: [2117]1 * fait accompli: [2118]1 * groupes détaches, dispersés, d'une même grande église: [2119]1 * les colonies juives dans l'Afrique romaine: [2120]1 * lèse-majesté: [2121]1 * plusieurs groupes de chrétiens, épars sur divers points du territoire, un seul centre ecclésiastique, un seul évêque, celui de Lyon.: [2122]1 * une sorte de chapelle rurale: [2123]1 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

[2124]iv [2125]v [2126]vi [2127]vii [2128]viii [2129]ix [2130]x
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This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org, generated on demand from ThML source.

References

1. file:///ccel/h/harnack/mission/cache/mission.html3?scrBook=Exod&scrCh=22&scrV=28#iii.iii-p28.4
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