34. THE "PROBLEM OF THE AGE"

ably the most characteristic feature of the age in which we live; and it seems to represent an advanced position in our civilization, reached by a gradual process of evolution with which man cannot cope."¹

This is a weighty testimony to the mightiness of that power which Mr. Bell calls "Evolution," and which has in hand the development of our scientific civilization. That man cannot cope with it, and that the destruction of competition by means of it seems inevitable, are propositions to which we must yield our assent.

Mr. Bell further says:—

"A glance backward over the history of the struggle will assure us that these great and powerful organizations have come to stay."

In view of the great menace to humanity to which the existence of these powerful organizations gives rise, Mr. Bell declares that—

"What to do with the Trusts has become the great problem of the age."

But would it not be more logical to say that the great problem of the age is, "What are the Trusts going to do with us?" If these powerful organizations are the creations of that mighty god "Evolution," "with which man cannot cope," it would seem idle to ask what puny man is to do with

¹ World's Work for March 1909.

them, and quite futile to formulate measures for dealing with them. The futility of such proceeding very clearly appears from consideration of the remedies which Mr. Bell discusses. There are, he thinks, only two possible remedies, either (1) to control by legislation the amount of profits the Trusts may be permitted to make; or (2) to buy them out, and let the Government run their business. The latter remedy is considered by Mr. Bell to be impracticable; and indeed it is far more probable that the Trusts will buy out (or capture) the Government and run its business. Mr. Bell therefore advocates the other remedy; but if this be the only recourse of society against the menace of the great monopolies, then there is practically no remedy at all. It is not possible for a legislature either to ascertain or to limit the profits of a corporation; and, moreover, it is far easier for the monopolies to control the legislature, than for the legislature to control the monopolies.

We may, therefore, count Mr. Bell among the competent witnesses who testify that the coming of the Great Monopoly is inevitable.

CAPITALISM—ITS DEFENSIVE MEASURES

It may be safely asserted, as a general proposition to which there are few exceptions, that every man who is not a “capitalist” would like to be one. The main

THE DEFENCE OF CAPITALISM ground of objection to capitalism as an economic system is simply that, under its operation, only a very few persons can become capitalists, all others being apparently foredoomed, by iron necessity, to lives of uncongenial and poorly requited labour, the fruits of which go to swell the profits of the limited capitalistic class.

But, so long as this system continues to hold sway in the realm of economics, the enormous power which wealth confers upon its owners will remain in the hands of the capitalists; and it goes without saying that the instinct of self-preservation will impel them to use that power in every possible way for the maintenance of the system upon which depends their welfare, and all that their hearts may cherish and desire. It does not come within the scope of this work to discuss all the defensive measures which are being elaborated and used for the purpose of protecting the present economic system against the menace of Socialism, and of establishing and extending its power and influence. The political discussions of the day afford sufficient information regarding the influence of the "vested interests" over legislatures and other governmental institutions, and regarding the manner in which that influence is being used.

But the system is menaced by an internal danger, namely, the possibility that it may break down by reason of its very complexity and the extreme delicacy of its multifarious adjustments. These details are becoming so numerous and intricate as to be beyond the grasp of the ordinary human mind. They require for their mastery men of extraordinary genius, and genius of a new order. As the scope and intricacies of our economic system increase, that increase creates the demand for men of corresponding capacity. If such men be not developed, the complicated, high-pressure, industrial machine, whose speed is ever accelerating, will most assuredly escape from the control of its managers, and dash itself to pieces.

In view of this tendency, it is highly interesting to note the remarkable wisdom and foresight displayed by some of our industrial leaders at this critical time, in making provision for the training and development of a new order of industrial geniuses. It is a notorious fact that the control of the educational machinery of the world is passing (if it has not already passed) into the hands of the capitalists. In fact, the "higher education" has become a matter so costly as to be beyond the reach of all but a favoured few.

Thus the "control" of the industrial machinery, and of the educational machinery, has come into the same hands; and those who grasp these great forces are intelligently and systematically planning for the "uniting of all movements for social progress." The

¹ For evidence of the extent to which the American Colleges are devoting their energies to the maintenance of its Capitalism, see "Polyglots in Temples of Babel," who economic pain

THE "SOCIAL ECONOMIST"

friend who called my attention to this important development of our scientific civilization spoke of it as a "daring conception of the political economist"; and he very pertinently said: "When we consider that this conception emanates from the executive head of an organization of national and international influence, successful for many years in bringing religious and reform activities into unity; that this organization finds its supporters among the greatest capitalists of our day; and that the latter definitely plan to bring such a type of being as the 'Social Economist' into existence, one's interest deepens immensely."

This new type of human genius, the "Social Economist," which it is the purpose of these centralizing agencies to bring into existence, is to be a man (or type of man) capable of handling and directing the newly developed and highly complicated social forces and instrumentalities. Just as the "Captains of Industry" have been developed for the purpose of handling the peculiar problems, and to direct the great energies, of the corporations and trusts,—such as the United States Steel Corporation,—so the leaders of industrial progress perceive that there has now arisen the need of "Social Economists," who shall be able to grasp the still more complex affairs, and direct the vaster energies, of the new Social Order, which the coalescence of these great corporations is bringing into existence.

The society referred to in the foregoing quotation is The Charity Organization of the City of New York; and the executive head of that society has lately been appointed the "Schiff Professor of SOCIAL ECONOMY" in Columbia University. This is an entirely new department of education. It was founded by Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, a prominent and wealthy citizen of New York, and a well-known philanthropist.

The motive which prompted this endowment is doubtless the sincere conviction that mankind will be benefited thereby. Many other rich men are making use of their wealth, in one way and another, for the supposed advantage of society as a whole, and with disinterested motives. But these uses of surplus wealth are simply contributing to the fulfilment of prophecy in aiding the development of that superlative human being who is to control, for a brief but brilliant period of time, the affairs of Consolidated Humanity.

Other Universities have (I understand) already followed this lead in establishing departments of "Social Economy"; and the results of these wise measures will soon be apparent.

The scope and aims of this new department of Social Economy are well stated in the inaugural address of the first Schiff Professor, Mr. Edward T. Devine, which address has been published under the title of "Efficiency and Relief. A Programme of SOCIAL WORK." One of the opening paragraphs of this