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4107. Julius Caesar was a young man of 25 years of age. He planned to sail to Rhodes with the intention of studying under Apollonius Molon who was the most eminent teacher of oratory at that time. On his way in the winter time, the pirates captured him near the island of Pharmacusa, which lies near the Asian shore north of Miletum. The pirates were so well equipped with ships that they controlled the seas. When the pirates demanded 20 talents from him for his ransom, Caesar laughed at them because they did not know how important a man he was. He promised that he would give them 50 talents. He immediately sent his companions and servants to the cities of Asia to get the money for his release. He retained with him only a physician and two others to attend to his personal needs. He was alone with these 3 for 38 days with a company of Cilicians who were the most savage people in the world. He behaved himself so well that he struck both a terror and a reverence into them. He did not remove his shoes or unclothed himself in case there should happen to be some extraordinary change of appearance and they would suspect him of something. He had no guard other than their eyes. Whenever he went to rest, he sent one to them to tell them to be quiet. He would play and exercise with them as if they had been in his retinue and not a prisoner of theirs. He wrote verses and orations which he spoke to them. If any of them did not admire and applaud them, he would publicly call them dull fellows, barbarians and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them. They were very well pleased with his humour and attributed that freeness of his speech to his simplicity and youth. (Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c. 41. Sueton in Julio. c. 4. Plutarch in Caio. Casare.) It is reported that while he was in custody he cried out:

O Crassus, how wilt thou be tickled in the heart, when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity.’’ (Plutarch in M.Crasso.)

4108. The money from all the cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar. Caesar would not pay the 50 talents until he had forced the pirates to release the hostages to the cities. After this, he was placed on shore. The next night he got such a fleet as he could quickly assemble, and sailed from the port of the Milesians. He went toward the same island where the pirates where still anchored. He forced part of their fleet to flee and other ships he sank. He captured the rest of the ships with their crews. He was overjoyed with the victory of the night’s expedition and he returned to his company the pirate’s money he had seized as his own booty. He imprisoned the pirates at Pergamos. When he had finished that, he went to Junius, the proconsul of Asia who was in Bithynia. Junius had command of Asia and Bithynia which was recently established as a province. He demanded that justice might be done on the captives and had them crucified. This he had foretold the pirates when he was a prisoner and they though he was just joking. (Patercul. l. 2. c. 42. Sweton. & Plutarch in M. Crasso.) Before he captured them, he had sworn that he would crucify them. He first ordered their throats to be cut and then to be fastened to the cross. (Sueton. c. 74.)

4109. As spring was arriving, the third Mithridatic war was started. It lasted for 11 and an half years and ended with the death of Mithridates. Mithridates assembled all his fleets together and sacrificed as was his custom to Jupiter, powerful in battle. He drowned his chariot and horses in the sea as a sacrifice to Neptune. After this he hurried to Paphlagonia with Taxiles and Hermocrates the generals of his army. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 217, 218.) He had in his army 120,000 (or 140,000 as Appian has it) foot soldiers who were trained according to Roman discipline. He had 16,000 cavalry and 100 chariots with scythes. Another large company followed the camp who were to guard the ways, carry burdens. (Plutach in Lucullo.)

4110. As soon as Mithridates arrived at Paphlagonia, he made an haughty speech to the soldiers. When he saw that he had aroused their hatred of the Romans, he invaded Bithynia which was recently bequeathed to the Romans by Nicomede’s will. (Appian. p. 218.) Livy said that Mithridates got it all into his hands (l. 93.) and Plutarch (in Lucullo) said that he was very willingly greeted by all the cities of Bithynia.

4111. All Asia was most intolerably oppressed by the hard usages of money lenders and tax collectors and it defected to Mithridates, (Plutarch in Lucullo) He with M. Marius or Varius whom Sertorius had sent to him from Spain to be his general, captured some of its cities. When they entered the cities, the king put Marius ahead of him with the rods and axes as if he were the supreme magistrate. The king followed behind as if he were one of his officers. Some of the cities he enfranchised upon his own terms. He granted to others the immunities but he said they were not granted from him but from Sertorius. Thus Asia which was plagued before with the tax collectors and oppressed by the covetousness and abuses of the garrisoned soldiers, began to be encouraged by this change of government. (Plutarch. in Sertorio.)

4112. Julius Caesar saw what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries and was ashamed to sit idly by when the allies were in such trouble. He left Rhodes where he had gone and passed over to Asia. He assembled what forces he could and he drove the king’s lieutenant clear out of the province. By this he kept the cities loyal to Rome which before were wavering and ready to revolt. (Sueton, in Julio, c. 4.) Although Junius whom the people of Rome had appointed as their chief magistrate in Asia, hindered Mithridates very little in his undertakings because he was a coward. (Vellei Patercul. l. 2. c. 42.)

4113. Eutropious and Orosius, (from Livy) state that P. Servilius ended the war in Cilicia and Pamphylia within three years and because of this he was called "Isauricus". In Cicero (l. 3. in Verrem ) (which speech is called, "Oratio Frumentaria") he is said to have commanded the army for 7 years. Thereupon we have referred his first going into the province to the year before this 5th year in which also he was consul. Cicero (l. 5. contra. Verem), affirmed that this man took more of the robber’s commanders alive than all those had done who came before him. Among the rest, he recaptured Nico, a famous pirate who had broken his chains and escaped with the same gallantry that he had when he first took him prisoner. Ammianus Marcellinus (in l. 14. Historiar.) wrote:

"Cilicia and Isauria were mutually engaged in a war of piracy and had some troops of land robbers. Servilius the proconsul, made them submit to him and after that he made them a tributary.’’

4114. Jornandes (l. de regnorum ac temporum succession), wrote that Servilius overcame Pamphylia, Lycia, (or rather Cilicia, and Pisidia) and reduced them all to provinces. Octavius who was this year’s consul, was sent into the province of Cilicia. (Plutarch in Lucullo.)

4115. Wherever Servilius marched, it was a very pretty sight to see the various prisoners and captives whom he carried along with him. People came flocking to him from all parts. They came from the towns through which they marched and also from all the adjacent places on purpose to see this. This pleased the people of Rome all the more and were more delighted with this victory than with any that ever had been before. (Cicero, in Verrem, l. 5.) In this triumph also the various images and ornaments which he had taken away from the city Olympus after he had taken it. They were carried on chargers in state that rode ahead of him in the triumph. All of this he later had entered into the common records and brought into the treasury. The number, size, shape and condition of those images were specified for each image. (Id. in eundem, l. 1. & Ascon. Pedianus ibid.) Valerius Maximus mentioned this triumph of Servilius. (l. 8. c. 5.) Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and Claudian the Poet, (in l. 1. in Eutropium,) say this of him.

"Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros. Servilius charioted the untamed Isaures.’’

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4116. M. Antonius, the father to M. Antonius who was in the triumvirate, obtained an unlimited commission to guard all the Roman sea coasts. He obtained this by the favour of Cotta the consul and Cethegus’ faction from the senate. M. Antonius was a most vile person and his wicked companions pillaged Sicily and all the provinces. (Cicero, Acts 2:1-47. in Verrem. l. 2. Lactant. Institut. l. 1. c. 11. Ascon. Pedianus in Divinationem, and upon the previously mentioned place of Cicero, contra Verrem.)

4117. The province of Gaul Cisalpina was allotted to L. Lucullus the consul. However, when Octavius died who held Cilicia, Lucullus by the means of Praecia, a common strumpet, made Cathegus his friend. He had much authority in Rome and had the province of Cilicia assigned to Lucullus. Since Cappadocia was close to Cilicia, they voted that Lucullus should undertake the Mithridatic war. However, M. Cotta his colleague in the consulship, after much pleading prevailed with the senate that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis and defend Bithynia. (Plutarch in Lucullo) So both the consuls were sent to this war, the one to secure Bithynia and the other to follow Mithridates in Asia. (Cicero pro Murana, Memnon c. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6.) For that Lucullus the consul had not only Cilicia, but Asia also, (properly so called) allotted to him. He had the command of it for 7 years. (Velleius Paterculus. l. 2. c. 33.)

4118. Lucullus obtained a legion in Italy and crossed over with it into Asia. He added Fimbria’s regions and two other legions to his force. However these new additions were long since ruined by luxury and covetousness. The Fimbrians had lived a long while without leadership and were more intractable and impudent. However they were very warlike and skilled and experienced in military undertakings. Lucullus reformed the one and calmed the fierceness of the other. (Plutarch in Lucello. cf. Appian in Mithridatic. p. 219.) He did the best he could to punish money lenders and the Roman tax collectors and make them more moderate in their dealings. Their extortions had been the main reason Asia revolted. He put down all the rebellions of various people when almost every country was in rebellion. (Plutarch in Lucello)

4119. Mithridates had another numerous army on the march with 400 ships of 30 oars plus a large number of smaller ships, which they commonly called Pentecouteri and Cercura. He sent away Diophantus Matharus with a large force into Cappadocia to put garrisons into the cities. If Lucullus intended to enter Pontus, he was to intercept and stop him. Mithridates kept with him 150,000 foot soldiers, 12,000 cavalry and 120 chariots with scythes which followed the cavalry. He had a good supply of all sorts of war engines. With these he marched quickly through Timonitis, Cappadocia and Galatia and within 9 days he reached Bithynia. Lucullus in the meanwhile commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet at a port of the Chalcedonians. (Memnon c. 39.)

4120. Mithridates’ fleet stayed by Heraclea in Pontus and were denied use of the harbour. However, the citizens gave them access to their market. After some disputes between them as are usual in those places, two of the most prominent men of Heraclea, Silenus and Satyrus were carried away prisoners by them. They would be freed only on the following condition that they should help Mithridates in this war against the Romans with 5 frigates. By this the Heracleans lost favour with the Romans. The Romans had appointed in the other cities the public sale of the citizens’ goods. They also subjected Heraclea to sale. The tax collectors arrived who were to carry out this business and started exacting money, contrary to the customs of the state. The citizens grew very perplexed and viewed this action as a prelude to slavery. Thereupon when they were in this state of affairs, they knew they would have to send an embassy to the Roman senate and to ask their favour and to stop the sale of their goods. They, were persuaded by a bold desperate fellow in the city. They murdered the tax collectors so secretly that no one knew of their death. (Memnon. c. 40.)

4121. M. Cotta heard of the news of Lucullus coming and that he was already camped in Phrygia and was very confident of victory over Mithridates. Cotta hurried to fight with

Mithridates before Lucullus could, so that Lucullus would not share the victory with him. (Plutarch. on Lucello) Mithridates generals, Marius (or Varius) and Eumachus, assembled in a short time a large army. They fought with P. Rutilius, M. Cotta’s lieutenant at Chalcedon. In the battle Rutilius was killed along with the best part of his army. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) The Basternians routed the Italian foot soldiers and killed many of them. (Memnon. c. 41.)

4122. Mithridates marched up to Chalcedon where the Romans came from all parts to Cotta. Since Cotta was a novice soldier, he did not fight with him. However, Nudus, the admiral of his fleet with a brigade of the army, took to the field where it was best fortified. They were beaten off from there and fled back to the gate of Chalcedon. When they came to the gate, there was such a crowd of them trying to get in, that those who chased them could not shoot an arrow for fear of hitting their own troops. As soon as they let down the portcullis (iron lattice work in front of the gate), for fear of the enemy, they drew Nudus and some other commanders up to them with ropes. All the rest were killed in the midst of their friends and enemies. They held up there hands to them to be drawn up also but to no purpose. (Appian.)

4123. Mithridates though it would be best to immediately follow up on this victory and move his fleet toward the haven. When they had broken down the portcullis which was at the entrance of the haven, they burned 4 of the enemy’s ships. They took away another 60 by tying them to one another’s sterns. Neither Nudus nor Cotta, made any resistance but stayed secure within the walls. In the battle, the Romans lost about 3000 men among whom was Lucius Manlius, a senator. Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians who were the first that assulted the haven, (Appian.) Plutarch tells us that Cotta lost on land 4000 foot soldiers besides those 60 ships with their men. Memnon said that in one day the land and sea were most disgracefully filled with the bodies of the Romans. 8000 were killed in the naval battle and 4500 were taken prisoners. 5300 of the army of Italian foot soldiers were killed. Mithridates’ side, lost only about 30 Basternians and 700 others from his whole company.

4124. This was that battle near Chalcedon, where M. Aurelius Cotta the consul was defeated (Livy l. 93.) and in which Mithridates in a letter to Arsaces, (l. 4. Histor. Salust.) wrote:

"I totally routed Marcus Cotta the Roman general near Chalcedon on land and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea.’’

4125. The sad condition of Cotta on both sea and land, greatly increased the king’s wealth and prestige. (Cicero, pro Murana.) Mithridates’ success depressed the enemy. When Lucullus who was camped along the Sangarius River, heard of this greater defeat and saw his soldier’s morale falling, he encouraged them with a speech. (Memnon, c. 41.)

4126. Archelaus who was formerly one of Mithridates’ commanders, had now sided with the Romans. He tried to convince Lucullus that he might easily take the whole kingdom of Pontus now that Mithridates was in Bithynia with his army. Lucullus replied that he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common huntsmen are who did not dare to fight with the wild beasts but were brave enough to go into their empty dens. After saying this, Lucullus marched against Mithridates with his company of 30,000 foot soldiers and 2500 cavalry. When he came first to see the enemy, he was astonished to see such a numerous body and therefore desired not to to fight but play for time. He remembered that Marius, whom Sertorius had sent from Spain to be Mithridates’ general was marching up against him. He decided to fight and drew his troops into battle array. Just as the army was set to fight, the sky split suddenly apart and there seemed to fall between both armies a great flaming body resembling a hogshead in shape and silver fiery hot. This strange sight so frightened both armies that they decided not to fight. They say this sign happened in Phrygia near Otryae. (Plutarch.)

4127. L. Lucullus the consul, with his cavalry fought some skirmishes with Mithridates’ cavalry and won. He made also some other raids and was fortunate in them. This so encouraged his soldiers and made them so eager to fight, that he had much trouble in keeping them under control. (Livy l. 94.)

4128. Mithridates saw that the city of Cyzicum was the door to let him in to all of Asia. If he took it, the whole province would be open to his attacks. He resolved to make it the centre of his war effort. (Cicero pro Murena.) It was the most famous city of all Asia and a faithful friend to the people of Rome. (Cicero pro lege Manilia.) In the recent defeat at Chalcedon, it had lost 3000 citizens and 10 ships. Thereupon the king, decided to give Lucullus the slip. As soon as he had dined and had the opportunity of a thick and misty night, he moved his camp and by daybreak got to the top of the Adrastia Mountain. This is also called Dindymus and is located opposite to the city. (Plutarch.) Strabo wrote that Mithridates with 150,000 foot soldiers and a large body of cavalry invaded the Cyzicenians and took the Adrastia Mountain and the suburbs. (lib. 12. p. 575.) Appian stated that Lucullus with 30,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry camped opposite Mithridates’ force of about 300,000 men. Orosius (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.) stated:

"Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum more than 300,000 men by famine and sickness.’’

4129. It is stated and as we find in Plutarch that Lucullus killed at least 300,000 of Mithridates’ men and support staff. Eutropius (Breviary l. 6.) recorded that the following winter and summer, Lucullus killed of the king’s forces almost 100,000 men.

4130. Mithridates surrounded the Cyzicenians with 10 brigades and attacked them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships. (Strabo p. 575, 576. cf. Plutarch.) Since the Cyzicenians did not know what became of Lucullus, Mithridates’ forces stated Lucullus’ tents which were pitched before them were the forces of Armenians and Medes which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates. Demonax was sent from Archelaus to the city and was the first that told them that Lucullus was near them. They did not believe him and thought this was a ruse to cheer them up. However, a boy, who had been taken prisoner by the enemy, escaped and pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans were camped. Then they believed the report. (Plutarch) Lucullus sent one of his soldiers to them who knew their language. He told them to be encouraged. This soldier came on a raft made of two water skins.

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4131. Lucullus attacked Mithridates from the rear and defeated the Pontics and got a glorious victory. He killed more than 10,000 soldiers and took 13,000 prisoners. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4132. Lucullus saw a mountain very convenient to make his camp on. If he could capture it, he would have ample provisions for his army and would be able to starve the enemy. There was one very narrow passage to it which Mithridates had placed a guard to secure as he was advised by Taxiles and some of his other commanders. L. Manius or Magius, the arbitrator of the league between Mithridates and Sertorius, sent secretly a messenger to Lucullus. He then persuaded Mithridates to allow the Romans to pass by and to camp where they thought best for themselves. He lied to Mithridates and said that Fimbria’s legions which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars, would defect to him within a day or two. Hence he would be spared the effort of a battle and get a victory without fighting. Mithridates did not suspect anything and allowed the Romans to quietly enter the passage and to fortify the mountain against him. By this the Romans had plentiful provisions from all those parts which lay behind them when Mithridates was blocked by a lake, mountain and river. He was able to get few supplies by land for his camp. He could not get out nor force Lucullus out either. The winter season was approaching and would likely hinder all supplies coming to him by sea. (Appian.)

4133. Plutarch wrote that Lucullus camped in Thracia at a place called "Comes". It was the best place to obstruct all the supply lines to Mithridates. Mithridates sent some men to Fimbria’s legions to bring them over to him. Memnon said they pretended to defect to Mithridates and then killed all of Mithridates’ delegates.

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4134. Nicomedes, a Thessalian, had built notable engines to batter the city. (Plutarch) One was called the Helepolis and was 150 feet high and was the most remarkable one. On this another tower was erected and planted with engines to sling stones and other sorts of weapons. Before they planted the engines, Mithridates ordered that 3000 of the Cyzicenians whom he had taken, to urge the city to surrender. This did not work. Lysistratus their general ordered a crier appointed who from the walls exhorted them that since it was their bad luck to fall under the power of a stranger they should bear it out as well as they could. Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land, to reduce the city. The townsmen were very busy within defending it. They were not able to breech the walls. They could not enter through the part that fell down about the evening because the heat of the fire was so scorching. The Cyzicenians repaired the breach at night. (Appian.)

4135. At last Lucullus found a way to send to the city some auxiliaries by night. (Strabo.) In the Dascylite Lake, there were very large boats. He took one of the biggest and carried it in a wagon to the sea side and put as many soldiers in it as it could hold. They secretly by night got into the city and the enemy knew nothing about it. (Plutarch.)

4136. Now was the time of Proserpina’s festival, in which the Cyzicenians offered a black heifer. Although they did not have one, they made one of dough and brought it to the altar. The heifer which was intended for Proserpine’s festival was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians herds on the other side the sea. On the day of the festival, she left the other herds and swam over alone to Cyzicum. She passed all the way through the enemy’s fleet and by diving underwater got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour. She passed through and came into the midst of the city to the temple of Proserpina and presented herself before the altar. The Cyzicenians sacrificed her and were greatly encouraged. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.)

4137. It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras, who was the chief magistrate according to Julius Obsequens. Plutarch only gives him the title of the people’s tutor. She told him that she had provided a piper against the pipers. Plutarch rendered it that she immediately sent a Libyan piper against the Pontic trumpeter. The Cyzicenians wondered what this meant. About daybreak, there was foul weather at sea as if it had been a stormy wind. The king’s engines were now drawn up to the walls. By their creaking and crashing the storm was known. Presently after this, there arose an extremely violent south wind which in the moment of an hour destroyed the rest of the king’s engines. It so shook the wooden tower which was erected on the engine that it was overturned to the ground. (Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Plutarch, & Appian.)

4138. It is also reported that at Troy, Minerva appeared to many in their sleep, dripping with a ewer and showing that part of her vail was cut off. She told them that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians. The Trojans were shown the pillars where the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraved. (Plutarch.)

4139. Mithridates was advised by his friends to sail with his fleet from before the city. However, he was not dismayed in the least by what had happened. He went up to the mountain Dindymus and from there cast up a bank all along to the walls of the city. On this he built towers. He tried to undermine the walls. (Appian.) In spite of all this, the Cyzicenians held out so stoutly that they very nearly took Mithridates alive in one of the mines which he dug himself. They also dug a mine to him but he got away safely when knew the danger he was in. (Strabo. p. 576.)

4140. When the winter came, Mithridates was cut off from supplies by sea. The army was very short of supplies and many of them died from famine. Some were glad to eat human flesh. Others fed on herbs as their only food and became sick. The dead bodies were lying all the while unburied and caused a plague to break out. (Memnon, c. 42. Strabo, p. 576. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Plutar. Appian. Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.)

4141. While Lucullus was gone to gain some citadel or other, Mithridates tried to make use of this opportunity. Thereupon, he ordered part of his forces to march home with their arms but not to be seen by the enemy. He sent almost all his cavalry, those also which were for burden, his foot soldiers and those that were unfit into Bithynia. The horses were now weak from lack of food and lame because their hooves were worn away for lack of shoes. When Lucullus heard of this, he hurried to the camp by night as fast as he could. At daybreak, he went after them with 10 companies of foot soldiers and all his cavalry. Although at that instant, a violent storm struck so that many of the soldiers from the snow and other hardships were forced to lie down from the very cold and were not able to follow. With the rest of his troops he overtook the enemy at the passage of the Rhyndacus River. He slaughtered so many of them that the women of Apollonia came out and plundered the wagons and stripped the dead. In this battle, 6000 horses, an enormous number of beasts for burdens and 15,000 men were captured. Lucullus carried all away with him besides the pillage of the enemies camp. If we can believe him, Orosius stated:

"Lucullus at this battle killed more than 15000 men;’’

4142. Salust thought that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any camels. However, those who were under Scipio who was the general who defeated Antiochus and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea would most certainly have seen camels. (Plutarch, Appian. Oros.)

4143. Funnius, who joined in with Mithridates and Metrophantes the king’s praetor were defeated by Mamercus. They escaped with 2000 cavalry into Moesia and went from there to

Moeonia. They came to the dry and parched hills and plains of Inarime. After they had been there a long time they finally got out and arrived at the king’s camp without being noticed by the enemy. (Oros. l. 65. c. 2.)

4144. Eumachus the general and the rest of Mithridates’ colonels fought in Phrygia. They killed many Romans with their wives and children. They subdued the Pisidians, the Isauri and Cilicia. Dejotarus, one of the tetrarchs of Galatia, attacked them as they were roving about and killed them and many of their soldiers. This brought an end to their actions. (Livy l. 54. Appian. p. 222. Oros. l. 65. c. 2.) 3932a AM, 4641 JP, 73 BC 4145. The 28th Jubilee.

4146. The Cyzicenians undermined the mounds which the king had cast up all along from Dindymus Mountain to the city and burned his engines. They knew how well the enemy was weakened by famine and made many sallies against them. Mithridates was resolved to withdraw and leave. (Appian.) He writes concerning this in a letter to Arsaces: (Salust. l. 4. histor.)

"In besieging Cyzicum with a large army, I lacked provisions since there was none available in the area. I could get nothing from all the parts about and winter had blocked the sea so none could be expected from there. I was forced (not by any compulsion of the enemies) to march back into my own kingdom.’’

4147. For Plutarch tells us from Salust that Lucullus camped two whole winters first at Cyzicum and later at Amisus. See Cicero concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum. (in orat. pro lege Manilia, pro Murana and pro Archia poeta.)

4148. Mithridates resolved suddenly to leave. To keep Lucullus from following too fast after him, he sent Aristonicus a Greek admiral of his fleet to sea. However, Lucullus by some foul play, took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shore and seized the 10,000 crowns which he carried with him to bribe part of the Roman army. (Plutarch.)

4149. The king left his land forces with the general to march to Lampsacus. Hermaeus and Marius who were the generals sent by Sertorius, led 30,000 men there. However, Lucullus followed close after them and at last overtook them by surprise as they were crossing the Aesepus River. Its level at that time was higher than normal. He took very many of them prisoners and killed 20,000 of them. More than 11,000 of these were reported to have been Marius’ soldiers. The Granicus and Aesepus Rivers ran red with blood. One of Mithridates’ nobles, knew how strongly the Romans were given to covetousness. He ordered the soldiers to scatter their knapsacks and money about to deliberately slow down the pursuers. (Memnon, c. 42. Polybaus stratagem. l. 7. Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Plutarch, Appian. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4150. Mithridates planned to return by sea and sailed by night to Parium. (Appian.) His soldiers intended to leave with him and crowded on every side into the ship. Some were already filled and others were filled soon after. It happened that so many tried to get on the ships, that some ships sank and others capsized. The Cyzicenians saw this and attacked the enemy’s camp. They cut the throats of the sick that were left behind and carried away whatever they found. (Memnon, c. 42.)

4151. Lucullus entered Cyzicum and was received with great joy and magnificence. (Plutarch.) In his honour they later instituted some plays which they called Lucullea. (Appian.) The Romans conferred a great deal of honour on the city and granted them their freedom. (Strabo l. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal l. 4. c.36)

4152. After Mithridates’ men were driven to Lampsacus and besieged there by Lucullus, Mithridates sent his fleet there and transported them and the Lamsacenians. He left 50 ships with 10,000 men aboard them to Marius or Varius, the Sertorian general, Alexander a Paphlagonian and Dionysius the eunuch. Mithridates with the larger part made for Nicomedia. Many of these and the others were drowned in a storm. (Strabo l. 12. p. 576. Tacit annal l. 4. c.36)

4153. Mithridates assembled as best he could some forces in Pontus and besieged Perinthus. He made some attempts against it but could not take it. Therefore, he sent his forces away to Bithynia. (Memnon. c. 42.)

4154. Antiochus the Asian and his brother, the young sons of king Antiochus Pius who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria which was not seized by Tigranes, came to Rome. They requested the kingdom of Egypt which they thought rightly belonged to them and their mother Selene. They stayed there almost 2 whole years and retained their royal retinue. (Cicero l. 4. in Verrem.) 3932b AM, 4642 JP, 72 BC

4155. Antipas or Antipater the Idumean was the foremost citizen of their country with respect to birth and wealth. He was the son of the other Antipas or Antipater whom they say was the son of Alexander, the king of the Jews and his wife Alexandra. Antipater was made governor of all Idumea and was married to Cyprus, who was born at a famous place among the Arabians. He had a son called Herod who later was the king of Judea. He was 25 years old when his father placed him over Galilee. (See note on 3957 AM << >>) (See note on 3875a AM <<3593>>) Nicolaus Damascenus wrote Herod’s life while Herod was still living. To curry favour with Herod, he has derived Antipater’s pedigree from the princes of the Jews who came from Babylon into Judea. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.) This is also in the 35th chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews which is written at the end of the Parisian Bibles. There we read that Antipater was a Jew descended from those who came from Babylon with Ezra the priest. He was appointed by Alexander Jannaeus as governor of the country of the Idumeans and married a wife from there. Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides, (in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. c. 6. & 7.) and Ambrosius, who followed him, (l. 3. comment. in Luc. c. 3.) stated a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Saviour according to the flesh, that Antipater was the son of Herod from Askelon who had the charge of Apollo’s temple there. He was carried away by some Idumean robbers from Askelon and Antipater was instructed in the manners and customs of the Idumeans. This is the most common opinion of all the Christian fathers.

4156. Barba came with a strong band of Italians and Triarius, one of Lucullus’ commanders besieged Apamea. The citizens held out for a long time but finally surrendered according to

Memnon. Although Appian wrote that when Triarius arrived there, he took the city by storm and killed many of the Apamenians in their temples where they fled for sanctuary. Soon after this, the Roman army took Prusa, a very well fortified city, beneath the Olympus Mountain and pillaged it. From there Triarius went with his army to Prusias which bordered on the sea. Prusias, the king of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans and called it after his own name. It was called previously Cierus or Chius from the river which it bordered. As soon as he drew near the city, the Prusians expelled the Pontics and received them in. From there they came to Nicaea which had a garrison of Mithridates. The Pontics, knew full well that the citizen’s favoured the Romans and stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia. Hence the Romans got that city under their command without any trouble. (Memnon. c. 43. & 49. Appian. p. 223. cf. Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4157. Lucullus came to the Hellespont and prepared his fleet. He arrived at Troas and went into the temple of Venus. The same night in his sleep he dreamed that he saw the goddess standing by him and saying, "Sleep’st thou now Lion stout? Whole herds of fawns rove here about.’’

4158. While he was telling this dream to his friends, before daybreak some came to him from Troy. They told him how that there appeared 13 of the king’s ships with five tiers of oars at a port of the Achaians and they were bound for Lemnus. Lucullus sailed from Troas and captured all the 13 ships and killed Isodorus their admiral. (Plutarch, cf. Appian.)

4159. Lucullus followed up on his victory and went after Marius or Varius who was sent by Sertorius to be general, Alexander and Dionysius. He overtook them near Lemnus, in the deserted island where Philoctetes’ altar with the brazen serpent is located. As he approached them, he ordered his soldiers before the battle not to kill anyone who had only one eye. He meant Marius who had lost an eye whom Lucullus planned to deride before he killed him. Lucullus saw that the enemy did not move and had drawn all their ships to the shore. He stopped and sent two ships to try to draw them into a battle. They would not budge but defended themselves from their hatches which really galled the Romans. The place was such that they could not turn around nor was it possible for the ships which were tossed by the waves to do much harm to the enemy. The enemy fleet was beached and they had good sure footing. Therefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships by another way to the island. He landed all his main foot soldiers there who attacked the enemy from the rear. Some were killed and others retreated to their ships. They were so fearful of Lucullus that they dared not launch into the deep but sailed along the coast. Now they were attacked from both land and sea and many were killed as they tried to get away. (Plutarch.) Lucullus either sunk or captured 32 of the king’s ships, besides a number of cargo ships. Among those that were slain, were very many who had been proscribed by Sulla. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2.)

4160. The next day, the 3 generals were found hidden in a cave. Lucullus had Marius or Varius killed. (Oros. l. 6. c. 2. cf. Appian.) Alexander was reserved to be killed later and Dionysius died soon after from poison that he carried with him. (Appian.)

4161. These were the 2 sea victories which Lucullus had, one at Tenedus, the other in the Aegean Sea. Memnon (c.44) mentions both as distinct battles. Cicero stated (Orat. pro lege Manclia) that there was just one battle. He said:

"The large and well trimmed fleet which Sertorius’ commanders were in all fury sailing to Italy, was defeated by Lucullus and procouncil L. Murena. Do you think that the naval battle at Tenedus (when the enemy fleet in good hopes and spirits made a direct course for Italy under the most experienced generals) was defeated after a small battle or a light skirmish?’’

4162. In Orat. pro Archia poeta, Cicero stated:

"Lucullus defeated the enemies fleet at that incredible naval battle at Tenedus.’’

4163. Lucullus sent his letters to the senate which recounted his achievements. This was the custom of conquerors. (Appian.) When as the senate decreed to send him 3000 talents to procure a fleet, he wrote back that he had no need of the money. He boasted that he was able to drive Mithridates from the sea with the ships of the Roman allies. (Plutarch.)

4164. After this, he hurried to catch Mithridates and thought he might find him around Bithynia. He secured the place by Voconius, whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia, to pursue Mithridates. However, Voconius was busy at Samothracia in the religious ceremonies and holy festival days there and came too late. Mithridates sailed and hurried to get to Pontus before Lucullus could catch him. A storm hit and wrecked part of his fleet. Some ships were damaged and other were sunk so that for many days all the coasts around there were littered with the wreckage that washed ashore. They say that this storm was caused by Diana Priapina in revenge against the Pontics for their plundering her temple and taking down her image from its place.

4165. Dio wrote that Mithridates was twice wrecked as he was sailing to Pontus. By these accidents, he lost about 10,000 men and 60 ships. The rest were scattered by the winds. Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces in Salust, said:

"He lost his best soldiers and his fleet by two wrecks, at Para and Heraclea.’’

4166. Orosius said:

"After Mithridates had manned his fleet and sailed against Byzantium (where Eutropius says he was chased by Lucullus), he was caught by a storm and lost 80 ships with brass prows.’’

4167. To conclude, Florus stated:

"A storm struck this fleet of more than 100 ships and a very large military force in the Pontic sea. The storm so battered it that it looked like it had been done by a real naval battle.’’

4168. The pilot of the large ship in which Mithridates was, did not think it possible to beach the ship in so boisterous a storm since it already leaked and was almost full of water. Mithridates against the advice of his friends leaped into the ship of Selemus a pirate and the pirate helped him get on board. Mithridates trusted himself with the pirates who brought him safely to Heraclea in Pontus. (Plutarch) They first went to Sinope and later to Amisus. (Appian and Orosius)

4169. Cotta wanted to atone for his former losses and moved his forces from Chalcedon where he then camped to Nicomedia. He camped 18 miles from the city and was cautious how he engaged the enemy. Triarius of his own accord, quickly brought his army by running marches to Cotta. Then both the Roman armies prepared to attack the city. The king knew that Lucullus had obtained already two notable victories over the Pontics at sea and that he was no match for the Roman forces. He moved his fleet back into the river where he lost some ships with 3 tiers of oars in a storm. However, he escaped with most of his ships to the Hypius River. (Memnon, c. 44.)

4170. Mithridates remained here because of the storm. He heard that Lamachus of Heraclea, a trusted old friend of his, ruled that state. Thereupon he flattered him by many fair promises to allow him into the city and to do the best he could for him. Mithridates also sent him some money because of this. Lamachus prepared a large feast for the citizens outside the city. During this feast he promised Mithridates that the gates would not be shut. He made the people drunk so that Mithridates might come as planned on the very day. He came and took them by surprise as they were sleeping. So the city became his own, and no one even dreamed of his coming. Next day the king summoned the city together and spoke very friendly to them. After he had exhorted them to remain loyal to him, he committed the city to Connacoriges and placed a garrison there of 4000 men. His pretence was merely to defend and protect the citizens in case the Romans should attack the place. From there, he sailed directly toward Sinope. Before he left he distributed some money among the citizens and especially among the magistrates. (Memnon, c. 44.)

4171. After Lucullus had recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia, he passed through Bithynia and Galatia and invaded Mithridates’ kingdom. He joined his forces at Nicomedia with the troops of Cotta and Triarius so that they might attack Pontus. (Eutrop. l. 6. Plutarch, & Memnon, c. 45.) They received news of the taking of Heraclea when as yet they knew nothing of the plot. They thought it was surrendered when the citizens voluntarily abandoned the whole city. Lucullus thought it best that he with the whole power of his army, should march through the Mediterranean and Cappadocia against the king and his whole kingdom. Cotta thought they should try to recapture Heraclea. Triarius thought they should take the fleet and intercept Mithridates’ ships which were sent into Crete and Spain when they returned through the Hellespont and Propontis. (Memnon, c. 45.)

4172. When Mithridates knew of their plans, he prepared for war. He quickly sent for forces from his son-in-law Tigranes the Armenian and to his son Macharus who was reigning in

Bosphorus and from the Parthians. He also ordered Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians to solicit them with many gifts and a great weight of gold. However, he ran away with the gifts and the gold to Lucullus. The others also refused to meddle. Tigranes delayed for a long time. (A letter of Mithridates to Arsaces inserted in the 4th book of Salust’s histories, confirmed that this war was begun and he refused to help from the start.) However, he promised to send supplies. Mithridates’ daughter wore on him until he yielded. (Memnon, c. 45. cf. Appian.)

4173. The ambassador which Mithridates sent to Tigranes was Metrodorus Scepsius who left his philosophy and became a politician. Mithridates had him as such a close friend that he was called the king’s father. He was made a judge and it was not lawful for any man to appeal his sentence to the king. Tigranes asked the king’s ambassador what he thought of this business of sending forces against the Romans. The ambassador replied:

"As I am an ambassador I advise you to send, as I am a counsellor I am against it.’’

4174. Tigranes sent Metrodorus with his answer back to Mithridates but Metrodorus died on the way. Either the king had him killed or he died of some disease, for there was talk of both. Tigranes had informed the king of what Metrodorus had said and thought that Mithridates would never think any the worse of Metrodorus. To express his sorrow for what he had done, Tigranes interred his body very nobly and spared for no cost for him whom he had betrayed when he was alive. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 609, 610. Plutarch in Lucullo.) 3933a AM, 4642 JP, 72 BC

4175. Mithridates sent several generals against Lucullus. They fought some battles but the Romans won most of them. (Memnon, c. 45.) At the first Lucullus was very short of food. There were 30,000 Galatians who followed the camp who were to each bring a measure of grain on their shoulders. After he had marched a little farther, he subdued and plundered all the way. Shortly after this, he came to a country that had not been ravaged by war for many years. A slave was sold for 4 drachmas and an ox for one drachma. Goats, sheep, clothes and other things were equally cheap. They were not able to carry away all the booty because there was so much. Some of it was left behind and the rest destroyed. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4176. After this, Lucullus attempted to subdue Amisus and Eupatoria which Mithridates had built near it. He had called it by his own surname and made it his royal palace. A brigade of Lucullus’ army was sent to take Themiscyra that was on the Thermodoon River. They used towers against the Themiscyrians and cast up works and dug such large mines that the sides often fought underground. The townsmen opened their mines from the top and through the holes let down bears, other wild beasts and swarms of bees among the invaders. They met stiff resistance at Amisus. The Amisians fought bravely in their own defence. They sometimes sallied out in force and other times just a few went out. (Appian.)

4177. Lucullus spent much time before Amisus in a long siege. His army began to complain at the delay and grumbled quite a bit that they were not allowed to plunder all the cities they captured. It did not matter whether the city surrendered freely or was taken by storm. Lucullus replied that he had good reasons for drawing out the seige. By this, he hoped to wear down Mithridates’ forces little by little. He did not want Mithridates to think he overpowered him lest he go to Tigranes for help and thus make another enemy for them to fight with. Plutarch said Lucullus spoke this:

"It is but a few days march from Cabirae into Armenia where Tigranes lives who is that lazy king of kings. He is so powerful, that he wrests Asia from the Parthians, carries the Greek cities into Media, holds Syria and Palestine, dethrones the kings, Seleucus’ successors and steals their daughters and wives from their mansions and takes them with him as prisoners. This Tigranes is a neighbour to Mithridates and is his son-in-law.’’

4178. Cotta moved his camp and marched with his Romans first to Prusia which was formerly called Cierus. From there he went down to the Pontic Sea, and passed by the sea coast. He camped before the walls of Heraclea which stood on the top of an hill. The Heracleans did not trust too much the strength of their location. They joined with the soldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned among them and fought against Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. More fell on the Roman side than of the other. However, the Heracleans received many wounds from the Roman arrows. Therefore Cotta gave up the attack and sounded a retreat to his soldiers. He camped farther off and started to besiege the city. When the Heracleans were short of food, they sent their ambassadors to the colonies around them and wanted to buy food. The embassy was well received. (Memnon, c. 49.)

4179. A little before this, Triarius who was equipped with the Roman fleet from Nicomedia, attacked the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent toward Crete and Spain. When he knew that the rest of the ships had returned to Pontus he chased them. Many of them were lost by storms and naval battles in various places. He overtook them at Tenedus and attacked them. Lucullus had 70 ships and the Pontics less than 60. After they had ran violently on one another with their prows, the king’s side endured the enemy attack very well for a while. Later they were forced to retire and the Romans obtained a complete and famous victory. This was the end of that large fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia. (Memnon. c. 50.) 3933b AM, 4643 JP, 71 BC

4180. Mithridates sent abundant provisions, arms and soldiers to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae. He made Cabriae his winter quarters and levied another army (Appian.) of 40,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Plutarch & Appian) Memnon said there were 8000 cavalry.

4181. Olthacus, whom Appian calls Olcabas, was a Scythian and prince of the Dardarii who live around Lake Maeotis. He was highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel and civil deportment. He was in some of Mithridates’ garrisons and contested with some of the princes and his countrymen for superiority. He promised to do a great exploit for Mithridates and would kill Lucullus. The king highly commended him but pretended as if he had been angry with him for it and very formally reproached him. Thereupon he rode off to Lucullus and was treated very friendly by him. (Plutarch.)

4182. The first year of the 177th Olympiad was now approaching. In the spring, Lucullus left Muraena with 2 legions to continue the siege at Amisus. He marched with 3 other legions through the mountains against Mithridates. (Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. l. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.) Muraena was a lieutenant to Lucullus who was the general. He was the son to Muraena, whom Sulla had left as praetor in Asia. Cicero in a speech on his behalf says:

"During the time when he was lieutenant, he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemy forces, took many cities, some by storm, others by siege. He behaved himself so well in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all luxuries that he left not the least hint of his covetousness or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war that he did many noble acts without the general’s assistance and the general did nothing without him.’’

4183. Mithridates had ordered his guards that they might keep Lucullus out and give notice by fires in case any unusual thing should happen. Phoenix, who was one of the royal blood, was in charge of them. According to agreement, he warned of Lucullus’ approach, but he and all his forces defected to Lucullus. By this action, the mountains could be crossed safely and Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. (Appian.)

4184. After Mithridates crossed the Lycus River he came into a wide plain and tried to provoke the Romans to fight. (Plutarch.) He sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by daily skirmishes, only tested one another’s strength. (Memnon. c. 45.) Later their cavalry fought and the Romans fled. Lucullus was forced to retreat to the mountains. In this fight, Pompey or Pomponius, who was the general of this cavalry, was taken prisoner and brought to Mithridates. He was seriously wounded. When Mithridates asked him that if he allowed him to live, would he be his friend in the future? He replied:

"Truly, I shall, if you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, I shall remain your enemy.’’

4185. After this reply, the barbarians would have killed him, but the king would not allow them. He said that he would not allow any cruelty on a valiant man merely because of misfortune. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4186. After this, Mithridates drew his forces into battle array and stood in that posture for many days. Since Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked for a way to march up to him. (Appian.)

4187. In the meantime Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian who had saved many Romans in the last battle of the cavalry was admitted into Lucullus’ inner circle at meal time and knew their counsels and secrets. He came with his usual short dagger by his side, to Lucullus, as he was sleeping at noon in his tent. He said he had some matter of great importance to tell Lucullus but Menedemus, Lucullus’ chamberlain refused to let him in. Olcabas feared lest he might be questioned and stole away from the camp and rode on horse back to Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.) He revealed to the king another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was immediately seized. (Appian.)

4188. Lucullus was afraid to come down to the plain because the enemy cavalry was too strong. However, he was perplexed about how to pass through the mountainous region which was a long way and full of woods and quite dangerous. By chance, he came upon some Greeks who had hidden themselves in a certain cave around there. The oldest of them was Apollodorus who, as Appian says, was an hunter and knew the mountains well. He guided Lucullus and his army to a place where he might safely camp. It also had a citadel overlooking Cabirae. Lucullus used this guide, kindled fires in the camp and marched away. He went through the woods without any difficulty by an unused path and finally arrived at that citadel. At daybreak, he was seen pitching his tents above the enemy. He chose his place so that if he wanted to fight he could and if not, he could not be forced into a fight. He still avoided the plains for fear of the enemy cavalry and camped where there was plenty of water. (Appian.)

4189. Neither army thought of fighting at present. It is reported that as the king’s party was chasing a deer, the Romans came that way and stopped their chase. A skirmish began and more came flocking in from both sides. Finally the Romans fled. Lucullus came down alone to the plain and ran up to the forest from where the Romans came running. He ordered them to stop and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitted to the general and the others stopped also. They rallied together and easily made the enemy flee and pursued them to their very camp. When Lucullus returned from pursuing the enemy, he publicly disgraced those who ran away. He took away their weapons and ordered them to dig a 12 foot trench while all the other soldiers stood by and looked on. (Plutarch.)

4190. When Lucullus ran short of food, he sent a party into Cappadocia to forage. He often skirmished with the enemy until at one time the king’s troops began to flee. Mithridates ran from the camp and derided them for fleeing and forced them back again. That put such a dread upon the Romans that they ran back without stopping to the mountains. Although the king’s troops abandoned the chase, the Romans were so terrified that they still kept running and thought the enemy was at their heels. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts to tell of his victory. (Appian.)

4191. Sornatius was sent by Lucullus with a legion of foot soldiers to get provisions. He saw Menander, one of Mithridates’ commanders and followed after him. He stopped until they came to him. Then he fought with them and killed many and put the rest to flight. (Plutarch.)

4192. After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia to supply the army with food. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates’ generals, sent Menemachus and Miron, against him with 4000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. They hoped to ambush their wagons as they returned to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 45. Phlegon. year 1. Olymp. 177. &

Plutarch.) Since Cappadocia was the only place where Lucullus might expect supplies, Mithridates hoped to put him in the same distress as he was put in at the seige of Cizycum.(Appian.)

4193. The king’s party, attacked by chance a party of the foragers in some narrow passes. They did not wait until they came to a more open place and so the cavalry could not help them. Thereupon the Romans, drew themselves up as fast as they could into battle array. The roughness of the places helped them. They attacked the king’s troops and killed some of them and forced others down the precipices of the rocks. The rest fled away. (Appian.) When the Romans, had received some troops from Lucullus, they pursued them to the very camp of Diophantus and Taxiles. In a fierce battle, the Pontics stood their ground for a while. As soon as their commanders began to give ground, the whole army retreated. The commanders were the first that told of this defeat to Mithridates. (Memnon. c. 45.) Plutarch said that all the cavalry and foot soldiers who came with Menemachus and Miron, were killed except for only two. Eutropus wrote that 30,000 of the king’s best soldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. (l. 6.) Livy stated that Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good success, and killed more than 60,000 of the enemy. (l. 97.) He took into account those who were killed a little later when Mithridates was made to flee.

4194. Mithridates heard this news before Lucullus did. (Appian.) Adrianus had marched by Lucullus’ camp in great pomp and brought along with him a large number of wagons laden with provisions and spoil. This sight depressed Lucullus and his soldiers began to fear and tremble. (Plutarch.) However, the king, was sure Lucullus would suddenly attack him, now that he had lost his cavalry. He began to be afraid and think of fleeing. In his pavilion, he told his friends the fix they were in. They did not wait so long until the trumpet sounded to gather up their baggage and moved all their goods from the camp before daybreak. There was such a company of them that the beasts of burden began to crowd one another. No sooner was this seen by the army who knew the drivers of the beasts of burden and feared for the worse. They were not notified and were quite upset and rushed violently from their trenches. (Appian.) They ran in a great chase to the gates and rifled the packs. They attacked those that were carrying them away and killed them all. Dorylaus the general was killed. He only had a purple garment on his back and was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus, a soothsayer, was trampled to death in the gates. (Plutarch.)

4195. The soldiers ran away over the fields in no order and everyone cared only for himself and did not wait for orders from their generals and commanders. As soon as the king knew of the disorder and speed with which they fled, he ran out of his pavilion. He hoped to say something to them. Nobody would listen but pressed so hard on him that he fell down in the crowd. (Appian.) Memnon wrote that he stayed for some time at Cabirae and later made his escape. (c. 46.) Appian stated that he soon went on horseback and fled away to the mountains with only a small retinue with him. Plutarch stated that Mithridates had not lost a soldier and went from the camp with the other throng. Neither was there any of the king’s party which had a horse ready. Finally though late, Ptolemy the eunuch, who had a horse, saw Mithridates tossed to and fro in the fight. He leaped off his horse and offered his horse to the king.

4196. When Lucullus knew of the victory of his foragers and saw the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of cavalry to pursue after them in their flight. He surrounded with his legions those who remained in the camp and had put themselves in a defensive position. He told his troops not to pillage the enemy camp, until such time that they had killed as many of them as they could. When the soldiers saw the gold and silver vessels and the rich garments, they ignored the general’s prohibition. (Appian.) The king had been overtaken by a company of Galatians, who had caught up with him in the chase although they would not have known him except for one of his mules which carried the king’s treasure. It was placed between the king and his pursuers either of its own accord or by the king’s plan to slow them down. For while they were busy in gathering up the gold and quarrelling among themselves about the spoil, the king escaped. (Memnon, c. 46. Plutarch & Appian.) When they had taken Callistratus the king’s secretary, Lucullus ordered him brought to the camp. Those who escorted him, found he had 500 crowns in the belt he wore and killed him along the way. (Plutarch.) Cicero wrote this of the escape of Mithridates from Pontus:

"Mithridates fled away and left behind in Pontus, a very large store of gold and silver and other precious things. Part of this he had received from his ancestors and part taken in his first war in Asia and added it to his other treasures. While our men were over busy in gathering up all they found, the king escaped.’’

4197. Lucullus came as far as Talaura in pursuing Mithridates. This was now the 4th day and Mithridates had an head start and so escaped into Armenia to Tigranes. (He did not go to Iberia, as it is incorrectly stated in Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.) Lucullus marched back again and gave the soldiers the plunder of the king’s camp. (Plutarch.) He sent M. Pompey as commander-in-chief against Mithridates while he, with all his forces, moved to Cabirae. (Memnon. c. 47.) Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) stated the matter in this way.

"After I recruited my army at Cabirae and had many battles between me and Lucullus, both of us were short of food. He was supplied from Ariobarzanes’ kingdom of Cappadocia which had not been touched by the war. Since all parts about me were wasted and destroyed, I withdrew into Armenia.’’

4198. Mithridates got safely to Comana and from there hurried away to Tigranes with 200 cavalry. (Appian.) He could by no means get his son-in-law to help him for he would not own him, who had lost so great a kingdom, nor much as to come into his fight for him nor acknowledge him as his kinsman. However, Mithridates procured from him a grant for the protection of his person and was assigned a princely table in some of his citadels nor was he lacking such duties of hospitality. (Memnon, c. 48. Appian.) Although, Plutarch wrote that he put him off with a great deal of contempt and scorn and Mithridates was cooped up in some remote corner in the swampy and unhealthful places.

4199. When Mithridates was on his flight, he sent Bacchus or Bacchides, one of his eunuchs, to kill any way he could his sisters, wives and concubines, who were kept at Pharnacia. (Memnon. c. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.)

4200. Among these were 2 of the king’s sisters, Roxane and Statira who had lived as virgins for almost 40 years. Also were 2 of his Ionian wives, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. Bacchides came to them and told them that they must die but they should have the freedom to choose what kind of death they thought most easy and free from pain. Monima took the diadem from off her head and made it fit for her neck and hanged herself by it. However it broke and she said:

"O thou cursed band, wilt thou not serve for this use?’’

4201. Then she kicked it about and spit on it. She exposed her throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poison and gave part of it to her mother who was present there and asked for it. So they drank it both together. The poison did work on the weaker body but it did not kill Berenice since she had not taken her full dose. Therefore when Bacchides saw her in pain and a long while in dying, he strangled her. It is also reported that of those two virgin sisters that Roxane, after many a curse and reproach against her brother drank her poison. But Satiras spoke nothing bitter or unworthy of him but praised him highly in that when he was in danger for his life that he should think of them to provide that they should die free women and not raped. (Plutarch.)

4202. When Lucullus besieged Cabirae, the barbarians surrendered conditionally. He made peace with them and took over their strongholds. (Memnon, c. 37.) After the surrender of

Cabirae and many other cities, he found rich treasures and prisons in which were many Greeks and also many of the king’s friends locked up. They had long thought themselves as dead men and were released to a new life by Lucullus’ favour. Nysa, Mithridates’ sister, was found among the rest and freed. (Plutarch.)

4203. Most of the governors of Mithridates’ garrisons defected to Lucullus. (Appian.) Among these, was Strabo, the geographer’s grandfather, by the mother’s side and brother to Moaphernes, the governor of Colchis under Mithridates. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 499.) He defected because Mithridates had recently killed his first cousin, Tibius and his son Theophilus. He was instrumental in the defection of 15 other garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 557.) Thus Pontus was wide open to the Roman legions which before was blocked on all sides so that the Romans could not enter it. (Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.)

4204. When the Romans had finished their work with Mithridates, they attacked the Cretians, merely from ambition to subdue that noble island. They pretended their reason was that the Cretians favoured Mithridates and had let him have mercenaries for his army against the Romans. Mithridates had entered into an alliance with the pirates whom M. Antionius was chasing at that time. The Cretians had offended Antionius when he was a delegate and had given him two arrogant repliess. Thereupon Antionius soon confidently invaded the island and was so sure of victory that he carried more chains than arms in his ships. However, the enemies intercepted many of his ships and bound those that they took prisoners with sails and ropes and hung them up. In that manner the Cretians hoisted sail and returned back triumphantly to their harbours. Antionius became sick and died thus ending the war which he had started with little success. In spite of that he obtained the surname of Creticus. (Livy l. 97. Flor. l. 3. c. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de pratura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.)

4205. Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius had stayed almost 2 whole years at Rome with his brother and had not yet received a promise from from the senate for those things which he demanded concerning the kingdom of Egypt. On his return home, he journeyed through Sicily and came to Syracuse and stayed in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a candlestick, very elaborately made of bright gems which he intended to bestow in the capitol. Since the temple there was not yet completed, he planned to carry it back again with him into Syria. He would send it back to the capitol by his ambassadors with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiter’s image which was done in the next year by Q. Catulus. Verres, the praetor of Sicily, cheated him of this candlestick, many other cups of gold inlaid with gems and another cup for wine which was cut from one large gem. When he demanded them back, Verres ordered him to leave the province before night and told him that he had received news that the pirates were coming from his kingdom into Sicily. (Cicero in Verina 6. or l. 4. in Verrem.)

4206. After frequent massacres in Judea by the Pharisees, the old friends of Alexander Jannaeus went to Queen Alexandra and told her what was happening. The leader of them was Alexandra’s younger son, Aristobulus. They made their addresses to the court and asked the queen that they might either be all killed there or else that they might be dispersed into various citadels where they might spend the rest of their lives safe from their enemies’ treacheries. Thereupon she, for want of better counsel at that time, entrusted them with the command of all the citadels, except for Hircania, Alexandrium and Machaerus. In these places, she had stored her best treasures. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 24.)

4207. Cotta still besieged Heraclea and had not yet made an assault against it with his whole army. He had only brought up against the town a few of his Romans and placed the Bithynians in the front lines. When he saw how many of them were wounded and slain, he resorted to his engines. None terrified the besieged so much, as the one which they called their turtle, (Latin testudo). This was an engine enclosed with boards and raw hides and under its shelter they might safely scale the walls. Thereupon Cotta brought up all his troops from the camp. He led them up against a tower which they had good hopes of making a breach in. The tower had endured one or two batteries without any damage at all. Contrary to all their expectations, the ram broke off from the engine. The Heracleans were encouraged and Cotta began to despair of ever taking the town. The next day they used their engine again but with little results. Therefore Cotta burnt the engine and cut off the carpenter’s head who made it. He left a sufficient guard at the walls of the city and he camped with the rest of his army in the plain of Layca which had plenty of provisions. Thereby he reduced the city to dire need since all the country about Heraclea was utterly destroyed. Thereupon they immediately sent an embassy to the Sevthians, the inhabitants of Chersonesus and to the Theodosians and to the princes about Bosphorus. They wanted to make a league which they agreed to. (Memnon, c. 51.)

4208. While the enemies attacked the city from without, they were almost as badly plagued by disputes among themselves within the town. For Mithridates’ garrison was not content to eat what the townsmen lived on. They scourged the citizens, and made them provide things which at that time were quite scarce. Connacorix, the governor, was worse than his soldiers for he did not restrain their insolence but freely permitted them to do what they wanted. (Memnon, c. 51.) 3934a AM, 4643 JP, 71 BC

4209. Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans and the Tibarenians. (Plutarch.) He captured Armenia the less which Mithridates previously controlled. (Plutarch & Eutrop. l. 6.) After he had gone over all Pontus and subdued the province, he came with his fleet to its coastal cities. (Appian.)

4210. Amisus was still besieged. Callimarchus, the governor, had worn out the Romans with his engine devices and his plots. (Plutarch) Lucullus came to besiege them and exhorted them to surrender. When he saw they would not, he moved the siege to Eupatoria and acted as if he had been very careless in attacking them. Those that kept the garrison also became careless and continued still in their false sense of security. Thereupon Lucullus commanded his soldiers to quickly scale the walls. So Eupatoria was taken and immediately pulled down to the ground. (Memnon, c. 47.) 3934b AM, 4644 JP, 70 BC

4211. Not long after Amisus was taken, which (as Plutarch confirms from Salust,) had held out for another winter’s siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus usually withdrew his soldiers to allow them to refresh themselves, Lucullus scalled the walls with his ladders. (Memnon, c.47 & Plutarch.) When a little part of the walls was taken by the enemy, Callimachus burned the city either from his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty or else contriving by this to escape. For nobody hindered any that would sail away. As soon as the flame caught hold on the walls, the soldiers immediately started plundering. From pity for the burning city, Lucullus tried to stop the fire from outside the walls and ordered his soldiers to help to quench it. None heeded him but shouted and rattled their armour. Hence Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the soldiers that he might save the city from being burnt to the ground. However, they did the exact opposite. When the fire was almost everywhere, the soldiers themselves set fire to some houses. While the city was being taken, the fire was put out by a storm which happened miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he left. (Plutarch,) He prevented his soldiers from any further slaughter of the citizens and he gave both the city and the country to those that survived. (Memnon, c. 47.)

4212. At the same time, Tyrannio the grammarian was taken prisoner. Lucullus did not want to make him a slave and gave him to Muraena who freed him. Tyrannio was a citizen of Amisus by birth as Strabo states, who was one of his students. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 548.)

4213. Selene the queen asked the Syrians to help to drive out Tigranes. She was otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, reigned jointly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes king of Armenia had not captured. She had some cities of Phoenicia defect from him. Thereupon Tigranes entered Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24. cf. Plutarch in Lucullo.) In this expedition, it is likely that Tigranes recovered those 70 valleys of Armenia which were naturally fortified with hills and mountains. When Tigranes was a Parthian hostage, he gave this to the Parthians as a gift. He wasted the countries of the Parthians around Ninus and Arbela. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 532.) For this undoubtedly was that recent war of Tigranes against the Parthians which is mentioned by Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces the next year (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) and which also Dio affirms.(l. 35. Histories) He stated that a certain disputed country was taken from the Parthians.

4214. In the 9th year of Alexandria, queen of the Jews, Josephus was born to Matthias Curtus, the priest’s son. Josephus was the grandfather to Josephus the historian as Josephus states in the beginning of the book of his life.

4215. Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy Mennaeus. He had been a very troublesome neighbour to that city. Alexander marched back again without any results. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.)

4216. About this same time it was rumoured that Tigranes had entered Syria with an army of 500,000 men and that he would suddenly come into Judaea. This news terrified the queen and the Jews. Thereupon they dispatched ambassadors to him with rich presents as he beseiged Ptolemais and captured it soon after. When the ambassadors found him there, they told him the queen and the Jews would deal honestly and fairly with him. He commended them for their coming on so long a journey to do homage to him and wished them all well. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.) Appian wrote that Tigranes overran all the counties of the Syrians on this side of the Euphrates as far as Egypt. (Syriac. p. 118.) Lucullus stated (Plutarch) that he captured Palestine. However, Eutropius stated that he did not march toward Egypt beyond Phoenicia and that Tigranes was master of only part of Phoenicia. (Eutropius l. 6.)

4217. Lucullus sent his wife’s brother, Appius Claudius as an ambassador to Tigranes to demand Mithridates from him. (Memnon. c. 48. & Plutarch.) The king’s captain brought him through the upper countries by a circuitous and round about way. Finally one of his own free men, a Syrian, showed him the right way. Using him for their guide, they reached the Euphrates River in 5 days and came to Antioch which was called Epidaphne. He was ordered to wait there for Tigranes who was gone to subdue some other cities of Phoenicia which were not yet under his power. He made many of the princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenians heartily, to side with the Romans. Zarbienus king of the Gordians was one of them. (Plutarch.)

4218. Appius promised Lucullus’ help to many other cities under Tigranes’ control. They had secretly sent ambassadors to him. He ordered them not to rebel at the present time. The

Armenians treated the Greeks very badly. The king was worse than the rest and grew more arrogant and conceited with his success. Whatever mortal men wish for themselves and admire, he thought was for him and purposely created for him. Many kings waited upon him as his servants. He had 4 in his retinue as his attendants and guards who on their errands ran on foot by his horse’s side. When he sat on his throne and answered questions the countries had asked of him, they stood with their hands clasped together and their fingers folded one within another. This posture more than any other was a sign of their submission to him. (Plutarch.)

4219. L. Motellus was appointed to succeed Verres as praetor of Sicily. (Ascanius in Divinat.) Motellus went against the pirates in Sicily, (not Cilicia, as incorrectly written in Livy’s Epitome) and was victorious. (Livy l. 98. Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) When the Sicilians impeached Verres for extortion, Cicero was appointed to represent them. Cicero had a dispute with Hornensius, who was designed consul. (Cicero in Bruio.) In this Q. Cecilius Niger tried his best to prosecute the impeachment of Verres instead of Cicero. Q. Cicilius Niger was Verres’ quaestor in that island. He was a Sicilian by descent (as Pedianus noted in Divination adversus Cacilium) and a free man and a Jew by religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero where he relates the jest which Cicero made of Caecilius for being a Jew. It was based on a play on the the word "verres" which means castrated pig in Latin.

"What has a Jew got to do with a pig?’’

4220. The passage of Cicero (l. 5. against Verres) shows the condition of things at that time.

"Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle, let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemy king, let him speak and think whatever Hortensins would have him.’’

4221. This agreed with another passage in an letter which Mithridates wrote the next year to Arsaces. (Salust. l. 4. histor.)

"The Cretians were at that time the only people who retained their freedom and king Ptolemy. A little later Ptolemy delayed the battle he was hired to fight. When the Cretians had been attacked once, they were resolved not to stop until they were utterly defeated.’’

4222. By comparing the two passages, we may gather that the Romans used for their own advantage the right which Antiochus Asiaticus claimed to the kingdom of Egypt. They deemed it convenient that Ptolemy Alexander should be called king as long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant tribute. Also that the Romans were fully resolved to start again the first war with Crete which was ended by the death of M. Antionius. This all happened in the following year as we shall see.

4223. Lucullus marched into Asia, which was still in arrears a quarter part of the fruits because of a fine which Sulla had imposed. This tribute was proportioned according to their houses and number of servants. (Appian.) The collectors and money lenders had made such havock of the cities of Asia and had treated them so slavishly. They were compelled to sell privately their sons and their daughters into slavery and sell their ornaments, pictures and images. The end of this was that they became slaves to their creditors.

4224. Lucullus took such an action with those pestilent fellows that within 4 years all obligations were satisfied and possessions were restored free again to their owners to inherit. This public debt was 20,000 talents which Sulla had imposed upon Asia. The creditors were allowed only double the sum which by their usuries had amounted to 120,000 talents. The creditors thought this was too hard a measure and slandered Lucullus at Rome and had the important Romans to be against him. However Lucullus was very well liked by those countries where he had done those good services. He was greatly endeared to all the other provinces who esteemed those people very happy whose lot it was to have such a governor as he was appointed over them. (Plutarch.)

4225. After Lucullus had fully settled Asia with many excellent laws and an universal peace, he relaxed and enjoyed himself. He lived at Athens and he delighted the cities with shows, triumphal feasts, wrestling and fencing. The cities kept the holiday of Lucullia to honour him. He was not as affected by this as the affection they bore toward him. (Plutarch.)

4226. Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena after he kept her securely as a prisoner in the citadel at Seleucia. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749.) Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt by right of his mother, was dispossessed of that part of Syria which she held.

4227. As soon as Tigranes returned to Antioch, Appius the delegate declared publicly that he was come to take Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus’ triumph and if Tigranes refused to surrender him, he was to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled with the delegate’s outspoken behaviour but held his peace to see what else he would say. In almost 25 years, he had not heard anyone speak freely to him until now. It was for so many years he had reigned or rather played the part of a forager. He replied to Appius that he knew very well that Mithridates was a very wicked man yet he must respect the alliance between them. All the world might well cry out against him, if he should surrender his wife’s father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates and if the Romans started a war, he could put up a good fight. He was very offended at Lucullus because in his letter he had greeted him as king only and not as king of kings. Therefore to get even, when he wrote back, he did not address Lucullus by the title of general. Appius returned quickly to the general. Of the many other presents the king offered him, he accepted only one cup of gold. He feared lest he offend the king if he refused all the presents. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749. cf. Memnon, c. 48.)

4228. When Tigranes learned that Zarbienus, the king of the Gordians, had secretly allied himself with Lucullus, he killed him with his wife and children. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)

4229. As soon as Appius was returned and the war with Tigranes was planned, Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the victory had been already won. He marched back again into Pontus and camped before Sinope or rather besieged the king’s party of Cilicians who were garrisoned there. (Plutarch, in Lucullo. cf. Appian. p. 228.) For as the city was assaulted from outside the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the commander whom Mithridates had appointed to keep the town. The commander was called Cleochares according to Orosius, or Bacchis, according to Strabo. He feared treachery among the citizens and therefore committed various massacres among the citizens. Hence the citizens neither had heart to courageously resist the enemy nor were they in a position to conditionally surrender. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 546.) Memnon said this about that event.

4230. The king had entrusted Leonippus along with Cleochares to defend the city. Leonippus saw that things were hopeless and sent to Lucullus about surrendering the city. However,

Cleochares and Seleucus, the chief pirate who was Mithridates’ delegate and was in equal authority with the rest, detected a plot. They called a council and accused Leonippus. The citizens paid no attention to the accusation since they had a very high opinion of the man’s integrity. Thereupon Cleochares’ faction was afraid of his following among the common people and treacherously killed him at night. The common people were deeply disturbed by this. However Cleochares and his party prevailed and did what they wished. They thought that by carrying things with such an high hand, they could escape being calling into account for the murder of Leonippus. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4231. Meanwhile Censorinus, admiral of the Roman fleet, sailed with 15 galleys of 3 tiers of oars which were loaded with provisions. They sailed from Bosphorus for the Roman camp and arrived near Sinope. Cleochares’ and Seleucus’ Sinopian galleys under the command of Seleucus put to sea and fought with Censorinus. The Italians were defeated and their ships with their provisions were taken away as a prize. Cleochares and his colleague was elevated with this success and behaved more tyrannically than before. They hailed the townsmen to execution without any legal processes and cruelly abused them in other ways. It happened that Cleochares and Selcucus became at odds with each other. Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war but Seleucus wanted to kill all Sinopians and surrender the city to the Romans as a good gratuity. Since they could not agree about the business, they put all they had into ships and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates’ son, who at was at that time living at Colchis. (Memnon, c. 55.)

4232. About that time, Lucullus drew up closer to the city and made a most intense attack on it. Machares, Mithridates’ son, sent an embassy to Lucullus and requested a league of friendship between them. The petition was courteously received and he told him that there should be a firm league between them provided that they send no more supplies to the

Sinopians. Machares observed this and whatever was intended for the relief of Mithridates’ party, he ordered it sent to Lucullus. (Memnon c. 56.) Machares, king of Bosphorus, gave Lucullus a coronet valued at 1000 crowns and was admitted as an ally and confederate of the Romans. (Livy l. 98. cf. Plutarch, & Appian.)

4233. Cleochares and Seleucus saw how things went and knew they were in a desperate condition. Thereupon they massacred many of the citizens and carried an abundance of wealth to their ships. They let their soldiers plunder the town then they burned it. After this they burnt their larger ships and they sailed away by night with the smaller ones to the inner parts of Pontus and lived by the Sanegians and the Lazians. When Lucullus saw the fire he guessed what had happened and ordered his soldiers to scale the walls. As soon as he entered the town, he killed 8000 of the king’s party who remained behind. He had great pity on the rest and hurried to put out the fires and restored the citizens’ goods. Thus was this miserable city by the hands of friends and foes, ruined by those who came to defend it and preserved by those who came to ruin it. (Memnon, c. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosius l. 6. c. 3.)

4234. The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope and later enfranchising it was this. It was rumoured to be some admonition which he received in a dream. For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side and spoke these words:

"Go a little forward Lucullus for Autolychus is coming to meet thee’’

4235. When he awoke, he could not possibly imagine what this meant. The same day that he took the city, he saw a statue lying by the sea shore in his pursuit of the Cilicians who fled away by ship. The Cilicians planned to have made it their companion in their escape and to that end wrapped it up in clothes and bound it up with cords. They did not have enough time to get it onto the ship. When the Romans unwrapped it, Lucullus saw that it looked like the one who appeared to him in a dream the previous night. Later he learned that it was the statue of Autolychus who was the founder of the city of Sinope. When he heard this, he remembered Sulla’s warning who wrote in his commentaries that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain as that which is shown in dreams. (Plutarch, & Appian.) This statue of Autolychus was made by Sthenides. Lucullus took it and Billarus’ sphere with him but left all other ornaments of the city behind. (Strabo, l. 12.)

4236. After he was finished at Sinope, he restored Amisus to its inhabitants who fled away in ships. He granted the city the right to use their own laws and gave them their freedom. (Appian.) He repopulated cities for other Greeks, even for as many who wished that favour from him. He added to each city 15 miles of land. Moreover, he was kind to the Athenians who in the time of Sulla had escaped there to live because of Aristion’s tyranny. He gave the ones still living clothes and 200 drachmas each and sent them back to their country. (Plutarch.)

4237. Amasea, Strabo the geographer’s country, still held out against the Romans, but yielded soon after. (Memnon, c. 56.)

4238. After Cotta had destroyed all around Heraclea, he again attacked the walls. The soldiers lacked enthusiasm for this and he gave up on it. He sent for Triarius and ordered him to quickly blockade the way and intercept the supplies that came by sea for the townsmen. (Memnon. c. 51.)

4239. Triarius came with his 23 ships and 20 Rhodian ships. He sailed with this fleet to Pontus. He notified Cotta of his arrival who drew up his army to the walls of the city and Triarius showed himself at sea. Thereupon the Heracleans were somewhat troubled at Triarius’ sudden arrival with his fleet and put to sea with 30 ships. They were not as well manned as they should have been since all the other men were used in defending the city against the enemy’s assaults. The Rhodians first attacked the Heraclean ships and 3 Rhodian’s ships and 5 of the Heraclean’s were sunk. Thereupon the Romans came into the battle. Although they were soundly defeated in the battle, they did more harm than they received from the enemy. At the end, they routed the Heracleans and forced them to retreat back to the city with the loss of 14 of their ships. The conquering fleet rode into the great port and Cotta withdrew his foot soldiers from storming the town. (Memnon. c. 52.)

4240. Every day Triarius’ men made their sallies from the port to hinder supplies from coming to the besieged. There was such a shortage of food in the city that a bottle of grain was sold for 80 attics. To make matters worse, a pestilence broke out among them that may have been caused by unhealthy air or a poor diet. They all did not die in the same way but appeared to suffer from different diseases. Lamachus’ pangs of death were more violent and tedious than any of the others. This disease raged most among the soldiers of the garrison so that 1000 of the 3000 soldiers died. (Memnon c. 52.) 3935a AM, 4644 JP, 70 BC

4241. Conacorix was now ready to betray the city to the Romans because of the siege. To buy his own safety, he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, helped to effect the plot. He was a great rival with Lamachus in all matters and after Lamachus’ death, he was appointed over the garrison. Conacorix did not trust Cotta who was a devious man but told the matter to Triarius. Damopheles was also anxious to complete the matter and arrived at a fair bargain for the surrender. The conspirators thought themselves safe and went about their work. It happened that the conspirators’ business became public knowledge. Thereupon citizens came together and called for the governor of the city and then for Brithagoras who was an eminent person of authority among his country men. They earnestly asked Conacorix that he would secure their safety too from Triarius. He was very much opposed to this but he very craftily led the Heracleans on with this flattering words for a while. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4242. Thereupon in the dead of the night, Conacorix shipped all his men and left the town. This was the agreement he had made with Triarius that they would march away quietly with all their baggage. Damopheles opened the gates and let in the Roman army with Triarius. Some of them came rushing in at the gate and others clambered up the walls. When the Heracleans saw that they were betrayed, some of them surrendered and the rest were killed. They plundered their household goods and whatever things they had laid aside in hopes of saving. Indeed; the enemy acted very cruelly against the citizens, for the Romans remembered what great losses they had received in the recent navel battle and what great trouble they had in assaulting the town. In revenge, they did not spare those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places. They slew them near the altars and the temples even though they begged for mercy. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls and dispersed themselves about the country while others were forced to flee to Cotta. (Mennon. c. 53.)

4243. Cotta was told by those that fled to him that the city was taken and many men were killed and the town was plundered. He was upset by this news and in a very great indignation he marched as fast as he could to the city. His army was also very deeply discontented because they had lost the glory of their valiant achievements and were cheated of all their plunder. Thereupon, they attacked most fiercely Triarius’ men and outdid one another by killing each other. When Triarius heard of the rebellion, he put an end to the battle by pacifying Cotta with good words and promised faithfully an equal share of all the plunder they had taken in the town. (Memnon. c. 53.)

4244. Cotta was told that Conacorix had seized Teium and Amastus and immediately sent Triarius to recover their cities again from his hands. Cotta stayed at Heraclea and took into his custody those that surrendered themselves and the prisoners. He went on to other matters. All his administration was done very cruelly. He searched up and down in every corner for the wealth of the city. He did not spare the consecrated things. He took down the statues and images even the very good ones and had a good number of them. He carried Hercules from the market place and ripped off his ornaments from the pyramid and various other things from the temple and city that were every bit as rare and beautiful as they. These he put on his ships. For his farewell, he ordered his soldiers to bring fire and they burnt the city in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued after withstanding a 2 year siege. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4245. Triarius arrived at the cities assigned him by Cotta and recovered them when they surrendered conditionally. He allowed Conacorix to sail away who had thought to conceal his betrayal of Heraclea by seizing these two cities. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4246. After Cotta had finished matters he turned over all his foot soldiers and cavalry to Lucullus and dismissed the auxiliaries whom he had from their various allies. Cotta sailed away with his fleet. It happened that part of the fleet which carried the spoils of Heraclea, was overloaded and sank not far from shore and the other part was dashed against the sands by a contrary north wind and lost much of their cargo. (Memnon. c. 54.)

4247. Lucullus left Sornatius behind with 6000 soldiers to order the province and took along with him 12,000 foot soldiers and less than 3000 cavalry. (2 legions and 500 cavalry according to Appian) He entered Cappadocia where Ariobarzanes was his friend and made very long marches to the Euphrates River where Cappadocia borders Armenia. (Salust. Histor. l. 4. with Nonium, in vos, Naves codicaria. Memnon, c. 58. Plut. Appian.)

4248. At that time in the winter, the Euphrates River was swollen and rough. About evening, the water began to recede and by daybreak the river was running within its own banks. Thereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus. The waters did not go down before but only at the very time he came to allow him an easy crossing. As soon as he had crossed over with his army another favourable prodigy happened. One of the oxen came to Lucullus. These animals were consecrated to the Persian Diana whom the barbarians beyond the Euphrates River worship with high reverence. Those beasts are usually not captured without much trouble. However, this one came of its own accord to him and he sacrificed the bull to the Euphrates River for his easy crossing. He camped there all that day. (Plutarch.)

4249. During the time he marched through Sophenes, he did not offend in any way the inhabitants and they surrendered to him and cheerfully entertained his army. (Plutarch.) He only requested some money from them. The inhabitants of those countries did not like fighting so they would not interfere when Tigranes and Lucullus were fighting. (Appian.)

4250. In those parts there was a citadel, where a great deal of treasure was thought to be stored. The soldiers wanted to attack the place but Lucullus pointed at Taurus which might be seen in the distance and said:

"Let us rather attack that stronghold. What is stored here is only reserved to reward conquerors.’’

4251. So they marched on and he crossed the Tigris River and entered Armenia. (Plutarch.)

4252. At the same time as Lucullus invaded Armenia, Alexandra, queen of the Jews, became very sick. Thereupon Aristobulus, her young son, desired the kingdom and stole out in the night and took along with him only one servant. He went to the citadels which his father’s friends controlled. Only his wife knew of his plans whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was in command. He received Aristobulus very enthusiastically. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24. cf. Belli. l. 1. c. 4.)

4253. The next day, the queen noticed Aristobulus’ absence, but did not think that he plotted to take over the kingdom. When messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this citadel and then of that citadel being seized by her son, then both the queen and the whole country were in confusion. They feared lest if he should takeover the kingdom, he would call them to account for their hard usage of his close friends. It was therefore thought best to secure Aristobulus’ wife and children in the citadel which was near the temple. In the meantime, there was a large crowd of men who defected to Aristobulus and hoped to get something by this revolution. He behaved like a king and gathered an army from Mount Libanus, Trachonitis and the neighbouring provinces. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)

4254. Thereupon Hyrcanus, the high priests, and the elders of the Jews addressed the queen. They desired her advise about this emergency. She told them to do whatever they thought best for the public interest and to use the present strength and treasure of the kingdom for that. She was in such a weak condition of mind and body that she could not help in the public administration. She died not long after this. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)

4255. Hyrcanus, her oldest son, succeeded her in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad when Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus (later surnamed Creticus) were consuls. (Josephus Antiq. l. 14. c. 1.) His mother in his lifetime had turned over the kingdom to him. However, Aristobulus exceeded him in strength and authority. (Joseph. l. 1. c. 4.)

4256. When the consuls cast lots for their provinces, the managing of war against the Cretians fell to Hortensius. He was more interested in the city and the forum, in which he had the first place after Cicero and freely gave this expedition to Metellus. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.) 3935b AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4257. When the senate declared war on Crete, the wisest of the Cretians thought it best to send ambassadors to Rome to clear them of all the allegations, to pacify the senate with good words and secure their reconciliation. This was agreed to and they sent 30 of their most eminent men on this embassy to Rome. They hoped that they would obtain a new ratification of their former contract and be thanked for the favour they had showed to their quester and soldiers whom they had taken prisoners in the recent battle with M. Antionius. The ambassadors by privately visiting the senators at their houses, won them over to their side. When they were brought into the senate, they answered the charges against them and recalled the good services they had done and their alliance in war under the Roman general. It was resolved that the Cretians impeachments should be removed and that after this they would be allies of the Romans. However, Lentulus who was surnamed Spinther, had this decree reversed. Thereupon this particular business was debated several times by the senate. It was concluded that since the Cretians had sided with the pirate ships and had shared in the booty, they should send to Rome all their pirate ships even to boats of four tiers of oars. They should also return the ships which they had taken from the Romans. They were to return all prisoners, renegades and the 300 good hostages. Lasthenes, who had fought with Antonius and Panares, also demanded 4000 talents of silver. (Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4258. The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians who were at home. They soon sent one of the consuls to receive what was demanded and if they refused, to wage war with them. It was certain they would not comply. For was it imaginable that those, who, at the beginning, before any such things were exacted from them or before they had obtained a victory, would acknowledge any wrong committed by them? However, now after they had a victory, would they meekly submit to such haughty demands? The Romans knew full well what would be the result and suspected the delegates would be bribed to obstruct the wars. Hence they made a decree in the senate, prohibiting any person from lending the delegates anything. (Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)

4259. When the Cretians debated the commands of the senate, the most politically astute were of the opinion that every detail should be observed. Those of Lasthenes’ faction were somewhat obnoxious and feared lest they should be sent to Rome and there be punished for what they had done. They stirred up the people and exhorted them earnestly to fight for their liberty. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 35.)

4260. When Cotta had returned to Rome, he was highly honoured by the senate and honoured with the surname of Ponticus because he had taken Heraclea. (Memnon. c. 61.)

4261. Mithridates had lived in the parts of Armenia for 20 months and had not yet been admitted to see Tigranes, his son-in-law. At last overcome by his desire to present himself, he met him with a gallant train and received his father-in-law with princely magnificence. Nevertheless, 3 days passed without any conference between them. Later by the sumptuousness of the entertainments, he gave sufficient signs of his affection toward him. (Memnon, c. 57.) Then in the conference which was held very privately at court, they allayed the suspicion of Metrodorus Sceptius and other friends on both sides. So Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus with 10,000 cavalry. (Memnon.)

4262. Lucullus drew up a company of troops against the city in which he was told that Tigranes had secured his courtesans and most of his precious things. (Memnon. c. 58.)

4263. Tigranes hung a man as a trouble maker who brought the first news of Lucullus’ coming with his army. After that no one brought him any news. At last when he found it to be true, he sent Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with 2000 (as Appian) or 3000 (as Plutarch has it) cavalry and a vast number of foot soldiers. He was ordered to take Lucullus alive and bring him to Tigranes to deter others from doing the same. (Plutarch and Appian.)

4264. Part of Lucullus’ forces were camped and the remainder were on their march when the scouts brought news of the enemy’s approach. Thereupon Lucullus feared lest the enemy should attack his men when they were not ready for battle. He halted the march and started to fortify his camp. He sent Sextilius, the delegate, with 1600 cavalry and almost as many foot soldiers with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy. He was not to move until he received word that the camp was thoroughly fortified. However, Mithrobarzanes came so quickly on him that he was forced to fight. Mithrobarzanes was killed in this battle and most of the rest fled and were killed in the pursuit. (Plutarch.)

4265. Tigranes left Tigranocerta and committed the custody of the city to Mancaeus. He went about the country to levy an army and retreated to Taurus. He made that place his headquarters. (Plutarch cf. Appian.) Lucullus followed him so closely that he could not assemble an army. For he sent Muraena to attack and take all troops he found marching to Tigranes. Sextilius was sent another way to attack a large band of Arabians and to prevent their coming to the king, (Plutarch.)

4266. Sextilius attacked the Arabians before they knew what happened as they were camped. He captured most of them. Muraena marched after Tigranes and overtook him with a very great force in an uneven and narrow dale. Muraena had some advantage by the terrain and he fought with Tigranes who left behind all his wagons and fled as fast as he could. Many Armenians died in the battle but far more were taken prisoners. (Plutarch.)

4267. Sextilius forced Mancaeus to retreat into Tigranocerta and started plundering the king’s palace which was located outside the walls. He made a trench around the city and the castle to place the batteries and undermine the walls. (Appian.) At last Lucullus came to them, and closelt besiege to the city. He thought that Tigranes would not allow him to besiege the town but would come down in a rage to fight him. (Plutarch) The barbarians hindered his actions greatly. They shot many arrows and they shot their naphtha or fire pitch from their engines. This naphtha was a type of a pitchy substance and was so scalding that it burnt all it stuck to. Water would barely quench it. (Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4268. Mithridates sent ambassadors with letters, (as Plutarch states and not in person) and then met with Tigranes (as Appian has it) and warned him not to fight the Romans and to rove around the country with his cavalry. He was to lay it waste if possible and by this deprive the enemy of food. This was what Lucullus did to Mithridates not long ago at Cyzicum and made him lose an army without fighting a stroke.

4269. The Armenians and the Gordians joined with Tigranes. Every man of the Medes and Adiabans were brought by their kings. The Arabians also came in numbers from the Babylonian Sea. Many Albans came from the Caspian Sea along with the Iberians, their neighbours who were a free people who lived near Araxes. (Plutarch.) Some came for love of their king and others came because they were induced by gifts. (Plutarch) Others came from fear. (Cicero, in Oratione Maniliana.) For the barbarians thought the Roman army came solely to ransack their countries and their wealthy temple. For this reason many countries including the larger ones went to fight against Lucullus.

4270. These forces came together. At Tigranes’ eating tables and council rooms, they talked only of victory and how roughly they would handle the enemy when they had captured them. Taxiles, who was Mithridates’ delegate and his assistant, was in danger of losing his head because in a council of war, only he was opposed to fighting with the Romans. He said that the Romans were unconquerable. Mithridates envied the glory of the victory Tigranes would have lest he did not wait until he came and not share with him the glory of the day. (Plutarch.) However Tigranes sent for Mithridates to come quickly to help him. (Memnon, c. 58.)

4271. Tigranes ordered about 6000 soldiers to go and defend the city where his courtesans were kept. These charged through the Roman brigades and got into the town. They found their return trip intercepted by a valley of archers and sent away the king’s concubines and his treasures safely by night to Tigranes. At daybreak the Romans and the Thracians fought with those Armenians and killed many of them and took at least as many prisoners. (Memnon, c. 58. & Appian. whose account is corrected from Memnon.)

4272. Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the rest of his army. He was very troubled that he would now only fight with one of the Roman generals, Lucullus, and not with the whole army. Tigranes had in his army, 20,000 archers and slingers, 55,000 cavalry, 150,000 heavily armed foot soldiers who were divided partly into regiments and partly into squadrons and 35,000 who were intended for barricading passes. (Plutarch.)

4273. As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host at Taurus, he viewed from the top of a hill the Roman army which besieged Tigranocerta. The barbarians in the city welcomed the king’s arrival with howlings and acclamation. They annoyed the Romans from the top of the walls and pointed to the Armenians on the hill. (Plutarch.)

4274. Lucullus left Muraena with 6000 foot soldiers to continue the siege of Tigranocerta and marched himself against Tigranes having in his army 24 regiments of foot soldiers of about 10,000 men along with all his cavalry, slingers and archers who numbered about 1000. He camped near a river in a large spacious field. (Plutarch.) No sooner had Tigranes seen the Roman camp but he presently mocked their small numbers and reproached them, saying:

"If these men came as ambassadors, there are a large number of them indeed, but if as enemies there is but 40 companies of them.’’ (Memnon. c. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)

4275. As Lucullus was wading with his army over the river, some of his commanders advised him to be careful what he did that day since it was a black or unlucky day on their calendar. For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under Cupidus. Lucullus replied:

"It behooves us therefore to fight more bravely now, if perchance this may make this dismal and black day, a day of happiness and rejoicing for the Romans.’’

4276. That day was the day before the nodes of October. (Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camillo & Apophthegmat.) according to the Roman calendar at that time. However, according to the Julian calendar it was July 5th and the the beginning of the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. This is the time of this battle as referred to by Phlegon.

4277. Lucullus knew that his soldiers were afraid of the heavily armed foot soldiers and encouraged them. They would have more trouble in stripping them than in defeating them. He first charged them on the hill and when he saw the barbarians give ground he cried out:

"We have overcome them, fellow soldiers.’’ (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

4278. No sooner was Tigranes’ right wing forced to flee but the left also began to retreat. In the end, they all turned their backs and so the Armenians fled in confusion and haste. The army was slaughtered. (Memnon. c. 59.) The Romans continued the killing for 15 miles and trampled all along the way on bracelets and chains until night came. They were forced to give up the chase and they started stripping the dead bodies. Lucullus had ordered them not to do this until the enemy was soundly defeated. (Appian.)

4279. Phlegon says Tigranes’ forces lost 5000 men and more were taken prisoners. Orosius said (l. 16. c. 3.) that 30,000 men were reported killed in that battle. Plutarch said that more than 100,000 foot soldiers were killed and very few of the cavalry escaped. The Roman army had 5 killed and 100 wounded. Antiochus the philosopher, in his commentary, De Dias, in mentioning this battle says there was never a day like it. Strabo (l. histor.) relates how that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done and jeered themselves for fighting against such cowardly slaves. Livy said that the Romans never in all their history were so outnumbered as 20 to 1. (Plutarch.)

4280. If we say with Eutropius, Sextus Rufus and Jornandes that Lucullus had 18,000 men in his army, then that number multiplied by 20, would make 360,000 in Tigranes’ army, not 150,000 as Plutarch stated but 250,000 foot soldiers according to Appian. He would have not 50,000 cavalry as Appian stated but 55,000 as noted by Plutarch. To this host, Plutarch adds 20,000 archers and 35,000 pages. The total would be 360,000. If this is correct then neither Phlegon’s nor Memnon’s account are accurate and are far too low. The one assigned to Tigranes’ army 40,000 foot soldiers and 30,000 cavalry. The other allowed him a total of 80,000 foot soldiers and cavalry together. As their accounts are underrated so Eutropius is as much overrated. The Clibanarii were cavalry in armour of proof, as they are described by Salust. (l. histor.. 4. cited by Nonius in Voc. Cataphracti,) Plutarch intimates that Lucullus himself wrote to the senate that Tigranes had in his army only 17,000 of those Clibanarii. So there is no doubt that Eutropius was extremely mistaken in stating that total was 600,000. In Sextus Rufus’ Breviary said there were not more than 7500 of those Clibanarii but 120,000 or 130,000 archers.

4281. At the very start of the battle, Tigranes fled from the field and ran as fast as he could to one of his citadels with barely 150 cavalry with him. He found his son as depressed as he was and he took off the diadem and turban from his head and turned his men over to his son. He urged him tearfully to shift for himself if he could devise any possible means which had been tried. The young prince dared not carry those royal ensigns with him but committed them to a most trusted friend to keep for him. It was his friend’s misfortune to be taken prisoner soon after this and brought to Lucullus. The soldiers took the turban and the diadem and gave them to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 59. & Plutarch cf. Oros. l. 6. c. 3. and Xiphilin. in Epitome Dionis.) Lucullus marched back to Tigranocerta and continued the siege with more zeal than before. (Memnon. c. 59.)

4282. Mithridates did not hurry to the battle for he thought that Lucullus would manage this war with the same caution and delay as he did before. Based on this when he was sent for by Tigranes, he was not very fast in coming. Soon after, he came upon by chance in the way some Armenians. They were terrified and ready to fall down for fear. Mithridates suspected everything was not well with Tigranes’ side. Soon after this, he met with other companies of stripped and wounded and was told of the great defeat. Mithridates hurried as fast as he could to find Tigranes. When he found him desolate and depressed, he did not gloat over his misfortune. He dismounted his horse, and after mutually bemoaning each other’s sad misfortune, Mithridates turned over to him his own princely retinue who attended him and encouraged him for the future. (Plutarch.) After he cheered him up a bit, he gave him royal robes as rich as anything he had ever worn. He made also some proposals concerning levying new forces. Since Mithridates already had a considerable army, he said there would be another battle to reverse this misfortune. Tigranes ascribed more prowess and discretion to Mithridates and thought he would be better to deal with the Romans than himself. Therefore Tigranes put Mithridates in charge of the war effort. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4283. Mancaeus saw from the walls of Tigranocerta the sad view of his defeated friends. He started to disarm all the Greek mercenaries because he suspected they would not remain loyal. They feared lest they should be laid hold on and took precautions and drew themselves up into a body and so remained together day and night. When they saw Mancaeus marching against them with his armed barbarians, they wrapped their clothes about their arms for bucklers and bravely charged them. Now that they had enough weapons, they seized some forts on the walls and they called in the Romans that besieged them and received them into the town. (Appian & Plutarch) Dio (l. 55) related that most of the inhabitants were Cilicians. When they had a disagreement with the Armenians, they let the Romans into the town by night who plundered everything except what the Cilicians owned. However, Memnon stated that when Mithridates or rather Tigranes’ commanders saw how desperate things went on their side, they conditionally surrendered the town to Lucullus. (Memnon, c. 59.)

4284. After Lucullus had captured Tigranocerta and taken the king’s treasures which were there, he let his soldiers plunder the city. In addition to what else they found, they found 8000 talents of coined money. Moreover Lucullus gave from the spoil 800 drachmas to every soldier. He found many players which Tigranes had brought there from all over. Tigranes was about to dedicate the theatre he had built. Lucullus used them for his interludes and triumphs. (Plutarch) He preserved many wives of the chief officers from harm who were taken. By that means he won their husbands to his side. (Dio. l. 35.) He outfitted the Greeks for their journey back into their country. He allowed the Cappadocians, Cilicians and other barbarians who were forced there, to also return home. So it happened, that by the ruin of one city (for the works was only half finished and Lucullus had demolished them and left only a small village) many cities received back their former citizens and hence many cities were restored. These cities esteemed him later as their founder, (Plut. with Strabone, at end l. 11. p. 532. & l. 12. p. 539.)

4285. Ambassadors came there from almost all the east begging his friendship. (Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) The countries of the Sophenians allied themselves to him. Antiochus, the king of the

Commagens (which is a country of Syria located by the river Euphrates and Taurus) also came. Alchaudonius, a petty prince of Arabia and some others sued for peace through their ambassadors and Lucullus received them. He added a large part of Armenia to Rome. (Plutarch. & Dio. l. 35.)

4286. C. Metellus went with 3 legions to the Cretian war and defeated Lasthenes near the city of Cydonia. He was called emperor and destroyed the whole island with fire and the sword. He forced the Cretians into their citadels and cities (Florus l. 3. c. 7. Phlegon year 4. Olymp. 174. with Photium. Appian legat. 30.) and refused to make peace with them.

4287. Cleopatra the daughter of Ptolemy was born at Auletta. She was the last queen of Egypt of the Macedonian family and lived 39 years. (Plutarch in Antonia.) Tigranes and Mithridates went around various countries and raised another army which was placed under the command of Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.)

4288. Magadates, who managed the army in Syria for 14 years for Tigranes, brought it to the help of his king. By this act Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Silena, obtained the kingdom of Syria with the help of the Syrians. He was surnamed Asiaticus because he was educated there. Lucullus, who had recently defeated Tigranes, did not interfere with his actions in Syria. (Appian in Syriac. p. 118, 119, & 133.) However, Strabo (l. 11 fin.) wrote that Lucullus drove out Tigranes, from Syria and Phoenicia and after he defeated Tigranes, Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, (or rather his grandchild by his son) was called king of Syria until Pompey took that away from him which Lucullus had given to him. Justin (l. 40. c. 2.) stated that 4 years elapsed between the time he received it and the time it was taken away by Pompey.

4289. Tigranes and Mithridates sent ambassadors begging aid from their neighbours and of Arsaces the Parthian King. They condemned the Romans and suggested that when they were destitute and forsaken by others, the Romans had conquered them. After that they would attack him. (Dio. l. 35.)

4290. Arsaces was called this because it was the common name of the kings of Parthia. His proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus but he was called Phradates from Memnon. Phlegon Trallian (in Photii Bibliotheca cod. 97.) stated that in the year before which was in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus, the deceased king of the Parthians. However Dio stated Phraates succeeded Arsacus. Appian said he succeeded Sintricus, which we shall see was correct. Arsaces had ruled the empire for 6 years before the 3rd war of Mithridates started. These words are mentioned in a letter he wrote to the same man (of which we shall say more later) to prove this:

"You are far removed and all others are obnoxious, so I again renewed the war.’’

4291. From this we conclude that his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux.

4292. This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for starting a new war about a certain country that was in dispute between them. Tigranes gave this country back to him again. Moreover the Parthian also wanted to have the great valleys of Mesopotamia and Adiabene given to him as the reward for his alliance. However, when Lucullus knew of the embassy that Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces, he also sent some ambassadors. They threatened Arsaces if he assisted Tigranes and made promises to him if he would side with the Romans. Lucullus’ ambassadors urged him to either help the Romans or remain neutral. Arsaces secretly promised friendship to both sides and performed it to neither. (Memnon c. 60. Plutarch. & Appian & Dio. 35.)

4293. Among the remains of the 4th book of Salust’s History, there is an entire letter of Mithridates that was sent to Arsaces about this very affair. In it he seemed to turn the indignation Arsaces had against Tigranes for waging the recent war to his own advantage. He said:

"For being guilty you shall receive what alliance you please’’

4294. He excuses the great victory the Romans had against him by saying:

"They forced the multitude into such narrow places that they attributed their victory to their own strength which indeed was but his imprudence.’’

4295. Later Mithridates stirred up Arsaces against the Romans by saying:

"You to whom Seleucia is the greatest city, the kingdom of Persia and very great riches do belong, what can you look for but deceit for the present and war for the time to come? The

Romans have war everywhere, but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoil. They invade and they beguile. One war leads to the occasion for another. By those means (being made great) they either thwart the designs or destroy those that fight with them. This is not difficult if you in Mesopotamia and surround in Armenia their armies while they are without food and relief, &c. You shall bravely have the reputation to have assisted great kings and to have suppressed great robbers. Which I do desire and exhort you to do, unless you had rather by our ruin enlarge one empire than by our friendship become a conqueror yourself.’’

4296. As soon as the unwelcome news of what M. Cotta had done at Heraclea arrived at Rome, he was a public disgrace and his great riches increased their envy. To avoid this he brought back most of the spoils to the treasury. However, the Romans were just as suspicious in that they suspected he restored just a few things from that great abundance he had taken. They also learned that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddenly to be freed by a public decree. (Memnon c. 61.)

4297. Moreover, Thrasymedes from Heraclea publicly accused Cotta before an assembly and praised the benevolence of his city to the Romans. He showed that if they had anyway transgressed, it was not done by the consent of the city but by the fraud of their magistrates and the power of their adversaries. He cried as he told them about the burning of the city and tearfully told them how Cotta had plundered all for his private gain. There came also a large number of men and women captives with their children. They came clothed in mourning clothes and kneeled down and with many tears held up their hands. The Roman nobles were inclined to sympathise with their case when Cotta came. After he had pleaded a little in his own language, he returned. Carbo arose and said:

"We O Cotta gave you commission to take, not to destroy the city.’’

4298. After him others arose and made similar statements and expressed their indignation against him. Therefore, many thought he should be banished. In the end, they only took away his dignity. They restored their lands, sea and harbours to the Heracleans on the condition that none of them should be made slaves. (Memnon c. 61.)

4299. After this was over, Thrasymedes sent back the people to their country but he stayed with Brithagora and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome. They did those things required to represent their country. (Memnon c. 62.)

4300. Lucullus was condemned by strangers and by his own citizens in that he would not pursue Tigranes but allowed him time to escape when he might easily have subdued him. They thought he wanted to prolong his own command. Therefore the government of Asia (properly so called) which was committed to him before, was assigned to the praetors. (Dio, l. 35.)

4301. Lucullus went to the Gordyens and attended the funeral of their king Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed. Zarbienus had secretly entered into a league with Lucullus. Lucullus lit the fire to the pile of wood that was decorated with royal robes, gold and the spoils had been taken from Tigranes. At the funeral with his friends and kindred, Lucullus declared him his friend and a confederate of the Romans. He commanded a beautiful monument to be paid for from the king’s treasury and dedicated to him. By this the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus, they would have left their houses and have followed him with their wives and children. (Plutarch.)

4302. In the courts of Zarbienus, they found much silver and gold. In his granaries, there was stored 3 million medimni, or 18 million bushels of grain. The soldiers were supplied by this and it was a great honour for Lucullus that he had taken nothing from the treasury, but financed the war from the spoils of the war. (Plutarch.)

4303. Lucullus welcomed ambassadors from Arsaces, the king of the Parthians and they desired his friendship and alliance. He sent Sicilius or Sextilius to Arsaces. However, Arsaces suspected from his expertise in military matters that he was sent to spy out the military strength of the land than to confirm the treaty. He did not give any help to the Romans but remained neutral in the war. (Plutarch with Dione, l. 35.) 3936a AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC

4304. When Lucullus had learned that Arsaces was wavering in his loyalty and that he desired secretly from Tigranes, Mesopotamia for a reward for his friendship, Lucullus decided to treat Tigranes and Mithridates as defeated enemies. He hurried to march against the Parthians to try their valour and strength. He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his ambassador there and to several others that they would bring the forces they had there to him as if he had been ready to advance from the country of the Gordyens against the Parthians. However, their soldiers were obstinate and could not be persuaded. They said that if they were left there without help, they would depart to Pontus. Lucullus’ soldiers were corrupted by this news. They saw their riches and luxury and desired ease and hated the severity of war. However, as soon as they understood the fury of the Pontics, they said those were fit to be imitated and esteemed. They said they had already merited their rest and discharge by their many achievements. Hence Lucullus was forced to forgo his expedition into Parthia. (Plutarch.) 3936b AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4305. Furthermore the island of Delos which is located in the Aegean Sea, was a main centre for merchants. The island was full of riches yet it is small and without a wall yet it was secure and feared nothing. (According to Cicero in his Oration, pro lege Manilia) The pirate, Athenodorus, captured it and carried the inhabitants captive and destroyed the images of their gods. However, Caius Triarius repaired the ruins and built a wall around it, (Trallianus Phlegon l. 5. Chronicles), in the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. (In Bibliotheca, Phocii, cod. 97.)

4306. Mithridates levied troops from every town and called a muster and determined that the entire force was almost all Armenians. From this he selected 70,000 foot soldiers and half as many cavalry and sent the rest home. He had arranged them into companies and troops according to the Italian discipline and he had the Pontics train them. (Appian.)

4307. In that year when Q. Marcius held the office of consul alone, Lucullus could not attack Tigranes until the middle of summer because it was too cold before that. After he had passed the Taurus Mountain and saw the green fields, he was astonished that the season was so late there because of the cold. Nevertheless, he came down into the plains, and after being attacked by the Armenians in 2 or 3 battles, he routed and dispersed them. (Plutarch. with Dione, l. 35.) While Mithridates remained on a hill with the foot soldiers and part of the cavalry, Tigranes with the rest attacked the Roman foragers and he was defeated. After this the Romans got their provisions with more security. They moved their camp nearer to Mithridates (Appian.) and intercepted the supplies for Tigranes. They caused great hardship on the enemy because of lack of provisions. (Plutarch.)

4308. Lucullus destroyed one part of the country and thought that the barbarians would be goaded into fighting for it. When he found that they would not, he marched out against them and his cavalry was distressed by the enemy cavalry. There was no conflict with the foot soldiers. Lucullus came in with his shields to their relief and scattered the enemy. The enemy was not greatly harmed by the encounter but shot their arrows back toward those that pursued them. Many were killed and wounded. The wounds were very serious and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point. They were so placed that they were lethal whether they were pulled out or left in. (Dio.)

4309. In Crete, Lasthenes the governor of Cydonia was besieged by C. Metellus the proconsul. Lasthenes had fled from there to Gnosus and Panares, another governor of the city, made peace and surrendered the city to Metellus. Metellus later besieged Gnosus and Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house and burned it and fled from Gnosus. (Appian. Legat. 30.) Gnosus, Lyctus and Erithraea along with many other cities were taken by Metellus. (Livy, l. 99. Florus. l. 3. c. 7. Appian Legat. 30.) The Cretians were besieged by Metellus for a long time and brought to great extremity. They were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urine and their cattle’s urine. (Valer. Max. l. 7. c. 6.)

4310. Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata, Tigranes’ court, where his wife and children were. Tigranes could not stand for that and raised his camp, and after four days march came and camped by the Romans. The Arsamia River was between them which the Romans had to cross to attach Artaxata. (Plutarch.)

4311. After Lucullus had performed his sacrifice to his gods, he drew out his army, as if he had been certain of victory. He placed 12 cohorts in the front, he held the rest for reserves lest they might be surrounded by the enemy. The enemy had a large number of cavalry. Before the cavalry were the Mardian and Iberian lancers that used arrows also an horseback. Tigranes trusted these the most as the most valiant among his strangers. However, they did nothing remarkable and only skirmished for a while with the Romans. They were not able to endure the force of the legions and they ran away and had the cavalry follow them. (Plutarch.)

4312. As soon as they were dispersed and Lucullus saw Tigranes’ cavalry advance, he kept his soldiers back from chasing the fleeing troops. He suspected Tigranes had a large number of well trained cavalry. In the meantime with those nobles and officers he had around him, Lucullus marched up against them that came towards him. The enemy was terrified and fled before they started to charge. Of the 3 kings, that were then in the field, Mithridates, the king of Pontus, ran away most shamefully and did not so much as endure the shout of the Romans. The Romans pursued them all night and were weary of killing and taking prisoners and were tired with taking and carrying away their money and spoil. Livy reports, that in the former battle, there were more, but in this the best soldiers and a large part of the enemy were taken or slain. (Plutarch.)

4313. The pirates were at this time so powerful that they covered the whole sea. They intercepted provisions intended for the fleet and would land and destroy provinces and islands. The Romans, who had conquered the whole world, did not control the seas. (Plutarch in Pompey, Appian. in Mithri. Dio l. 36. Eutrop. l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) The next year, Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law reminded them of this:

"What confederate have you defended? Who was protected by your ships? How many islands do you think are deserted? How many cities are either forsaken for fear or taken by pirates from your friends? It was the ancient custom of the Romans to wage war far from home and rather use their forces in the defence of their friend’s fortunes than of their own. Shall I say for these many years your sons have been a help to your friends and though our army was at Brundusius, they dare not plant but in the midst of winter? Why should I complain when they were taken that came to us from abroad when the very ambassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed. Shall I say the sea is not safe for our merchants when 12 of our guard (there were two praetors Sexilius and Bellino taken, according to Plutarch) fell into the hands of the pirates? Why should I remind you of Colophon and Samos, the two noble cities or of many more that have been taken when you know your own harbours and those very parts you inhabit yourselves have been taken by those enemies. Where was this government, when the Roman ambassadors, praetors and questers were intercepted, when public and private commerce from old provinces was forbidden us, when the merchanise was so confined that we could have no trading either in private or in public?’’

4314. He expressed this, as all other things most elegantly.

4315. The common base of these pirates was Cilicia which was called "the rough" and was the main base for their activities. They had in every place citadels, towers and deserted islands and secret creeks for their ships. More especially they that came from this part of Cilicia which was called "the rough." It had no harbours and had very high rocks rising from theshore. From this, by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians. This evil which started in Cilicia, attracted the Cyrians, Cyprians, Pamphilians, Pontics and all the eastern countries together. Because of Mithridates’ war, they were more inclined to do mischief then to endure it. They exchanged the land for the sea, so that in a short time there became many thousands of them. (Appian p. 234.)

4316. They had more than 1000 places and 400 cities that they had taken. They pillaged the temples at Clarius, Didaemaeus and Samothrace that were sacred and untouched before. They plundered that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion, to Aesculapious at Epidaurus, to Neptune in Isthmus, Taenarus and Calauria, Apollo in Actium and Leucade, Juno in Samos Argin and Lucanium. They performed some rites of strangers in Olympus and some secret mysteries of those who worshipped the sun. They went out of their way to insult Romans. If any of their prisoners called himself a Roman, they presently feigned fear and knocked their knees together and falling down at his feet and humbly implored his pardon. While he imagined them real and sincere, some of them furnished him with shoes, others with garments lest he should be otherwise any longer unknown. When they had mocked and deluded the man for a long time, they put down a ladder into the sea and they bade him go down in safety. If he refused, they threw him down headlong and drowned him. (Plutarch in Pompey.) 3937a AM, 4646 JP, 68 BC

4317. About the autumnal equinox severe storms unexpectedly struck Lucullus’ army. It snowed for the most part and froze when it was clear. The ice was troublesome for the frozen rivers gave them little water for the horses. If they broke the ice, the pieces hurt their legs and made it difficult to cross. The country was forested and they were daily covered with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest inconveniently in the wet. Therefore, they petitioned Lucullus through their tribunes and later there was a riot in the night. Lucullus begged them earnestly but in vain and beseeched them that they not give up until they had destroyed the greatest work of their enemy the Armenians, since Carthage was taken. It was reported (See note on 3816c AM <<3151>>) that Artaxata was built by the advice of Hannibal, the Carthaginian. He failed and was forced to retreat. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Concerning this retreat of the Roman army, Cicero tried to excuse in his speech for the Manilian law in this way:

"Although our army had taken a city in Tigranes’ kingdom called Tigranacerta and had fought several successful battles, yet were they discouraged by the tediousness of their march. I will not say any more here. The result was it was complained, our soldiers’ return from those places was more sudden than their march was long.’’

4318. Lucullus returned through Armenia to Mesopotamia and past Taurus in another place. He descended into the country of Migdonia which was a very warm and fruitful country. It contained a large and populous city called by the barbarians, Nisibis, by the Greeks, Antioch Migdonica. (Plutarch in Lucullo with Orosio l. 6. c. 3.)

4319. The city was built by the Macedonians (Joseph. l. 20. c. 2.) but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians. He had placed his treasure and many other valuable things there. It was surrounded with a double brick wall of large thickness and a ditch so deep and broad that the wall could neither be shaken nor undermined. (Dio. l. 35.) Guras, Tigranes’ brother, was commander-in-chief and under him was Callimachus. He had performed noble exploits at Amisus was respected as a person of great knowledge in fortifications and of much experience in war. (Plutarch.)

4320. Lucullus besieged the city with all manner of engines. (Plutarch.) In the beginning of the winter the barbarians thought themselves certain of victory and began to be careless. The Romans had already departed. Lucullus returned one night when the moon was not out and a fierce thunder storm was going on. The barbarians could neither see nor hear what was happening. For that reason they left only a few there and had almost deserted the outer wall and the ditch between the walls. Lucullus by his works, easily scaled over the wall and killed without much trouble those few sentinels he found. He filled up part of the ditch with earth that he threw in for they had before this thrown down their bridges. When the enemy could not harm them with their arrows nor fire because of the rain, he captured the ditch and immediately captured the city. Their inner walls were not made so strongly because they placed most of their confidence in the outer wall. (Dio.)

4321. Those that fled into the castle, he received upon terms. (Dio.) Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendered and was treated civilly. Lucullus put Callimarchus in chains to be punished even though he promised to show him where large sums of money were hidden. Callimarchus had burnt Amisus and robbed Lucullus of his glory and ruined that thing which should have been his gift to the Greeks. (Plutarch.) Much money was later found and Lucullus wintered at Nisibis. (Dio.)

4322. In the meantime, those who had influence in the assembly and envied Lucullus, charged that he had prolonged the war from covetousness and desire of command. One said Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia and all the provinces as far as Phasis, were already conquered. Now Lucullus was only foraging in Tigranes’ countries asif he had been sent to plunder princes rather than to vanquish them. It is reported that Lucius Quintius one of the praetors spoke this and persuaded the people of Rome to order another commander to replace him and disband many of those soldiers that had served faithfully under him. (Plutarch.)

4323. In Lucullus’ camp, P. Clodius was a man of great insolence and dissoluteness and greatly disturbed the camp. He was brother to Lucullus’ wife, with whom (she was a lascivious woman) he was said to be intimate. Lucullus removed him from his command because he degenerated so much by his behaviour. Clodius stirred up the Fimbrians, (or Valerians) against him. By this we mean those that he had brought from Fimbria who killed L. Val. Flaccus, the consul and wanted to command them. When these men were seduced by Clodius, they would not follow Lucullus against Tigranes or Mithridates. Since it was winter, they extended the time at Gordyene and expected another commander to come and replace Lucullus. (Plutarch.)

4324. When Lucullus was besieging Nisibis, Tigranes thought the city was invincible and did not go to its relief. He sent Mithridates into his own country while he marched into Armenia. For a while he besieged Lucius Fannius, until Lucullus heard of this and marched to his rescue. (Dio. l. 35.)

4325. Mithridates marched into Pontus which was the only kingdom that he had left. He had 4000 of his men and 4000 from Tigranes. (Appian.) He invaded one of the Armenian’s and other countries and suddenly attacked many straggling Romans and killed them. He fought fairly and defeated and recovered many places quickly. The men were inclined to him because he was born in that country and his father had ruled there before. They did not like the Romans because they were strangers and some of their governors were tyrants. Hence they came freely to Mithridates. (Dio.) Concerning this Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law said:

"Mithridates had now gotten his own soldiers and those who had joined themselves to him from his kingdom along with large numbers from foreign countries and kings. He was reenforced in this by what we have heard indeed does frequently happen, that a prince’s calamities do easily generate compassion from most men. This is especially true if they be either king’s themselves or live under his government because the name of a king is very reverend and sacred. By this he has done more by being defeated than if he had been victorious in all that he did.’’

4326. Mithridates defeated M. Fabius whom Lucullus had left as governor of those parts. He was helped by the Thracians, who were angry with Fabius although they had been paid by him previously. The slaves in the Roman camp also helped defeat the Romans. (Dio. cum Appian.)

4327. Fabius had sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returned with imprecise information. Fabius advanced without due care and was suddenly attacked by Mithridates. At that time the Thracians revolted and attacked the Romans. They were routed and 500 were killed. After that, Fabius feared all the slaves that were in his camp, when Mithridates promised liberty to the slaves. They also defected to his side and would have doubtlessly killed all the troops of Fabius had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee. Because of that he was hit under his eye with an arrow and he was suddenly carried off the field. While the barbarians were taking care of their king, Fabius used the opportunity to safely retreat with the rest of his men. The Agari were a people of Scythia who were well skilled in medicines made from the poison of serpents and for that reason they were always near the king. They had the care of the king. (Iid. inter se callati.)

4328. After this Fabius was besieged in Cabiris and was relieved by C. Triarius as he was marching that way from Asia to Lucullus. He knew of Mithridates’ success and he assembled as many troops as he could and terrified Mithridates so much that he moved his camp. Mithridates imagined that he had the entire Roman army with him. This encouraged Triarius and he pursued them into the country of the Comagenus, (or rather Comans, in Cappadocia, which Dio says more on later.) He fought and defeated them. Mithridates had camped on one side of a river and the Romans came down on the other. Mithridates hoped he might find them weary after their march and he immediately advanced and ordered the rest to attack over another bridge while they were fighting. They had fought a long time and the battle was indecisive. The bridge collapsed because so many men had crossed over it and this prevented Mithridates’ troops from helping him. Hence Mithridates was defeated. Since it was now winter, both sides established their winter quarters after this battle. (Dio. c. 35.)

4329. Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, prevailed with the people that a commander might be chosen from those who had been consuls. He would have full and absolute power against the pirates and his command would last for 3 years. He would be furnished with very large forces and many delegates. It is not certain whether Pompey put him up to this (even though he did not ask for Pompey) or this was his own idea to ingratiate himself to Pompey. Gabinus was a very wicked man and whatever he did was not for the benefit of the republic. (Dio. l. 36.) Cicero in his speech about him after his return to the senate said:

"Who, had he not been protected by his being a tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the praetor, the number of his creditors, nor the proscription of his goods. At that time, had he not got that order concerning the war with the pirates, necessity and wickedness would have constrained him to become a pirate himself. This would have been less dangerous and detrimental to the commonwealth since their adversary would have been from without not within.’’

4330. The senate confirmed this order of the people although against their will. (Dio l. 36.) Velleius Paterculus, (l. 2. c. 31.) related that like in a war and not as like common thieves the pirates had frightened the whole world with their ships. This was not by any sudden or secret expedition of theirs. Moreover they destroyed some cities in Italy. Cnaeus Pompey was sent to suppress them and had an equal authority with the proconsuls within 50 miles of the sea. By this decree of the senate, the government of the whole world was placed on one man. However, the same thing was decreed 2 years earlier in the praetorship of M. Antonius, as Velleius states. However, it seems to me that it should rather be 6 years earlier than 2 since it appears that M. Antonius died 3 years before in the Cretian war and that Marcus Antonius died in the Cretian war 2 years earlier and that "the great care of all the sea coasts within the Roman empire", was committed to him in the consulship of Lucullus and Cotta. Asconius Pedianus, in his speech of Verres’ praetorship in Sicily has stated this. (See note on 3930 AM <<3624>> and 3934 AM <<3727>>.)

4331. By this Gabinian law, for 3 years Pompey had the command of the navy and (as Plutarch says) over all men in the provinces within 400 furlongs (50 miles) of the sea in all the Mediterranean. Around it, he had the power to command all kings, governors and cities to help him. Appian (p. 235.) said it was 50 miles while Velleius and Plutarch said it was 400 furlongs, allowing 8 furlongs to a mile. Xiphilinus (Dion l. 6.) says it was 400 furlongs and from (Dion l. 35.) said it was 3 days’ journey from the sea. They considered a day’s journey to be 133 furlongs or about 16 miles.

4332. By the same law, Pompey had the power to choose 15 deputies from the senate. He would assign these the charge of various provinces. He might take also from the treasury as much money as he needed. He could take 200 ships and levy what forces he pleased. He called an assembly of the people and he prevailed with them for much more and doubled his preparation. He outfitted 500 ships although Appian said he had only 270 including the smaller vessels. He raised 120,000 foot soldiers and 5000 cavalry (4000 according to Appian). He chose from the senate, 24 captains for the troops (25 according to Appian) and made them officers under him. He had two quaesters given to him and 6000 Attic talents. The job seemed so considerable to pursue so many navies in so large a sea. There were many hiding places where they could escape to if attacked and launch an attack suddenly from later. (Appian.) 3937b AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4333. Pompey was very well supplied with his own ships and his confederates from Rhodes. He controlled both sides of the sea with his commanders and through them he boxed up the pirates in every port, bay, creek, recess, promontory or island. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6.) He gave ships, cavalry and foot soldiers along with the praetorian standards to those officers he had chosen from the senate when he had settled matters at sea. Everyone of them had absolute authority in that place where they were assigned to. Those pirates that were taken by one party were turned over to others lest any should have too long a pursuit or by sailing too far away, they might prolong the war. (Appian.)

4334. The Gaditane Straits were given to Tiberius Nero, the Balearic sea, to Manlius Torquatus, to both of them was committed the care of Spain. Cratilius blocked up the Ligurian Sea, M. Pomponius, the French, and the sons of Pompey, (the emperor) the Adriatic, Sardinia, Corsica. The adjacent islands were controlled by Publ. Attilius, the Libyan area by Lentulus. The Egyptian area was controlled by Marcellius and Lu. Gelliuis had the command of the Tuscan Sea and the coasts of Italy. C. Lentulus controlled all between Sicily and Epirus. The Ionian Sea was assigned to Plothus Varo and Terentius Varo. He was the most learned of the Togati of whom Pliny said (l. 3. c. 11 & l. 7. c. 30. & l. 16. c. 4.) that he was presented with a naval crown by Pompey for his efforts in this war. L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus, Attica, Eubaea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Boeotia. L. Cullius was given all the Aegean Sea and the Hellespont, although Florus assigned the Asiatic to Caepio. Metellus Nepos was given Lycia, Pamphylia, Cyprus and Phoenicia. P. Piso was assigned Bithynia, Thracia and Porcius. Cato besieged the straits so tightly with his ships that he blocked up the Propontis as if it had been a gate. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Appian. p. 236.) Pompey, like a king of kings, overlooked all and required everybody to stay in their areas lest while he found the pirates defeated in one place, he would be attacked from another area. He ordered that while all were ready to relieve one another, they should not allow the enemy to escape by sailing around. (Appian. p. 236.)

4335. When his forces were dispersed in this manner through the whole sea, Pompey began from the lower part and surrounded the enemies’ navy and dragged them as with a net into their harbours. Those who escaped, fled into Cilicia to hide themselves like bees to a hive. (Plutarch in Pompey.) In 40 days, he with his officers had cleared the Tuscan, African Sardoan, Corsican and Sicilian seas. He returned to Rome and he did what he wished. (Plutarch in Pompey & Livy l. 99.& Appian. p. 236.)

4336. Pompey sailed from Brundusium with 60 very good ships to start the war in Cilicia. The enemy prepared to fight him not because they thought they could beat him but they were very oppressed and had little to loose. They only attacked once and then found themselves surrounded. They threw away their arms and oars and with a general shout as a sign of their submission, they begged their lives. (Florus, l. 3. c. 6. & Plutarch & Appian.) Cicero affirmed this in his Manilian speech that in 51 days after, he sailed from Brundusium, he had brought all Sicily in subjection to the Romans. This story of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time should be considered as a rhetorical device to praise Pompey. (See note on 3941 AM << >>.)

4337. After news came that Mithridates had defeated Fabius and was marching against Sornatius and Triarius, the Fimbrian (or Valerian), the soldiers were ashamed and followed

Lucullus when he went to their relief. Mithridates in the meantime when Manius Acilius Glabro and Cai. Piso were consuls, camped opposite Triarius near Gaziursa. He tried to provoke him to fight by training and exercising his men in the sight of the Romans to engage him before Lucullus came. He hoped to defeat the Romans and recover the remainder of the kingdom. Mithridates was not able to draw him out so he sent some of his men to Dadasa to besiege a citadel which the Romans had left behind them. He hoped that the Romans would come to its relief so he could attack them. Triarius was not fooled for he feared the number of troops Mithridates had and expected that Lucullus whom he had sent for, would come soon. Hence he stayed in his camp. When his soldiers heard that Dadasa was besieged, they were afraid of losing the goods they had there. In a rebellious manner they threatened that unless he would lead them out, they would go to defend them without his permission. By this he marched out against his will. (Dio. l. 35.)

4338. When Triarius had come out against Mithridates, there was a violent storm that was worse than anyone could remember. It blew over the tents in either camp, drove the cattle from the way and knocked down some of the soldiers from the hills. This storm made both sides retire. When it was told Triarius that Lucullus was near, he attacked Mithridates’ camp before day as if he desired to snatch the victory from Lucullus. After they had fought long with equal fortune and courage, the king trusted his own wing and at length prevailed and pressed upon the enemy. He forced their foot soldiers into a dirty ditch where they were cut down because they had poor footing. Mithridates lost only a few men. After his victory, he courageously pursued their cavalry through the fields, until a Roman centurion, running like a servant by his side as fast as his horse, gave him a deep wound in his thigh. The centurion could not kill him because of his breastplate and was quickly killed by Mithridates’ troops. Mithridates was carried into the farthest part of the army. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.)

4339. After this, the king’s friends sounded a retreat and called back the soldiers from this notable victory. This was unexpected and made fearful lest some bad had happened somewhere else. They gathered tumultuously around the body of their king. Finally Timothy the physician stopped the bleeding and held him up on high in their sight. Except for this accident, the Romans would have been utterly destroyed but escaped by this delay. When Mithridates came his senses, he reproved them that sounded the retreat. The same day Mithridates broke camp and marched against the Romans. The Romans were very afraid and utterly deserted. More than 7,000 soldiers were killed in this fight, including 150 centurions and 24 tribunes. In no other battle before this, were so many officers lost. (Appian. & Plut. & Dione.) Appian says this encounter happened near the Scotius Mountain:

"a famous place in those parts by reason of Mithridates’ victory, Triarius’ defeat and the loss of the Roman army.’’ (Appian p. 254.)

4340. Hirtius states in his commentaries of the war in Alexandria that this was about 3 miles from Zela, a town in Pontus.

4341. This is the defeat which Cicero in his speech for the Manilian law a year and an half later remembers:

"Your army was resolute and victorious but Mithridates attacked them. Allow me in this place, like those who write of the Roman affairs, to skip over our misfortunes which were so great that the news did not come to Lucullus by a messenger from the battle but by rumour.’’

4342. Later he said:

"After we were defeated in Pontus concerning which a little before I reminded you of against my will, our friends and confederates were afraid and the wealth and courage of the enemies increased. The province had no garrison or troops to trust to and Asia would have been lost, O Romans, had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief of those countries. His arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his success and held back Tigranes who with great strength was threatening Asia.’’

4343. When Mithridates was healed of his wounds, he suspected there might be more of the enemy among his men. He selected a party on another pretence and ordered everyone suddenly to their tents. The Romans were found alone and killed. (Dio. l. 35.)

4344. From there he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the "Lesser." He took all the provisions he could carry with him and the rest he spoiled lest it should be useful to Lucullus. About that time Attilius, a Roman senator, was found guilty of conspiracy. He had fled for fear of justice long ago to Mithridates and had been received into his favour. From respect for his former office, Mithridates would not torture him but was content only with his death. He grievously tormented his companions but sent his servants away untouched whom he had made privy to his design. (Appian.)

4345. Lucullus came to Triarius whom the angry soldiers requested and privately carried him away. (Plut. in Lucullo.) They left unburied those who had died in the fight. This was thought to be the first thing that alienated the affections of his own soldiers. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4346. Mithridates waited with his army on a hill near Talaura for Tigranes who was coming to him with great forces. He refused to fight until he came. However, Mithridates the Mede, one of Tigranes’ sons-in-law, suddenly attacked the Romans as they were scattered abroad and gave them a great defeat. (Plut. Appian. Dio.)

4347. Quintus Marcius, who was the sole consul the previous year, was sent as proconsul into Cilicia, Lucullus’ main province. Marcius marched with 3 legions through Licaonia and Marcius asked Lucullus to help him but Lucullus said his soldiers would not follow him. (Salust. historiar. l. 5. apud Priscian. l. 18. & Dio. l. 35.)

4348. When Marcus entered into Cilicia, he received graciously Menemachus who had revolted from Tigranes. Marcus made P. Clodius commander of the navy. Marcus had married Clodius’ sister and Lucullus had married another sister of Clodius. Clodius had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis. (Dio. l. 35.)

4349. Clodius was attacked by the Cilician pirates by surprise and was taken prisoner. They demanded a ransom for him. He sent to Ptolemy, the king of Cyprus to see if he would pay it. Ptolemy only sent 2 talents which the pirates despised. However, they feared Pompey, they thought it best to free him for nothing. (Strabo, l. 14. p. 684. Appian. Bell. Civil. l. 2. p. 441. Dio. l. 35, & 38.)

4350. By the Gabinian law, Manius Acilius Glabrio who was the sole consul that year was made successor to Lucullus in the command of Bithynia and Pontus. The Valerian or Fimbrian legion that had been discharged before and reemployed, were again disbanded. These troops began to rebel and despised Lucullus when they luxuriated with the fruits of victory and lived at ease and with plenty when Lucullus was not present. (Salust. Historiar. l. 5. with Priscian. l. 18. & Dio. l. 35.)

4351. Dio (l. 35.) stated that P. Clodius was the main instigator of this rebellion. Cicero affirmed this in his speech in reply to prognosticators. He said that when Clodius was freed by the pirates, he treacherously corrupted Lucullus’ army and he fled there. Dio said that he went to Antioch in Syria to help them against the Arabians whom they had war with. Again he stirred up a rebellion and was very nearly killed. (Dio l. 35.)

4352. Lucullus was in a fix. He dared not move from his place nor dared he stay there. Finally he resolved to march against Tigranes and hoped to attack him by surprise or when he was tired after his march. He hoped that this would settle the rebellions in his camp but it did not. His soldiers followed him for a while but when they knew they were heading for Cappadocia, all of them unanimously without speaking one word turned their backs. When the Valerians or Fimbrians heard they were discharged at Rome, and that Lucullus’ command was given to others, they all stole from their colours. Lucullus in the meantime tried to reconcile them, and in great dejection with tears in his eyes, he went to their tents and begged everyone to come back. He took some of them by the hand but they refused his embraces. They threw down their empty purses and declared that as he had alone enrichedhimself by them that he should alone fight with his enemies. (Plut. & Dio.)

4353. This rebellion of the soldiers who would not follow Lucullus, kept him pursuing Mithridates and Tigranes and completing his victory over them. The Valerian Legions cried out that they were disbanded and forsook him. (Livy l. 98.) Finally they were overcome by the intreaty of their fellow soldiers, they agreed to keep to their colours that summer on condition that if no one came to fight them in that time, they might depart. Lucullus was forced to agree with these men or leave that province with no garrison to defend against the barbarians. He did not command them or lead them out into battle but thought it sufficient if they only stayed. He allowed Tigranes to forage in Cappadocia and Mithridates to range over the whole province. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4354. Lucullus had written to the senate that he had finished the war with Mithridates and officers came to him to settle the affairs in Pontus, as if all had been peaceful. (Plutarch. in

Lucullo, Dio. l. 36.) However, they found that even he was not in control of his troops but was mocked and derided by the soldiers. When the summer was past they had become so insolent and contemptuous of their commander, they took up their arms and drew their swords. They called for their enemies which they could not find anywhere. They retired from the camp with shouting and throwing up their arms and declared that the time they had promised Lucullus to stay, had expired. (Plut. in Lucullo.)

4355. When Acilius Glabrio, the consul, arrived at the province that was assigned to him, he sent criers about and announced that the senate had discharged Lucullus’ army and confiscated his goods because he had prolonged the war and refused to obey their commands. When the soldiers heard this, most of them forsook him. Only a few stayed with him who were very poor and did not fear their punishment. (Appian.) As a result of this, Mithridates recovered most of his kingdom and did much damage to Cappadocia. Lucullus did not fight with Mithridates nor did Acilius defend the country. For although he hurried as if he would have robbed Lucullus of his victory, yet when he understood their condition that Lucullus came with no army, he prolonged his stay in Bithynia. (Dio. l. 30.) 4356. Cicero in his Manilian speech to the Romans in which as a favour to Lucullus, he excused what happened by saying:

"L. Lucullus who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes, was constrained by your command, (because you had resolved according to ancient custom to remove his authority.) He dismissed that part of his army which had served out their time and sent the other to Glabrio.’’

4357. We conclude this section about Lucullus and will return to the war with the pirates or the maritime war (as Salust and Cicero calls it) that Pompey completed this summer.

4358. Most of the pirates had sent their children, wealth and the a large multitude into their citadels and strong holds near the Taurus Mountain. They fought with Pompey at Coracesion in Cilicia and were defeated and they were soon besieged. Finally they sent out commissioners and surrendered themselves, their islands and towns. Because of their strength, these would have been very difficult to capture. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4359. Pompey advanced into Cilicia with a very great number of engines and planned to attack those pirates that were located on the rocks. This he did not need to do for his fame and the news of his preparation terrified the pirates. They thought he would be more merciful if they did not fight him. First those who commanded the great citadel of Cragus and Anticragus and later all the Cilcians on the mountains, came in and submitted themselves. They turned over many arms that were either finished or being made including many ships half completed in the docks and others ready for sale. As well they turned over brass and iron prepared for those ships and sails, ropes and other material. They surrendered a large number of captives who were forced to ransom themselves or work in their prisons. Pompey burned the materials, carried away the ships and sent the prisoners home. Many of them saw their own monuments that their relatives had made when they assumed they were long dead. (Appian in Mithridatic.) Thus the pirates were overcome and the whole strength of the pirates subdued in every part of the sea in no more time than 3 months (Plut. in Pompey.) or 2 months if we will follow Lucan (l. 2.). Before twice Cynthia did wax and wane. The frightened rover left th’ all horrid main To seek a dwelling in some private plain.

4360. Pompey burnt more than 1300 small boats and destroyed their places of retreat. (Strabo l. 14. p. 665.) 72 ships wre taken by force and 306 surrendered. (Appian) Plutarch stated that 800 surrendered and of these 90 had prows of iron. Pliny affirmed that there were taken or sunk 846 ships, (l. 7. c. 25. & 26.) 120 towns, citadels and storehouses. 10,000 pirates were killed in the fight. (Appian.)

4361. There were 20,000 of the pirates left alive whom Pompey planned to let live. However, he did not think it was safe to allow them to leave or that many soldiers and desperate persons stay together. (Plut.) Lest poverty might constrain them to future actions, he relocated them into a certain place remote from the sea and he gave them those fields for farming which he saw abandoned. He put some in cities that needed inhabitants and gave them a capacity of living without resorting to thievery. (Livy 99. l. vell. Pater. l. 2. c. 32. Florus l. 3. c. 6. Dio. l. 36.) He ordered them to settle in Maltum, Adana, Epiphania and other remote towns in Cilicia (the Stony) (Appian.) and into a sea town of Cilicia called formerly Solos which he called Pompeiopolis. He repaired it after it had been destroyed by Tigranes, the Armenian king. He transferred many to Didymena which lacked inhabitants. (Strabo. l. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. l. 36.)

4362. Thus that war that was so long and of so large an extent and effected all countries was concluded. Pompey prepared for it in the midst of winter, began in the spring and finished in the middle of summer. Cicero in his Manilian speech said before:

"This war was so cruel, so ancient and so widely dispersed that who would ever have thought that either all the commanders in the world could have finished it in one year or any one commander in all the ages of the world?’’

4363. Florus also said that besides the swiftness of execution and the felicity in the success, there should not be one ship lost. From then on there would be no more pirates. This was done by the singular conduct of the captain by removing them that had been so used to the sea from the sight of it and pinning them up as it were in the midland countries. Should not he be listened to when he speaks of the speediness of the conquest because what had happened only of his success in the lower seas, (which has indeed enough of wonder in it) he attributes to the general’s seduction. He says this was all finished in 40 days. Cicero denies this and so does Dion who signifies in these words, ta pleiw awtoethshmirwse that the larger part of the seas were made safe by Pompey within a year’s time.

4364. In Crete, (which after Cilicia Plutarch stated was the next haven of the pirates) the prisoners were so harshly dealt with that most of them poisoned themselves. Others sent to

Pompey, although he was absent and said that they would surrender to him. (Florus l. 3. c. 7.) Pompey was then in Pamphylia, where their ambassadors came and promised all the cities in Crete would surrender themselves to him. He did not disappoint them but he demanded hostages. (Cicero, prolege Manilia) In the meantime he forbade Metellus from interfering in that war and wrote to the Crizens that they should not obey him. (Plutarch in Pompey.) He also ordered Metellus to leave the island, for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him. (Appian. legat. 30.) He sent one of his officers, L. Octavius, there without an army. He was not to go to wage war but to receive the cities into the favour of the people of Rome. He shut himself up within the walls with those that were besieged. He fought with them and made Pompey’s name odious and contemptible. (Plut. in Pompey. Dio. l. 36.)

4365. Metellus despised Pompey’s command who was in another province and continued in his intended war. He was the more bitter in the war in that he exercised the right of a conqueror on his enemies and hurried to subdue them before Pompey could come. (Florus, Plut. Dio.) He sent letters to Rome and complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey. He sent his ambassador into Crete to accept the surrender of the city. Pompey replied to them that they should surrender. (Livy l. 99.)

4366. Cornelius Sisenna who at this time was governor of Greece, came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people. He could not persuade him and did nothing that compelled him to be more tolerant. (Dio. l. 36.)

4367. Aristion marched from Sidon after he had defeated Lucius Balsus who had come out to attack him. He took Hierapidna and defended that city against the Romans (Dio. l. 36.)

4368. Metellus bribed many within the city of Elcuthera and took it by treachery. The conspirators softened a great tower of brick that was extremely hard to be taken, with vinegar for some nights so that it could easily be broken. Later he imposed a tax on Elcuthera and took Lappa by force. He was not deterred by Octavius commanding there and did him no harm. He only killed the Cilicians he found about him (Dio. l. 36.) and dismissed Octavius after he had been mocked and abused with many ignominies in the camp. (Plutarch.)

4369. Octavius did not like this treatment and did not waste time as before. He took command of Sisenna’s army who had recently died of a disease. He relieved those who were oppressed by Metellus and then went to Aristion. There he managed their war by common consent and for some time continued in that position. When they heard that Metellus was advancing against them, they forsook their citadels and sailed away. They were hit by a storm and after the loss of many of their men, they were forced to run ashore. (Dion. l. 36.)

4370. Marcus Cotta had dismissed his treasurer P. Oppius on suspicion of defrauding the treasury and conspiring against him. Oppius had gathered a large amount of money in Bithynia. He was accused by C. Carbo who was made consul for this although before he had only been a tribune. (Dion. l. 36.) (See note on 3935b AM <<3805>>.) 3938a AM, 4647 JP, 67 BC

4371. After Sinatruces (whom Appian called Sintricus, Dio by the common name of the kings of Parthia, Arsaces) died, his son Phraates succeeded him. He was the 2nd king of Parthia by that name who by a most impious title was called, "the god." (Appian. in Mithridatic p. 242. & Dio. l. 36. collat. cum Plegont. in Bibliothec. Photic, cod. 97.) (See note on 3935b AM <<3798>>.)

4372. Hyrcanus (as we read in Josephus, l. 16. c. 9.) was driven from his kingdom by Aristobulus, his younger brother, 3 months after the death of his mother Alexandra. However since it appears there were 6 years from the time Hyrcanus began to reign when R. Hortensius, and C. Metellus were consuls to the latter end of Aristobulus. It was that year that Jerusalem was taken by Pompey when C. Antionius and M. Tullius Cicero were consuls. Josephus allows 3 years and 3 months to Aristobulus. Therefore Hyrcanus must have ruled for about 3 years not three months. If we deduct 2 months from this then the time will be exact.

4373. About this time, they fought at Jericho and many of Hyrcanus’ men defected to his brother Aristobulus. Hyrcanus fled into the citadel where the wife and children of Aristobulus had been placed by Alexandra his mother. The rest fled to the temple from fear of Aristobulus and surrendered a short time later. Finally the brothers came to a peace treaty. Aristobulus would rule and his brother would be allowed to lead a private life and enjoy that wealth he had gotten by his wits. They made this covenant in the temple and after all oaths were made, they embraced one another in the sight of the people. Aristobulus took over the court and Hyrcanus retired as a private person to Aristobulus’ house. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 1.) Thus Aristobulus held the kingdom and chief priest’s office for 3 years and 3 months. (Joseph. l. 20. c. 8.)

4374. Lucius Tullus and Aemilius Lepidus were consuls at the beginning of their consulship in January which was really October on the Julian calendar. At this time the senate set aside a law that was passed by the people the night before and sponsored by C. Manilus, a tribune of the people. The law stated that those servants who were freed should be allowed the same voting privileges as their masters. For this reason Manilus feared for his safety since he was only a mercenary and representative to those that were in power. To ingratiate Pompey, he proclaimed another law. This stated that the charge of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates along with the legions and provinces that were under Lucullus, Cilicia which was under the command of Marcius the sole consul and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio should be handed over to Pompey. Also there would be no change in Pompey’s maritime command. (Dio, l. 36. with Livy l. 100. Vellei. Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Asconio Pedian. in Ora. Cornelianam, & Plutarch in Pompey.)

4375. Livy noted that this law was past with great indignation from the nobility. It seemed to the senate no less than an obvious insult to Lucullus. Pompey was not sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the victory and to take possession of the spoils he had taken rather than the administration of the war. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) Nor did it please those who were forced to recall Marcius and Acilius from their commands before the time they had given them had expired. (Dio. l. 36.) They were chiefly jealous of Pompey’s power to whom by this means, the whole Roman empire was subjected. For those provinces which by the former Gabinian law, he did not control like Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis and Armenia, by this law were under his power. (Plutarch in Pompey.) Also he received power to make war and settle a peace and that he might by his own will, judge anyone his enemy or make any his friend and associate as he thought best. He had also the command of all the armies which were from Italy. No Roman before him had so much power. (Appian. p. 238.)

4376. At this time, Cicero who was then a praetor, made his speech for the Manilian law in the 23rd year after that cruel slaughter of the citizens of Rome which was perpetrated in Asia by Mithridates’ order in one day:

"He now reigns, the 23rd year from that time and reigns so not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia but to break out and invade the tributaries and breathe your Asian air.’’

4377. Pompey was still following up on his victory over the pirates in Cilicia. However, Plutarch (in Pompey) stated that the war was ended and he had nothing to do and was visiting the cities around there. When he received letters from Rome, he knew what had happened there. His friends congratulated him on the news. However, he is reported to have frowned and struck his thigh as if he were already weary and discontented with his command. They all knew he really wanted that opportunity. (Plutarch in Pompey, Dio. l. 36.) Although he had formerly made a plan of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now and all his maritime business as if there was nothing left undone. He applied himself fully to war with the barbarians. (Dio. l. 36.) He recalled the soldiers to him and requested the assistance of those kings and potentates he had received as friends. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4378. Tigranes the younger, the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter, revolted from his father, Tigranes, and was defeated but not captured. He joined with the chief men who were discontented with his father and defected to Phraates, the king of the Parthians. (Livy l. 100. Appian. p. 242. Dio, l. 36.)

4379. Pompey continued in his war with Mithridates and renewed his league with Phraates, the king of Parthia (Livy.) on the same conditions which were previously offered with Sulla and Lucullus. Pompey (Lucan l. 8.) said this about that:

"--If those pacts were sworn to me By th’ Latian Thund’rer, continu’d be Which your own Magi joined--’’

4380. According to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger invaded Armenia which was subject to Tigranes. They advanced as far as Artaxata, overcoming all opposition on the way and besieged it. Tigranes the elder retired among the mountains from fear. (Dio.) 3938b AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4381. Pompey wanted to find out Mithridates’ intentions and sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals. Mithridates hoped that Phraates who was the new king of Parthia would have joined with him and rejected the proposals. When he knew that Phraates had a league with Pompey and was engaged to invade Armenia, he had second thoughts and immediately sent ambassadors with propositions of peace. Pompey required that he should lay down arms and surrender those that had revolted. (Dio.)

4382. As soon as Mithridates’ army heard this, the runaways who were many in number, suspected they would be turned over and the barbarians thought they would have to continue the war without their help and rebelled. This would have been disastrous for Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his ambassadors to spy out the strength of the enemy rather than to desire peace. (Dio.) He swore moreover he would neither have friendship with the Romans because they were so covetous and neither would he surrender any of them or do anything unless it was for the common good. (Appian.)

4383. When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him (Dio.) at the citadel of Danala. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 567.) Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his consulships was the better man but Pompey’s dignity, in respect of the number of his commands and two triumphs that he had, was the greater of the two. Both of them had garlands of laurel carried before them in honour of their victories. Pompey’s laurels were dead and withered because he had come a long journey through dry and squalid countries. When Lucullus’ lictors saw this, they courteously presented him with some of theirs which were fresh and green. Pompey’s friends looked on this sign of friendship as a good omen that he should carry the rewards of Lucullus’ victories. (Plutarch in Lucullo & Pompey.)

4384. Lucullus told him that all things were already subdued and there was no reason for that expedition at all. Also he said that persons had come who were sent by the senate to settle affairs. He failed to persuade Pompey to go back and started to complain and slander him (Dio, l. 36.) so much so that there began to be a great argument between them. Pompey objected to Lucullus’ covetousness and Lucullus about Pompey’s insatiable desire for command. Neither of them could be accused of saying anything false in what they said. (Velleius Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Plutarch in Pompey.)

4385. For this reason Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased and gave away many good gifts besides. Pompey sharply reproved him for this in that he settled and conferred honours and rewards while the enemy was not defeated. This was not normally done until the war was over. Pompey was offended and moved his camp a little further from him and ordered that no one should obey or come near Lucullus. He made a public edict and forbid the confirmation of Lucullus’ acts or the council his officers should suggest. Since Pompey had the larger army, he was the most formidable. Pompey left him only 1600 for his triumph and took away all his soldiers. They were as useless to him by their rebellious behaviour as they were to Lucullus. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Lucullo.) Only the Valerian or Fimbrian legions served Pompey faithfully although they were rebellious with Lucullus. (Dio. l. 35, & 36.)

4386. Lucullus returned from there to Rome and brought along with him a good number of books which were part of his spoil from Pontus. (Isidor. Origin. l. 6. c. 3.) He placed them in his library which was always open to all people especially the Greeks. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He was also the first one who brought cherries into Italy. (Pliny, l. 15. c. 25.) In spite of his poor treatment by Pompey, he was received very honourably by the senate. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

4387. When Metellus had defeated the island of Crete, he took away the laws from an island which before that time was free. (Livy l. 100.) He removed their liberty which they had for so long enjoyed, by imposing his taxes on them. (Velle. Patere. l. 2. c. 38.) Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that Metellus subdued that island in 2 year’s time and wore it out with continual skirmishes. Eutropius (l. 6.) said that he overcame the whole country in 3 years in several large battles. Velleius Patere agrees with him and said (l. 2. c.34.) this:

"About that time the island of Crete was subdued by the Romans. They had resisted with an army of 24,000 young men who were pernicious with respect of their agility, patient in respect of labour and skilful in respect of the management of their arms. Under the command of Panares and Lasthenes, they had for 3 years together tired the Roman army.’’

4388. L. Flaccus along with the commander-in-chief, bore the brunt of that war. (Cicero pro Flacco.) Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8th century and was called the chief. (Cicero ad Brutum. epist. 8.) Cnius Plancius was a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos, the ambassador and by L. Flaccus. He was a soldier under C. Metellus. (Cicero pro Plantio.)

4389. Hence the men of Crete who were before free and had never yet known any foreign command, were brought under the yoke and Metellus received the name of Cretensis after them by the senate. (Dio. l. 36.)

4390. Antipas who was also called Antipater, was the governor of Idumea and father to Herod, the king of Judea. He was a rich man, a trouble maker and energetic. He feared Aristobulus’ power because of some grudges between them and he sided with Hyrcanus’ party. When the secret aspersions of Aristobulus prevailed then Antipater stirred up the chief of the Jews to enter into a conspiracy against him. He suggested it would be very unwise to let Aristobulus occupy a position he had usurped by force and displaced his older brother and robbed him of the prerogative of his birth. Antipater worked away on Hyrcanus continually. He added that his very life was in danger unless he fled, for Aristobulus’ friends were continually plotting how they should establish the authority on another when they had removed him out of the way. However, Hyrcanus was a good man and not easily moved by rumours and gave little credence to his information. His quiet disposition and gentleness of mind had given him the reputation of being slothful. However, Antipater continued to complain about his brother as if he had plans to kill him. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4391. Phraates found the siege of Artaxata would likely last for a long time. He left part of his forces with Tigranes’ son and returned home. (Dio. l. 36.)

4392. The nearer Spain was allocated to C. Julius Caesar when he was a quester. He was ordered by the praetor to travel about the various countries and decide matters of law. When he came to Gades, he saw in Hercules’ temple, Alexander the Great’s tomb. He was depressed that he had done nothing of note by the time he was 34 when Alexander had conquered the world. He became greatly depressed and begged that he might be sent back to Rome so that he might at the first opportunity attempt some noble thing. He left before his time and went to some Italian colonies that were in rebellion. He would have stirred them to do something, had not the consuls kept them in control with their legions which were raised to go into Cilicia. (Sueto, in Julio. Caesare, c. 7, 8.)

4393. Pompey controlled all the seas between Phoenicia and the Bosphorus with his navy. He advanced against Mithridates with a select army of 30,000 foot soldiers arranged in a phalanx for the safe keeping of his country. Plutarch said he also had 2000 (3000 Appian) cavalry. (Plut. in Pompey. Appian. p. 238.) Moreover that because Lucullus had recently pillaged that country, he had caused a great shortage of provisions for the enemy. Many fled to Pompey although Mithridates used all the severity he could to prevent this. He threw them down steep rocks or put out their eyes or burned them alive. This prevented many from defecting but they were very short of provisions. (Appian. p. 238.)

4394. Pompey placed some troops in ambush and sent out others to face the king’s camp and provoke him to battle. They were ordered to turn and flee after they came out and thereby draw them into his trap. The king suspected it and drew out his foot soldiers. They might possibly have pursued them as far as their camp. This was the first skirmish between the cavalry. (Appian p. 238.)

4395. Mithridates was outnumbered and avoided fighting Pompey and destroyed the countries where he came. He tried by marching up and down to wear out his enemy or cause them a shortage of provisions. Pompey went into Armenia the Less, which was subject to Mithridates, partly to get food and partly to take it over since it was without enemy troops. Finally, Mithridates went there lest that province in his absence should fall into the hands of his enemies. (Dio. l. 36.)

4396. Mithridates camped on a strong and secure hill opposite his enemy. He stayed there quietly with his whole army and hoped to drive the Romans into distress by intercepting their provisions and thereby defeat them. Mithridates was in his own country and was well supplied from all parts. Under this hill there was a plain into which he sent some cavalry to encounter and cut off all they met. By this it happened that many defected from the enemy to him. (Dio. l. 36.)

4397. Pompey did not dare to attack the enemy in that place and moved his camp to another spacious area that was surrounded by woods. By this he secured himself from their troops and arrows. He laid ambush in a convenient place and he made a few advances and faced their camp. After raising a tumult, he drew the enemy from their works to the place he had planned and gave them a great defeat. By this victory, the Romans were encouraged and Pompey sent out others to the other parts of the country to bring in provisions. (Dio. l. 36.)

4398. Mithridates left the hill where he camped because he thought it was a barren, dry place. Pompey came and occupied it. When he saw how the plants grew so well and the hollowness of the place, he thought there must be water there. He ordered his troops to dig wells up and down the hill. They soon had so much water in their camp that he wondered why Mithridates had not found it long ago. (Plutarch.)

4399. Mithridates camped on a mountain near Dastira in Acilisena which had abundant water and not far from the Euphrates River which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.) Orosius wrote that Pompey blockaded the king’s camp near the Dastrocus Mountain in Armenia the Less, (l. 6. c. 4.) and made a line around the king of about 18 miles. He built several citadels there so that he might intercept their foragers. The king did not hinder the work either from fear or folly which was often the forerunners of disaster. (Appian.) Mithridates was besieged for 45 days (Plutarch) but Appian said it was for 50 days. They could scarcely keep themselves alive after they had killed all the cattle they had and only spared the horses.

4400. Finally Mithridates knew that the enemy had been supplied with provisions and had captured a country in Armenia called Manaitin. Many of his men defected to Pompey and

Marius’ army along with the legions which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia where he was governor were coming to Pompey. Mithridates was afraid and planned to leave that country. (Dio.) He killed those who were sick and of no use and he went out in the night with the entire army very quietly and escaped. (Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius) He planned by marching in the night to go into Armenia the Greater which was subject to Tigranes (Dio.) and there to drive off Pompey if he pursued him. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4401. The next day, Pompey after much trouble caught up to him and attacked his rear. The king, in spite of his friends’ advice, would not fight and was contented to beat back the enemy with some cavalry only. In the evening he retired into the woods. (Appian.)

4402. The next day, Mithridates occupied a village, that was surrounded by rocks on all sides and there was only one way in. He guarded that with 4 companies of foot soldiers. The Romans also guarded the entrance to prevent the escape of the king. (Appian.)

4403. When they were come to the borders Pompey feared Mithridates would get ahead of him and cross the Euphrates River and make his escape. He resolved to force a battle with them at night. (Plutarch & Dio.) He moved his camp and deceived the barbarians who rested until noon. He marched the same way they were to come. He occupied a convenient place among the hills and drew up his men into the highest parts of it and waited for the enemy. The barbarians did not suspect this and since the Romans did not fight with them, they did not even send scouts ahead to spy out their way. (Dio.)

4404. It is said that at that time Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was to happen. He seemed to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontic sea and came within sight of the Bosphorus. He was overjoyed with certain and unquestionable safety and began pleasantly to accost those who carried him. Suddenly, he found himself deserted and tossed about on a small part of the ship. While he was thinking about this vision, his friends who were around him awoke him and told him that Pompey was near. Therefore he was forced to fight for his camp and brought out his army. Both sides drew into battle array. (Plutarch.)

4405. When Pompey saw that they were prepared for a fight, he thought it best not to fight in the night but to surround them so they could not escape. He could attack them next morning with his army which was much stronger. However the older and chief of his officers by their urging, provoked him to attack then. (Plutarch.)

4406. Therefore, it was agreed that all the trumpets would sound a charge together. After this, the soldiers and the whole multitude would give a shout and then some would strike their spears against their brass vessels. The mountains echoed and made the noise more horrible. When the barbarians suddenly heard this in the night in a deserted place, they were exceedingly dismayed and supposed they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the meantime, the Romans from above threw down stones, arrows and darts on every side. Since there were so many barbarians almost every object hit someone. After they had shot all their arrows, they ran down violently on the barbarians. They were kicking and pressing each other forward and were killed and not able to defend themselves nor attack the enemy. Most of them were cavalry men and archers who could do little in the dark and in confined a space. (Dio.)

4407. As soon as the moon was up, the barbarians thought they might repel the enemy in its light and were encouraged. This might have helped them but the moon was on the Romans’ backs. As the moon began to set and their shadows appeared long ahead of their bodies and close to the enemy. They judged their distance by these long shadows and shot arrows not far enough to hit the Romans. The Romans later attacked them and easily defeated them. (Dio. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.)

4408. This battle was in the night. (Livy, l. 100, Florus l. 3, Plutarch in Pompey, Dio l. 36, Eutropius l. 6. Orosius l. 6. c. 4.) Only Appian says it was in the day and happened like this.

Both armies were drawn up early in the morning and some soldiers from both sides advanced and skirmished among the rocks. Some of the king’s cavalry men came running on foot without orders to relieve their fellow soldiers. They were charged by a large number of the Roman cavalry and they ran back in one company to their tents to get their horses to better confront their enemy. The Pontics who were on guard, saw from an high place the noise and haste as they ran and thought their camp had been breached in some other part and that was the reason of their flight. They threw away their arms and fled but there was nowhere to escape. They ran afoul of one another until by their crowding they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easy for Pompey to perform the rest and to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed and so entangled among the rocks. There were 10,000 slain and their camp was taken along with all their ammunition and baggage. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 239, 240.)

4409. Plutarch stated that many more than 10,000 were killed. Dio said that there were very many killed and as many taken prisoners. Eurtopius stated the total was 40,000. Orosius stated there were this many either killed or captured. Eutropius says Pompey lost only 20 or 30 of his men and 2 of his captains. Orosius stated the Romans had 1000 wounded and about 40 killed.

4410. Mithridates with a troop of 800 cavalry broke through the Roman lines. Finally the rest abandoned him and he was left with only 3 in his company. Hypsicratia was one of these whom the king called Hypsicrates because of her masculine spirit. Plutarch calls her his concubine but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius said she was his wife. Although she wore a Persian man’s cloths and rode on horseback, yet she was neither tired by the tediousness of her own flight nor with the care and solicitousness of the king. (Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6. Eutropius, l. 6.) His daughter Dripetine, accompanied him in this distressing time. She was born to him by Laodice the queen but was very deformed by a double row of teeth. (Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8.)

4411. Hence the king escaped through the confusion of the battle and was helped by a clear night. He lead his horse by his hand when he came into places and trembled at every noise he heard. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) Finally, he came to some mercenary cavalry and 3,000 foot solders and was escorted into the citadel of Sinoria where he had stored much money. (Appian.) Plutarch calls the citadel Inora, Strabo, Sinoria or Synoria and it was located on the border of Armenia the Greater and the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4412. He gave gifts and a year’s pay to those who had escorted him in his flight. He took (Appian) 6000 talents along with him. He also gave expensive garments to those that came to him from the rout. He also gave deadly poison to his friends to carry about with them lest any of them should fall into the enemy’s hands. From there he marched into Armenia to Tigranes. (Plutarch.)

4413. Tigranes was pestered by the ambassadors from Mithridates and would not receive Mithridates but threw his ambassadors into prison. He pretended that Mithridates was the cause of his son’s rebellion. Thus Mithridates’ hopes were frustrated. He crossed over the Euphrates River and fled into Colchis (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.) which was formerly subject to him. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4414. He did not stop and on the 4th day he crossed the Euphrates River. They armed themselves for 3 days and assigned those troops he had with him or who came to him. He attacked Chotenis the chief town in Armenia because the Chotenians and Iberians had tried to impede the march with slings and arrows but he was able to beat off their attack. Then he advanced to the Absarus River. (Appian.)

4415. Pompey sent out troops to pursue Mithridates but he had crossed the Phasis River and escaped. So Pompey built a city in the same place where he won his victory (Dio. l. 36.) between the two rivers which had their source in the same mountain. These were the Euphrates and Araxes Rivers which are located in the Lesser Armenia and for that reason he called the city, Nicopolis. He gave this city with the consent of his soldiers to those who were old or lame or sick or wounded or disbanded. Many of the neighbours moved there also and the Nicopolitans lived after the customs of the Cappadocians. (Dio. l.36. & Strabo, l. 12. p. 555. & Appian. p. 243, 251. & Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4416. Tigranes, the father, advanced against Tigranes, his son, who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati and defeated him. He fled first toward Mithridates, his grandfather. When he heard that he also was defeated and was likely in more need of help than being able to help him, Tigranes defected to the Romans. (Dio. l. 36.) He was willing to help them, even though he was the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter. (Appian.) He met Pompey at the Araxes River (Plutarch.) and guided Pompey and his army into Armenia against his father who was considered a confederate of Mithridates. (Dio. l. 36.) They went to Artaxatis to the court of Tigranes. (Appian.)

4417. When Tigranes, the father, knew of this he was exceedingly terrified. He heard that Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature and he sent a trumpeter to him and by him turned over Mithridates’ ambassadors that he imprisoned. His son prevented him from obtaining any tolerable conditions and Pompey nevertheless crossed the Araxis River and approached near to Arraxatis. Finally Tigranes surrendered the city and all the garrison was in it. He with his friends and kindred went out to meet Pompey without sending so much as an herald before them. He surrendered all his right into his hands and appealing to him for justice against his son. (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.)

4418. So that he might appear to Pompey worthy of respect and compassion, he said he would retain a mediocre position between his former dignity and his present misery. He had taken off his gown that was half white and his royal robe of purple but wore his diadem and the ornaments for his head. (Dio.) When Pompey sent the captains and officers of his cavalry to meet and honour him, his friends that were with him, fled for they worried about their security because they had sent no heralds ahead of them. (Appian.)

4419. When Tigranes came to Pompey’s camp which was 16 miles away from Arraxatis, two lictors from Pompey came to him and ordered him to get off his horse. According to the customs of his country he had entered the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed and unbuckled his sword and delivered it to them. (Eutr. Plut. & Dio.) Pompey saw him enter on foot after he had thrown away his crown. He prostrated him himself on the ground according to the custom of the barbarians. Pompey was touched with compassion and he ran over to him. He caught him by the hand and lifted him up and put on his crown again that he had cast away. Pompey ordered him to sit down on one side of him and his son on the other side. Tigranes’ son did not rise up to greet his father nor show him any respect. (Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. l. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. in Pompey & Lucul. & Cimonis collatione.)

4420. Tigranes surrendered himself and his kingdom to Pompey, for he had previously stated that there was no man in Rome or any other country that he would have surrendered to except Pompey. He said that he would be content with whatever happened to him, whether it was good or bad. He also said that it was no disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer, nor was it dishonourable to submit to him whom fortune had exalted above everyone. (Vel. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.) He and his son were later invited by Pompey to supper but the son excused himself and gave Pompey a reason to be offended at him. (Dio.)

4421. The next day after their disputes were heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia, (the ancient possession of his forefathers,) to Tigranes, the elder. Strabo stated he added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (l. 16. p. 747.) and took away those countries he had gained in the war. He imposed a fine of 6000 talents of silver on him which was to be paid to the people of Rome because he had waged war with them without a cause. He gave his son the command of Gordena and Sophena with the freedom of joining the rest of Armenia to it when his father died. He gave the treasure in Sophena, (a country in the borders of Armenia) to the father otherwise he would not be able to pay his fine. (Cicero, Velles. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as was said before.)

4422. Tigranes, the father, was very glad for these conditions and that he was called a king by the Romans. He left and went through Cappadocia, some parts of Cilicia, and all of Syria and Phoenicia from the Euphrates River to the sea. He controlled these provinces with part of Cilicia when he had driven out Antiochus Pius. (Livy, l. 101. Vellei. Patercul. l. 2. c. 37. Plutarch, Appian, Dio, & Eutrop.)

4423. Tigranes, the younger, was badly disappointed and plotted to escape. Pompey knew of this and restrained him but with liberty to move around. He sent messengers to those that kept the money, to demand it for Tigranes the elder. They refused and stated they only took orders from Tigranes the younger whom they thought this country belonged to. Tigranes was sent to the citadel and was shut out. Against his will, he ordered them to open to him, but the keepers refused and said he only made the order because Pompey forced him to. Pompey was displeased and chained the younger Tigranes and finally got the treasure for his father. (Dio. l. 36.)

4424. Appian said that the Armenians who deserted the king on his journey to the Roman camp, asked his son who stayed with Pompey to dispose of his father but he was taken and put in irons. However, when he was bound, through his messengers he persuaded the Parthians to fight the Romans and pretended he was imprisoned for the triumph.

4425. After the father received his money, he gave a greater portion of money than was agreed on by Pompey. He freely gave to every soldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo says) 150, to every captain 1000, every colonel 10,000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 drachmas. By this he was counted among the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.) Pompey delivered the money due to the people of Rome, according to his custom, to the treasurer for the public use. (Velei. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.)

4426. Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whole kingdom of Cappadocia, Sophena and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger. This area was later called the province of Cappadocia. Pompey also gave him Cabala, (or Gabala) a city of Cilicia and some others which Ariobarzanes later left entirely to his sons. (Appian. p. 243, 244.) 3939a AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4427. A few days before C. Julius Caesar entered into the office of the aedile, he was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the consul. Sulla and Antionius were also suspected as their term as consuls expired. They were condemned for trying to overthrow the republic at the beginning of the year. (January corresponded to October on the Julian calendar when Cotta and Torquatus entered the consulship.) They planned to invade the senate and kill whom they pleased and Crassus was to become the dictator and he should be called the master of his horse. The whole state would be run as they saw fit and the consulship would be restored to Sulla and Antonius. From this it was that Cicero in an letter to Axius stated that when Caesar was consul, he settled the kingdom as he planned to when he was an aedile. (Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c. 9.)

4428. Pompey left Armenia under the command of Afranius and pursued Mithridates through those countries that lie around the Caucasus. These were the large countries of the Albanians and Iberians. They allowed him to go through when he first came. (Plutarch) However, Livy (l. 101.) said that Pompey fought and overcame them because they refused to allow him access. This battle is briefly mentioned by Plutarch and Appian. Dio. gave more details. Pompey divided his army into three parts and took his winter quarters near the Cyrnus River in the country around Tanais. In spite of this he did not have peace. Oroesus, the king of the Albanians who inhabited the country above the Cyrnus River (or Cyrus) (Florus, l. 3, c. 5. & Eutropius, l. 6. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 4. called him Orodes.) advanced against the Romans. He did this partly to gratify his friend, Tigranes the younger but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Albania. He hoped that if he attacked in the winter by surprise, then they would not have pitched their camp in one place. He wanted to do some brave exploit. He advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals. He personally marched against Metellus Celer who had Tigranes with him. Others went against Pompey while others against the commander of the third party under Lucius Flaccus. He wanted to attack all three at once so they could not help one another. (Dio, l. 36.) Appian stated that Oroezes, the king of the Albanians and Otocus, (or rather Artocus) the king of the Iberians, set an ambush with 70,000 men for Pompey near the Cyrnus River. Plutarch stated that at least 40,000 barbarians crossed the river against Pompey in the Roman festivals to Saturn which were celebrated in the month of December. (In that year it happened in September or the Julian October that is in the beginning of autumn or winter according to those that divide the year into two parts only, summer and winter. This we saw in Thucydides history of the Peloponnesian war.)

4429. Metellus defeated Oroesus. Flaccus made an inner ditch around his camp. The first ditch around his camp was too large to be defended. The enemy thought he did this from fear and advanced into the outer ditch. Flaccus made an unexpected sally on them and killed many in the conflict and many in the chase. Pompey knew of the barbarian attacks on the two camps. He attacked those who were marching against him and defeated them. Pompey went directly against Oroesus himself but could not find him. After Oroesus was beaten by Metellus and had heard of the defeats of the others, he fled. (Dio.)

4430. Pompey camped where they crossed the Cyrnus River. He finally agreed to their supplications and gave them peace. He planned to recompense their attacks by invading their country. Since it was winter, this would be difficult to do. (Dio l. 36. fin) Plutarch wrote that Pompey routed a great number of them and brought in their colours. Later their king sent ambassadors and he made peace with him.

4431. Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade (Appian. p. 240.) where the isthmus between the Euxine and the Caspian Sea begins. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 468.)

4432. Antipater urged Hyrcanus to flee to Areta, the king of the Arabians and promised to help him. He was barely able to convince him, yet he finally did go. Arabia bordered on Judea. Antipater was sent ahead to the king to get his promise that he would not deliver up Hyrcanus to his enemies. As soon as he had given his word, Antipater returned quickly to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem. Antipater took him by night along with him and they stole from the city and after a long journey, they came to a city called Petra where Areta’s court was. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4433. Antipater was very close to Areta and requested that he would restore Judea to Hyrcanus. His constant urgings and his presents finally convinced him to help Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus promised if he would help him get his kingdom again, he would return to him a country with 12 cities which his father, Alexander Jannaeus, had taken away from the Arabians. The cites were these: Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Orouae, Marisa, Rydda, Lusa and Oryba. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.) 3939b AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4434. Alexander 2nd, the king of Egypt and the son of Alexander 1st, was expelled by the Alexandrians. (Suet. in Juli. Casare.) Ptolemy, a natural son, replaced him and he was the son of Ptolemy Lathurus. He was called Dionysius the New, or Bacchus and Auletes because he most effeminately followed the ways of the Dionysii. He put on women’s clothes and danced to the cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. (Lucian de non tem. cred. calum.) He also practised their piping so much that he boasted of it. He was not ashamed to celebrate contests in his court in which he contested with others. (Strabo. l. 17. p. 796.)

4435. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, with 50,000 men defeated Aristobulus. After this battle many ran away to Hyrcanus so that Aristobulus was abandoned and fled to Jerusalem. Aretas brought his army with him and besieged him in the temple. The people helped Hyrcanus and only the priests were loyal to Aristobulus. Aretas, with the Jewish and Arabian army, most vigorously continued the siege. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4436. These things were done before the time of the feast of unleavened bread. The leaders of the Jews abandoned their country and fled into Egypt. Onias in Judea was an honest and just man. In a great drought, he prevailed by the piety of his prayers for rain. When he foresaw the civil war that followed, he hid himself in a cave. However, the Jews caught him and brought him into their camp. They wanted him to curse Aristobulus and his side just as he had prayed for rain. For a long time he refused. Finally the multitude compelled him and he stood in their midst and prayed:

"O God, thou that art King of the whole world, for as much as these that are with me are thy people and those that are besieged are thy priests, I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them nor them praying against these.’’

4437. After this some wicked men of the Jews surrounded him and killed him with stones. God immediately revenged this wickedness and punished the slaughter of Onias in this way. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4438. While Aristobulus was besieged with his priests, the feast of the passover arrived. It was the custom for them to make many sacrifices to their God. Because of the siege, they asked the Jews that besieged them if they would give them sacrifices at whatever price they would set. They demanded 1000 groats should be sent them for every ox. Aristobulus and his priests willingly agreed to this and let down their money from the wall. When they had the money, they gave no animals in return for the sacrifice. This was the height of impiety in that they broke their faith with men and robbed God of his due honour. But the priests who were defrauded, prayed to God that he would take vengeance on them. This soon happened. A violent storm greatly wasted their grain so that a bushel of wheat was sold for 15 groats. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4439. Pompey waged war with the Iberians. They were exceedingly desirous to gain the favour of Mithridates and to drive out Pompey. Up until now they had never been subject to the Medes, Persians, Alexander or the Macedonians. (Plutarch.) When Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquarus were consuls, Artoces, their king, feared lest Pompey would attack him. He sent ambassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace but in the meantime he prepared to attack them by surprise. Pompey knew this and before Artoces had sufficiently prepared and secured the passes, Pompey attacked their country. Before Artoces knew anything of his coming, Pompey had advanced as far as the city of Acropolis which was located in those passes where the Caucasus Mountains runs. It was fortified for the defence of that pass. Artoces lost the opportunity of strengthening himself and he was terrified. He crossed the Cyrnus River and burned the bridge. When the city saw him flee and themselves beaten, they surrendered the town. By this means, Pompey got control of the passes and put a garrison over them. He marched from there and subdued the whole country that lay on that side of the river. (Dio. init. l. 37.)

4440. Pompey was about to cross Cyrnus River when Artoces begged a truce by his ambassadors. He offered to make him a bridge and to furnish him with all supplies besides. This he did to obtain peace. As soon as Pompey had crossed that river, Artoces immediately fled to the Pelorus River. He ran from Pompey whom he had helped cross the river when he might have prevented his crossing. Pompey was aware of this and pursued him. When he caught up to him, he fought and defeated him easily. Before the bowmen came to fight, he had routed them. When Artoces had crossed the Pelorus River and burnt that bridge also, he fled. The remainder were cut off. Some died in the battle and some attempted to cross the river on foot. Many fled to the woods and held out for some days by shooting arrows from the large trees. Pompey had the trees cut down and they also died. (Dio. init. l. 37.) Plutarch reports there was 6,000 killed in the battle and more than 10,000 taken prisoners.

4441. Artoces sent ambassadors to Pompey to sue for peace. They brought presents of a bed, a table and a chair, all of gold which he begged him to accept. Pompey took the presents and turned them over to the quaesters to be recorded in the public records. He refused to give them peace unless Artoces would deliver his sons for hostages. Artoces hesitated until the Romans had found a ford in the river in summer time and crossed it with much trouble although no one hindered their crossing. Artoces sent his sons for hostages and made peace with Pompey. (Dio. l. 37. & Plutarch. & Flor. l. 3. c. 4.) Eutropius stated that Pompey defeated Arthaces, the king of Iberia, in battle, and received him into favour on some conditions. Sextus Rufus and Jomandes stated that the kings of both Iberia and Arthaces, surrendered themselves to him. However, Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that he defeated Artoces, the king of the Iberians, and subdued all of Iberia.

4442. Mithridates travelled through the country of the Scythians who were offended by his presence. He persuaded some and others he constrained by force to help him. He went to the Heniochians but the Archaeans tried to resist him and were defeated. Later he entered into the Maeotic countries and defeated many of their commanders. Because of the fame of his achievements, he was warmly welcomed. He gave and received many gifts. He formed marriage alliances with the most powerful men there. (Livy, l. 101. Appian p. 240, 241, Dio. l. 36.) Strabo also refers to this place. (l. 11. p. 496.) The Heniochi had 4 kings at that time when Mithridates fled through their country into Bosphorus from Pontus. He gave up any hopes of passing through the Zygians because the way was difficult and the people were fierce. Therefore with much trouble he was many times forced to follow the sea and marched along the shore. Finally he arrived among the Achaeans who received him. (Appian said they resisted him.) Here he ended his journey of almost 500 miles which began at Phasis. Strabo stated the countries he passed through, based on those writers who wrote of the affairs of Mithridates. The countries in this order were: the Achaeans, the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians and the Colchians. (p. 497.) Hypsicrate his queen went through all these unruly countries with an indefatigable mind and body. She followed her distressed husband. So she might more easily share in his labour and pains, she shaved her hair. She was accustomed to ride on horse back and bear arms. She was faithful in all his distresses and was the greatest and most pleasant asset to Mithridates. He seemed to wander with his whole fortune and family while his wife accompanied him in his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6.)

4443. Machares, the son of Mithridates, reigned in Bosphorus Cimerius and favoured the Romans. He heard that his father in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and warlike countries and passed the very borders of Scythia which were never passed before. He sent ambassadors to him to let him know it was of necessity that had forced him to that friendship with the Romans. He knew his father’s animosity so he fled into Pontius Chersonesus and burned his ships to prevent his father from following him. When he sent against Mithridates another fleet, he was killed. (??) Mithridates killed all those friends that he had sent with his son for companions when Machares first went into his kingdom. Mithridates sent his servants away safely. (Appian p. 241.) However Dio (l. 36.) stated that the father corrupted his son’s friends with promises of safety and with bribes. He persuaded them to kill his son. Orosius said that Machares was killed by his father. (l. 6. c. 5.)

4444. Pompey made his journey into the northern parts of Scythia by the stars as if he had been at sea and attacked the Colchi. He camped beneath the Caucasus Mountains and ordered their king Orodes to come down into the plains. (Florus l. 3. c. 5.) Florus said that Orodes was king of the Alcans along with Eutropius and Oronus. For "Orodes" in this place means the name "Olthaces", whom Appian said was the king of the Colchi and was led in triumph by Pompey (p. 253.) or "Aristarchus", whom Appian said (p. 251.) and Eutropius (l. 6.) was said to be made king of Colchis in his place.

4445. Plutarch says that at the Phasis River, Servilius met Pompey with the fleet which was left for the defence of Pontus. The pursuit of Mithridates who had hid himself in the countries around Bosphorus and Maeotis had caused him much trouble. Pompey went to Colchis that he might see the place of the wanderings of the Argonauts and Castor and Pollux. He especially wanted to see the place where Prometheus was said to be bound to the Caucasus Mountains. These sights drew him from the neighbouring countries. (Appian. p. 241, 242.) He won the Colchi also and the hostile countries to his side, partly by fair words and partly by fear. He found that his journey would be difficult by land through many warlike and unknown countries. If he went by sea it was would be worse. The inhabitants were hostile and the country lacked ports. Pompey commanded his ships to stay there and to watch Mithridates that he might not be allowed to escape and to block all provisions going to him. Pompey headed against the Albani but took a round about way so they would think themselves safe and he could come suddenly on them and easily defeat them. However, Plutarch stated that the Albani finally revolted and that Pompey was incensed with anger and desire for revenge. He marched immediately against them but he returned to Armenia and crossed the Cyrnus River. It was fordable at that time of the year. (Dio. l. 37.)

4446. After great difficulty, he crossed this river. The barbarians had for a long time fortified it by pounding down stakes into it. (Plutarch.) Where the river was calm, Pompey first crossed over with his cavalry, then his train and then his foot soldiers. He had the horses break the force of the river with their bodies and if anything of the train should be carried away by the current it, would land against those who accompanied it and be carried no further. (Dio.) After he had come from a long, dry and rocky way, he filled 10,000 water bottles and continued his journey. (Plut.)

4447. Finally, with no resistance from the enemy, he arrived at the Gambyses River. His whole army was badly bothered by the heat and from thirst although they marched mainly in the night. He selected guides from the prisoners but they did not show him the easiest way. Moreover the river proved harmful too. The water was extremely cold and they drank too much and it made them quite sick. They did not rest until they came to the Abans River. All that time they took only water, for the inhabitants bountifully supplied their needs. Hence they marched through and did them no harm. (Dio.)

4448. When they had crossed the river, they heard that Oroeses was coming toward them. (Dio.) He had in his army 60,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 or 22,000 (according to Strabo) cavalry. Most of these were poorly armed and clothed with only the skins of wild beasts. They were commanded by Cossis, the king’s brother. (Plut. & Strabo, l. 41. p. 502.) Pompey wanted to draw them into a battle before they knew the numbers of the Romans. He first drew up his cavalry and told them what to do. Behind them he placed his foot soldiers. He had them lay down and cover themselves with their shields and lie still without making any noise. By this, Oroeses had no knowledge of them until he had joined battle. He despised the cavalry whom he thought were all alone and attacked them. In a moment they fled as they were ordered to by Pompey and Oroeses chased them furiously. The foot soldiers rose up suddenly and made a space to allow the cavalry to retreat through. They charged the enemy and surrounded a large number of them and killed them. The rest were killed by the cavalry who came around on the right hand and the left and attacked their rear. So the cavalry killed a large number. The enemy fled to the woods which was set on fire and killed them. The Romans shouted to them to remember what happened at the Saturnals. About that time as is said before, the Albani laid an ambush and attacked the Romans by surprise. (Dio. l. 37.)

4449. In the battle, Cossis the king’s brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck him through the joint of his arms. Pompey ran him through with his spear and killed him. In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons that lived in the mountains next to the Thermontes River, came to help the barbarians. While the Romans were taking the plunder in the field, they found some Amazon shields and buskins but no women were found. (Plut.) Also Appian (p. 242.) stated that this and the former battle with the Albani were the same battle. However, Orosius with Eutropius and Sextus Rufus stated that Pompey defeated Oroeses, the king of the Albani and his commanders. (l. 6. c. 4.)

4450. Pompey destroyed the country around there. Finally he was persuaded to accept a peace from Orodis or Oroeses. He sent Pompey a golden bed and other presents to make peace. (Florus, l. 3. c. 5. Dio. l. 37, Eurtop. l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) They commemorated their Italian origins because they followed Hercules from the Mount Albanus and they greeted Pompey as one of the mothers of their country. (Justin, l. 42. c. 3.) Pompey made peace with the Albans and all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus in the Caspian Sea even so far as that mountain that was in Pontus. These people requested peace through their ambassadors. (Dio. l. 37.) Strabo wrote that from all parts and both the Chipeari and the Cholchian, he warred against the Ibearians and Albani. (l. 11. p. 492.) Pompey wanted to see Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea since it was only a 3 day journey from there. He was thwarted from that plan by the number of deadly serpents in the area. Hence he went into Armenia the Less. (Plutarch) (This paragraph in both the English and Latin copies is almost unreadable. Editor.)

4451. After Pompey had crossed the Taurus Mountains, he advanced to Antiochus Commagenus and finally received him into favour (Appian. p. 244.) when he surrendered to Pompey Seleucia, a castle in Mesopotamia with all that he had captured in his excursion there. (Appian. p. 251 & Strabo. l. 16. p. 745.) Pompey defeated Darius and the Medes either because he had helped Antiochus now or Tigranes previously. Appian in his Mithridatic. (p. 244.) stated that Darius and the Medes were numbered among the princes and peoples that Pompey defeated. (p. 250, 253.) Velleius Patercules, (l. 2. c. 40.) numbered Media among those countries Pompey had successfully invaded. Although Plutarch stated that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the kings of the Medes and Elymaes who had sent ambassadors to him.

4452. Phraates, the king of the Parthians saw Pompey warring so successfully that Armenia and that part of Pontus that was next him was taken by Pompey’s commanders. Gabinius had crossed the Euphrates River and was advancing as far as the Tigris River. He was frightened and sent ambassadors to Pompey to renew the peace with the Romans which they had before. The embassy was unsuccessful because Pompey was elated with his present successes and the hopes he had of future conquests. Hence he had little respect for Phraates. Among his arrogant demands, he ordered that Cordenies or Gordyones be given to him. This was a disputed country between Phraates and Tigranes. The ambassadors did not have the authority to do this so they did not reply. Hence, Pompey wrote to Phraates. (Dio. l. 37.)

4453. In his letters Pompey neglected to give Phraates the title of King of kings. All other people gave him this title including the Romans and Pompey did, after in his triumph. He addressed him only as a king. Phraates scorned the letter since his kingdom was plundered also. Pompey did not wait for a reply but sent Afranius immediately with an army into Cordenies. They defeated those Parthians that had invaded it and pursued them as far as Arbelius. Thus they restored the country to Tigranes. (Dio. l. 37. Plut. in Pompey.)

4454. Josephus stated that Gabinius was sent from Armenia into Syria by Pompey (Belli, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 4.) This we think was Armenia the Lesser into which we have learned from by Plutarch that when Pompey retired there when he had finished the war with the Albanians. Josephus was mistaken by the similarity of the names and thought it was the Greater. Therefore he wrote that at the same time when Pompey was fighting with Tigranes, Gabinius was sent into Syria. This could not be unless with Appian, he made Tigranes defeat to follow after his expedition against the Albanians. This we showed from Livy, Velleius, Florus, Plutarch, Eutrop. and Orosius, to be before not after that expedition.

4455. As soon as Scaurus came to Damascus, he found it recently captured by Metellus and Lollius. He left there and understood that something was happening in Judea. He went there as a convenient place. As soon as he had entered the country, he met ambassadors from Hyrcanus that had besieged the temple of Jerusalem and from his brother, Aristobulus who was besieged there. Both asked for his help. When Aristobulus offered 400 talents, Hyrcanus offered him as much. However, Scaurus preferred Aristobulus and when he received his money, he sent ambassadors to Hyrcanus and Areta the king. They were helped by many of the Nabathae although they were not very enthusiastic about the war. He commanded them in the name of the Romans and Pompey, to lift the siege. Aretas was frightened and withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia and Scaurus returned to Damascus. Aristobulus gathered all the forces together that he had and planned to punish Aretas and Hyrcanus. He fought with them at Papyron and defeated them. About 7000 of the enemy were killed including Cephalius, the brother of Antipater. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 4.)

4456. Pompey returned from Armenia and met with certain kings and rulers, whom Plutarch stated to be 12 barbarian kings. He heard their complaints and gave them his judgments. He confirmed some in their kingdoms. He increased some kingdoms and he took away from others their kingdoms. (Xiphilin ex Dione) Va. Maximus seems to refer to this famous time in history.

4457. Ariobarzanes turned over his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey. Ariobarzanes had taken the throne by Pompey’s invitation. When he sat on the throne, he saw his son with his secretary in a place inferior to his dignity and fortune. He could not stand to see his son beneath himself, so he arose from his seat and put the crown upon his head. He urged him to go up to the throne. The young man immediately started weeping and his body trembled and the crown fell to the ground. He could not bring himself to ascend to the throne. Even when his father urged him to receive the kingdom he refused. This matter was not settled until Pompey concurred with his father. Pompey called his son, king and ordered him to take the crown and to sit in the ivory chair. (Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 7.)

4458. From there, Pompey went into Coelosyria and Phoenicia which were recently liberated from their kings and invaded by the Arabians and Tigranes. He stayed there although Antiochus tried in vain to recapture them. Pompey subdued them and made them into one province. They received the laws from him and were administered according to the custom of the people of Rome. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

4459. Justin, (l. 40. c. 2.) Appian in Mithridatic. (p. 244.) and Porphyrius, (in Gracis Eusebianis Scaliger, p. 227.) stated that this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus. However, the same Appian more correctly in his Syriacis, (p. 119 & 133.) stated that he was Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena. 4 years earlier, either by Lucullus’ favour or permission, he was given the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had abandoned. In Pompey’s festivals, (which he mentioned on p. 133.) while Pompey was busy in other matters, Antiochus kept it for one whole year. This was after Tigranes had most justly surrendered what he had in Syria to the people of Rome. Although in Pompey’s presence he desired his father’s kingdom, yet Pompey did not give it to him even though he had done nothing against the people of Rome. Indeed, it was an easy matter for so large an army to oppress an unarmed prince. However, another reason was given in that it seemed unfair that after the ancient kings who had been defeated by Tigranes’ armies and driven from Syria, that the kingdom should go to the defeated Seleucians rather than the Romans who defeated them. Pompey did not think it was right to give Antiochus that which he was unable to defend from being invaded by the Jews and Arabians. (Justin. & Appian in places noted above)

4460. When Julius Caesar was an aedile, he won the favour of the people and tried through some of the tribunes to get the government of Egypt by an order from the people. There was a reason for this command in that the Alexandrians had driven out their prince who was an associate and friend of the Romans. The senate disallowed this commission by the people because a large number of the nobles opposed it. (Sueton, in Julio. c. 11.)

4461. Pompey was called into Egypt by Alexander the second who was expelled. Pompey was to quell some rebellions there. He was presented with many gifts like money and clothes for his whole army. Pompey did not go there either from regard of the envy of his enemies or because of the oracle of Sibyl or for some other reasons. (See note on 3948 AM << >>)(Appian. Mithridatic. p. 251.)

4462. Pompey came to Damascus and went about Coelosyria. At that time, ambassadors came to him from all parts of Syria, Egypt and Judea. At the same time, it appears that the 12 kings came to him that Plutarch mentions. Josephus mentioned this from Strabo’s history: (Antiq. l. 14. c. 5.)

"There came from Egypt an embassy with a crown of 4000 crowns of gold. Judea sent a vine or a garden which piece of workmanship was called "the Delight". We saw this present at Rome and it was dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Capitoline with this inscription, "From Alexander, the king of the Jews." It was valued at 500 talents.’’

4463. This present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the temple at Jerusalem and sent to Pompey by his son Aristobulus, whom Pliny among the "Acts of Pompey’s Triumphs" described like this: It was a square mountain of gold with harts and lions and all kinds of apples with a vine of gold surrounding it. (Pliny, l. 37. c. 2.) 3940a AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4464. Ambassadors again came from Judea to Pompey, Antipater for Hyrcanus and Nicomedes for Aristobulus. Aristobulus’ ambassador complained of Gabinius, that he had received 300 talents of money and later of Scaurus who had received 400 talents to become his enemies. Pompey commanded both parties, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, to appear before him. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5.)

4465. Afranius came to Syria after the treaty began between Pompey and Phraates. He lost his way as he went and endured much hardship because it was winter and supplies were scarce. He would have died unless he had been rescued by the Macedonian colony of the Carrenses and brought them back. (Dio. l. 37.)

4466. Pompey made his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus and received into favour all those parts of the country which before were hostile. This we gather from the fragments of Dio (l. 37.) which the reader easily may compare them and deduce that this happened in the consulship of Caesar and Figulus. Pompey did not touch any of Mithridates’ concubines who were brought to him and sent them back to their parents and kindred. They were mainly the wives and daughters of rulers and commanders. (Plutarch.)

4467. Dio stated that Stratonix was found in the citadel of Symphori and brought to Pompey. She was the daughter of a musician and one of the king’s wives or concubines. She was furious that she was abandoned by Mithridates while he was wandering about Pontus. She sent most of the garrison out for provisions and let the Romans in on this single condition. Pompey would take her son Xiphares prisoner and keep him in safety for his mother. She knew of a large treasury that was hidden underground which consisted mainly of many brass vessels bound about with hoops of iron. She told Pompey where it was. He only selected the items he thought would give most splendour to the temple and to his triumph. He gave the rest to Stratonix. (Plut. Appian. Dio.)

4468. When Mithridates knew of this, he had her son, Xiphares, to be killed while his mother watched on the other side of the river. He then threw away his body without burial and neglected all piety so that he might make her repent of what she had done. (Appian.)

4469. Pompey also took that almost impregnable citadel, called the "New". Mithridates had stored his most valuable things here and Pompey later dedicated these to the capitol. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 556. 557.) Pompey took many of Mithridates’ most secret records from there which he freely examined to determine the extent of Mithridates’ numbers and his wealth. (Plutarch.) Among them there were also some physical inventions of Mithridates which Pompey ordered Lenaeus, a learned grammarian, to translate into Latin. (Pliny. l. 25. c. 2.)

4470. Phraates sent ambassadors to Pompey by whom he complained of the wrongs he had received. Pompey kept Tigranes the younger as prisoner and Phraates desired that his son-in-law might be returned. He assumed the Euphrates River was the extent of his empire and he warned Pompey of crossing it. Pompey replied that Tigranes ought to be turned over to his father rather than his father-in-law and he would respect his boundaries. (Plut. cum Dio.)

4471. In the spring when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were consuls, Phraates made an expedition against Tigranes. He was defeated in one battle but later he defeated his enemy. (Dio. l. 37.)

4472. In the beginning of the spring, Pompey drew out his forces from their winter quarters and marched into Damascus. On the way, he demolished a citadel in Apamia which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified. Pompey also attacked the country of Ptolemy Mennaeus who was no less dangerous than Dionysius Trioplitanus who was allied to him and beheaded. Ptolemy paid 1000 talents and redeemed himself. Pompey distributed this among his soldiers. He also destroyed the citadel of Lysias whose governor was Silas a Jew. After that he marched by Heliopolis and Chalcis and crossed the middle of the mountain, he came into Coelosyria and from Pella and arrived at Damascus. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5.)

4473. There he listened to the Jews and to Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, their princes. They were at odds with each other as their country was with both of them. In their ancient laws, the Jews have a precept that they should give obedience to the priests of God and refused to be governed by kings. These two were of the priestly line but planned to change the government and bring the people into servitude. Hyrcanus complained that his younger brother, had taken most of the country by force and invaded and usurped it. On land he had made hostile invasions on his borders and at sea he had harbours for his pirates. There were above 1000 of the leaders of the Jews whom Antipator had persuaded to confirm what he said was true. On the other side, Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth and he was held in general contempt among the people of his own country. He had taken the government by necessity, lest it might have been transferred to some other family. He called to attest this, some insolent young men who offended everybody by the fineness of their cloths, the exactness of their hair and their other accoutrements. Their dress was much more proper had they come to a triumph rather than a court. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5.)

4474. Pompey heard their cases and rebuked the violence of Aristobulus. He dismissed them peaceably with this promise, that he would come himself into their country as soon as he had settled the affairs of the Nabataei. In the meantime he urged them to be peaceful and treated Aristobulus with great civility lest if he were provoked, he would oppose Pompey’s journey. However, he gained no favour from Aristobulus, who had arrayed himself with as much splendour as was possible. He did not like the way he was treated and thought it intolerable to endure anything beneath the majesty of a king. He left Diospolis and went to the town of Delius. From there, he went to Judea to order his own affairs. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 5. & Belli, l. 1. c. 5.)

4475. When Alexander the 2nd was driven from Egypt, he went to Tyre and died there. In his will, he left his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome. Cicero on his first speech that he made the first day of his consulship said this about that:

"The Decemvirs say, that which was often spoken by many, that Alexander the king had in his last will, left his kingdom to the Romans. The Egyptian wanted to give Alexandria to those privately whom you did oppose publicly and fought with in battle.’’

4476. In his second speech, he said more fully:

"What about Alexandria and all Egypt, how secretly doth it lie? How privately is it kept? How obscurely reported to the Decemviri? Which of you are ignorant that it is said that kingdom was by Alexander’s last will conferred on the Romans. In this case I, though a Roman consul, am so far from determining anything, that I withhold my opinion. For it seems to me no small matter, not only to judge, but to speak of this thing. I see him that will assert the making of the will. I suppose there still are records in the senate concerning their possession of their heritage. After that time when Alexander died, we sent ambassadors to Tyre for the restitution of the money that was disposed by us. This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirm in the senate. It is granted almost by all sides, that he, who at this time rules, (Ptolemy Auletes) is neither of the royal family nor the honour of a king. On the other side it is said there is no will and that the people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every kingdom. It was the richness of the fool, and the plenty of all things that attracted the people there. Concerning so great an affair, P. Ruffus, with the rest of the his colleagues on the Decemviri will judge.’’

4477. It is also reported that when M. Crassus, who was the censor and tried to make Egypt a tributary to the people of Rome, strongly opposed Lutatious Catulus, his colleague in his censorship. The dissention became so sharp that they voluntarily laid down their office and power. (Plutarch in Crasso.)

4478. Pompey wanted to recover Syria and so to pass through Arabia to the Red Sea. In his pursuit of the Albani he had extended the Roman Empire almost to the Hyrcanian (or Caspian) Sea, just as in the west the Roman Empire was bounded by the Atlantic. Likewise in his conquest in the east, he wanted to extend it to the Red Sea. He saw much difficulty in taking Mithridates for he was more troublesome in his flight than when he stood and fought him. He hoped to starve him out by having his ships intercept merchants who traded into the Bosphorus with Mithridates. He threatened them with death if he captured them helping Mithridates. Then Pompey took most of his army and he started his journey. (Plutarch in Pompeio.)

4479. He invaded Coelosyria and Phoenicia. First he overran the Ituraeans and Arabians, (Appian. p. 244. Iutrop, l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 6.) who lived in the hilly country around Libanus and invaded and plundered their neighbours. Their retreats were very strongly fortified. On the hills were Sinna, Borrhama and other strongholds. In the valleys were Botrys, Gigartus besides a port by the sea side. There was a citadel on a mountain called the "face of God". Pompey dismantled it and overran Biblus or Palaebiblus which was a country of Cinyrae. He freed it by cutting off the governor’s head. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 755.)

4480. After Afranius had subdued the Arabians near Amanus, he came down to Syria which had no king. He subdued it and made it a Roman province. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 755.) He received a sum of money from Antioch and enfranchised their city but left them to the use their own laws. (Porphyrie in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri, p. 227.) He indulged the citizens of Antioch and restored the place of their public confession which was in decay. He respected them greatly since they traced their lineage from the Athenians. (Johan. Malela Antiochenus, in Chronico.)

4481. He gave Seleucea (Pieria) a very strong city, which was adjacent to Antioch, its liberty because it had refused to admit Tigranes. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 751. Eutrop. l. 6.) He released the hostages from Antioch. He gave to the Daphnenses a certain parcel of a field for the enlargement of their grove. This place was delightfully pleasant and had plenty of water.

(Eutrop. l. 6.) Strabo noted that the grove was 10 miles in circumference and well watered with springs. (l. 16. p. 750.) Sextus Rufus in Breviario wrote that Pompey consecrated this grove of the Daphnenses and enlarged it. Jerom added in his commentary on Ezekiel 16:1-63 that it was planted by Pompey’s orders by the hands of his soldiers. In his chronicle, he said it was consecrated to Apollo which if spoken of the new trees that were added, may be true. (See not on 3704 AM <<2636>>, & see note on 3834a AM <<3257>> concerning the old grove.

4482. Cato Minor was in Syria and was later called Uticensis. He was a philosopher of the sect of the stoics. Although he was a young man he was held in great esteem. Because of the great friendship between his father and him, he was invited to Syria by Dejotares king or tetrarch of the Galatari. He travelled through Asia and observed the manners, customs and strength of every province he passed through. He always walked on foot while his friends who accompanied him, rode. He came to see Antioch in Pompey’s absence and saw a great throng of people in white before the gate. The men were on one side of the way and the children on the other. He thought this ceremony was for him. Therefore he odered his friends to get off their horses and walk with him. As they approached, an old man who ordered and commanded the whole multitude approached and carried in his hand a rod and a crown. He talked first to Cato and without so much as greeting him, he inquired how Demetrius was and when he would come there. Demetrius had been Pompey’s servant but was freed and because he had much influence with Pompey, he was reverenced by everybody. Cato’s friends burst out laughing. Cato cried out, "O miserable city", and passed on without any other answer. As often as he remembered it, he started laughing at himself. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Cato Minor.)

4483. When Tigranes the Armenian was defeated by Phraates the Parthian, he requested help from Pompey who was then in Syria. Phraates presently sent ambassadors to Pompey and accused both the Romans and Tigranes so earnestly that they made Pompey both afraid and ashamed. So he did not help Tigranes nor, although many urged him to, he did not wage war later with Phraates. He said he had no commands from the people of Rome for that expedition and that Mithridates was still at large. For the present he was contented that Tigranes should meet with misfortune at last. He extenuated Phraates accusations and did not refute them. He hoped to get some difference between him and Tigranes about their boundaries. This worked and he promised to send 3 commissioners who would judge the matter. Pompey sent them and they were received as arbitrators by the kings and settled all differences between them. Tigranes was angry that he did not get help from the Romans. However, Phraates wanted Tigranes to be safe. He would need his help if things came so about in the future against the Romans. It was obvious to both of them that whoever overcame the other, he was certain to have a fight with the Romans and more easily to fall into their power. When they considered this, they made peace. (Dio. l. 37. & Plutarch, & Appian. p. 244.)

4484. While Pompey was thus occupied, Mithridates went around Pontus and took over Panticapaeum which was a market town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontic River. (Appian. p. 244.) He sent also ambassadors to Pompey who was in Syria. Pompey did not know if Mithridates was still alive. They promised that if Pompey would restore him his father’s kingdom again, he would become tributary to the people of Rome. When Pompey urged that the king should come to him as Tigranes had done, he refused to come. He said this was not suitable to Mithridates but he said he would send his sons and others of his friends. (Appian. p. 245.)

4485. After these things, Mithridates summoned all people indiscriminately as servants as well as free. He made also a great supply of arms, arrows and other engines. He spared nothing, not even their oxen for the plowing. These he killed that he might have their nerves for strings for their bows. He laid a tax also on all the people which was raised but did great harm to many although Mithridates was unaware of that. He was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous disease in his face. No one could see him but the eunuch that was his doctor. He was finally cured. His army was ready at the same time and consisted of 60 companies each of them containing 600 men and a numerous multitude of ships and places of convenience which his commanders had fortified while he was sick. He carried part of his army to Phanagorium, another town located in the mouth of the river too, so that on all sides he might secure the pass. All this time, Pompey was in Syria. (Appian. p. 245.)

4486. In Bosphorus, while Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres, there was suddenly violent earthquake which was the greatest in the memory of man, and destroyed many cities and damaged the fields greatly. (Dio. l. 37. Oros. l. 6. c. 5.) This was not the same earthquake that Justin ex Trago mentioned which killed 170,000 men and destroyed many cities in Syria. The prognosticators said this sign predicted a great change in affairs. (Justin. l. 40. c. 2.)

4487. At the same time, Castor that was commander-in-chief for Mithridates in Phanagoriam, killed Tripho the king’s eunuch by whom he had been previously abused as he was entering into the town. After this he stirred up the people to fight for their liberty. He led them against the citadel that was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mithridates’ children. They got wood and other combustible things together from all places and set the citadel on fire. This forced Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxathres, and Eupatia, the children of Mithridates to surrender. Among these, Artaphernes was the only personwho was 40 years old. The rest were attractive youths. Cleopatra another daughter stood out against them. Her generosity delighted her father. Mithridates sent a squadron of galleys and rescued her. After Castor controlled the citadel, he sent the children to the Romans. (Appian. p. 245, 246. Oros. l. 6. c. 5.)

4488. Those citadels which were nearby and recently taken by Mithridates, followed the bad example of the Phanagorenses and also revolted. These were at Chersonessus, Theudosia, Nymphaeum and other places about Pontus that were good military positions. (Appian.)

4489. Mithridates was very angry and killed some of the renegades that he had taken and also many of his friends including Exipodras, one of his children. (Dio. l. 37. Oros. l. 6. c. 5.)

Mithridates saw their great problems and suspected the entire army because they were forced and under extraordinary taxes. He thought the adversity of his fortune would always be in the minds of a mutable and constrained people. Therefore he sent his eunuchs to the princes of Scythia, to ask about marrying their daughters. He wanted them to come quickly with their forces to his relief. They were escorted by 500 soldiers and had not gone far from Mithridates, when the soldiers killed the eunuchs. They did this because the eunuchs had great authority with the king and had been always troublesome to them. After this they carried the ladies to Pompey. (Appian.)

4490. Pompey left Syria and crossed into Asia where he furthered his ambition. He did the very thing that he had so much reprehended Lucullus for. While Mithridates still controlled the Bosphorus and had gathered a very considerable army, Pompey disposed of several provinces and conferred gifts. (Plutarch.)

4491. Livy (l. 102.) stated that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates’ lifetime. It was added to Galatia and divided into eleven regions and was called Bithynia.

(Strabo, l. 12. p. 541.)

4492. Pompey captured Mithridatium from Pontus and gave it to Bogodiatorus. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 541.) He made Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who was in honour with Sulla and the senate, (See note on 3919 AM <3488>>) the chief priest of Luna. She was a goddess of the Comana in Pontus. Pompey restored the princely dynasty and added to the sacred revenue of that office the quantity of two schoeni or 60 stadii (about 7.5 miles) of land. He ordered the inhabitants of Comana to obey Archelaus. Hence he was their prince, and the chief lord of all the priests of that temple. More than 6000 lived in the city. He did not have the power to sell them. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796. & Appian, p. 251.)

4493. Appian stated that Attalus had the kingdom of Paphlagonia given to him by Pompey. (Appian. p. 251.) Eutropius said it was given to Attalus and Polaemenes and Sextus Rufus and Jornandes state that on his deathbed, Polaemenes left the kingdom of Paphlagonia to the people of Rome. Pompey gave Armenia (the Less) to Dejotares, the king of Galatia (or rather tetrarch) because he was an ally in the Mithridatic war. (Eutrop. l. 6.) Pompey thought Dejotares was the best friend the Romans had. (Cicero in Philippica 11.) Therefore Pompey gave to him Godolonite, part of Pontus and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte, the Colchi to Armenia (the Less) and declared him king of that region. Before he had by inheritance from his father, the tetrarch of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia. (Strabo. l. 7. p. 547.) Pompey left Galatia to the tetrarchs of his family. (Strabo l. 7. p. 541. cf. Appian. p. 351.) A little later, it came into the hands of three only, then of the two, and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 567.)

4494. After Mithridates had lost most of his children, many citadels and his whole kingdom, he was not discouraged. He did not consider the lowness of his condition when he had also lost his dignity and had no hope of any help from Scythia. He journeyed to the Europian Gauls whom he had befriended before. He hoped to get their help. He planned to go through Scythia and Ister so that with them he might cross the Alps into Italy. He hoped many Italians would join him who also hated the Romans. (Flor. l. 3. c. 5. Appian, p. 246. Dio. l. 37.)

4495. The soldiers disliked these grand plans and were afraid of the boldness of the enterprise and the length of the march. They were to fight against men whom they were not able to handle in their own country. They thought Mithridates was in so desperate a condition, that he planned to end his life valiantly than as a defeated man. They stayed with him for a while and quietly let him go on planning because he was no lowly or contemptible prince even under the greatest misfortunes. (Appian.)

4496. Aretas, the king of Arabia Petrea, (or the rocky) to the Red Sea, had often previously invaded Syria. The Romans came to help the Syrians and defeated him. However, he still continued the war. Pompey made an expedition against him and his neighbours. Phraates now behaved himself and Syria and Phoenicia were well settled. (Dio. l. 37.) The soldiers were not all that happy about this expedition for they thought they should be going after Mithridates who was their old enemy and was now recruiting his forces. He was prepared to march through Scythia and Panonia to invade Italy with an army. However, Pompey was satisfied it was nobler to defeat a warring foe than to take the body of a conquered and fleeing enemy. (Plutarch.)

4497. Before Pompey began his journey, he gave a very noble and handsome burial to the dead that fell under Triarius in that unlucky fight they had with Mithridates in Pontus and whom Lucullus had left unburied. Aretas, who before condemned the Roman arms, now was terrified and wrote to Pompey that he would do whatever he would command. However, Pompey, to better know his true feelings, attacked Petra. (Plutarch.) He easily defeated the king and his allies and delivered them to custody (Dio. l. 37.)after he captured their city Petra. (Oros. l. 6. c. 6.) Although Josephus wrote that he did not fight them and went to fight Aristobulus. Plutarch stated that when he was gone a little from Petra, he heard the news of Mithridates’ death and he returned from Arabia and came to Amisus.

4498. When P. Servilius Rullus, the tribune of the people at Rome assumed his office, he passed the Agrarian law which created a commission of Decemviri. They were to sell or dispose into colonies all the public revenues in Italy and Syria and the land gained by Pompey. This law was passed in January which, as the year then went at Rome happened on the beginning of the Julian October. This happened when Cicero became consul. He spoke against Ruffus and freed all from the general fear they were in of that Law. (Cicero in 12. Agraria, & l. 2. ad Attic. Ephesians 1:1-23. cum Plut. in Cicero.) 4499. The Decemviri had the power to sell:

"All those lands which Mithridates had possessed in Paphlagonia, Pontus and Cappadocia.’’

4500. In his second Agrarian speech before the people, Cicero reprehended the injustice of that popular decree in this way:

"Is it so? without any law made, without the vote of the emperor, before the war is ended, when King Mithridates lost his army and is expelled from his kingdom, yet he makes his attempts in the remotest regions and is defended by the rabble and the difficulty of the way and the height of the mountains from the invincible army of Cn. Pompey, while the emperor is engaged in the war and in those very places the name of a war remains? Will the Decemviri sell those lands, which by the custom of our ancestors, ought to remain in the power and at the disposal of Cnius Pompey?’’

4501. L. Valerius Flaccus, who was the praetor at Rome, was sent as praetor into Asia. His office in Asia was for one year. Quitus Cicero was the 5th that held it as Mareus Cicero, his brother, witnessed in his speech accusing this Flaccus of bribery.