Acts 24

Acts 24:10

imself from the accusation which the Jews by the llus had advanced against him, in such a manner, orders him to be kept under a gentle confinement cts XXIV. 10—23.

Acts XXIV. 10.

TERTULLUS, and the Jewish priests and sact. elders who were come from Jerusalem to liii. Caesarea with him; opened their charge against Paul, in the presence of Felix the Roman governor, in the manner which was represented in the former section. Then Paul also, after the governor had made a signal, by his nodding to him, that it was now his time to speak, answered the accusation they had brought against him, in terms to this purpose :

Knowing that thou, O Felix, hast been for several years a president and judge to this nation, and consequently art not wholly unacquainted with its customs, or with the temper of its rulers and people, I answer for myself with the more cheerfulness in thy presence:

a Hast been for several years a judge to this nation ] It might be more exact to render roxar flax, many years; but it seems to be used with some latitude here. Bishop Pearson thinks, it could not have been more than five years and an half; but Mr. Biscoe has attempted to prove, (I think very successfully,) that it might now have been more than seven years since Felix entered on his government here. This was considerably longer than any of his three predecessors, Fadus, Alexander, or Cumanus, had presided in that province. See Mr. Biscoe at Boyle’s Lect. chap. ii. § 2, p. 44. 45.

b I answer for myself. &c. ] Mr. Cradock, in his valuable Apostolical History, Part II. p 288, 289, (which, with his Harmony, I cannot but recommend, especially to young sudents, as among the most useful and judicious expositions of the New Testament I have ever seen,) well observes, how exactly Paul’s answer corresponds to the

three articles of Tertullus’s charge, sedition, heresy, and profanation of the temple As to the first, he suggests, that he had not been long enough at Jerusalem to form a party, and attempt an insurrection, an challenges them in fact to produce any evidence of such practices. (Ver. 11—13.) As to the second, he confesses himself to be a Christian, but maintains it to be a religion perfectly agreeable to natural light and to the revelation of the prophets, an consequently not deserving to be branded with any infamous or invidious title; (ver. 14—16,) and, as for the profanation of the temple, he tells them, that on the contrary, he had entered it with some peculiar rites of religious purification, and he behaved himself there in a most peaceful and regular manner, so that his innocence had been evident even before the Sanhedrim, where the authors of the tumult did not dare to appear against him, (ver. 17—21.)

he was not guilty of sedition, but owns he is a

And after all that has been said by my accusers, I have no cause to fear they should impose upon thy judgment by the charges they have brought against me, as thou mayest easily know by evidence which cannot be disputed, that it is not more than twelve days ago, the greatest part of which I have been confined, since I went up to worship at Jerusalem, and publicly to pay my homage there to God, on my return from a long journey I had taken into distant parts: And so far was I from attempting to excite sedition, that I aver it to the face of these mine adversaries, and defy any one to prove the contrary, that they neither found me so much as disputing with any man in the temple, nor making any where an insurrection or any manner of disturbance among the people, either there, or in the synagogues, or in any other place in the city of Jerusalem: Nor can they, notwithstanding all their positive assertions, produce any fair and sufficient proof of this, or any other of the things concerning which they now accuse me, though I am charged with so much confidence as a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition.

But as to what they have alleged against me with regard to the sect of the Nazarenes, this I confess unto thee, and am not ashamed publicly to avow it in the presence of the greatest personages upon earth, that after the way, which they call a sect or heresy, so do I worship the God of my fathers, even according to the rules and precepts which Christ my great master has given; which is far from being heresy in any infamous sense of the word, since it is most consistent with firmly believing all things which are written, both in the law and

c After the way which they call heresy.] I cannot but think this a place, where the word aqueous, which I own to be often indifferent, is used in a bad sense; for Paul plainly intimates, that Christianity did not deserve the name they gave it: Yet, while it was not the national religion, but its professors were distinguished from most of their countrymen by their adherence to Christ, as the leader they chose to follow, they might properly be called a sect or a party of men, unless the very word sect, or party, be taken always in a bad signification,

which none well acquainted with the Greek language can imagine.

d The God of my fathers.] It has been justly observed, that this was a very proper plea before a Roman magistrate, as it proved, that he was under the protection of the Roman laws, since the Jews were so; whereas, had he introduced the worship of new gods, he had forfeited that protection: And Elsner has shewn, that regard to paternal deities was held honourable among the Greeks and Romans. Observ. Vol. I. 473—475.

her injured the Jews, nor profaned the temple;

in the prophets, and is indeed most evidently built on those sacred oracles, when rightly understood and explained. And while I act on this maxim, I rejoice in the midst of all the tribulations which can befall me, having a cheerful and assured hope towards God [of that] great event which they themselves also profess to expect, even that there shall be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and of the unjust, when every man’s true character shall be laid open, and he shall receive according to what he has done. And upon this account, in the firm expectation and the hope I have of this, I daily exercise myself, and make it the continual care and study of my life, to have always a conscience void of offence, both towards God and towards men; that so, whatever accusations are brought against me, my own heart may not condemn me as long as I live, but I may always find a support within, amidst all the injuries I may meet with in a mistaken and unkind world.

They have represented me indeed as a profane and lawless person, as if I had thrown contempt upon religion, and done them a great deal of wrong; but so far have I been from doing any thing to injure or expose the Jews, to whom by birth I belong, or from attempting to profane the temple, as these mine enemies falsely pretend, that I have given many public and important proofs of my particular regard for the good of my country, and of the veneration that I have for all that is sacred. Accordingly now after several years, which I had spent in other parts, I came to Jerusalem, to bring alms to the poor of my nation, which I had been collecting for them in the Gentile provinces where I had any interest; and went, as one that had a vow, to have made the offerings which the law requires: [Compare chap. xxi. 26:] Upon which, at the very time when I was thus employed, some Asiatic Jews, who raised the first outcry against me, found me

• And upon this account, &c.] I am sensible, the phrase in reſſa, which literally signifies in this, is ambiguous, and may refer to what goes before, or to what follows: but, as in the latter construction it seems almost an expletive, and has great

weight and spirit in the former, I choose with Grotius to explain it as referring to his hope of a resurrection. That in reſſa sometimes signifies on this account is shewn by Raphelius, Annot. ex Xen. p. 185.

and all his crime was the belief of a resur

purified in the temple, which it is manifest I had a right to enter as a Jew, and where I attended neither with any multitude about me, nor with any design of raising a tumult, (as they have took upon them to insinuate,) but behaving myself with that composure and reverence which became the act of solemn devotion in which I was engaged. Those very persons therefore who began the commotion, and by their falsely charging me with bringing Greeks into the temple, raised such a flame among the people, that I was in immediate danger of my life, if Lysias had not come and taken me away, ought now to have been present before thee, and should have come to accuse [me] face to face, if they had any thing material to allege against me: But it may justly be concluded, that the prosecutors in their own conscience know my innocence, and therefore they have not thought fit to produce them, nor even to single out any one fact to be legally proved by the deposition of proper witnesses; but would rest the matter on general invectives and uncertain report, as thou must thyself have observed. Or if it be otherwise, let these themselves who are here present say, though they are my most inveterate enemies, if when I stood before the Sanhedrim they found any crime in me; Unless it be their pleasure to accuse me with relation to this one word, which I cried out when I stood among them, That it is surely for the zeal with which I appear in defence of the great doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, I am judged by you this day. [Chap. xxiii. 6.] A word, to the truth of which I am persuaded their consciences must bear witness, whatever other cause of persecution or complaint they may artfully pretend.

And when Felix heard these things, and perceived how little they made out in their accusation against Paul, he put them off without bringing the matter to a decision, saying, After I have been more accurately informed concerning [this] way or form of religion which Paul teaches,

After I have been more accurately informed concerning this way.] The words in the original are very ambiguous, and might be rendered, “That Felix when he had heard these things, having been more accurately informed concerning this way of Christianity, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not to be so misconstrued, and knowing it not

the cause, and makes Paul a prisoner at large.

and have inquired more particularly into its principles and tendency, when Lysias the tribune comes down to Cæsarea, and gives me an account of what he knows as to the facts in question, I will take farther cognizance of the affair between you, and will be ready to hear any witnesses, on one hand, or the other, which either party may think proper to produce, that I may finally determine it.

And in the mean time, dismissing the assembly, he commanded the centurion, to whom he had before been committed, to keep Paul as a prisoner at large, and let him have all the liberty consistent with securing him, and to hinder none of his friends from assisting [him,] or coming to him:8 thereby plainly shewing, that he was convinced, it was merely a malicious prosecution, and that he was a person no way dangerous to the public.

IMPROVEMENT.

WE here behold the righteous as bold as a lion, under false accusations most confidently advanced by persons of the highest 10 rank, and the most sacred, though (by a strange contrast) at the same time the most detestable character: And the more Felix was exercised in affairs, the more easily might he discern the genuine traces of innocence and integrity in this whole defence, to which, plain as it was, he seems to have paid more regard, than to all the complimental and insinuating harangue of Tertullus; so great is the native force of truth, even on minds not entirely free from some corrupt bias!

gested, put them off.” But I rather think with Beza, Grotius, and others, that they are all the words of Felix, and take the meaning to be, “That he would take an opportunity of being more particularly informed of this sect, and of its effect on the public tranquillity, and, when Lysias should come, and give him an account of what he had observed concerning it, as well as of the circumstances attending Paul’s apprehension, &c. he would determine the affair.” Which answer was the more proper, as Paul did not deny, that he was indeed a leading person among the Christians, which made a part of their accusation; and we soon after find, that Felix sent for Paul to give him an account of his religion, (ver. 24,) and endeavoured

by this, as well as other means, to inform himself in it.

To hinder none of his friends from assisting him, &c.] This was a circumstantial graciously ordered by divine Providence, which would make Paul’s confinement much lighter than it would otherwise have been, and give him an opportunity of much greater usefulness. Raphelius shews, (Annot. ex Xen. p. 185, 186,) that the word vœrgius is sometimes used for assistance in general, where personal ministration and attendance is out of the question; and, as it is here distinguished from, and prefixed to, coming to him, I may probably signify sending him food, books, or other accommodations. Compare Luke viii. 3.

Reflections on Paul’s defence before Felix.

III. Justly did Paul dare to avow his serving God according to the purity of gospel institutions, by whomsoever it might be called heresy; nor need any fear that charge who make scripture the standard of their faith, and in the sincerity of their hearts seek inward divine teachings, that they may understand the sense of it; taking care not to run before their guide, and, with this injured servant of Christ, making it their daily exercise to maintain, in the whole of their conversation, a conscience void of offence towards God and men: A noble, though in some instances an arduous exercise; such an exercise, that he who maintains it may look forward with pleasure to the unseen world, and, through the grace of God in a Redeemer, may entertain a cheerful hope of that resurrection; which, how terrible soever it may be to the unjust, shall be to all the righteous the consummation of their joys and of their glory. Whatever dangers such may incur in consequence of a steady regard to that hope, let them courageously commit themselves to him that judgeth righteously, who knows how to raise them up protectors where they might least expect it, and to make, as in this instance, those that are strangers to religion and virtue themselves, the means of delivering them from unreasonable and wicked persecutors, and not only of guarding their lives from violence, but of securing to them many conveniencies and comforts.

Acts 24:24

Paul, after having been heard by Felix several times, and once with great conviction, is nevertheless left a prisoner by him, when Festus his successor arrived at Cæsarea, before whom, being again accused by the Jews, he is obliged to appeal to Cæsar. Acts XXIV. 24, to the end; XXV. 1—12.

ACTS XXIV. 24.

LIV. AND after Paul had been kept some days in this gentle confinement at Cæsarea, Felix, who had been absent for a short time, coming thither again with Drusilla his wife, who was a Jewess, sent for Paul, that he might hear from

Acts XXIV. 24.

AND after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and

a Drusilla his wife, who was a Jewess] Josephus gives us a particular account of this lady, who was the daughter of Herod Agrippa, and sister of that Agrippa mentioned in the next section. She had been married to Azizus, king of the Emesenes; but Felix, being struck with her beauty, which was remarkably great, made use of the agency of one Simon, a wicked Jew, who professed himself a magician,

to persuade her to abandon her husband, and marry him; which, more to avoid the envy of her sister Berenice, than out of love to Felix, she did, though Azizus had but a little before submitted to circumcision, and so embraced Judaism, as the condition of the nuptials. She was afterwards (according to Dr. Hudson’s interpretation of a dubious passage of Josephus, supported by the express testimony

ile Paul discourses, Felix trembles :

his own mouth what were the principles of his religion, and might gratify her curiosity as well as his own, in obliging that celebrated prisoner to give some account of himself before them; and he heard him discourse at large concerning that faith in Christ as the Messiah, which he taught as of so great importance. But as Paul knew the character of his hearers, he took occasion to attend what he delivered on this subject with proper remarks, concerning the obligations we are naturally under to the moral law, the guilt incurred in various instances by the breach of it, and the account finally to be given to God; all which render the knowledge of a Saviour, and a cordial acceptance of him, so absolutely necessary; and adding such illustrations as might best suit the characters and circumstances of the persons to whom he was addressing, he particularly reasoned concerning righteousness, as he knew Felix was an unjust and oppressive governor; and concerning temperance, as he knew that both he and Drusilla had notoriously violated it, she having left her lawful husband to cohabit with him; and to enforce these reasonings, he faithfully admonished all that heard him of an awful and tremendous judgment that was certainly to come, at which the highest personages should appear, and stand upon equal terms with others before that righteous tribunal. And while he was copiously and seriously insisting on these important subjects, as one who felt the weight of what he said, Felix was so deeply impressed, that he could not conceal the inward perturbation of his mind, but trembling in a manner that was apparent to Paul and all that were present, answered him, Go thy way for this time, for I have other engagements before me which require my attendance; and I will take some future opportunity to call for thee, and

of Zonaras,) consumed with the son she had by Felix in a terrible eruption of Vesuvius. (See Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, [al. 5,] § 1, 2.) That learned editor justly observes, on the testimony of Tacitus, (Hist. lib. v. cap. 9,) that Felix was also married to another Drusilla, (probably before this,) the granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra. See also Dr. Lardner’s Credib. Book I. chap. i. § 8, .41-43.

b Concerning righteousness and temperance.] How suitable this discourse was to the character and circumstances of so unjust and lewd a prince, may appear from the preceding note, and note on ver. 2, p. 345.

c And I will take some future opportunity.] This the phrase κείμενο δις μίλησθαις fully expresses. He thought, it did not become the dignity of a judge on the

He shifts it off, and leaves Paul a prisoner

hear thee talk more largely on these subjects than the urgency of my affairs will now admit.

And this he said, as he hoped also at the same time that money would be given him by Paul, that he might set him at liberty; for he had observed what he hinted in his defence against the Jews, (ver. 17,) that the alms of the Christians had been deposited in his hands, upon which account he hoped for some considerable ransom; and therefore, in this mean and dishonest view, he sent the more frequently for him, and discoursed with him, but never appeared under equal impressions any more.

Now after Paul had been in custody till two years were ended, Felix was succeeded in his government of that province by Portius Festus: And as he knew that he had by his oppressive administration furnished the people with abundant matter of accusation against him, Felix being willing to ingratiate himself with the Jews at quitting the government, in a vain hope that it might prevent them from pursuing him with their complaints, left Paul a prisoner; though he was in his own conscience persuaded, not

bench to receive even such oblique admonitions and reproofs from a prisoner, and therefore might really intend to give him a fuller audience in private. Paul must no doubt discern those marks of confusion, that would be so apparent in his countenance, which would give him some hopes of succeeding in this important attempt for such a conversion, and consequently would give him spirit, when he resumed the discourse. This must naturally increase in Felix a conviction of his innocence, and esteem for his virtues; yet, in spite of all, he was so far from reforming his life in general, that he would not do justice to Paul, however the conviction might perhaps prevail so far, as to engage him to persist in his resolution of not delivering him to the Jews. How affecting an instance and illustration of the treachery of the human heart!

*He hoped also that money would be given him, &c.] He might not only have a view to the money collected by Paul, which he brought to Jerusalem; but perhaps he might also imagine, that, Paul being so considerable a person among the Christians, his charitable sect, that had sold their

possessions to maintain their poor brethren, would contribute largely for his deliverance.*

Left Paul a prisoner.] It has already been observed, (note on chap. xxiv. 2, p. 345,) that this base artifice did not prevent their clamorous accusations from following him to Rome, which had certainly ruined him, had not the interest of his brother Pallas prevailed to obtain his pardon from Nero. How much more effectually had he consulted the peace of his mind, and on the whole the security of his fortune too, had he reformed his life on Paul’s admonition, and cultivated those serious impressions which were once so strongly made upon his conscience! It was during the two years of Paul’s imprisonment here, that those contentions arose between the Jews and Gentiles, as to their respective rights in Cæsarea, which, after many tumults and slaughters of the Jews, were inflamed, rather than appeased, by the hearing at Rome, and did a great deal towards exasperating the Jewish nation to that war, which ended in its utter ruin. See Joseph. Bell Jud. lib. ii. cap. 13, [al. 12,] § 7; Cap. 14, [al. 13,] § 4, 5.

succeeding Felix, is applied to y the ews;

only of the innocence, but the worth of his character.

When Festus therefore was come into the province of Judea, he had no sooner taken possession of the government, but after three days he went up from Cæsarea, which was the usual residence of the Roman governors, to Jerusalem, the capital city; both that he might gratify his curiosity in the sight of so celebrated a place, and also that he might there, as at the fountain head, inform himself of the present state of their public affairs. And the high priest, and several persons of the chief rank among the Jews, appeared before him with an accusation against Paul; and earnestly entreated him that he would not, as they pretended Lysias and Felix had done, obstruct the course of public justice against one whom they knew to be so notorious an offender; Begging it as the only favour they desired against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem to be judged there; forming a scheme at the same time in their own secret purposes, of laying an ambush of desperate wretches for him, who they knew would readily undertake to intercept his journey, and to kill him by the way. But Festus prudently answered, as God inclined his heart, that as he had business of another kind to employ him while he continued at Jerusalem, he thought it best Paul should be kept a while longer at Cæsarea, and that he himself would shortly set out [for that place:] Therefore, said he, let those of you who are best able to manage the prosecu-

[Laying an ambush to kill him by the way.] The high priests about this time were, according to the account Josephus gives of them, such monsters of rapine, tyranny, and cruelty, that it is not to be wondered, such a design should have been favoured by him who now bore the office. Josephus mentions a great number of assassins at this time, called sicarii, or poignarders, from the weapons they carried, by whom many innocent persons were murdered. Joseph. Bell. Jud. lib. ii. cap. 13, [al. 12,] § 3.

[Answered, as God inclined his heart.] It was really strange, that Festus, who as a new governor could not but incline to make himself popular, should deny this request, when it seemed to be so reasonable,

and came from persons of such eminent rank in the Jewish nation. If curiosity had inclined him to hear this cause himself, since it is certain, Paul might have been hurried up from Cæsarea within four or five days from the issuing of the order, and Festus stayed on the whole more than ten at Jerusalem, one would imagine he might have done it: But, when we consider how much edification to the churches depends on the continuance of Paul’s life, and how evidently under God his life depended on this resolution of Festus, it might surely lead us to reflect, by what invisible springs the blessed God governs the world, with what silence, and yet at the same time with what wisdom and energy!

VOL. 3.

Who renew their complaints against Paul

tion, and who can most conveniently undertake the journey, go down along with [me,] and if there be any thing criminal in this man, for which he should be punished by the Roman laws, let them accuse him in my hearing.

And thus having continued among them more than ten days, he went down, as he had said, to Cæsarea; and several of the Jews attended him, as being determined to lose no time, but to prosecute the affair in the most strenuous manner they possibly could. And the next day, sitting down on the tribunal, he commanded Paul to be brought before him. And when he appeared, the Jews who came down from Jerusalem, presented themselves in a numerous company, and stood round about him; bringing many heavy accusations against Paul, like those which Tertullus had formerly advanced before Felix, which nevertheless it was evident that they were not by any means able to prove by proper witnesses.

Paul therefore, while he answered for himself, insisted on his innocence, and said, Whatever my accusers take upon them to allege against me, I aver, that neither against the law of the Jews, to which I was expressing my regard at the very time I was seized, nor against the temple, to which I came with a design to worship there, nor against Cæsar, to whom I always have behaved as a peaceable subject, have I committed any offence at all: I openly deny their charge in every branch of it, and challenge them to make it out by proper evidence in any instance or in any degree.

But Festus, willing to ingratiate himself with the Jews by so popular an action at the beginning of his government, answered Paul and said, I am a stranger in a great measure to the questions in debate among you, which the Jewish council must no doubt understand much better; wilt thou therefore go up to Jerusalem, when I return thither, and there be judged before me in their presence concerning these things, that so the persons who were eye witnesses may be more easily produced, and I may have the sanction of the Sanhedrim’s advice in the sentence I pass, in a cause which has given so great an alarm, and which is apprehended to be of such public importance?

kes his defence, and appeals to Cæsar.

But Paul, apprehensive of the attempt which might be made upon his life in his journey, or in the city itself, said, I am standing at Cæsar’s tribunal, where as a Roman citizen I ought to be judged; and I insist upon my privilege of having my cause decided there: I have done no wrong to the Jews, as thou, O Festus, knowest perfectly well, and must have perceived clearly by what has this day been examined before thee. For if indeed I have done wrong to any, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I pretend not that there is any thing so sacred in my character as to exempt me from human jurisdiction; and in that case I refuse not to die, nor do I expect or desire any favour; but what I insist upon is strict and impartial justice equally due to all mankind; and if, as I know in my own conscience, and as thou hast from the course of this trial the greatest reason to believe, there is nothing but malice and falsehood [in these things] of which these mine enemies accuse me, no man can justly give me up to them, merely to gratify their prejudice and cruelty. And since it is an affair of so great importance, in which I have reason to believe my life is concerned, I must insist upon the privilege which the laws of Rome give me, and appeal unto the hearing of Cæsar himself, before whom I doubt not but I shall be able to evince the justice of my cause.

Then Festus having spoken for a while in private with the chief persons of the Roman army and state about him, who constituted a kind of

h I am standing at Cæsar’s tribunal.] Grotius and other writers have abundantly proved, that the tribunal of the Roman procurators in the provinces, as it was held in Cæsar’s name, and by commission from him, was looked upon as Cæsar’s tribunal.

i No man can give me up to them, merely to gratify, &c.] The paraphrase expresses the force of χειροπία, which I knew not how to do by any one English phrase. This, as Dr. Lardner observes, will by no means prove, that the Jews had the power of life and death in their hands; (Cælib. Book I. chap. 2, § 10, Vol. I. p. 141, 142;) for Paul might reasonably apprehend, not only that he might be murdered by the way, (as he probably would have been,) but

that, had the Sanhedrim condemned him, Festus might for political reasons have acted the part that Pilate did with respect to our Lord, in permitting and warranting the execution, though in his own conscience convinced of his innocence, and even declaring that conviction. See Mat. xviii 24, 26.

k I appeal unto Cæsar.] It is well known, that the Roman law allowed such an appeal to every citizen, before sentence was passed, and made it highly penal for any governor after that, to proceed to any extremities against the person making it. See Dr. Benson’s Hist. Vol. II. p. 237, and Mr. Biscoe at Boyle’s Lect. chap. ix. § 9, p. 358.

Reflections on the conduct of the ix an ’es us.

council,¹ called in the prisoner again, and answered, Hast thou liv. swered him, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar Acts unto Cæsar thou shalt go: For how desirous shalt thou go. xxv. soever I am to oblige the people of my prov- 12 ince, I will never allow myself, upon any occasion, to violate the privileges of a Roman citizen: I will therefore give proper orders as soon as possible for conveying thee to Rome, that thou mayest there be presented before the emperor himself.

In the mean time, Paul was remanded to his confinement, and his accusers returned to Jerusalem a second time, with the mortification of not having been able to accomplish their purpose against him.

IMPROVEMENT.

Acts In the conduct of Paul towards Felix, we see the character xxiv. of a gospel minister illustrated in a most amiable manner: What —25 could argue greater magnanimity, than to deal thus plainly with a man in whose power his liberty was? Yet he did not sooth and flatter him, but acted the part of one infinitely more concerned about the salvation of his hearers than his own temporal interest. He chooses faithfully to represent the evil of those vices to which Felix was especially addicted, and displays the terrors of the judgment to come, as enforcing the sacred laws of righteousness and temperance, which Felix had presumed so notoriously to violate.

Let the haughtiest sinners know, even upon their tribunals, and upon their thrones, that the universal Judge, and the universal King, will shew his superior power, and will ere long call them to his bar; and, if they are conscious of allowed disobedience and rebellion against that supreme Lord of all, let them, like Felix, tremble.

25— Great is the force of truth, and of conscience, in which the prisoner triumphs, while the judge trembles. And O how happily might this consternation have ended, had he pursued the views which were then opening on his mind! But, like thousands of awakened sinners in our day, he deferred the consideration of these important things to an uncertain hereafter. verse He talked of a more convenient season for reviewing them; a 26 season, which, alas, never came! for, though he heard again, he trembled no more, that we can find, or if he did, it was a vain terror, while he went on in that injustice which had given

¹ Constituted a kind of council.] Dr. Lardner has abundantly shewn, by apposite testimonies from Josephus, Philo, and D.o, that it was customary for a considerable number of persons of some distinction to attend the Roman prefects into the prov-

inces, with whom they were used to advise, especially in matters of judicature. (Credib. Book I. chap 2, § 16, Vol. I. p. 225—227.) See also Mr. Biscoe, (as above,) p. 359.

Reflections on the conduct of Felix and Festus.

him such dreadful apprehensions, of which his leaving Paul sound was a flagrant instance. Let every reader seriously weigh this remarkable, but terrible case, and take heed of stifling present convictions, lest they only serve to increase the weight of guilt, and to render the soul forever more sensible of that greater condemnation, to which it will be exposed by wickedly overbearing them.

In the mean time, we do not find that Drusilla, though a Jewess, was thus alarmed: The had been used to hear of a future judgment; perhaps too she trusted to her being a daughter of Abraham, or to the expiations of the law, which were never intended to answer such purposes; and so, notwithstanding the natural tenderness of her sex, was proof against those terrors which seized so strongly on her husband, though an heathen. Let it teach us to guard against those false dependencies which tend to elude convictions, that might otherwise be produced by the faithful preaching of the word of God. Let it teach us to stop our ears against those syren songs which would lull us into eternal ruin, even though they should come from the mouths of those who appear like angels of light; for the prince of darkness himself could preach no more pernicious doctrines than those which reconcile the hopes of salvation with a corrupt heart and an immoral life.

In the conduct of Festus, as well as of Felix, we see what dangerous snares power and grandeur may prove, to a man who is not influenced by resolute and courageous virtue: The liberty of the worthiest of mankind was sacrificed by both, to their political views of ingratiating themselves with the Jewish people. Happy that ruler, who approving the equity of his administration to every man’s conscience, has no need to court popular favour by mean compliances; and whom the greatest eagerness of men’s unjust demands can never turn aside from that steady tenor of justice which a righteous God requires, and which will engage that protection and favour in which alone the most exalted creatures can be happy, in which alone they can be safe.