Acts 28
DODDActs 28:1-16
Paul and his companions are hospitably entertained at Malta: he miraculously escapes the fatal effects of a viper’s bite, cures Publius’s father of a fever, and then pursues his voyage to Rome. Acts XXVIII. 1—16.
Acts XXVIII. 1. AND when they were escaped,
Acts XXVIII. 1. THE apostle Paul and all the rest of the ship’s company having escaped the danger of the shipwreck, and being thus got safe [to land,] Acts xxviii. 1
VOL. 3.
The inhabitants of Malta treat them very
they had no sooner reached the shore but some of the inhabitants came to them, and they then knew that the island on which they were cast was called Melita, or Malta. And the barbarians of that place, (as the Romans, though in many respects more barbarous themselves, proudly accounted those who were its native inhabitants,) treated us with an uncommon degree of humanity, for having kindled a fire, they brought us all to [it,] because of the present rain, which had followed the storm, and because of the cold, with which we were almost ready to perish.
Now as Paul was gathering up a bundle of sticks, and laying them upon the fire, a viper which had lain concealed among the wood, coming out of the heat upon feeling the warmth of the fire, fastened upon his hand, and bit it. And as soon as the barbarians saw the fierce animal hanging on his hand, as they perceived he was a prisoner, and had some notion of a divine Providence and its moral government, they said one to another, This man is certainly a murderer, or some other detestable criminal, whom the
- Melita, or Malta.] It is well known, that this small island, (about twelve miles broad, and twenty long, and sixty distant from Sicily to the south,) took its name from the abundance of honey found in it: It also yields a great deal of cotton, and, though it has but three feet depth of earth above the solid rock, is very fruitful. Paul’s shipwreck here engaged a kind of superstitious regard to it, in consequence of which it was given A. D. 1530, by the emperor Charles V. to the knights of St. John in Jerusalem, when they had been expelled from Rhodes by the Turks: They are a thousand in number, of whom free hundred always reside, and are called Hospitallers.
b The barbarians treated us with uncommon humanity.] The Greeks and Romans reckoned all other nations but their own Barbarians, as differing from them in their customs or language; and all mankind are therefore comprehended by the apostle Paul under the distinction of Greeks and Barbarians, Rom. i. 14. This island, which had several commodious havens, was peopled by a colony of the Phoenicians, and the inhabitants were noted for their civility to strangers. See Diodor. Sic. lib. v. p. 204. Edit. Steph.
c The fierce animal.] This is the proper import of the word Snegus here used. Bos has well shewn, (Exercit. p. 90, 91,) that the physicians use it to express any poisonous animal, and Lucian in particular applies it, as here, to a viper; (Philop-send. tom. ii. p. 333, Edit. Grew.) but to render it beast, is by no means justifiable. See Bochart Hieroz. Part II. lib. 3, cap. 2.
d This man is certainly a murderer] Elsner says, (Observ. Vol. I. p. 489—491,) they concluded he was a murderer, rather than guilty of any other crime, because they saw the viper hanging on his hand, which therefore they judged to have been the offending part, according to the rule which (as he shews by many curious and entertaining instances,) prevailed much among the ancients, that persons were often remarkably punished in the part of the body, which had been the immediate instrument of their sin. Be justly observes, that the man should be rendered, according to its exact form hath not permitted, to signify that the looked upon him as in effect a dead man, after having been bit by that venomous creature.
’s father and others are miraculously cured.
divine vengeance hath not permitted to live, though he be saved from the danger of the sea. But as the miraculous power of Christ instantly interposed to heal him, (compare Mark-xvi. 18; Luke x. 19;) he, without any manner of confusion shaking off the fierce animal into the fire, suffered no evil, and took no farther notice of what had happened. However they expected, according to what they had known to be usual in such cases, that the venom would soon operate in such a manner, that he should either have swollen, or suddenly have fell down dead upon the spot: And having waited a considerable time to observe the effect of it upon him, and seeing no mischief at all befall him, instead of taking him to be a murderer, changing their minds, they said, that he was surely some deity, descended in a human form; as nothing less than the power of a god could ward off so extreme a danger.
And in the neighbourhood of that place where our shipwrecked company had met with so kind welcome, there was the estate of the chief magistrate or governor of the island, whose name was Publius; who with a generous and friendly disposition having received us into his house, entertained us there in a very courteous and hospitable manner for three days together. And so it was, that at this very time the father of Publius was dangerously ill, being seized with a fever and bloody flux, by which he was confined to his bed; to whom Paul going in, made him a visit in the apartment where he lay, and having prayed for his recovery, laid his hands on him and healed him.
- Seeing no mischief befall him.] Elsner observes, that many of the heathens thought, there was something divine in the nature of serpents, and that deities, or good enii, who were made use of as the instruments of delivering and honouring those that were the peculiar favourites of the gods, often appeared in that shape. (Elsn. Observ Vol. I. p. 492, 493) Hence idols were often made with serpents near them; and there have been numerous, and indeed astonishing instances of religious worship paid to that kind of animal, absurd as it may seem. See Revelat. exam. with candour, Vol. I. p. 80, 81; Dr. Jenkins on Christianity, Vol.
II p. 246-248; Bp. Stillingfleet, Orig. Succ p. 516-518; and Dr. Cha. Owen on Serpents, Dissert. IV. p. 216-232. * They said that he was a God.] Grotius Dr. Whitby, and some others think, the took him for Hercules Antichrist, who was worshipped in this island, and was, according to Ptolemy, (Geograph. lib. iv. cap. 4,) one of the gods of the Phoenicians. * The chief of the island.] Grotius has produced an ancient inscription, by which it appears, that the title of realise, or chief, was given to the governor of this island, and so it is used here by St. Luke with his usual propriety of expression.
They leave Malta, and pursue their voyage to Rome.
Now therefore, when this [miracle] was wrought 9 So when this lix. on a person so well known, and of so great im- was done, others al- Acts portance, the news of it soon spread abroad; so which had disxxviii. and as they were desirous to obtain the same eases in the island, advantage, all the rest also who had disorders of ed:
any kind in the whole island, as many as were able to travel, or could any way be brought,
came to Paul and were healed. And this was 10 Who also honfollowed with the highest testimonies of esteem oured us with many and gratitude from all the people, who also see- honours, and when ing such a divine power exerting itself by means we departed, they of one in our company, honoured us with great laded us with such honours, as men peculiarly favoured by heaven: things as were necessary.
And such was the respect and kindness they had for us, that when we departed thence, they brought us plenty of provision, and put on board such things as were necessary for our comfortable accommodation; so that by the good providence of God, and the generosity of these hospitable and grateful people, we were well furnished for pursuing our voyage to Rome.
And after we had been ashore three months, 11 And after three we departed from thence, having shipped our- months we departed selves (as we had done before, chap. xxvii. 6,) in a ship of Alexandria, in a ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the island, whose sign was Gemini, or the twins, whose sign was Casthat is, Castor and Pollux, fictitious deities of tor and Pollux. the heathen, who were supposed to have some peculiar power over storms; their figure there-
Who also honoured us with many honours, and when we departed, they laded us with such things as were necessary.
And after three months we departed in a ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the isle, whose sign was Castor and Pollux.
Whose sign was Castor and Pollux.] It was the custom of the ancients to have images on their ships, both at the head and stern; the first of which was called πασ- σμοσ, the sign, from which the ship was named, and the other was that of the tutelar deity, to whose care the ship was committed; which probably might give occasion to the fable, that Europa was carried away by Jupiter in the shape of a bull. There is no doubt, but they had sometimes deities at the head; and then it is most likely, if they had any figure at the stern, it was the same; as it is hardly probable, the ship should be called by the name of one deity, and be committed to the care of another. (See Bochart. Chan lib. ii. cap. 3, init. and Mr. Biscoe at Boyle’s Lect. chap. viii. § 12, p. 326, 327.) The figure that was used for Castor and Pollux, as Dr. Lightfoot says, was that of two young men on horseback, with each of them a javelin in his
hand, &c. But others have observed, that the sign of Castor and Pollux was that of a double cross; and, though the Greeks took them for a sign in the zodiac, which was called the Twins, and considered as sacred to these fictitious deities, whom they supposed to be the sons of Jupiter by Leda, it was not at first represented by two boys, but by two beasts, as referring to the fruitfulness of goats, in producing twin kids about the time the sun was in that constellation. (See Hyde, Relig. Pers. cap. 32; and Nature Displayed, Vol. I. § 2, p. 263, 264.) The appearance of both these constellations together was, (as Dr. Hammond has observed, after Strabo, Pausanias, and other ancient writers,) thought favourable to mariners, and therefore for a good omen, they had them carved or painted on the head of the ship, and gave it a name from thence, which the sacred historian does not scruple to use.
n come to meet them on their way to Rome.
fore was placed on the head of the vessel, and so o them it was peculiarly dedicated. And not long after we had left Melita, we made the island of Sicily; and being arrived at Syracuse,¹ the most considerable city of that island, we continued there three days. From thence we coasted round the eastern shore of Sicily, and came over against the city and promontory of Rhegium in the southernmost part of Italy, from which, as the name of that place implies, it was supposed the island of Sicily was broken off. And after lying by one day we had a favourable gale, and the south wind arising, we pursued our voyage, and came in two days to Puteoli, a noted town for trade, which lay not far from Naples, and was very famous for its hot baths: Where we had no sooner landed but we found some Christian brethren, and were earnestly entreated to stay with them seven days, that they might have the better opportunity of hearing Paul, and of conversing with him; and the centurion was so good as to consent that we should stay: And so, having left the ship, we went the rest of the way by land to Rome.
And from thence several of the Christian brethren who resided at Rome,ᵏ having heard of our affairs, and particularly that we were on our way thither, (as they were sensible of the great character of Paul, and the important obligations which they were under to him for his excellent epistle to the Romans, written a few years before this,) came out to meet us, and to attend us in our entrance into that illustrious city: And [some] of them came as far as Appii Forum, a town adjoining to the famous Appian way, which was fifty one miles distant from Rome; and [others] only to a place called Tres Tabernæ, or the Three Taverns, which
¹ Syracuse.] This capital city of the island of Sicily lay on its eastern coast, and is said to have been twenty two miles round, and to have equalled Carthage in its riches. (See Strab. lib. vi. p. 186; and Liv. Hist. lib. xxv. cap 31.) It was by this time well recovered from the desolation which Marcellus had brought upon it, two hundred and ten years before Christ, when the celebrated Archimedes was slain here.
ᵏ The Christian brethren who resided at Rome.] It is very remarkable, that we have no certain information by whom Christianity was first preached in Rome. Probably, as some inhabitants of that most famous city were present at Jerusalem o the day of Pentecost, (Acts ii. 10.) they, being converted themselves, might a their return carry the gospel thither, confirming it by miraculous works, and by th exercise of extraordinary ills.
Paul is allowed to dwell apart in his own
was but about thirty: Whom when Paul saw, he thanked God for the encouragement which this circumstance gave him, to hope that these Christian friends, who were so forward to begin an acquaintance with him, would be a support to him during his confinement there, and a means of promoting the success of any attempts of usefulness, which he might be able to make among them; and accordingly he took courage,¹ and pursued the small remainder of his journey with new spirit and alacrity.
*And when we came to Rome, Julius the centurion, who ever since we set out from Cæsarea had treated us in so friendly a manner, and whose regard for Paul could not but be greatly increased by what had passed at Melita, delivered the prisoners, according to his commission, to the prefect or captain of the prætorian band:*² But as he gave a very kind and honourable account of Paul, he was permitted to dwell apart from the other prisoners in an house of his own,³ with a Roman soldier that guarded him,⁴ till his cause might be heard; which, by one accident and another,
¹ He thanked God, and took courage.] This expression may perhaps intimate, that his courage began in some measure to be shaken. He knew there was a famous church at Rome, which had been long planted; (Rom. i. 8,) and to which, about three years before this journey, he had written a long epistle, (compare note⁵ on Acts xx. 3, p. 295,) in which he had expressed an affectionate desire to see them; (Rom. i. 11; xv. 32;) in a near view of doing which, he now rejoiced, esteeming it as the first fruits of their friendship, that they had come a day’s journey to meet him, no doubt in a very kind and respectful manner. He might reasonably expect, they would contribute much to lighten his bonds, as no doubt they did, though so strange a panic seized them, when he appeared before Cæsar to make his apology, 2 Tim. iv. 16.
² To the prefect or captain of the prætorian band.] It was customary for prisoners, who were brought to Rome, to be delivered to this officer, who had the charge of the state prisoners, as appears from the instance of Agrippa, who was taken into custody by Macro, the prætorian prefect that succeeded Sejanus, (Joseph. Antiq. lib. xviii. cap. 6, [al 8,] § 6;) and from Trajan’s order to Pliny, when two
were in commission. (Plin. lib. x. epist. 65.) See Dr. Lardner’s Credib. Book I. chap. x. § 11, Vol. I. p. 532, 533; and Mr. Biscoe at Boyle’s Lect. chap. ix. § 9, p. 360. The person, who had now this office, was the noted Burrhus Afranius; but, both before and after him, it was held by two; Tacit. Ann. lib. xii. § 42, & lib. xiv. § 51.
³ Apart from the other prisoners in an house of his own.] Raphelius has shewn, (*Ann. ex Xen. p. 191,) that the expression καθ’ καυγν may signify either apart, (for which see Bos. Exercit. p. 91,) or at his own pleasure. But it is well known, it often signifies at one’s own house; and so ver. 30 seems to explain it here. By this means he was excused from all the affliction, which lying in the common prison, among the wretched creatures who would probably have been his companions there, must have given to a man of his sense, education, and piety.
⁴ With a soldier that guarded him.] This soldier was probably chained to him, as the Roman custom was. Who, that had met Paul in these bonds, would have guessed at his real character, and have imagined him to have been one of the most upright, benevolent, and generous of mankind! Yet such the apostle undoubtedly was.
Reflections on what passed at Malta.
was put off from time to time, so that it was not dispatched till seen. above two years after his arrival at Rome.
IMPROVEMENT.
LET us again pause, and, on this new occasion of doing it, verse 1, 2 adore the wise conduct of Providence, though its ways were in the sea, and its paths in the great waters. (Psal. lxxvii. 19.) Still did our dear Redeemer take care of his faithful servants and ministers, not only delivering them and their companions from destruction by shipwreck, but providing tenderly for them in their destitute condition, when their wet and probably torn garments seem to have been all they could call their own. The custom of Rome and Greece taught them to call all nations but their own barbarous; but surely the generosity which these uncultivated inhabitants of Malta shewed, was far more valuable than all the varnish which the politest education could give, where it taught not humanity and compassion.
It is with pleasure that we trace amongst them the force of 4 conscience, and the belief of Providence; which some more learned people have stupidly thought it philosophy to despise: But they erred in concluding that calamities must always be interpreted as judgments; and let us guard against the same error, lest, like them, we unwarily censure, not only the innocent, but the excellent of the earth.
God wrought a most seasonable miracle for the preservation 5 of Paul from the fury of the viper; and this frank and honest, though ignorant people, immediately retract their censure: But, 6 as human nature is apt to do, they fall immediately from one extreme to another, and from pronouncing him a murderer, conclude him a god. They afterwards submitted to be better taught, and learnt to regard him as what he really was, a holy man favoured 10 of heaven, and raised up to be an instrument of great good, both to the bodies and souls of his fellow creatures. Let us also be willing candidly to correct and confess our mistakes, when means of better information offer; and study to adjust our notions of men’s characters according to truth; that we may neither calumniate nor deify them, but judge righteous judgment, (John vii. 24.)
Well was Publius, the chief of the island, with the other inhabitants 7, 8, 9 of it, rewarded for their kindness to these distressed strangers, by the cures wrought on the diseased in their respective families; and naturally did their kindness and liberality to them increase, with such experience of the miraculous power which wrought by Paul. We cannot but conclude, that this holy apostle, whose heart was always so warm with zeal for Christ, especially when it was quickened with such a deliverance, would take this
Reflections on Paul’s usefulness among them.
happy opportunity of diffusing the savour of his name here. He lix. would tell them, no doubt, who it was healed them, and testify to them of that greater salvation and more important cure, which they were to seek from him; nor can we imagine that his labour was entirely in vain in the Lord. Happy wreck! on the ruins of which the temple of the Lord was raised, and by occasion of which Barbarians were transformed into Christians! Who can verse sav, how many distempered minds were healed? how many sons 11 and daughters were born to God and to glory, in these three months which Paul and Luke spent here? For modest as that beloved physician of souls, as well as of bodies, is in every thing relating to himself, we cannot imagine that he was inactive or unsuccessful in his pious labour. And how naturally did all this tend to raise the regard of the ship’s company for these servants of the most high God, to whom, as instruments in the hand of his good Providence, they first owed their lives, and now their accommodations; to whom also, we hope, some of them owed even their own souls!
It is extremely probable, that the indulgence shewed to Paul in Rome, the remains of liberty which he enjoyed while in bonds there, and the much more valued opportunities of usefulness which that liberty gave him, were, in some degree at least, owing to the experience and report of these extraordinary events. Thus, O Lord, shalt thou lead us into whatever difficulties and dangers thou pleasest, and we will cheerfully wait the happy event which shall at length prove the wisdom and kindness of thy most mysterious conduct.
14, 16 In the mean time, even while travelling in the bonds of affliction, may we see thine hand in all the countenance which we meet with from our Christian brethren; and cheered with their converse and their friendly offices, may we, like Paul, thank God, and take courage, in an humble assurance that thou wilt stand by us in every future unknown extremity; and wilt either manifest thy power and goodness in raising up human supports, or display thine all sufficiency in a yet more glorious manner, by bearing us up when they all fail us!
Acts 28:17
The history concludes with an account of a solemn audience which Paul had of the Jews at Rome, soon after his arrival there; most of them reject the gospel he published among them, but he continues to preach it during two years of his confinement. Acts XXVIII. 17, to the end.
Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17. Acts XXVIII. 17.
r the Jews at Rome, and tells them his case.
appeal to be determined, he was willing to remove the prejudices of his countrymen, and, notwithstanding the injurious treatment he had met with, would suffer nothing to be wanting on his part, to make them sensible of the affectionate regard that he had for them: Accordingly it came to pass that after he had been there three days, Paul called together those that were the chief of the Jews who sojourned then at Rome.
And when, according to his desire, they were come together in the private house where he dwelt, he said unto them, Men and brethren, though I have done nothing contrary to the interest and honour of the Jewish people, or to the authority of our paternal customs as derived from the holy patriarchs and Moses, yet was I delivered a prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the Romans; Who having examined me, and heard all that my adversaries could suggest against me, were willing to have set me at liberty; as there was no offence which they could judge to be a sufficient cause of putting me to death, or of keeping me under longer confinement, to be discovered in me. But when some of the Jews, who in consequence of gross misrepresentations had entertained strong prejudices against me, contradicted and opposed my discharge, and were violently set upon preventing [it,] I found it necessary to remove my cause to Rome, and was obliged to appeal to Cæsar: And this I assure you I have done, not as having any thing of which to accuse my own nation; for whatever injury I have received from any particular persons, I heartily forgive them, and wish the whole Jewish people, without excepting even my most inveterate enemies among them, all possible prosperity and happiness; but I was, contrary to my inclination, forced on this appeal purely in my own defence, and to prevent that assassination which I knew some ill disposed persons were contriving against me. For this reason therefore, as soon as I came hither I entreated that I might see and speak with you, my dear brethren, hoping to prevent any prejudice which might be entertained to my disadvantage: For indeed I am rather worthy of your compassion and friendship than of your resentment; as [it is] on account of that which is the great common hope
They are willing to hear what were his sentiments.
ECT. of all Israel, that I am bound with this chain; 1x. my sufferings arising from my regard to that glorious Messiah for whom Israel professes to Acts wait, and to that eternal life which he hath purxviii. chased and procured for those that receive 20 him under that character.
And they said to him, We have neither received any letters as yet from Jerusalem, or any other part of Judea, concerning thee; nor has any one of the brethren of our nation that has come hither, related to us what is the purport of the charge on which thou art to be tried before Caesar; or so much as said any evil at all concerning thee. But we are willing thou shouldst give us an account of thy doctrine, and desire to hear from thee what thou thinkest; what thy particular sentiments are, and what thou hast to say in defence of thy tenets, as a disciple and missionary of Jesus of Nazareth; for as concerning this sect, which professes so high a regard to him, it is known to us in the general, that it is every where spoken against,ᵃ and that bad sentiments are entertained of it, both by the Jews and heathens; as teaching a revolt from those ways of worship in which people have been educated, even among us as well as them, and requiring unbounded subjection to a person who seems to have no imaginable claim to it.
And having appointed him a certain day which might best suit the convenience of most that were then present, many of them came to him in the morning at his lodging; to whom he expounded various passages of their own scriptures, as well as the chief principles of the Christian faith; testifying in the most cogent and pathetic manner the erection and establishment of the kingdom of God under the Messiah,ᵇ and earn-
ᵃ It is every where spoken against.] Some think, this refers to a fact mentioned by Justin Martyr, (Dialog. cum Triph. p. 171, & 638, Edit. Thirlb.) and afterwards by Origen, (contra. Cels. lib. vi. p. 293, 294;) and Eusebius, (Eccl. Hist. lib. iv. cap. 18,) that the Jews at Jerusalem sent chosen men of the most distinguished character all over the world, representing the Christiians as an atheistical sect, and charging them with the rossest calumnies, which
the ignorant Heathens advanced against them. The fact itself is in all respects vercredible; but I apprehend, that the exacdate of it cannot be ascertained, nor can I any where find, (as some have asserted, that it is mentioned by Philo Judæus. See my Sermons on the power and grace of Christ, &c. p. 263, 264, 2d. edit.
ᵇ Testifying the kingdom of God.] Probaby, as Mr. Cradock well observes, (Apost.
He gives an account of the faith, but most of them reject it.
estly persuading them of the things that relate to the Lord Jesus under that character; which he proved both from the law of Moses, and from the writings of the prophets: And he was so intent upon this grand affair, that he continued his discourse from morning till evening.c
And the event of what he said was various; for some of them were happily persuaded to embrace Christianity, by the things which were spoken; and some, on the other hand, were influenced by such strong prejudices, that they believed not, but were so hardened as to reject the gospel, amidst all the evidence which he advanced to support it. And so disagreeing with each other, they brake up the assembly; Paul only saying [this] one word in the close of all, on occasion of that obstinacy which he observed to prevail in most of them, Surely well did the Holy Spirit speak by Isaiah the prophet to our fathers of old, (Isa. vi. 9, 10,) and well does the description it has given of them set forth the hardness of your hearts, and suit you even to this day; d When it says, in that awful commission the prophet was commanded to discharge, “Go to this perverse and obstinate people, to whom I have so often sent in vain, and say, Hearing ye shall hear, and shall not understand; and seeing ye shall see, and shall not perceive: For the heart of this people is be-
Hist. Part. II p. 306,) he insisted on two topics:—that the kingdom of God, which they had so long expected, was of a spiritual, and not of a temporal nature;—and that Jesus of Nazareth, in whose name he preached, was the person foretold as the promised Messiah and Lord of that kingdom.
c From morning till evening.] The length of this conference shews, how zealous a desire Paul had for the conversion of his countrymen. It was undoubtedly a very curious and important discourse, and we should have wished to have been favoured with it, as well as with that of our Lord, of which we have only a general account, Luke xxiv. 27. But, as God (for wise reasons no doubt,) has seen fit to deny us that pleasure, let us acquiesce in this, that we know enough to confirm our faith in the gospel, if we discover a teachable temper; and if we do not, the narration of other
discourses and facts would probably have occasioned new cavils; for there is hardly any argument in favour of truth, from which a prejudiced and captious wit cannot draw an objection, and frame a sophistry to maintain error.
d Well did the Holy Spirit speak to our fathers, and well does the description suit you, &c.] The apostle here could not refer to them all, because some believed; but it is probable, most of them rejected the gospel.—As for the quotation from Isaiah which he applies to them, I would observe, that it is quoted oftener than any other text from the Old Testament, (that is, six times,) in the New; (here, and Mat. xiii. 14, 15; Mark iv. 12; Luke viii. 10; John xii. 40; and Rom. xi. 8,) yet in such a variety of expression, as plainly proves, the apostles did not confine themselves exactly either to the words of the original or of the Greek Version.
He continues two years at Rome,
come gross, and as it were grown stiff with fatness; and with their ears they hear heavily, in a dull, stupid way; and they have drawn their eyes together, as it were on purpose to compose themselves to sleep, lest they should see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their heart, and should be converted, and I should heal them: As if he had said, They act in such a manner under the most awakening means, as if they had studied artful ways of rendering themselves insensible, and were determined not to receive my message, and the salvation which it proposes to them. Therefore be it known unto you, however your proud hearts may resent it, that the salvation of God which you despise, and seem to fortify yourselves against, is sent to the Gentiles; and they will hear and embrace [it,] and so inherit the blessings which you reject: To them therefore will we preach all the words of this life, and I in particular will from this day forward seek, in their faith and obedience, my consolation under that grief which the infidelity of my brethren gives me.
And when he had said these things, the Jews departed out of the place, not being prevailed upon to receive the gospel, yet having great debates among themselves; some thinking there was considerable weight in what Paul had urged to defend it, while others were enraged, and spoke of him and his arguments with great contempt and indignation.
But nevertheless they who were most his enemies, and most desirous to add affliction to his bonds, were not permitted by Providence to do him any harm; for after this Paul continued two whole years at Rome, in his own hired house, before he was heard by Cæsar,
• Paul continued two whole years at Rome. As Luke concludes his history with Paul’s abode at Rome, before his survey into Spain, we may infer, as Dr. More observes, (Theolog. Works, p. 220,) that he wrote both his Gospel and the Acts, while the apostle was still living, of whose actions he was himself an eye witness, and by whom, it is very probable, this book was revised, as the ancients also say his Gospel was.
In his own hired house.] Dr. Lardner
proves from Ulpian, that the proconsul was to judge, whether a person under accusation were to be thrown into prison, or delivered to a soldier to keep, or committed to sureties, or trusted on his parole of honour. (Credib. Book I. chap. 15, § 9, Vol. I. p. 524, 525) It appears to hence, that the persecution against Christians at Rome was not then begun; an perhaps Paul’s friends in Nero’s family (Phil. iv. 22,) used their interest with the emperor to procure him this liberty.
eaching the gospel to all that came to him.
or his deputy, upon this appeal : And during this long period of time, he was solicitous to do all he could to promote the gospel of his divine Master, though he could not act so freely as he desired ; in this view, therefore, he received all that came to him to be instructed in the design and evidence of the gospel, Preaching, with great ardor and zeal the kingdom of God, as established in the person of his exalted Son, and teaching those things which relate to the Lord Jesus Christ, and the religion he hath instituted in the world, with all freedom of speech, [and] without any restraint from the Roman magistrates. In consequence of this, many converts were made, and this confinement, which seemed to have so discouraging an aspect, was on the whole a means of promoting the gospel : Many of his retired hours were also employed in corresponding with the Christian churches, and writing several of those
Many of his retired hours were also employed in corresponding, [or.] It is well known, that the Epistle to the Ephesians, (or, as some think, to the Laodiceans, to whom, however, it is certain Paul did write, Col. iv. 16,) to the Colossians, and Philippians, as well as that to Philemon, were written from hence during this imprisonment, and that to the Hebrews in or quickly after it ; but, as for the Second to Timothy, I am ready to think it of a later date. It seems highly probable, that, about the end of the two years here spoken of, he was set at liberty. Some have questioned, whether he ever returned into the East again, which yet from Philemon verse 22, and Heb. xiii. 23, he seems to have expected. Clemens Romanus (ad Cor. Epist. i cap 5) expressly tells us, that he preached in the West, and that to its utmost bounds, which must at least include Spain, whither he intended to go. Rom. xv. 24, 25. (See Chrysost. Vol. VIII. p. 59.) Theodoret adds, that he went to the Islands of the sea, as elsewhere he numbers Gaul, (that is France,) and Britain, among the disciples of the tentmaker. (See Bp. Stillingfleet’s Orig. Brit. p. 39.) But in what order he took these places, or how long he remained in any of them, cannot be determined. We are told however, that, about the year of Christ 65, or 67, (for chronology differ, and I think we cannot exactly fix it,) he returned to Rome, where some say he met with Peter, who was thrown into prison with
other Christians, on a pretence of being concerned in the burning of the city. Chrysostom tells us, that he here converted one of Nero’s concubine’s, which so incensed that cruel prince, that he put him to death ; probably after an imprisonment, in which the Second Epistle to Timothy was written. It is, I think universally agreed, among all ancient writers who mention his death, that he was beheaded at Aquæ Salviæ, three miles from Rome ; for, being free of that city, he could not be crucified, as Peter was, according to the tradition of the Latin church, on the very same day. It is said, and there is great reason to believe it, that this glorious confessor gave his head to the fatal stroke with the greatest cheerfulness, and also, that he was buried in the Via Ostensio, two miles from Rome, where Constantine the Great erected a church to his memory, A. D. 318, which was successively repaired and beautified by Theodosius the Great, and the Empress Placidia. (See Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. ii. cap 22. Not Fleury’s Eccl. Hist. Vol. I. Book II. chap 25 ; and Dr. Weil’s Geogr. of the New Testament, Part. II. chap. 6, § 19—23.) But his most glorious monument remains in his immortal writings, which, if God spare my life to illustrate, I shall esteem the doing it one of the greatest honours which can be conferred upon me, and the most important service my pen can perform for the church of Christ.
Reflections on Paul’s zeal to propagate the gospel,
excellent epistles which were to be so great a blessing to the IX. most distant ages.
IMPROVEMENT.
LET us with pleasure observe that uniform tenor of Christian zeal, and compassionate regard to the salvation of men, which prevailed in the mind of Paul, and reigned in it even to the very period of this history, yea to that of his life. No sooner was he arrived at Rome, but an earnest desire of communicating the blessings of the gospel to his kinsmen according to the flesh, enverse gaged him to send for the Jews, and to confer with them concerning the kingdom of God; generously forgetting his own wrongs, 17 and waving those complaints he might so justly have made 19 against his accusers and persecutors. He found them here, as well as in Judea, under prejudices which he could not conquer, with all his strength of reason, and eloquence: They called the 22 Christian religion a sect, and maintained that it was every where spoken against: But if this were indeed the case, how far was it from being any reason against embracing and obeying the gospel! since all the men upon earth might attempt in vain to make falsehood truth, and truth falsehood, in any single instance; and might as well pull the sun from the firmament, as, by all their malice and rage, dethrone that blessed Redeemer whom God hath established, by a decree firmer than the ordinances of heaven.
26,27 No scripture of the Old Testament is more frequently referred to in the New, than the words of Isaiah, which contain so just a description of what the Jewish nation was in the days of that prophet, and in those of Christ and his apostles. How deplorable a case! to be spiritually blind and deaf under the brightest light of the gospel, and its loudest proclamations! To harden the heart against the most gracious offers of healing and life, and to arm themselves against their own salvation with weapons of 25 eternal death! Justly were they at last given over by God, and sealed up under incurable obstinacy. May divine pity and help be extended to those who are marching on by large steps to- 28 wards the same character, and as it seems towards the same end; Adored be divine grace, that any are inclined to hear, and to obey. To them the ministers of Christ may turn with pleasure, and find, in their believing regards to the gospel, a sufficient recompence for all the labours and hazards they encounter in a faithful concern for its propagation.
To conclude all, Let us adore the gracious conduct of 30,31 providence, which secretly interposed to moderate the apostle’s confinement, and thereby gave him an opportunity of performing various and extensive services to the church, of which he must otherwise have been incapable. The wrath of man
and on the opportunity God gave him for it.
praises God; and the remainder of it he restrains. (Psal. lxxvi. sect. 10.) He hath allotted to each of his servants, in his infinite wisdom and goodness, a due proportion both of labours and sufferings, and neither earth nor hell shall be able so to break in on his schemes, as to obstruct the one or increase the other. The sacred history, which is now closing upon us, affords many illustrations of this remark: Let us be thankful for it; and while we peruse it, let us indulge those reflections which may naturally arise from it, to establish our faith in the gospel, and to quicken our obedience to it. Amen!
The END of the FAMILY EXPOSITOR on the ACTS.
APPENDIX.
NUMBER I.
A DISSERTATION ON SIR ISAAC NEWTON’S SCHEME FOR REDUCING THE SEVERAL HISTORIES CONTAINED IN THE EVANGELISTS TO THEIR PROPER ORDER.
THE name of Sir Isaac Newton is so justly celebrated through the learned world, that they who know he has endeavoured to establish a method of settling a chronology of our Lord’s life, (for I think one can hardly call it an harmony of the evangelists,) quite different from what has hitherto been advanced, may be curious to know what it is, and why we presume to depart from it; since it is so natural to imagine, that such a genius must demonstrate whatever he attempts to prove. I therefore think it incumbent upon me to lay the scheme before my reader, as I promised long since to do. (Note on Mat. iv. 25, Vol. I. § 36.) After which I shall briefly present, in one view, those reasons (many of which have been already hinted) which compelled me to tread a different road, after having most attentively considered all that this illustrious writer has urged for the support of his plan.
I cannot set myself to this task without feeling the fatigue of it sensibly allayed, by the pleasure with which I reflect on the firm persuasion which a person of his unequalled sagacity must have entertained of the truth of Christianity, in order to his being engaged to take such pains in illustrating the sacred oracles: A pleasure which, I doubt not, every good reader will share with me: especially as (according to the best information, whether public or private, I could ever get) his firm faith in the divine revelation discovered itself in the most genuine fruits of substantial virtue and piety; and consequently gives us the justest reason to conclude, that he is now rejoicing in the happy effects of it, infinitely more than in all the applause which his philosophical works have procured him, though they have commanded a fame lasting as the world; the true theory of which he had discovered, and (in spite of all the vain efforts of ignorance, pride, and their offspring bigotry,) have arrayed him as it were in the beams of the sun, and inscribed his name among the constellations of heaven.
Sir Isaac Newton has given us his sentiments on the Chronology of our Lord’s history, in his Observations on Prophecy, Book I. chap. xi. p. 144—168; and, according to his usual method, he has done it concisely, only marking out some of the outlines;
A dissertation on Sir Isaac Newton’s scheme, &c.
and after having endeavoured to establish some of the chief principles, by arguments which he judged to be conclusive, he leaves it to his readers to apply those principles to several other particulars; which being deducible from them, he did not think it necessary to enter into. Such is the method he has also taken in his Chronology of ancient kingdoms; and it was most suitable to that great genius, which bore him with such amazing velocity through so vast a circle of various literature. Yet it must render him less sensible of the difficulty attending some of his schemes than he would otherwise have been, and may leave room to those, who are justly sensible how much they are his inferiors, to shew by their remarks upon him, how possible it is for the greatest of mankind to be misled by some plausible appearances of things in a general view of them, against which invincible objections may arise, when they come to be applied to unthought of particulars.
There are many facts recorded in the evangelists, the order of which is so plain that all harmonies agree in them; and such especially are most of those with which the history begins, and most of those with which it ends, though there be some disputes about a few circumstances relating to the resurrection: But Sir Isaac enters not at all into that part of the history, nor into any thing that precedes the appearance of John the Baptist.
He lays it down as the foundation of all his other reasonings and calculations here, (on the authority of Luke iii. 1,) that John began to baptize in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, reckoning his reign to have commenced from the death of Augustus, which happened, he says, Aug. 28, in the year of our Lord (according to the common reckoning) 29: This is said (Newt. p. 147,) to have been in the year of the Julian period 4727, which must surely be an error of the press for 4742, the year of that period which is universally known to have answered to the 29th of the received Christian era. He supposes the Baptist’s ministry opened in the spring, when the weather was warm; and allowing the remainder of the year, to the spreading of his reputation, he concludes that our Lord was baptized before the end of it, when Tiberius’s 16th year was begun. (Mat. iii. 1—17; Mark i. 1—11; Luke iii. 1—18, 21—23; John i. 6—18, Sect. 16—18.) After this the temptation ensued, (Mat. iv. 1—11; Mark i. 12, 13; Luke iv. 1—13, Sect. 19,) and all those testimonies of John to Jesus, and the interviews between Jesus and his first disciples, (which are mentioned John i. 19, to the end, Sect. 20—22,) as likewise our Lord’s journey to Galilee, and his first miracle there. (John ii. 1—11, Sect. 23.) Then followed our Lord’s FIRST PASSOVER, which, according to Sir Isaac, (and I would be
This is a small mistake; for Suetonius (Aug. 100.) fixes it to xiv. Kal. Septemb. that is, Aug. 19.
VOL. 3.
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understood through all this part of the Dissertation to be only reporting his opinion,) happened A. D. 30, at which he drove the traders out of the temple, (John ii. 12, to the end, Sect. 24,) had that celebrated conference with Nicodemus, (John iii. 1—21, Sect. 25, 26;) and continued for some time to abide in Judea baptizing by his disciples, while John baptized in Enon, and bore his last recorded testimony to him. (John iii. 22, to the end, Sect. 27.)
Thus the summer was spent, till John was thrown into prison about November; (Mat. xiv. 3—5; Luke iii. 19, 20; Mark vi. 17—20, Sect. 28;) and our Lord passed through Samaria in his way to Galilee about the winter solstice, that is, four months before harvest: (John iv. 1—12, Sect 29, 30, See note c on John iv. 33.) After which he went, first to Cana in Galilee, (John iv. 43—54, Sect. 31.—) and then, after a circuit [or rather journey] in Galilee, (Mat. iv. 12; Mark i. 14, 15; Luke iv. 14, 15, Sect.—31, 32.—) he came and preached at Nazareth, (Luke iv. 16—30, Sect.—32,) and being rejected there, went and settled for a while at Capernaum, where he called Peter, Andrew, James, and John. (Mat. iv. 13—22; Mark i. 16—20; Luke iv. 31, 32; v. 1—11, Sect. 33, 34.) This our author thinks must have taken up all the spring, and must bring us to our Lord’s SECOND PASSOVER, A. D. 31.
It is after this passover that Sir Isaac places another circuit through Galilee, which also carried his fame throughout all Syria, and added multitudes from thence, and from Decapolis, to those that followed him from Judea and Jurusalem. (Mat. iv. 23, to the end; Mark i. 28; Luke iv. 44, Sect.—36.) To those he preached the celebrated sermon on the mount. (Mat. v. vi. vii. Sect. 37—43.) Immediately after which he cured the leper, (Mat. xiii. 1—4; Mark i. 40, to the end; Luke v. 12—16, Sect. 44,) the centurion’s servant, (Mat. viii. 5—13; Luke vii. 1—10, Sect. 55,) and Peter’s mother in law, with many others, (Mat. viii. 14—17; Mark i. 29—38; Luke iv. 38—44, Sect. 35, 36.—)
By this time Sir Isaac supposes the feast of tabernacles approached, when our Lord passing through Samaria was refused a lodging, (Luke ix. 51—56, Sect. 127—) to which he strangely supposes a reference, Mat. viii. 19, 20, (Sect. 69.—) After which, when the feast was over, and Christ returned from Jerusalem, toward winter, he stilled a tempest as he crossed the sea, (Mat. viii. 23—27; Mark iv. 35, to the end; Luke viii. 22—25, Sect.—69;) and when he had landed dispossessed the legion: (Mat. viii. 28, to the end; Mark v. 1—21; Luke viii. 26—40, Sect. 70.) And then returning again to the western side of the sea, cured the paralytic, Mat. ix. 1—8; Mark ii. 1—12; Luke v. 18—26, Sect. 45.—) called Matthew, (Mat. ix. 9; Mark ii. 14; Luke v. 27, 28, Sect.—45;) and having been entertained at
for settling the chronology of our Lord’s ministry.
his house, (Mat. ix. 10—17; Mark ii. 15—22; Luke v. 29, to the end, Sect. 71,) went out to raise Jairus’s daughter, curing the woman who had a bloody flux by the way: (Mat. ix. 18—26; Mark v, 22, to the end: Luke viii. 41, to the end, Sec. 72.—) And after performing other cures, (Mat. ix. 27—34, Sect —72,) he took another circuit in Galilee, (Mat. ix. 35, to the end, Sect. —73,) gave a charge to his apostles, and sent them out: Mat. x. 1, to the end; xi. 1; Mark vi. 7—13; Luke ix.1—3, Sect. 74—76.) After which, having answered the messengers which John had sent, he discourses with the people concerning him, (Mat. xi. 2—19; Luke vii. 18—5, Sect. 57, 58;) and upbraids the impenitent cities of Galilee. (Mat. xi. 20, to the end, Sect. 59.) And as these events would employ the winter and the spring, our author places the THIRD PASSOVER here, A. D. 32.
He does not indeed expressly assert that this was the feast at which our Lord cured the lame man at the pool of Bethesda in Jerusalem, and made that defence before the Sanhedrim related in the vth chapter of John: (Sect. 46—48:) But according to his general plan, this must be its proper place. And that there was a passover about this time, he argues from the story of the disciples rubbing out the ears of corn, which is related as in this place: (Mat. xii. 1—8; Mark ii. 23, to the end; Luke vi. 1—5, Sect. 49.) Soon after which happened the cure of the withered hand, (Mat. xii. 9—15; Mark iii. 1—7; Luke vi. 6—11, Sect. 50,) and a variety of other miracles, (Mat. xii. 15—21; Mark iii. 7—12, Sect. 51,) with that of the dispossession imputed to a confederacy with Beelzebub. (Mat. xii. 22, to the end; Mark iii. 22, to the end; Luke xi. 14—36, Sect. 61—64.) Here Sir Isaac places the parables delivered at the sea side, as he supposes about seed time, or the feast of tabernacles, (Mat. xiii. 1—52; Mark iv. 1—34; Luke viii. 4—18, Sect. 65—68;) his renewed visit to Nazareth, (Math. xiii. 53, to the end; Mark vi, 1—6, Sect. 73,—) and the return of the twelve, after having spent, as he supposes, a year in their embassy. (Mark vi. 30, 31; Luke ix. 10, Sect. 78.—)
About this time our author places the beheading of John the Baptist, after he had been in prison two years and a quarter: (Mat. xiv.1—12; Mark vi. 14—29; Luke ix. 7—9; Sect. 77.) After which those multitudes resorted to Christ, whom he fed with the five loaves, (Mat. xiv. 13—23; Mark vi. 30—46; Luke ix. 10—17; John vi. 1—15, Sect. 78,) and to whom, after having crossed the lake, (Mat. xiv. 24, to the end; Mark vi. 47, to the end; John vi. 16—21, Sect. 79;) he discourses concerning the bread of life. (John vi. 21, to the end, Sect. 80—82.) As we are expressly told, John vi. 4, that when this miracle was wrought the passover was near, Sir Isaac concludes this to be the FOURTH PASSOVER after our Lord’s baptism. A. D.
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33, and argues from John vii. 1, that Christ did not celebrate it at Jerusalem.
Quickly after this followed the dispute with the scribes who came from Jerusalem: (Mat. xv. 1—20; Mark vii. 1—23, Sect. 83, 84:) After which our Lord departed into the coasts of Tyre and Sidon; and after having dispossessed the daughter of a Syrophænician woman, (Mat. xv. 21—28; Mark vii. 24, to the end, Sect. 85,) he returned to the sea of Galilee, where he fed the four thousand. (Mat. xv. 29, to the end; Mark viii. 1—10, Sect. 86,) and after having replied to the unreasonable demand the Pharisees made of a sign from heaven, and cautioned his disciples against the leaven of their false doctrine, (Mat. xvi. 1—12; Mark viii. 11—26, Sect. 87,) he came to Cæsarea Philippi, and having by the way acknowledged himself to be the Messiah, he was afterwards transfigured, and ejected an obstinate dæmon. (Mat. xvi. 13, to the end; xvii. 1—21; Mark viii. 27, to the end; ix. 1—29; Luke ix. 18—43, Sect. 88—91.) He then came to Capernaum, and made provision by a miracle to pay the tribute; (Mat. viii. 24, to the end, Sect. 92;) and there, or in the neighborhood of it, discoursed of humility, forgiveness, &c. (Mat. xviii. 1, to the end; Mark ix. 33, to the end; Luke ix. 46—48, Sect. 93—95.)
Our author takes no notice of the mission of the seventy, and their return, Luke x. 1—24, Sect. 97—106, but he would probably have placed it here, previous to that which he supposes to be Christ’s last departure from Galilee, (Mat. xix. 1, 2; Mark x. 1, Sect. 135,) when he went up to the feast of tabernacles. (John vii. viii. Sect. 98—105.) Neither does he take notice of the visit to Bethany, (Luke x. 38, to the end, Sect. 108;) nor of the date of any of those discourses which are recorded by Luke, (from chap. xi. 1, to chap. xviii. 14, Sect. 109—129,) except where any passages happen to be parallel to those in Matthew, to which he hints they are to be reduced.
He then introduces our Lord’s visit to Jerusalem, and the cure of the blind man at the feast of dedication, (John ix. x. Sect. 130—134;) after which Christ retired beyond Jordan, (John x. 40,) where he treats of divorce, (Mat. xix. 3—12; Mark x. 2—12, Sect.—135,) blesses the little children, (Mat. xix. 13—15; Mark x. 13—16; Luke xviii. 15—17, Sect. 136,) answers, and remarks upon, the young ruler, (Mat. xix. 16, to the end; xx. 1—16; Mark x. 17—31; Luke xviii. 18—30, Sect. 137, 138.) After which, on the death of Lazarus, he returns to Bethany, and raises him from the dead, (John xi. 1—46, Sect. 139, 140,) and then withdraws to Ephraim, till the approach of the FIFTH PASSOVER after his baptism, which was the last of his life: The particulars of which are related at large by the evangelists, and with the subsequent circumstances of his death, resurrection, appearances, and ascension, make up the rest of this important
for settling the chronology of our Lord’s ministry.
history: But the contents need not be inserted here, as (for any thing that appears) there is no material difference between a harmony formed on Sir Isaac’s principles or on ours.
I have taken the trouble of quoting the particular passages in each evangelist, as well as of every correspondent section in the Family Expositor, that it may be easy for any one, who desires it, to read over the whole paraphrase according to this new scheme: and also to see how it transposes the passages in question, and how it differs from what I judge to be the most exact method of disposition. And the attentive reader will easily see, that there is a difference in the order of several of the stories, and a much greater in the dates we have respectively assigned to several which are placed in the same order by both.
A repetition of all the particulars would perhaps be disagreeable; I shall therefore content myself here with observing in general, that Sir Isaac constantly follows the order of Matthew, whatever transpositions of Mark and Luke it may require, which we do not; and he also concludes there were FIVE PASSOVERS from the baptism to the death of Christ, whereas we, with the generality of harmonizers, suppose there were but FOUR. I have in my notes hinted at some considerations which determined me to the method I have taken: But it will be expected I should here at least touch upon them again, and give a view of them together; which I the rather do as they strongly illustrate each other.
The grand reason why I do not every where follow the order of Matthew, is in one word this, That both Mark and Luke do not only in several instances agree to place the stories otherwise, though we have not the least reason to think that one wrote from the other; but also that they do, one or another of them, expressly assert, “that the events in question actually happened in a different order from that in which Matthew relates them.” Whereas it is observable, that in all such cases Matthew does not so expressly assert his order, as to contradict theirs. A few instances of this may be expedient, and a few shall suffice.
Thus, though Matthew relates the cure of Peter’s mother in law, (Sect. 35,) in his viiiᵗʰ chapter, ver. 14, 15, after the sermon on the mount, and, according to Sir Isaac, some months after the call of Peter, Andrew, James, and John, which he had related chap. iv. 18—22; Mark says, this cure was immediately after they came out of the synagogue, into which they entered straitway after the call of those disciples, Mark i. 20, 21, 29.
Again, though Matthew gives us the story of Christ’s calming the sea, dispossessing Legion, and curing the paralytic, in the latter part of his viiiᵗʰ and beginning of his ixᵗʰ chapter, and does not relate the parables of the sower, tares, &c. delivered from the ship till the xiiiᵗʰ, and places so many facts between, that Sir Isaac concludes the miracles to have been wrought in
A dissertation on Sir Isaac Newton’s scheme
winter, some time before the Passover A. D. 32, and the parables not to have been delivered till about the Feast of Tabernacles, almost a year after; Mark is very punctual in assuring us, (chap. iv. 35, & seq.) that, in the evening of the same day in which the parables were delivered from the ship, Jesus calmed the sea, and dispossessed Legion; for which reason I have followed him, and placed these miracles immediately after the parables; (sect. 69, 70;) but have set that of the paralytic much higher, (sect. 45,) as both Luke and Mark connect it strongly with the cure of the leper, which Sir Isaac allows to have happened immediately after the sermon on the mount.
Matthew relates the message of John, and those subsequent discourses of our Lord, which are contained in his xth chapter, after having given us an account of the mission of the Apostles in his xth. But Luke (who more accurately distinguishes between their call, Luke vi. 13—16; and mission, Luke ix. 2—6; as Mark also does, Mark iii. 13—19; and vi. 7—13,) places this message, together with the account of several miracles on which it is founded, as well as the circuit which our Lord made with the twelve before he sent them out, and the forementioned miracles of calming the sea, dispossessing Legion, &c. between those two events, that is, the call, and actual mission, of the twelve; the one of which must in all reason be supposed considerably to precede the other; in which he also agrees with Mark, as was observed above.
Matthew also relates the story of the disciples rubbing out the ears of corn, and the cure of the withered hand, (chap. xii. 1—13,) after the mission of the twelve; whereas both Luke and Mark place which ever of those events they mention, before the choice of them; (see Mark iii. 1—6; Luke vi. 1—11;) and Luke expressly says, that choice was in those days, (Luke vi. 12, 13,) that is, at the time which followed the forementioned events.
These, and the discourse on the unpardonable sin, (sect. 61,) which we readily allow might have happened twice, are all the most material transpositions we have made; and I must submit it to the judgment of the reader, whether it be not more for the honour of the New Testament in general, to suppose that Matthew might not intend exactly to preserve the order of the history, where he asserts nothing directly concerning it, than to suppose both Mark and Luke to have mistaken it, when they so expressly declare their regard to it, as in some of these instances they do.
Sir Isaac indeed urges, that Matthew (as well as John, in whom I have made scarce any transposition,) was an eyewitness; but this can have no weight, unless it be certain, that he every where intended to observe an exact order, which, for variety of reasons or causes, many of which may be to us unknown,
for settling the chronology of our Lord’s ministry.
he might not be solicitous about.ᵇ And I cannot forbear observing, that, on this great man’s own principles, there cannot be a great deal in the argument; for, as Matthew was not called till chap. ix. 9, he could not, according to his hypothesis, have been an eye and earwitness to all the events from chap. iv. to that place; and, if (as Sir Isaac also urges,) he was sent out as one of the twelve, chap. x. init. and continued a year on his embassy, he could not be such a witness to what passed from the beginning of chap. xi. to the end of chap. xiii. where he places their return after a year’s absence: And these are the chapters, where we have made the greatest and most material transpositions, the others hardly deserving a mention.
If this branch of Sir Isaac’s argument falls to the ground, and it be not allowed that Matthew observed a strict chronological order, that part of his reasoning, by which he would fix the date of each event, must fall with it; for, if it were to be granted, that Matthew hinted at the different seasons of the year when they passed, we could not fix the chronology by that, unless we were sure, that each was such a season of a different year, and not of the same, which on this supposition we cannot assert: But I think it very easy (ex abundanti) to shew, that passages, which Sir Isaac produces as indications of the seasons, are not so, or at least do not point them out so punctually, as they ought to do, in order to justify the uses he would make of them.
One cannot but wonder, that some of the arguments, which I have now in my eye, should ever have been urged by a writer of such extraordinary discernment; as for instance, that he should conclude the sermon on the mount must be preached later than the Passover, because multitudes followed Christ in the open fields, which he says (p. 151,) was an argument of the summer season; though it is so apparent, that, when there were those five thousand men besides women and children assembled around him, whom he fed with the five loaves, the Passover was only at hand; (John vi. 4;) or that he should say, (p. 153,) the storm, mentioned Matt. viii. 23, “shews the winter was now come on,” as if there were no storms in the summer; or once more, that it must be seed time, when the parables in Matt. xiii. were delivered, “because sowing seed is mentioned in them,” (p. 154,) when it is so evident, (as I have observed elsewhere, note ᵈ on Mark iv. 3, Vol. I. p. 356,) the very same principle would prove it to be harvest, as another parable delivered the same day refers to that season.
I am not willing to swell this Dissertation; and therefore, omitting many remarks which might easily be made on other passages, I will conclude with the mention of two or three particu-
ᵇ Mr Jere. Jones has hinted at some conjectural reasons in his Vindication of the former part of St. Matthew’s Gospel: See chap. iii. p. 29-34.
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lars, which might contribute to lead this illustrious writer into some error.
One thing that has occasioned this was, his taking it for granted, (as I observed before,) that the fifteenth year of Tiberius, in which John the Baptist opened his ministry, must needs be reckoned from the death of Augustus; whereas it ought to be computed from the time, when Augustus made him his colleague in the empire. (See note b on Luke iii. 1, Vol. I. p. 98.)
Another is, his admitting the rabbinical rules for the translation of the Jewish feasts, of which we have not one word, either in the scriptures, or in Josephus, or Philo. Yet it is on this principle, that he rejects some years from the possibility of being the year of Christ’s suffering, because (as he imagines,) the Passover, two years before each, would not fall late enough to have the corn ripe on the Sabbath that succeeded the Paschal.c (See notes b and c on Luke vi. 1, Vol. I. p 280, 281.)
And, to mention no more, a third principle (which is also very precarious, and yet has much stress laid upon it in Sir Isaac’s scheme,) is, his taking it for granted, that, whenever Matthew speaks of Christ’s going about Galilee and preaching in the synagogues there, he intended to tell us, that our Lord made a circuit over all the country; which, if it were admitted, might indeed make it necessary (if Matthew’s order were to be the standard,) to suppose a longer space of time, than we or most others allow, to have passed between his entrance on his public work, and the Passover just preceding the rubbing out the ears of corn, which we own on both sides to have been two years before his death; for four circuits of this kind are mentioned, before we come to the xii-th chapter of Matthew, where the story last referred to is recorded; the first, John iv. 43, and Luke iv. 14, 15; the second, Matt. iv. 23; the third, Matt. ix. 35; and the fourth, Matt. xi. 1. But if we should grant, that his going about all Galilee in the second of these instances, and his going about all the cities and villages in the third, (though that might only be those on the shore of the Sea of Tiberius,) were to be taken ever so literally, yet his passing through Galilee in his way from Sichar to Nazareth in the first instance, and his departing, that is, setting out to teach and to preach in their cities in the fourth, can infer no such conclusion.
This might be suggested, even if Matthew’s order were to be admitted, and would invalidate the argument for protracting the years of our Lord’s ministry on that supposition; but it is to be remembered, we have produced arguments to prove, that order must sometimes be inverted, and particularly, that Christ going about all the cities and villages, (Matt. ix. 35, sect. 73,) and his departing to teach and to preach in their cities, (Matt. xi. 1, sect.
c I shall content myself with observing here, that on these principles Sir Isaac places the Passover, A. D. 31, on Wednesday, March 28; A. D. 32, on Monday, April 14; A. D. 33, on Friday, April 3; and A. D. 34, on Friday, April 23.
for settling the chronology of our Lord’s ministry.
76,) was some considerable time after the Passover, after which the ears of corn were rubbed out. (Mat. xii. 1, sect. 49.)
On the whole, I think, that, if our order be admitted, there is no part of Christ’s ministry which seems so crowded with business, as that between his last Passover but one, and the following Feast of Dedication. But here, our Harmony allows more time for the work in Galilee, than Sir Isaac, who supposes “Christ never returned thither after the Feast of Tabernacles;” (p. 157;) and I leave the reader to judge, whether, if such a variety of journeys and events must be allowed to have happened in these nine months, or according to him in six, we may not by a parity of reason, or rather with greater, comprehend all the preceding within the compass of about sixteen; especially when it is considered, that, according to Sir Isaac, that progress of our Lord, for which the apostles were intended to make way, and that after the embassy of the seventy, must be thrown into the first six months of this year, and is an extreme, and I think insurmountable, difficulty, into which we shall not be driven.d
d To make the reader more sensible of this, I shall add a brief survey of the compass of time, within which I suppose the principal events between the several Passovers of our Lord’s ministry to have happened, referring him to the following chronological table for a more exact view of them.
Events which we suppose between the first and second of our Lord’s Passovers:
Our Lord spends the summer, and beginning of the winter, in Judea; about the winter solstice passes through Samaria into Galilee; (§ 25-30;) spends the remainder of the winter and the spring in a circuit through Galilee, in which are included his visit to Nazareth, and short stay at Capernaum; and toward the close of the circuit, having preached his celebrated sermon on the mount, returns to Capernaum. (§ 31-45.)
Events between the second and third Passover.
After vindicating what passed upon rubbing out the ears of corn, and curing the withered hand, he travels to the Sea of Galilee, chooses his apostles, and makes another abode at Capernaum; visits Naim, and dismisses John’s messengers; all which might pass before the end of May; (§ 46-60;) then travels with the twelve in his train (Luke viii. 1; Matt. ix 35,) through the places near the Sea of Tiberias, perhaps during the months of June, July, and August; (§ 61-73;) and, intending a much more extensive circuit, dispatches the twelve to make way for him, and, probably setting out quickly after them, might employ six months in this part of it, (§ 74-77,) and leave sufficient time for his interview with the five thousand whom he miraculously fed, and his conference with the Scribes and Pharisees from Jerusalem before the next Passover. (§ 78-84.)
Events between Christ’s third Passover and the Feast of Dedication, which preceded his fourth.
Allowing the time between the Passover and the end of May for his journey to the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, and other places in Galilee, he might return to Dalmanutha, and feed the four thousand by that time; (§ 85, 86;) and, if subsequent events and discourses, (recorded § 87-96,) employed him till the end of June, he might then send out the seventy, and they might easily meet him at Jerusalem at the Feast of Tabernacles in September; between which,
A dissertation on Sir Isaac Newton’s scheme, &c.
I shall conclude this Dissertation with one reflection, which may perhaps be of some use to those, who have but little relish for the niceties of this inquiry: I mean, that, when we find this great master, and I had almost said, (so far as the title can be applied to a mortal man,) this great father of reason, falling into such obvious mistakes, as I have been obliged here to point out, it tends to give us an humbling idea of the imperfections of the human mind in its present state; and consequently, we may learn from it two of the most important lessons that can be imagined in social life; a caution, lest we assert our own opinions with too dogmatical an air; and a care to avoid such petulancy in censuring the mistakes of others, as if we thought none but the weakest and most contemptible of mankind were capable of being misled by the specious appearances of some inconclusive arguments; and I will venture to say, that, if Sir Isaac Newton’s error in the order of the Harmony teach us this candour, it will be a much greater benefit to us, than if he had placed every circumstance relating to it beyond all possibility of farther dispute.
and the Feast of Dedication near the end of December, we must place his last circuit in Galilee, (§ 97—127,) unless (which is possible,) we suppose it to have been begun quickly after the mission of the seventy, and so some part of July and September to have been employed in it: And indeed one cannot imagine any necessity, that all the seventy, or all the apostles, should have finished their progress, before our Lord began to follow those who were sent to the nearest places; or, if we should suppose it, and follow Sir Isaac’s scheme, we must of necessity place the two circuits, which followed these two embassies, within this space of time, as was hinted above; whereas, if we consider the journey to the coasts of Tyre and Sidon as an appendix to the former, we may (according to our scheme) assign near eight months to that grand tour of our Lord, in which he followed the twelve, which might make it convenient to dispatch that in which he followed the seventy in proportionably less time: And I believe, that, if we consider Galilee not to have been larger than three or four of our western counties, we shall more easily acquiesce in the competency of the time assigned to these visits to it.
POSTSCRIPT TO THE PRECEDING DISSERTATION.
I NEVER had, nor never took, an opportunity of looking into Dupin’s Life of Christ, till about a year ago, long after the publication of the second edition of my Paraphrase on the Evangelists; but then I found, to my agreeable surprise, a more perfect agreement between his scheme of the Harmony and mine, than I expected any where to have met with, and particularly in the story of the resurrection.
Of the 203 sections, into which I have divided the Evangelists, we differ only in the order of 29; and, as several of these are inseparably connected, there are only, on the whole, nine stories or discourses, in which there is a variety in our order.
The first, sect. 12, The wise men’s visit to Christ, which he places before the presentation, sect. 11.
The second, sect. 37—43, Matthew’s account of the Sermon on the mount, which he supposes to have been coincident with that in Luke, sect. 53, 54, which I consider as a repetition of it.
The third, sect. 69, 70, The stilling the tempest, and dispossessing Legion, which he places before the calling of Matthew, and immediately after sect. 36.
The fourth, sect. 96, Christ’s reproving John for an instance of the narrowness of his spirit, which, as a similar and undetermined fact, he subjoins to sect. 93, Christ’s checking the ambition of his disciples.
The fifth, sect. 106, The return of the seventy, which he connects with the story of their mission, sect. 97.
The sixth, sect. 118, Christ’s urging the necessity of striving for heaven, &c. which he strangely introduces between sect. 154 and 158.
The seventh, The discourses and facts, sect. 126—135, which he scatters promiscuously after sect. 105, and elsewhere.
The eighth, sect. 170, The intimation of Judas’s treachery, which he introduces after the Eucharist sect. 172.
And the last, sect. 181, The warning Christ gave of Peter’s denying him, which he joins with sect. 171, though I take them to be two different predictions of the same event.
The reader may see my reasons for the order in which I have placed most of these sections, in the notes upon them; but I cannot forbear thinking, that such a coincidence in all the rest, where the one could not write from the other, is a strong presumption in favour of both.
NUMBER II
A DISSERTATION ON THE INSPIRATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, AS PROVED FROM THE FACTS RECORDED IN THE HISTORICAL BOOKS OF IT.
NOTHING can be more evident, than that a firm and cordial belief of the INSPIRATION of the sacred scripture is of the highest moment, not only to the edification and peace of the church, but in a great measure to its very existence; for, if this be given up, the authority of the revelation is enervated, and its use destroyed; the star which is to direct our course is clouded, our compass is broke to pieces, and we are left to make the voyage of life, in sad uncertainty, amidst a thousand rocks, and shelves, and quicksands. I hope therefore, I may perform a service acceptable to God and my Christian brethren, while I endeavour, as plainly and as briefly as I can, to place some leading proofs of it in a convincing view; and I undertake the task the more willingly, as in the Preface to the first volume of this work, I laid myself under an obligation (several years ago) to attempt something of this kind, and have often been reminded of it by persons for whom I have the highest regard.
I then proposed to handle the subject in a few sermons, to be added to those, long since published, on the evidences of the gospel. But, on a review of that particular connection, which the argument I am here to pursue has with the History of the New Testament, I apprehended, it could no where appear better, than at the end of my Exposition on the books which contain it. The reader will, I hope, recollect, that, in the sermons just now mentioned, I have endeavoured to demonstrate the truth of that history; and every year convinces me more and more of the unanswerable force of the evidence there displayed. It is with great pleasure that I reflect on the divine blessing, which hath seemed to attend those discourses; and it is a great encouragement to me to hope, that what I am now to offer may be a means of establishing some of my readers in that regard to the sacred oracles, which will be their best preservative against the errors, and the vices, of that licentious age in which Providence hath cast our lot, whereby our fidelity and our zeal are brought to a trial, which few ages but those of martyrdom could have afforded.
It will be my business, first, to state the nature of INSPIRATION in general, and of that kind of it, which (as I apprehend) we are to ascribe to the New Testament: I shall then prove, that it was undoubtedly written by such inspiration; and after this, I shall briefly hint at the influence, which this important truth ought always to have upon our temper and conduct; by enforcing
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament, &c.
which, I apprehend, I shall take the best method to promote a growing persuasion of the truth I am labouring to establish.
I will only premise, That I do not intend this, as a full discussion of the subject, but only as such a compendious view of the chief proofs, as may suit the place in which it stands, and as may, from the easiest and plainest principles, give rational satisfaction to the minds of common Christians, who have not leisure, nor perhaps ability, to enter into all the niceties of theological and scholastical controversy.
I shall state the nature of INSPIRATION, and of that kind of it, which we are to ascribe to the New Testament.
In this I shall be more particular, as I apprehend, the want of a sufficient accuracy here has occasioned some confusion in the reasoning of several worthy persons, who have treated this important subject more largely, than I must here allow myself to do. I shall not, however, criticise on their account of the matter, but plainly lay down what seems to me intelligible, right, and safe.
By INSPIRATION in general, I would be understood to mean, “Any supernatural influence of God upon the mind of a rational creature, whereby it is formed to any degree of intellectual improvement, beyond what it would, at that time, and in those circumstances, have attained in a natural way, that is, by the usual exercise of its faculties, unassisted by any special divine interposition.” Thus, if a man were instantaneously enabled to speak a language which he had never learned, how possible soever it might have been for him to have obtained an equal readiness in it by degrees, I believe few would scruple to say, that he owed his acquaintance with it to a divine inspiration; or, if he gave a true and exact account of what was doing at a distance, and published a particular relation of what he neither saw nor heard, as some of the prophets did, all the world would own, (if the affair were too complex, and the account too circumstantial, to be the result of a lucky guess,) that he must be inspired with the knowledge of it, though another account equally exact, given by a person on the spot, would be ascribed to no inspiration at all.
But of this supernatural influence on the minds of men, forming them to such extraordinary intellectual improvements and abilities, there are various sorts and degrees, which it will be of importance for us accurately to distinguish from each other.
If a person be discoursing either in word or writing, and God do miraculously watch over his mind, and, however secretly, direct it in such a manner, as to keep him more secure from error in what he speaks or writes, than he could have been merely by
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
the natural exercise of his faculties, I should say, he was inspired, even though there should be no extraordinary marks of high genius in the work, or even though another person, with a stronger memory, or relating a fact more immediately after it happened, might naturally have recounted it with equal exactness. Yet still, if there was in this case any thing miraculous, we must, on the principles above, allow an inspiration; and I would call this, to distinguish it from other and higher degrees, an inspiration of superintendency.
If this influence should act in such a degree, as absolutely to exclude all mixture of error in a declaration of doctrines or facts so superintended, we might then call it a plenary superintending inspiration, or, as I would choose for popular use to express myself in this discourse, a full inspiration.
Now it will from hence follow, (and I desire that it may be seriously attended to,) that a book, the contents of which are entirely true, may be said to be written by a full inspiration, even though it contain many things which the author might have known and recorded merely by the use of his natural faculties, if there be others which he did not so well know, or could not without miraculous assistance have so exactly recollected; or if, on the whole, a freedom from all error would not in fact have been found, unless God had thus superintended or watched over his mind and pen. And, in regard to such a production, it would be altogether impertinent and insignificant to inquire, how far did natural memory or natural reason operate, and in what particular facts or doctrines did supernatural agency prevail: It is enough, if I know that what the author says or writes is true, though I know not particularly how he came by this or that truth; for my obligation to receive it arises from its being known truth, and not merely from its being made known this or that way. And should God miraculously assure me, that any particular writing contained nothing but the truth; and should He at the same time tell me, it had been drawn up without any miraculous assistance at all, though I could not then call it inspired, I should be as much obliged to receive and submit to it on its being thus attested by God, as if every single word had been immediately dictated by him.
It will farther follow from what is said above, that a book may be written by such full inspiration as I have described, though, the author being left to the choice of his own words, phrases, and manner, there may be some imperfection in the style and method, provided the whole contents of it are true; if the subject be so important, as to make it consistent with the divine wisdom
- It is very evident, that the learned Maimonides thought this to be the case with regard to the prophets, though I think it least of all to be apprehended in such oracles. See Maimon. Mor. Nov. lib. ii. cap. 29.
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
miraculously to interpose, to preserve an entire credibility as to the exact truth of facts recorded, and doctrines delivered as divine. If indeed God were represented as declaring such a book to be intended by him as an exact standard for logic, oratory, or poetry, every apparent defect in either would be an internal objection against it. But if it be represented only as intended to teach us truth, in order to its having a proper influence on our temper and actions, such defects would no more warrant or excuse our rejecting its authority, than the want of a ready utterance or a musical voice would excuse our disregard to a person, who should bring us competent evidence of his being a messenger from God to us.
I have been more particular in stating this kind of inspiration, because it is that which I shall endeavour to assert to the sacred books of the New Testament, and this without any exception or limitation, as they came out of the hands of the apostles; though I allow it is possible they may, in this or that particular copy, and in some minuter instances which now perhaps affect all our remaining copies, have suffered something by the injuries of time, or the negligence of transcribers, as well as printers: Which, that they have in some particulars suffered, it as notorious a fact, as that there is a written or a printed copy of them in the world; yet is at the same time a fact which no man of common sense or honesty can seriously urge against their authority.
Though it be the main point in my view, to prove that the New Testament is written under that kind of inspiration which I have been explaining, I must nevertheless beg leave to mention two other kinds, of which divines often speak, and which do also in a considerable degree belong to many parts of scripture, though I think it neither expedient, material, nor safe, to assert that they run through the whole of it: I mean, an inspiration of elevation, and of suggestion.
The former (as its name plainly intimates) prevails, where the faculties, though they act in a regular, and, as it seems, a common manner, are nevertheless elevated or raised to some extraordinary degree, so that the performance is more truly sublime, noble, and pathetic, than what would have been produced merely by the force of a man’s natural genius. As for the particular degree of the divine agency, where there is indeed something of this inspiration, perhaps neither the person that is under it, nor any other creature, may be able confidently to pronounce concerning it. Perhaps, nothing less penetrating than the eye of God himself, may be able universally to distinguish that narrow line which divides what is natural from what is supernatural, in all the productions and powers of imagination, reasoning, and language, or in the effects and powers of memory under the former head. It is a curiosity, in the minute particulars of
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
which we are not at all concerned; as it is the same God which, whether naturally or miraculously, worketh all and in all. (1 Cor. xii. 6.) But if any excellency in the performance itself can speak it to be more than human, productions of this sort are to be found in scripture; and the rank and education of some of the sacred penmen render the hand of God peculiarly conspicuous in the sublimity and lustre of their writings. What the gifts of the Spirit may in every age of the church have done, by operations of this kind, we know not. And I think it would be presumptuous absolutely to deny, that God might act in some extraordinary degree on some of the heathen writers, to produce those glorious works of antiquity which have been, under the direction of his Providence, so efficacious on the one hand to transmit the evidences of divine revelation, and on the other to illustrate the necessity of it: In consequence of which I cannot forbear saying by the way, that I think they who are intimately acquainted with them, are of all men upon earth the most inexcusable in rejecting Christianity. But our inability to mark out the exact boundaries between nature and an extraordinary divine agency, is not much to be regretted; since it does not appear to be the design of Providence, by such elevations of sentiment, style, and manner, by any means to bear testimony to the person adorned with them, as a messenger sent to speak in his name; which may as effectually be done in the plainest and simplest forms of expression, without any thing which looks like the heightenings of art, or the sparklings of an extraordinary genius.
The other, which divines have called immediate suggestion, is the highest and most extraordinary kind of inspiration, and takes place when the use of our faculties is superseded, and God does as it were speak directly to the mind; making such discoveries to it as it could not otherwise have obtained, and dictating the very words in which these discoveries are to be communicated to others: So that a person, in what he writes from hence, is no other than, first, the auditor, and then (if I may be allowed the expression) the secretary of God; as John was of our Lord Jesus Christ, when he wrote from his sacred lips the seven epistles to the Asiatic churches. And it is, no doubt, to an inspiration of this kind that the book of the Revelation owes its original.
It is evident from the definitions above, that there may be a full superintendency where neither of the latter kinds of inspiration (of elevation or suggestion) take place: But I think we must necessarily allow, that an inspiration of suggestion, so far as it goes, must also imply a full superintendency in recording the history of what has been seen or heard in any prophetic vision, when it is necessary to make a report of it. For as it would, on the one hand, be impious to imagine, that the blessed God would dictate a falsehood to any of his creatures; so neither can we
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
suppose it consistent with the divine wisdom, to suffer the prophet, through infirmity, to err in delivering a message with which he had expressly charged him; and which would be given in vain, so far as there was a failure in the exact delivery of it.
Besides the last book of the New Testament, I mean the Revelation, which I have already mentioned in this view, it seems evident to me that some other parts of it were given by such a suggestion; seeing there are so many predictions interspersed, and so many mysteries revealed, which lay entirely beyond the ken of any human, or perhaps angelic mind. But that this is applicable to all the history of it, or to all things contained in its epistolary parts, I choose not to assert. For as it cannot be necessary to its entire credibility, (which nothing can more effectually secure than a full superintendency,) it would subject us to many difficulties, which have been so forcibly urged by others, that it is not necessary for me here to repeat them. But I am well assured, that the apparent insufficiency of the answers which have been returned to these objections, by some very sincere, but I think in this instance, less judicious defenders of scripture, has led some people to conclude, that the scripture was not inspired at all; as if it had been on both sides agreed, that an universal suggestion was the only kind of inspiration worth contending about. The consequence of this hath been, that such as are dissatisfied with the arguments which these defenders of the divine authority of the scripture insist upon, read the scriptures, (if they read them at all,) not to learn their authentic dictates, but to try the sentiments contained in them by the touchstone of their own reason, and to separate what that shall allow to be right, from what it presumptuously concludes to be wrong. And this boasted standard has been so very defective, that on this mistaken notion they have not only rejected many of the most vital truths of Christianity, but even some essential principles of natural religion. And thus they have in effect annihilated the Christian revelation, at the very same time that they have acknowledged the historical truth of the facts on which it is built. This is the body of men, that have affected to call themselves cautious believers; but their character is so admirably well described under that of Agrippa, by my honoured friend Dr. Watts, in his little treatise called the Redeemer and Sanctifier, that it may be sufficient here to have hinted it thus briefly; as the reason, why out of regard to them as well as others, I have resumed the subject of inspiration, and endeavoured to place it in what I do in my conscience apprehend to be both a safe and a rational light.
That I may remedy, so far as God shall enable me to do it, the great and destructive evil I have just been mentioning, and may establish in the minds of Christians a due regard to the sacred oracles of eternal truth, I shall now proceed to the second part of this discourse: In which,
VOL. 3.
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
I am to shew, how evidently the full inspiration of the New Testament, in the sense stated above, follows from the acknowledged truth of the history which it contains, in all its leading and most important facts.
But before I proceed to the discussion of the matter, I must beg leave to observe, that though this is what I apprehend to be the grand argument, and that which may most properly be connected with an exposition of the historical books, I am very far from slighting those other arguments which fall not so directly in my way here.
I greatly revere the testimony of the primitive Christian writers, not only to the real existence of the sacred books in those early ages, but also to their divine original: Their persuasion of which most evidently appears from the veneration with which they speak of them, even while miraculous gifts remained in the church; and consequently, an exact attendance to a written rule might seem less absolutely necessary, and the authority of inferior teachers might approach nearer to that of the apostles. I believe every candid reader will acknowledge, that nothing can be objected to many strong passages in Clemens Romanus, Polycarp, Justin Martyr, Irenæus, Theophilus Antiochenus, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, and some other ancient writers he has mentioned that are now lost. It is needless to produce them here, after those valuable specimens of them which Dr. Whitby and Mons. du Pin have given; and especially considering what my learned friend Dr. Lardner has with so much industry and accuracy of judgment collected on this head in the second part of his Credibility of the Gospel History. I shall therefore content myself with observing here, that several of the most learned and considerable of these ancients speak of this veneration for the sacred writings of the New Testament, not as the result of their own private judgment, but as that in which all the churches were unanimously agreed.b
b Thus Origen says, (Philocal. cap. xii. p. 41,) Δι σι, — α: τιςθ’ παρε-διξασθαι, δι’ διοτινυςι ισιν, “That, if a man would not confess himself to be an infidel, he must admit the inspiration of the scriptures:” And he elsewhere places the gospels in the number of writings, “which were received as divine by all the churches of God, and were the elements, or first principles, of the church’s faith: Εν πασαι; ικκλησιας Θικ τιςτιςυμιναι υιαι Θιων, — Στοιχμα της τιςτας της ικκλησιας. Tertullian also lays it down as a fundamental principle in disputing with heretics, “That the truth of doctrines is to be determined by scripture;” for the question has evidently the force of a strong negation: Aliunde scilicet loqui possunt de rebus fidei, nisi ex litteris fidei? (de Præstrip. Haret. cap xv —) And Eusebius quotes a much more ancient writer than himself, (Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. v. cap 28,) who calls the scripture τιςτας αρχαιες καιςια, “the rule of ancient faith;” and who afterwards speaking of heretics, declares, “That, if they denied the scriptures to be divinely inspired, they were infidels.” The expression is remarkable; but, having transcribed it in Vol. I. p. 7, note 1, I shall not insert it here.
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
The internal characters of divine inspiration, with which every page of the New Testament abounds, do also deserve our attentive notice; and render the book itself, if considered as detached from all external evidence whatsoever, a compendious demonstration of its own sacred original, and consequently of the certainty of that religion which it teaches. The excellency of its doctrines, the spirituality and elevation of its design, the majesty and simplicity of its style, the agreement of its parts in the most unsuspicious manner, with its more than human efficacy on the hearts and consciences of men, do all concur to give us a very high idea of the New Testament: And I am persuaded, that the wiser and better any man is, and the more familiarly he converses with these unequalled books, the more will he be struck with this evidence. But these things in the general are better felt than expressed, and several of the arguments arise not from particular passages, but from the general tenor of the books; and consequently they cannot be judged of but by a serious and attentive perusal.
Dismissing therefore these topics, not with neglect but with the sincerest expressions of just and high veneration, I now proceed to that grand proof of the inspiration of the New Testament, which is derived from the credibility of its leading facts; which having so fully illustrated in the sermons referred to above, I think I have a just title to assume as the foundation of what farther reasonings may occur.
Admitting this great principle, it is undeniably certain, That Jesus of Nazareth was a most extraordinary person: That after having been foretold by many prophets in distant periods of time, he was at length, agreeably to the repeated declaration of an angel, first to a priest ministering at the golden altar in the temple, and then to his mother, conceived by a virgin of David’s family: That his birth was proclaimed by a choir of angels, who celebrated it in celestial anthems, as the foundation of peace on earth, and the most glorious display of divine benevolence to men: That, before his public appearance, a person greater than any of the prophets, and whose birth had also been foretold by an angel, was sent to prepare his way: That, on his being baptized, he was anointed with a wonderful effusion of the Spirit, poured down upon him by a visible symbol; and that the efficacy of this sacred agent, continually residing in him, was apparent throughout the whole course of his ministry, not only in the unspotted sanctity of his life, amidst a thousand most violent temptations, and in the bright assemblage of virtues and graces which shone in it, with a lustre before unknown, and since absolutely unparalleled; but also in a multitude of various works of wonder and mercy, which he miraculously wrought on those whose diseases were of the most desperate and incurable nature,
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
and even on the dead, whom that almighty voice of his, which had driven out the fiercest infernal spirits, and calmed the rage of tempests, did with serene majesty awaken into life, as from a slumber. It is also on the same foundation certain, That this illustrious person, having by the malice of his enemies been most unjustly and cruelly put to death, did on the third day arise from the dead: And that, after having given to his disciples the most abundant proofs of that important fact, he at length ascended to heaven gradually in their sight; angels appearing to assure them, he should as visibly descend from thence to the universal judgment, the administration of which he had declared to be committed to him.
I must freely declare, that had I been an entire stranger to the sacred history, and proceeded no farther in it than this, (supposing me firmly to have believed all these wonderful things, though delivered in the shortest abstract that could have been made of them,) I should readily have concluded, that this extraordinary person, being sent (as it plainly appears from the history that he was) with a divine revelation for the benefit of all nations and of all ages, had taken care to leave some authentic records of the doctrine which he taught. And if I had farther found, that he had left no such records written by himself, I should naturally have concluded, that he took effectual care that some of his followers should be enabled to deliver down to posterity the system of religion which he taught in the most accurate manner; with all such extraordinary assistance from God, as the nature of the subject required, in order to rendering their accounts exact. And I believe every reasonable man would draw this inference; because it is very apparent that the great end of this vast and astonishing apparatus, (for vast and astonishing it would appear, if what relates to Jesus alone were taken into the survey,) must in the nature of things be frustrated, if no such records were provided; it being morally impossible that unwritten tradition should convey a system of religion pure and uncorrupted, even to the next generation; and much more, that it should so convey it to the end of time. And it would seem, so far as we can judge, by no means worthy the divine wisdom to suffer the good effects of such a great and noble plan to be lost for want of so easy an expedient; especially since men of the age and country in which these things happened, were not only blessed with the use of letters, but were remarkable for their application to them, and for great proficiency in various branches of learning. And if I should not only have an abstract of this history of Jesus, which I judged credible, but should also be so happy as to have the Four Gospels in my hand, with convincing evidences of their being genuine, (which we here suppose,) I should on these principles assuredly argue, That not only the leading facts, but likewise the system of doctrines and discourses delivered in them, might entirely be de-
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
pended upon: Nor could I conceive the truth of such doctrines and discourses to be separable from the general truth of the leading facts referred to above; having (as I here suppose) proper evidences to convince me, that the penmen of these books were the persons by whom the memory of these events was to be delivered down to posterity; which is a farther principle that none of common sense and modesty can pretend to contest; none appearing as their competitors whose pretensions are worthy to be named.
But my apprehension of the full authenticness and credibility of these writers would, on the supposition I am here making, greatly increase, as I proceeded to that excellent and useful book which the good providence of God has now given me an opportunity of illustrating; the Acts of the holy Apostles; since I learn from thence, that, in a very few days after the ascension of Jesus into heaven, the Spirit of God was, according to his promise, poured out upon his apostles in an abundant manner, attended with the visible appearance of a lambent celestial flame; and that, in consequence of this amazing unction, the poor fishermen of Galilee, and their companions, were in a moment enabled to speak, with the greatest readiness and propriety, Latin, Greek, Arabic, Coptic, Persic, and a variety of other languages, the first rudiments of which they had never learnt, and also to perform all kinds of miracles, equal to those of their Master, and in some circumstances superior to them. My veneration for the writings of these men (and I here suppose, I know those of the New Testament to be so) must be unparalleled, when I think who and what they were; and I am so struck with this plain, but divinely powerful argument, that I must entreat my reader to review with me, a little more particularly, some of the actions and circumstances of these holy men, to whose writings I am labouring to conciliate his unreserved regard.
Let them all be considered, as preaching the gospel in that extraordinary manner on the day of Pentecost, and a few days after, when some of their companions had been seized and threatened by the Sanhedrim, as anointed again with such an effusion of the Spirit, as shook the very house in which they were, and inspired them all at once with the same sublime hymn of praise. Let them be considered, as afterwards led out of prison by an angel, and commanded by him to go and preach the gospel in the temple, under the remarkable phraseology of the words of this life, as if the whole life and happiness of the human race depended on their knowing and receiving it. Nor let us here forget that extraordinary power, common to all the apostles, of communicating the miraculous gifts of the Spirit by the imposition of their hands. Had we nothing particular to say of any one, more than these grand things which we hear of them all, it must surely command
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
our reverence to their writings, and set them at a vast distance from any of merely human original.
But through the singular providence of God it hath so happened, that we have the most particular history of the lives of those apostles, to whose writings we are generally most indebted; I mean, John, Peter, and Paul.
With respect to John we know, that, besides the concern he had in the cure of the lame man, he was favoured with the visions of God in the Isle of Patmos, where our Lord, after an abode of more than half a century on the throne of his glory at his Father’s right hand; did him the unequalled honour to use him as his amanuensis or secretary, expressly dictating to him the letters he was pleased to send to the seven churches in Asia. How easily then may we suppose him so to have presided over his other writings, as to have secured him from mistakes in them!
Consider Peter, as striking Ananias and Sapphira dead with a word; as curing, by the like powerful word, one cripple at Jerusalem and another at Lydda, and calling back Dorcas even from the dead. Let us view him in that grand circumstance, of being marked out so particularly by an angel to Cornelius, and sent to him as the oracle of God himself, from whom that worthy and honourable person was to hear words, by which he and all his house should be saved; and after this let us view him, as once more delivered out of the hand of Herod, and from all the expectation of the people of the Jews, by an angel, who struck off his chains, and opened the doors of his prison the very night before he was to have been executed. And let any one, with these particulars in his eye, added to the foregoing in which he shared with all his brethren, say, what more could be necessary to prove the divine inspiration of what he taught, so far as inspiration was requisite to render it entirely authentic; or let any one farther say, upon what imaginable pretence the authority of his writings can be denied, if that of his preaching be granted.
And to mention no more, let Paul, that great scribe instructed in the kingdom of heaven, to whose pen we owe so many invaluable epistles be considered in the same view; and let us endeavour to impress our minds with the various scenes through which we know he passed, and the distinguished favours with which his Master honoured him, that we may judge, how we are to receive the instructions of his pen. Let us therefore think of him, as so miraculously called by the voice of Christ to the profession of his gospel, when he was persecuting it even to the death; as receiving a full and distinct revelation of that glorious, but to him quite unknown gospel, by the immediate inspiration of its divine author, which is a fact he expressly witnesses, and in which he could not possibly be mistaken. Think of the lustre of those astonishing works which shone around him wherever he went, and of those wrought in his favour, which shewed him so eminently
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
the care of Heaven: dæmons ejected; distempers cured, sometimes with a touch, and sometimes without, by a garment sent from him to the patient; his motions guided from place to place by a divine oracle; Elymas struck blind for opposing him; his bands loosed by an earthquake; his strength and vigour instantaneously restored, when the rage of the mutable and barbarous populace at Lystra had stoned him and left him for dead; and to add no more, his safety in a shipwreck, with that of near three hundred more in the same vessel for his sake, promised by an angel, and accomplished without the loss of a single person, when they had expected nothing but an universal ruin. Let us, I say, think of Paul in these circumstances; and with these facts full in our view, let us judge, whether it is at all probable, yea whether it be morally possible, that a man, sent out and attended with such credentials as these, should be so left of God, amidst all these tokens of his constant care, as to mingle error with sound doctrine, and his own fancies with the divine revelations, which we are sure he received; or whether, if he were not left to such effects of human frailty in his preaching, but might have been regarded by his hearers with entire credit, he would be left to them in those writings, by which he was (as it were) to preach to all future generations of men from one end of the world to the other, and by which, being dead, he yet speaketh, in all languages, and to all Christian assemblies.
I cannot forbear thinking this plain argument, so well adapted to popular use, abundantly sufficient to carry conviction to every candid mind, in proportion to the degree of its attention and penetration. And I am almost afraid, that some should think I have bestowed an unnecessary labour, thus particularly to state a matter, which hath such a flood of light poured in upon it from almost every page of the sacred story. But I have been obliged, in the course of this exposition, to meditate much on these facts; and under the deep impression I could not but speak, as out of the fullness of my heart.
Yet after all I have already said, I should be very unjust to this argument, if I did not endeavour to represent to my reader, how much it is strengthened on the one hand by the express and comprehensive promises which our Redeemer made to his apostles, and on the other by the peculiar language in which the apostles themselves speak of their preaching and writings, and the high regard they challenge to each; a regard, which nothing could justify them in demanding, but a consciousness that they were indeed under a full inspiration.
The promises of our Lord Jesus Christ must undoubtedly have a very great weight with all that have reflected on that indisputable testimony, which God himself bore to him in numberless
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
instances. And therefore, though they are so very well known, I must beg leave not only to refer to them, but to recite the chief of them at large; and I entreat the reader to consider, how he can reconcile them with an apprehension, that our Lord Jesus Christ did at the same time intend to leave the persons to whom he made such promises, liable to mistake both in facts and doctrines, and, being deceived themselves, to mislead such as should depend upon their testimony, where they professed themselves to be thoroughly informed.
In that copious and excellent discourse, which our Lord addressed to the apostles, just before he quitted the guest chamber to go to the garden of Gethsemane, (that is, but a few hours before his death,) the grand consolation he urges to his sorrowful disciples is this, that he would send his spirit upon them. The donation of which Spirit is represented, as the first fruits of Christ’s intercession, when after so long an absence, and such terrible sufferings, he should be restored to his Father’s embraces. This is spoken of as the first petition preferred by him, and the first favour granted to his church for his sake; (John xiv. 16,) I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another Comforter, that he may abide with you for ever. Yea, Christ declares, (and he could not be mistaken in it,) that the agency of this Spirit should so abundantly counterbalance all the advantages they received from his bodily presence, that, strong as their affection to him was, they would in that view have reason to rejoice in his leaving them: (John xvi. 7,) I tell you the truth, that is, I say what may be depended upon as a most important certainty, (and very important indeed such a representation was,) it is expedient for you that I go away; for if I go not away, the Comforter will not come unto you; but if I depart, I will send him unto you. Now from these expressions, were they alone, I think we might probably infer, that the apostles, after having received the Spirit, would be in no more danger of erring in their writings, than they would have been, if Jesus himself had been always near them, to inform them concerning any fact or doctrine, of which they might have occasion to speak.
This is farther confirmed by the title which is given him no less than thrice in this discourse, the Spirit of truth, almost in a breath with these great and weighty circumstances, that he should abide with them for ever; (John xiv. 16, 17;) that he should guide them into all truth; that he should teach them all things, yea and shew them things to come; (John xvi. 13;) which must surely secure them from any danger of erring in relating things that were past. But, lest any one should be perverse enough to dispute the consequence, our Lord particularly mentions this effect of the Spirit’s operation, that they should thereby be fitted to bear a testimony to him, as those who had long been conversant with him, and whose memories were miraculously assisted in recollect-
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
ing those discourses which they had heard from him : (John xv. 26, 27:) When the comforter is come, whom I will send unto you from the Father, even the spirit of truth, which proceedeth from the Father, he shall testify of me; and ye also (being so assisted) shall bear witness, because ye have been with me from the beginning. And again, (John xiv. 26,) The Holy Ghost shall teach you all things, and bring all things to your remembrance, whatsoever I have said unto you.
Soon after this our Lord, on the very day in which he rose from the dead, in a dependance on the aids of this promised Spirit, gives them a commission, which nothing but its plenary inspiration could have answered, or have qualified them to fulfil; for coming to them, he declares, (John xx. 21,) As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you: And upon this he breathed upon them, and said, Receive ye the Holy Ghost: Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained; which, whether it signifies a power of inflicting and removing miraculous punishments, or of authoritatively declaring that sins were in particular instances forgiven or retained, must either way suppose such a constant presence of Christ with them, as it is hard, or rather impossible, to reconcile with supposing them to err in what they wrote for the instruction of the church in succeeding ages.
These are the grand passages, on which I rest this part of the argument; yet I think, I ought not to omit those, in which Christ promises them such extraordinary assistance of the Spirit, while defending his cause in the presence of magistrates; and it is the more proper to mention them, as the language in which they are made is so remarkable. On this occasion then he tells them, (Mat. x. 19, 20,) When they deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye shall speak; for it shall be given you in that same hour what ye shall speak, for it is not you that speak, but the Spirit of your Father that speaketh in you. May we not therefore on the same principles conclude, that, when they were to write for the use of all future generations of Christians, it was not so much they who wrote, as the Spirit of the Father, who in effect wrote by them, and as it were dictated to them? For the occasion will surely appear as important in one instance as in the other; or rather much more important in the latter than in the former, as an error in their writings would have a much more extensive and lasting influence, than a slip of their tongues in a transient pleading before a magistrate. Nay, to give this argument the greatest possible weight, we find that the same promise was made, almost in the very same words, (Luke xii. 11, 12,) to persons in the dignity of their office inferior to the apostles; I mean, to the seventy; which might have entitled their writings to such a regard, as I am now labouring to engage to those of their superiors.
VOL. 3.
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
I shall only farther remind the reader, that our Lord, when just ascending to heaven, refers to that effusion of the Spirit which was quickly after to happen, even before they departed from Jerusalem, as the æra, from whence the grand accomplishment of the promises relating to the aids of the Spirit was to be dated. (See Luke xxiv. 49; Acts i. 4, 5.) And, as all the apostolical writings which now remain were written several years after that event, it plainly proves, they lie within the period, in which they were to expect all the assistance which these promises import.
The most plausible objection, which can be urged against the application of these promises to the matter now before us, is this: “That these promises only refer to the supernatural assistance, granted to the apostles on great and pressing occasions; but that they might easily, without such assistance, have written a true account of the life and preaching of Christ, and of such other facts as they record, and consequently, that their historical writings at least, how credible soever we suppose them, might be drawn up without any inspiration at all.”
To this I might reply, that if it be allowed that the apostles, in the books which we have been endeavouring to explain, wrote the exact truth, and that in their epistles they have made a right and unerring representation of the revelation with which they were charged, so that we may safely make their writings a rule both of faith and practice, the remaining question would only be about the propriety of using the word inspiration when speaking of them, and therefore would, on the principles I have laid down above, be comparatively of small importance. Yet I think it easy, in that view of the question, to prove that these writings could not have been thus entirely credible, if they had not been written under such a full inspiration of superintendency, as is stated in the first part of this discourse.
I do indeed allow, and no candid man can dispute it, that the penmen of the New Testament, supposing them able to write at all, might merely by the natural exercise of their memory, under the direction of the common sense and reason of men, have given us a plain, faithful, and very useful account of many extraordinary scenes to which they had been witnesses during the time they conversed with Jesus on earth, and in which they were active after his ascension. And I cannot forbear saying, that supposing the truth of the grand leading facts, (as that Jesus of Nazareth taught a doctrine confirmed by miracles, and was himself raised from the dead,) I should have esteemed such writings, supposing them merely an honest account of what such men must have known, to be beyond all comparison the most valuable records of antiquity. But, when these writings came to be perused, it is evident to me from the particular contents of them, that honest and worthy men would never have pretended to have written
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
in such a manner, if they had not been conscious of superior direction, and extraordinary divine influence.
For the historians of whom we speak do not merely give us a very circumstantial account of actions, as what journeys Christ made, what miracles he performed, in what manner he was received, where and how he died, and rose again, and ascended into heaven; but they do also, as we may reasonably expect they should, give us an account of the doctrine he taught; and indeed, if they had not done this, the knowledge of his story, amazing as it is, would have been but an unprofitable amusement to us. Nor do they content themselves with giving us a short summary of his doctrine, or a view of the religion he intended to introduce, as the general result of their having attended so long on his instructions; but they presume to tell us his very words. And here, they do not merely relate some short sayings, the remarkable poignancy of which, or their propriety to the circumstances in which they were spoken, might have struck the memory with a peculiar force; but they insert long discourses, which he made on public occasions, though they do not pretend, that he left any copies of them, or that they themselves took them from any written memoirs whatsoever; and it is worth our notice, that (besides the many shorter sayings and replies with which the history is interspersed,) near one half of the four gospels is taken up with the insertion of these discourses.
Now it was highly necessary, that, if these speeches of our Lord were recorded at all, they should be recorded with great exactness; for many of them relate to the system of doctrines which he came to teach, and others of them are predictions of future events, referring to a great variety of curious circumstances, where a small mistake might greatly have affected the credit of the prediction, and with it the cause of Christianity in general: so that common prudence would have taught the apostles to wave them, rather than pretend to deliver them to posterity, if they had not been sure they could have done it exactly.
But how could they have expected to have done this, merely by the natural strength of their own memories, unless we imagine each of them to be a prodigy in that respect, to which no one of them makes the least shadow of a pretence? It is well known, that several of those speeches of Christ which Matthew and John give us, (not now to mention the other evangelists,) contain several pages, and some of them cannot be deliberately and decently read over in less than a quarter of an hour. Now I believe, if my reader would make the experiment on any thing of that length which he read or heard yesterday, or even on one of those dis-
If my computation does not deceive me, 93 of our 203 sections are taken up thus; and some of them are long sections too: and the number of verses contained in these discourses, to that of the whole, is as about 1700 to 3779, which is the number of verses in the four gospels.
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
courses of Christ, though perhaps he has read or heard it an hundred times, he would find, on a careful examination, many things would probably be omitted; many transposed; many expressed in a different manner; and were he to write a copy of such a discourse from his memory, and then critically to compare it with the original, he would find the sense, in many particulars where there was some general resemblance, more different than he could perhaps have imagined; and variations, which at first seemed but inconsiderable, would appear greatly to affect the sense, when they came to be more nicely reviewed. If this would so probably be the case with ninety nine out of a hundred of mankind, (and I certainly speak within compass,) when a discourse to be repeated had been delivered but a day or an hour before, what could be expected from the apostles with an interval of so many years, and especially from John, who has, in proportion to the length of his gospel, recorded more speeches than any of the rest, and wrote them (if we may credit the most authentic tradition,) more than half a century after our Lord’s ascension?
This argument would have great weight, with relation to a man whose life was ever so peaceful, and his affairs contracted in the narrowest sphere: But it will be greatly strengthened, when we come to consider the multitude and variety of scenes, and those too the most interesting that can be imagined, through which the apostles passed. When we consider all their labours, and their cares; the journeys they were continually taking; the novelty of objects perpetually surrounding them; and, above all, the persecutions and dangers to which they were daily exposed; and the strong manner in which the mind is struck, and the memory of past circumstances erased, by such occurrences; I cannot conceive that any reader will be so unreasonable, as to imagine these things could have been written with any exactness by the apostles, if they had not been miraculously assisted in recording them. And what is particularly mentioned by the last of these writers, of the promised agency of the Spirit to bring to their remembrance all things they had heard from Christ himself, (John xiv. 26,) must I think incontestably prove that this was one purpose for which the Spirit was given; and therefore, we may be sure that it was a purpose for which it was needed.
I hope I have by this time convinced my reader, that it is agreeable to the other circumstances of the apostles’ story, and to the promises which our Lord so largely and so frequently made to them, (and the frequent repetition of the promise strongly intimates the importance of it,) to suppose that they were indeed favoured with a full inspiration in their writings.
But, to complete the argument, it must be observed, That these holy men (for such the history plainly shews them to have been) assume to themselves such an authority, and speak of their
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
own discourses and writings in such peculiar language, as nothing but a consciousness of such inspiration could warrant, or even excuse.
To make us duly sensible of the force of this argument, let us hear Paul, Peter, and John, and we shall find the remark applicable to them all; though, as St. Paul wrote much more than either of the latter, we may naturally expect to find the most frequent instances of it in his writings.
When the apostle Paul had taken notice to the Corinthians, that the subject of his preaching was the wisdom of God in a mystery, and related to things which transcended the sense and imagination of men, he adds, (1 Cor. ii. 10.) But God hath revealed them to us by his Spirit; for the Spirit searcheth all things, even the deep things of God: And again, (ver. 12.) We have received, not the Spirit of the world, so as to act in that artful way which a regard to secular advantage dictates; but the Spirit which is of God, that we may know the things that are freely given us of God. Now, it is natural to conclude from hence, that this knowledge being given them not merely or chiefly for themselves, but for the church, (in which view they speak of themselves and their office as the gift of God to the church; compare Eph. iv. 11, 12; and 1 Cor. iii. 21—23.) they should be assisted to communicate it in a proper manner; since otherwise the end of God in giving it to them would be frustrated. But the apostle does not content himself with barely suggesting this, but he asserts it in the most express terms, (1 Cor. ii. 13.) Which things also we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth, that is, not with a vain ostentation of human eloquence, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth; comparing spiritual things with spiritual, or, as some would render and paraphrase it, adapting spiritual expressions to spiritual things.ᵈ And in the close of the chapter, when with a noble freedom, in a consciousness of the distinguished character he bore, he puts the question to the whole world besides; Who hath known the mind of the Lord? he adds, But we have the mind of Christ. Which last clause plainly determines the sense in which we are to take those words at the close of chap. vii. And I think also that I have the Spirit of God;ᵉ that is, “I certainly appear to have it;” or, “it is evident and apparent, that my pretences to it are not a vain boast.” For, after having so expressly asserted it just above, none can imagine he meant here to insinuate, that he was uncertain whether he had it or not. He appeals therefore to those whose gifts were most eminent, to dispute it if they could: (1 Cor. xiv. 37.) If any man think himself to be a prophet, or spiritual, that is if he have ever so good evidence that he really is so, (for it cannot be
ᵈ Πνευματικος πνευματικος συγκροτητος.
ᵉ Δοκω δω κω γω Πνευμα Θω εχω.
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
though he meant to appeal only to those who falsely pretended to these endowments,) let him acknowledge that the things which I write unto you are the commandments of the Lord. In his second Epistle to the Corinthians, (chap. ii. 10,) he speaks of forgiving offenders in the person of Christ; and, amidst the humblest acknowledgments of his own insufficiency, boasts a sufficiency of God, who had made him an able minister of the New Testament. (2 Cor. iii. 5, 6.) Of which he was so thoroughly sensible, that in the first epistle which he ever wrote (so far as scripture informs us) to any of the churches, I mean, his First Epistle to the Thessalonians, he ventures to say, (chap. iv. 8,) he that despiseth, that is, (as the context plainly implies,) he that despiseth or rejecteth what I now write, despiseth not man, only or chiefly, but God, who hath given us his Holy Spirit: Which manifestly intimates, that what he wrote was under supernatural divine guidance and influence; as in the second verse of that chapter he had spoken of commandments which he had given them by the Lord Jesus Christ, just as he afterwards declared to the Corinthians, (2 Cor. xiii. 3,) how well he was able to give proofs of Christ’s speaking in him. In his Epistle to the Galatians, the apostle solemnly assures them, (Gal. i. 11, 12,) that the gospel which he had preached among them was not after man, that is, not of any human original; and he gives this substantial proof of it, that he was himself taught it, no otherwise than by the immediate revelation of Jesus Christ. Agreeably to which assertion, when he gives the Corinthians an account of the institution and design of the Lord’s supper, he says in so many words, (1 Cor. xi. 23,) that he had received of the Lord what he delivered unto them; that is, that he had his notion of that sacrament, and of the actions and words of Christ on which it was founded, by an immediate inspiration from him, or in the language we have used above, by suggestion. And he speaks of his brethren, as well as of himself, in these terms, (Eph. iii. 3, 5,) that the mystery of Christ which was before unknown, that is, the right of the Gentiles, on believing the gospel, to full communion with the Christian church, was made known to the holy apostles and prophets by the Spirit, and not merely by the natural recollection of what they had heard Christ say, or by their own reasonings upon it.
Most agreeable to this is the strain of Peter, who in one epistle joins the commandment of the apostles with the words of the holy prophets; (2 Pet. iii. 2;) and mentions the epistles of Paul with other scriptures, (ver. 15 16,) no doubt in allusion to the sacred oracles of the Old Testament, which so generally went by that name. And in his other epistle he insists strenuously upon it, that the gospel was preached with the Holy Ghost sent down from heaven, in exact conformity to the prophetic oracles of former ages, not understood by those who uttered them; a circumstance, in this connection, highly worthy of our remark: And
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
he seems strongly to intimate, that the angels themselves did by these apostolic preachings learn some things which, with all their superior faculties, they did not before so fully know; Which things, says he, the angels desire to look into. (1 Peter i. 12.) As Paul had also said, that to the principalities and powers in heavenly places was made known by the church the manifold wisdom of God. Eph. iii. 10.
To conclude this argument, St. John, remarkable as he was for his singular modesty and ingenuousness of temper, does not only tell us, that Jesus Christ showed him the revelation, (Rev. i. 1,) but speaks in his epistle of an unction poured out from the Holy One, by which they knew all things. (1 John ii. 20.) And in another passage he in effect asserts, that he had, in concurrence with his brethren, given such abundant proof of his being under a divine influence and direction in his teaching, whether by word or letter, that an agreement or disagreement with his doctrine was to be made the standard by which they might judge truth or error, and obedience or disobedience to his injunctions the test of a good or a bad man; which is considerably more than merely asserting the fullest inspiration. (1 John iv. 6.) We are of God: He that knoweth God, heareth us; he that is not of God, heareth not us: hereby know we the spirit of truth, and the spirit of error.
I might here add, if it were necessary, the several passages of the New Testament in which the gospel preached by the apostles is called the gospel of God; (such as 2 Cor. xi. 7; 1 Tim. i. 11, and the like;) But I omit them, as the stress of the controversy does undoubtedly rest on these I have mentioned; and the importance of the question must be my defence, for so large an enumeration of texts which are so well known.
I shall only remind my reader, in a few words, of those many passages in which the gospel, as preached by the apostles, is so evidently equalled with, yea and preferred to, the law given by Moses, and the messages brought to the Jews by the succeeding prophets. These afford a further illustration of this argument, which will appear with very considerable weight, when we reflect on the high opinion they had of the Old Testament, and the honourable terms in which they speak of it, as the word and oracles of God, (Rom. iii. 2,) as given by his inspiration, (2 Tim. iii. 16,) and as that which holy men spake, as they were moved, or borne on [φθοσμιο] by the Holy Ghost. (2 Pet. i. 21.) None can fail of observing, that they quote its authority on all occasions as decisive; yea, our Lord himself strongly intimates, not only the strict truth of the whole, but (which is much more) that it were intolerable to suppose it chargeable with any impropriety of expression; for this must be the sense of those remarkable words, (John x. 35,) that the scripture cannot be broken; and the whole force of our Lord’s argument depends upon interpreting them thus. I might argue at large the improbability, and indeed the real absurdity of supposing, that such assistances were given to
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
Moses and the prophets, as to make their writings an infallible rule of faith and practice, and that the subjects of God’s only begotten Son, and the grand minister in his kingdom, should be left destitute of equal assistance in their work and writings. I think the argument would be unanswerable, if considered apart: But I now mention it in another view, as illustrating the persuasion the apostles had of their own inspiration, when they speak of their teachings and decisions as equally authentic with those of the illustrious prophets, for whom they had so great and so just a regard.
I am fully satisfied that this last argument, from the manner in which the apostles speak of themselves in their writings, will strike the reader in proportion to the degree in which he reflects upon the true character of these excellent men, and especially upon that modesty and humility in which they bore so bright and so lovely a resemblance of their divine Master. Let him ask himself, what he would think of any minister of Christ now, supposing him ever so eminent for learning, wisdom, and piety, that should assume to himself such an authority? Suppose such a man, under the influence of no miraculous guidance, to say, not with reference to what he might quote from others, but with regard to his own dictates, “The things which I write unto you, are the commandments of the Lord: He that despiseth, despiteth not man, but God: We have the mind of Christ; and he that heareth not us, that receiveth not our dictates in religion, is not of God.” Suppose, I say, such language as this to be used publicly by any Christian minister now on earth, and you must necessarily suppose his character from that very hour overthrown. The whole world would immediately join in loudly demanding miraculous proofs to verify such assertions; or in condemning, with just indignation, such a claim unsupported by them, as an unpardonable lording it over men’s faith and conscience, and thrusting themselves into their Master’s throne. Let us not then charge the holy apostles with a conduct, of which we should not suspect any wise and good man now upon the face of the earth; and which if we saw in any of our friends, our charity and respect for them would incline us to inquire after some marks of lunacy in them, as its best excuse.
I have now given an easy and popular view of the principal arguments for the inspiration of the New Testament, on which my own faith in that important doctrine rests; and such an one as I hope by the divine blessing may be useful to others. I shall not enter into a particular consideration of the several objections
I was desired by a friend, for whose piety and good sense I have a very great regard, to add a note here on the inspiration of the Old Testament; but, as it would require a large one, and might perhaps interrupt the reader, I choose to throw it into a Postscript at the end of this Dissertation.
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
against it, which chiefly arise from texts of scripture, in which some pretend to find, that the apostles were actually mistaken. I have considered most of these objections already, in my notes on the texts from whence they are taken : for almost all of them relate to passages in the historical books, and I do not know that I have omitted any of them ; but have every where given (though as briefly as I could) such solutions as appeared to me in conscience satisfactory, though I have not stood formally to discuss them as objections against the inspiration of those books.
The reader will observe, that very few instances have occurred, in which I have judged it necessary to allow an error in our present copies : But as in those few instances the supposed change of a word or two makes the matter perfectly easy, I think it most respectful to the sacred writings to account for the seeming difficulty thus, and to impute it to the transcribers ; (though it is certain some of these mistakes, supposing them such, did happen very early ;) because, as Mr. Seed very properly expresses it in his excellent sermon on this subject,⁸ (which, since I wrote the former part of this dissertation, fell into my hands,) “ a partial inspiration is to all intents and purposes no inspiration at all : For,” as he justly argues against the supposition of any mixture of error in these sacred writings, “ mankind would be as much embarrassed to know what was inspired, and what was not, as they could be to collect a religion for themselves ; the consequence of which would be, that we are left just where we were, and that God put himself to a great expense of miracles to effect nothing at all : A consequence highly derogatory and injurious to his honour.”
The arguments brought from a few passages in the epistles, to prove that the apostles did not think themselves inspired, weak as they are, will be considered, if God permit, in their proper places. At present I shall content myself with referring the reader to Dr. Whitby, who I think has given a satisfactory solution to them all.
There are other objections of a quite different class, with which I have no concern ; because they effect only such a degree of inspiration as I think it not prudent, and am sure it is not necessary, to assert. I leave them therefore to be answered by those, if any such there be, who imagine that Paul would need an immediate revelation from heaven, and a miraculous dictate of the Holy Ghost, to remind Timothy of the cloak and writings which he left at Troas, or to advise him to mingle a little wine with his water.
Waving therefore the farther discussion of these topics, on which it would be more easy than profitable to enlarge, I shall conclude this dissertation with a reflection or two of a practical
⁸ See Mr. Seed’s Sermons, Vol. II. p. 322.
VOL. 3.
A Dissertation on the inspiration of the New Testament,
nature, into which I earnestly entreat the reader to enter with a becoming attention.
Let me engage him seriously to pause and consider, what sort of an impression it ought to make upon us, to think that we have such a book; a book written by a full divine inspiration: That amidst all the uncertain variety of human reasonings and conjectures, we have a celestial guide through the labyrinth: That God hath condescended to take care, that we should have a most authentic and unerring account of certain important, though very distant facts, many of which were wrought with his own hand; and, with these facts, should have a system of most weighty and interesting doctrines, to the truth of which he makes himself a witness. Such a book must, to every considerate person, appear an inestimable treasure; and it certainly calls for our most affectionate acknowledgment, that God should confer such a favour on any of his creatures, and much more on those who, by abusing in too many instances their natural light, had made themselves so utterly unworthy of supernatural.
From this view of the inspiration of scripture we may also infer, our obligation to study it with the greatest attention and care; to read it in our closets and our families; and to search in the most diligent and impartial manner into its genuine sense, design, and tendency; which is in the main so evident, that no upright heart can fail of understanding it, and every truly good heart must delight to comply with it. This is indeed a most important inference, and that without which all our convictions of its divine authority will only condemn us before God and our own consciences. Let us therefore always remember, that in consequence of all these important premises we are indispensably obliged to receive, with calm and reverent submission, all the dictates of scripture; to make it our oracle; and, in this respect, to set it at a due distance from all other writings whatsoever: as it is certain there is no other book in the world that can pretend to equal authority, and produce equal or comparable proofs to support such a pretension. Let us measure the truth of our own sentiments, or those of others, in the great things which scripture teaches, by their conformity to it. And O that the powerful charm of this blessed book might prevail to draw all that do sincerely regard it into this centre of unity! That dropping those unscriptural forms which have so lamentably divided the church, we might more generally content ourselves with the simplicity of divine truths as they are here taught, and agree to put the mildest and kindest interpretation we can, upon the language and sentiments of each other. This is what I cannot forbear inculcating again and again, from a firm persuasion that it is agreeable to the Spirit of the gospel, and pleasing to its great Author: And I inculcate it in this place, and at this time, with
as proved from the facts recorded in its history.
peculiar affection, as the providence of God around us calls us loudly to do all we can with a safe conscience to promote a union among the Protestants. And I heartily pray, that our mutual jealousies and prejudices, which some are so unseasonably labouring to exasperate, may not provoke God to drive us together by a storm of persecution; if peradventure the bond of suffering together may be strong enough, to bind those whom the endearments of the same Christian profession, the same rule of faith, of manners, and of hope, have not yet been able to unite.
On the whole, let me most affectionately invite and entreat every reader, whatsoever his rank in life, or his proficiency in learning may be, seriously to consider the practical design of these sacred oracles, the sense and authority of which I have been endeavouring to explain and assert. It is indeed a mystery in divine Providence, that there should still remain so much difficulty in them, as that, in many points of doctrine, thoughtful, serious, and, I trust, upright men should form such different opinions concerning the interpretation of so many passages, and the justice of consequences drawn from them on the one side, and on the other. But of this there can be no controversy, “That the great design of the New Testament (in delightful harmony with the Old,) is to call off our minds from the present world, to establish us in the belief of a future state, and to form us to a serious preparation for it by bringing us to a lively faith in Christ, and, as the genuine effect of that, to a filial love to God, and a fraternal affection for each other;” or in one word, (and a weightier and more comprehensive sentence was never written,) to teach us, that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world; looking for that blessed hope, even the glorious appearance of the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ. (Tit. ii. 12, 13.) To his almighty hand may our souls be committed by a faith productive of these glorious fruits, and under the sanctifying, quickening, and supporting influences of his Spirit, may we wait for his mercy unto eternal life! Then shall no terror of suffering, no allurement of pleasure, no sophistry of error, be able to seduce us; but, guided by that light and truth which shines forth in the sacred pages, we shall march on to that holy hill, where, having happily escaped all the dangers of that dark path which we now tread, we shall greet the dawning of an everlasting day, the arising of a day star which shall go down na more. Amen!
POSTSCRIPT.
A SKETCH OF THE ARGUMENTS, BY WHICH THE INSPIRATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT MAY BE PROVED IN THE EASIEST METHOD, AND BY THE MOST SOLID AND CONVINCING EVIDENCE.
IF the proof of the inspiration of the Old Testament be deduced in its full compass from its first principles, we must have recourse to a method, very nearly resembling that which is taken in the three Sermons referred to above, for proving the authority of the New; that is, we must first prove, That the books are genuine, and then, That the history which they contain is credible; from which premises the inspiration of the Old Testament may easily be inferred by a train of arguments, similar to that which we have pursued in the Dissertation above.
For proving the genuineness of the books, I should think it proper briefly to shew, (what I think hardly any will be so ignorant and confident as to deny,) that the Jewish religion is of considerable antiquity, and was founded by Moses about fifteen hundred years before Christ’s time; and farther, that the Jews, before and at the time of Christ, had books among them bearing the titles of those which make up what we Protestants, call the canonical Books of the Old Testament; and that these books, then received in the Jewish church, were the genuine works of the persons to whom they were respectively ascribed: From hence it is easy farther to shew, that they have not suffered, and (considering what a guard the Jews and Christians were upon each other,) could not suffer any material alteration since; and consequently, that the Old Testament, as now extant in the Hebrew and Chaldee languages, is genuine, and in the main such as it originally was.
In order to prove its credibility from this established medium, we may prepare the way by shewing, that many material facts, which are there recorded, are also mentioned by very ancient Heathen writers. And is it yet more important to shew, as we very easily may, that there is room to go over the same leading thoughts, with those insisted upon in the second of the three Sermons mentioned above, and to argue the credibility of the story, from the certain opportunities, which the writers had of informing themselves as to the certain truth of the grand facts which they assert, as having themselves been personally concerned in
Arguments for the inspiration of the Old Testament.
them, and from those many marks of integrity and piety to be found in their writings, which may do as much as any thing of that kind can do, to obviate any suspicion of an intention to deceive. We may here also advance further, and demonstrate beyond all contradiction, that the facts asserted were of such a nature, as could not possibly have gained credit, had they been false; yet that they did gain most assured credit, of which the persons receiving these books gave the most substantial evidence that can be imagined, by receiving, on the authority of these facts, a system of laws, which, though considered as to be divinely supported they were admirably wise, yet were of such a nature, that, without such an extraordinary Providence as nothing but an assurance of such an original could have warranted them to expect, they must necessarily have proved ruinous to the State they were intended to regulate and establish.a
A farther and very noble evidence of the truth of the grand facts attested in the Old Testament, and of the inspiration of a considerable part of it, may be drawn from the consideration of those numerous and various predictions to be found in it, which refer to a multitude of events, several of them before utterly unexampled, which no human sagacity could possibly have foreseen, and which nevertheless happened exactly according to those predictions.b
Having advanced thus far, we may take up a set of arguments correspondent to those insisted on above, to prove from its genuineness and credibility, now supposed to be evinced, that the Old Testament was written by a superintendent inspiration: And this we may argue, not merely or chiefly from the tradition to this purpose, so generally and so early prevailing in the Jewish church, though that is considerable, nor even from those very signal and glorious internal evidences of various kinds, which every competent judge may easily see and feel, but from surveying the character and circumstances of the persons by whom the several books were written, in comparison with the genius of that dispensation under which they lived and wrote. This may, in all the branches of the argument, be proved in this way, with the greatest ease and strength, concerning Moses and his writings: And, when the authority of the Pentateuch is established, that of the most material succeeding books stand in so easy and natural a connection with it, that I think few have been found, at least since the controversy between the Jews and the Samaritans, who have in good earnest allowed Moses to have been a
a The reader will easily imagine, I here refer especially to the laws, relating to letting all the land lie fallow together once in seven years, and two years together at every Jubilee, the desertion of their borders at the three great feasts, when all the males went up to the tabernacle or temple, and the disuse of cavalry; to omit some others.
b See Dr. Sykes’s Connection.
Arguments for the inspiration of the Old Testament.
messengers from heaven, and denied the inspiration of the prophets, and of the books which we receive as written by them.
But it is obvious, that the illustration of all these propositions would be the work of a large volume, rather than of such a postscript to a dissertation, itself of so moderate a length. I have discussed them all with the most material objections which have been advanced against them, in that course of theological lectures, which I mentioned in the Preface to the first volume, and which it is my continual care to render worthy the acceptance of the public in due time, by such alterations and additions as frequent reviews, in conjunction with what occurs to me in reading, conversation, or meditation, may suggest.
I shall conclude these hints with the mention of one argument for the inspiration of the Old Testament, entirely independent on all the former, which a few words may set in a convincing light, and which must be satisfactory to all who see the reasonableness of acquiescing in what I have urged above; I mean, That the inspiration, and consequently the genuineness and credibility, of the Old Testament, may be certainly inferred from that of the New, because our Lord and his apostles were so far from charging the scribes and pharisees, (who on all proper occasions are censured so freely,) with having introduced into the sacred volume any merely human compositions, that, on the contrary, they not only recommend a diligent and constant perusal of these scriptures, as of the greatest importance to men’s eternal happiness, but speak of them as divine oracles, and as written by the extraordinary influence of the Holy Spirit upon the minds of the authors.
I desire, that the following list of scriptures may be attentively consulted and reflected on in this view. I might have added a great many more, indeed several hundreds, in which the sacred writers of the New Testament argue from those of the Old, in such a manner, as nothing could have justified but a firm persuasion that they were divinely inspired. Now as the Jews always allowed,
It may be objected to this, that the authority of the New Testament, as stated in the sermons referred to, and in most other defences of Christianity, is in part proved from the prophecies of the Old; so that the argument here urged would be circular. To which I would answer, (1.) That, if we were to take this medium alone, we must indeed subtract from the proof of Christianity all that branch of its evidence which grows from prophecies in the Old Testament; and then, all that arises from miracles, internal arguments, and the wonderful events, which have followed its first promulgation, would stand in their full force, first to demonstrate (I think, to high satisfaction) the divine original of the New Testament, and then to prove the authority of the Old: (2.) That most of the enemies of the Mosaic and Christian Revelations do nevertheless own those which we call the Prophetical Books of the Old Testament to be more ancient than the New; and on this foundation alone, without first taking for granted, that they are either inspired or genuine, we derive an argument for Christianity from their mere existence, and then may argue backward, that they were divinely inspired, and therefore genuine; and so, by a farther consequence, may infer from them the divine authority of the Mosaic religion, which they so evidently attest; which is an argument something distinct from the testimony of the authors of the New Testament, but important enough to deserve a mention.
Arguments for the inspiration of the Old Testament.
“that the testimony of an approved prophet was sufficient to confirm the mission of one who was supported by it,” so I think every reasonable man will readily conclude, that no inspired person can erroneously attest another to be inspired; and indeed the very definition of plenary inspiration, as stated above, absolutely excludes any room for cavilling on so plain a head. I throw the particular passages, which I choose to mention, into the margin below; and he must be a very indolent inquirer into a question of so much importance, who does not think it worth his while to turn carefully to them, unless he has already such a conviction of the argument, that it should need no farther to be illustrated or confirmed.
d John v. 39; Mat. iv. 4, 7, 10; Mark xii. 24; Luke x. 26, 27; Mat. v. 17, 18; xxi. 42; xxii. 29, 31, 43; xxiv. 15; xxvi. 54, 56; Luke i. 67, 69, 70; xvi. 31; xxiv. 25, 27; John x. 35; Acts ii. 16, 25; iii. 22, 24; iv. 25; xvii. 11; xviii. 24, 28; xxviii. 25; Rom. iii. 2, 10; ix. 25, 27, 29; x. 5, 11, 16; xv. 4; xvi. 26; 1 Cor. x. 11; 2 Cor. iv. 13; vi. 16, 17; Gal. iii. 8; 1 Tim. v. 18; 2 Tim. iii. 15, 16; Heb. i. 1, 5-13; iii. 7; Jam. ii. 8; iv. 5, 6: 1 Pet. i. 10-12; 2 Pet. i. 19-21.
NUMBER III.
ADVERTISEMENT RELATING TO THE FOLLOWING TABLE.
AS I thought it would be acceptable to my readers, to have the contents of the several sections of this work (which must contain an abridgement of the evangelical history,) exhibited in one connected view as concisely as possible, I chose, for many obvious reasons, to dispose it into a chronological table.
So far as the harmony of the four evangelists, and the order of the facts mentioned in them, is in question, I have given my reasons for the present disposition in my notes on the several sections, whose connection is liable to the greatest disputes. But it would be a work of great additional labour, to enter into a discussion of the correspondence between the sacred chronology in this part of it, and the profane. Had I leisure and ability to canvass all that learned men have said in support of the different schemes they have advanced on this head, I should think this Appendix to a Family Expositor a very improper place to attempt it, as such an inquiry must take up a great deal of room, and as it is an affair in which it is impossible that common readers should judge, and in which after all, I think, they have very little concern. And indeed, to say the truth, I much question whether on the most accurate inquiry it is possible absolutely to fix it, since if the very day of Herod’s death could be determined, (which after all, I think, it cannot be,) there would still be room to debate, how long before that time Jesus was born, as also what distance of time there was between the first appearance of John the Baptist, and Christ’s entering on his public ministry. One conjecture may seem more probable than another: but beyond conjecture, I think, none has attained; and the chronology must vary with the diversity of that conjecture on these particulars.
The learned reader will immediately perceive, that, amidst the various hypotheses which would offer themselves here, I have taken the middle way, not only as in obscure cases I think that generally the safest, nor merely that this table might in the main agree with those of our illustrious Chronologers, Bp. Pearson and Dr. Prideaux, to whose judgment on such questions I pay a very great deference; but chiefly as on the most exact and impartial examination I could form of the reasons and foundations, on which other critics proceed, in placing the chief events a few years higher or lower, (and it is well known, that but very few years can be in question,) I found them by no means satisfactory, and the former class much less so, than I imagined
Advertisement relating to the following Table.
when I began the first volume of this work, and before I had so carefully searched into some of the authorities.
I once thought of adding a few notes to this Table; but I found, that, if I attempted any thing important, they must be so large as greatly to swell the bulk, and therefore I have waved it; and content myself with saying, That though I am not without my doubts as to several articles, I know not any scheme, which has on the whole stronger supports, and is liable to fewer objections.
There might have been several columns added to the Table, expressing the years of other celebrated æras corresponding with those here mentioned; but any one may easily supply these to himself when he recollects, that the first year of the common æra of Christ’s birth, from which we reckon this the 1746th, was (according to the computation here received) the 4004th from the creation of the world, the 753d from the building of Rome, and 4714th of the Julian period.
It may not be improper to repeat what I have observed elsewhere, that, according to Sir Isaac Newton’s computation, the Jewish Passover happened A. D. 30, on Saturday, March 25; A. D. 31, on Wednesday, March 28; A. D. 32, on Monday, April 14; A. D. 33, on Friday, April 3; and A. D. 34, on Friday, April 23.
To this I shall only add, that Augustus, in whose days Christ was born, reigned after the defeat of Mark Anthony at Actium 44 years; Tiberius, after he had been colleague with Augustus in the empire about three years, became sole emperor on the death of Augustus, August 19, A. D. 14; Caligula succeeded on the death of Tiberius, March 16, A. D. 37; Claudius succeeded on the death of Caligula, Jan. 24, A. D. 41; and Nero on the death of Claudius, October 13, A. D. 54, whose reign continued to June 9, A. D. 68 beyond the limits of this history.
VOL. 3.
HRONOLOGICAL TABLE
OF THE
RECORDED IN THE HISTORY OF THE EVANGELISTS, AND APOSTLES; CONTAINING ALSO THE CONTENTS OF THE TIONS OF THIS WORK.
Before the common
CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
After Luke’s preface, § 1, and John’s account of the divinity of our blessed Redeemer, § 2, the historical facts follow in the order here represented.
The angel Gabriel appears to Zacharias, to give him notice of the approaching conception and birth of his son John the Baptist, § 3.
Six months after, he informs the Virgin Mary of the conception of Christ to be born of her, § 4.
Mary visits Elizabeth, and breaks out into a song of praise, § 5.
John the Baptist is born and circumcised, § 6; and Zacharias utters an inspired song of praise, § 7.
The suspicion of Joseph, occasioned by Mary’s pregnancy, removed by the appearance of an angel, § 8.
The genealogy of Jesus Christ, § 9.
Jesus is born at Bethlehem, and his birth revealed to the shepherds: He is circumcised the eighth day, § 10.
The purification of Mary, the song of Simeon, and testimony of Anna, 11.
The inquiry, worship, and return of the Magi, § 12; after which Jesus is carried into Egypt, and the infants at Bethlehem are massacred, § 13—
Herod dying, the holy family returns, and settles at Nazareth, §—13.
Chronological Table of Contents.
Augustus. 15 Tiberius with Aug. After the common Era of Christ’s birth. 12 Tiberius alone. 15. 8 Jesus at twelve years old goes up with his parents to the passover at Jerusalem, discourses with the doctors in the Temple, and returns to Nazareth, § 14. J. P. 4721. 26 John the Baptist opens his ministry, and multitudes come to receive his baptism, § 15; to whom he addresses suitable admonitions, proclaims the approach of the Messiah, § 16, and gives a public testimony to the dignity of his person, § 17. J. P. 4739. 29 Jesus comes from Nazareth, and is baptized by John; the Spirit descends upon him, and a voice from heaven declares him to be the Son of God, § 18. J. P. 4742. Jesus is led into the wilderness, where he fasts forty days, and is tempted by the devil, § 19. John is examined by the Jews, and declares he is not the Messiah, referring them to one incomparably superior to himself, § 20: Sees Jesus coming towards him, and bears a repeated testimony to him as the Lamb of God; upon which two of his disciples follow Jesus, and Andrew brings Peter to him, § 21. Jesus goes into Galilee, where he calls Philip and Nathaniel, § 22. Attends a marriage there at Cana, where he performs the miracle of turning water into wine, § 23. 16 30 Makes a short visit to Capernaum, and from thence goes up to Jerusalem to the first Passover after his entrance on his ministry, and drives the traders there out of the temple, § 24. J. P. 4743. His conference with Nicodemus, § 25, 26. Goes from Jerusalem into the land of Judea, and there baptizes, by his disciples: John hears of it, and rejoicing in it, gives his last public testimony to Jesus, § 27. John is cast into prison for his faithfulness in reproving Herod, § 28. Jesus, near the winter solstice, returns into Galilee through Samaria, confers with a woman of Sichar, and spends two days there, § 29, 30. Comes into Galilee, and preaches there; and while at Cana, cures a nobleman’s son who was dying at Capernaum, § 31.
Chronological Table of Contents.
J. P. 4744. Tiberius alone, 16 Anno Dom. 30. Preaches at Nazareth; but being rejected there, goes to settle for a while at Capernaum, § 32. Preaches with great acceptance at Capernaum, and calls Peter, Andrew, James, and John, to a more stated attendance upon him, § 33, 34. Casts out a devil in the synagogue at Capernaum, and cures Peter’s mother in law, § 35. The next morning, after retirement, he sets out on a circuit to the other cities of Galilee, and is followed by multitudes from various parts, § 36. Preaches his celebrated sermon on the mount, § 37—43. Descending from the mount, he cleanses a leper, and then withdraws into the wilderness to pray, § 44. Returns to Capernaum, where he cures a man disabled by the palsy, and calls Matthew, § 45. Goes up to his Second Passover at Jerusalem, where he cures the lame man at the pool of Bethesda on the sabbath, and vindicates that action before the Sanhedrim, § 46—48. Returning into Galilee, he vindicates his disciples for rubbing out the ears of corn on the sabbath-day, § 49, and on another sabbath cures a man with a withered hand, and justifies his healing on that day, § 50. Multitudes follow him to the shore on his withdrawing to the sea of Galilee, whom he heals of all their diseases, and charges those that were possessed not to discover who he was, § 51. Having spent the night in prayer on a mountain, he chooses the twelve apostles; and then comes down into the plain, where he works many miracles before the multitude, § 52; and repeats several passages which he had delivered in his sermon on the mount, § 53, 54. Returns to Capernaum, and cures at a distance the centurion’s servant who was sick of a palsy, § 55. Going the next day to Nain, he raises the widow’s son from the dead, § 56. Answers the disciples of John, who came to ask him whether he was the Messiah, § 57; discourses to the multitude concerning John, § 58; and laments over the impenitent cities of Galilee, § 59. Dines at a Pharisee’s house, and vindicates the woman who anointed his feet there, § 60.
Chronological Table of Contents.
Tiberius 17. Anno Dom. 31. Makes a progress through every city in those parts, attended by the twelve, and certain pious women; answers the blasphemous Pharisees, who charged his miracles on a compact with Satan; cautions them against the unpardonable sin, and warns them of the danger of their sinful words, § 61, 62. Upbraids the perverseness of the Pharisees, in demanding a sign from heaven; and delivers the parable of the relapsing dæmoniac, § 63. Declares his resolution of persisting in his work, and his endeared affection to his obedient disciples, § 64. Goes to the seaside, and there delivers to the multitude the parable of the sover, § 65, which he explains to his disciples, § 66; delivers and explains the parable of the tares, § 67; and then adds those of the springing seed, the mustard seed, the leaven, the hid treasure, the pearl, and the net, § 68. Having answered some that seemed disposed to follow him, he crosses the sea and stills a tempest, § 69. Arriving at the country of the Gadarenes, he dispossesses two dæmoniacs; and permitting the dæmons to enter into a herd of swine, he is desired by the Gadarenes to depart, and crosses over to Capernaum, § 70. Being entertained at Matthew’s house, he justifies his conversing with publicans and sinners, and vindicates his disciples in omitting some austerities that were practised by others, § 71. Having cured a woman of a flux of blood, he raises from the dead the daughter of fairus, and performs some other miracles, § 72. Goes from Capernaum to Nazareth, and being again rejected there, begins another circuit, § 73. Sends out his twelve apostles with proper instructions to prepare his way; and, after this, they go and preach in different parts, § 74—76. Herod hears of his fame, and suspects him to be John the Baptist risen from the dead, whom he had lately beheaded in prison, § 77. 18 32 The apostles meet him again, a little before another passover, and he retires with them to the Desert of Bethsaida by sea: Multitudes flock to hear him, and he miraculously feeds five thousand: They would have made him king, but he obliges his disci- J. P. 4745.
Chronological Table of Contents.
Tiberius 18.
Anno Dom. 32.
ples to take ship, and having dismissed the multitude retires to pray, § 78.
The disciples crossing the sea, are overtaken by a storm: Jesus comes to them walking on the sea, and stills the tempest; and landing near Capernaum, many are brought that were diseased, and he cures all that touch him, § 79.
Being followed by the multitude to Capernaum, he tells them of their worldly views in seeking him, declares himself to be the bread of life, and urges the necessity and benefit of feeding on him, § 80, 81.
The people murmur at his doctrine, and many of his hearers leave him: The apostles assure him of their continued fidelity, but he foretells the treachery of Judas, § 82.
The Pharisees blaming his disciples for eating with unwashed hands, he vindicates their neglect of human traditions, condemns the Pharisees for preferring them to the law of God, and inculcates the necessity of inward purity, § 83, 84.
About the time of his Third Passover, Jesus withdraws to the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, where he casts out a dæmon from the daughter of a Syrophœnician woman; and returning through the coasts of Decapolis to the sea of Galilee, cures a man deaf and dumb, § 85.
After many other amazing miracles, he feeds four thousand; and then takes ship with his disciples, and goes to Dalmanutha, in the coasts of Magdala, § 86.
Upbraids the Pharisees again for asking a sign from heaven, and cautions his disciples against their leaven and that of the Sadducees, § 87.
Heals a blind man at Bethsaida; and going from thence to Cæsarea Philippi, acknowledges to his disciples that he is the Messiah, and commends Peter’s confession of him under that character, § 88.
Foretells his approaching sufferings, rebukes Peter for being offended at the mention of them, and exhorts his followers to selfdenial and a readiness for martyrdom, § 89.
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
Christ is transfigured, and discourses with his disciples concerning the expectation the Jews had of Elijah, § 90.
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Tiberius 18. Anno Dom. 32. Descending from the mountain where he was transfigured, he casts out an obstinate dæmon, that had withstood the attempts of his disciples, § 91. Continuing his progress through Galilee, he again warns his disciples, of his approaching sufferings at which they are offended, § 92— Comes to Capernaum, and makes provision by a miracle to pay the tribute, § —92. Perceiving his disciples were contending who should be greatest, he recommends humility and mortification to them, § 93; advises how to deal with an offending brother, § 94, and urges forgiveness by the parable of the unmerciful servant, § 95. Reproves John for rebuking one who cast out dæmons in his name, because not of their company, § 96. Chooses the seventy, and sends them out to preach with large instructions, like those he had given to the twelve apostles, § 97. Discourses with his brethren about his going up to the feast of tabernacles, and tarries some days after them in Galilee, § 98: Then goes up to Jerusalem about the middle of the feast, (which was in September,) and preaches in the temple, vindicating his own conduct, and asserting his divine mission, §99. The Sandhedrim, alarmed at the regard the people shewed him, send officers to seize him; but he declares, they should not execute their purposes as yet, §100: The officers admire his preaching, and return without him; which occasions a debate in the Sandhedrim between Nicodemus and his brethren, § 101. Having spent the night in retirement, he returns in the morning to the temple, where he declines giving judgment in the case of the adulteress, §102: Speaking of himself as the light of the world, he warns his hearers of the danger of infidelity, §103: shews the vanity of depending on a descent from Abraham, §104, and declares his own existence to be prior to that of Abraham; at which the Jews are so offended as to go about to stone him, but he miraculously escapes out of their hands, § 105. Before he sets out on his last circuit through Galilee, the seventy return with joy, and report the success of their embassy, § 106.
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Tiberius 18. Anno Dom. 32. Jesus answers the scribe, who inquired the way to life, and delivers the parable of the good Samaritan, § 107. Leaving Jerusalem he comes to Bethany, where he commends Mary’s attention to his word, as better than Martha’s care to entertain him, § 108. Being returned to Galilee, he gives his disciples several instructions relating to prayer, § 109. Dining with a Pharisee, he admonishes him and his brethren of their guilt and danger, § 110; and afterwards cautions his disciples against hypocrisy, and the fear of man, § 111; declines to decide a case of property, and delivers the parable of the rich fool, § 112, repeating the cautions against covetousness which he had formerly given in his sermon on the mount, § 113, and urging them to watchfulness, in expectation of his second coming and of their last account, § 114. Declares his desire of accomplishing his work, and warns his hearers of the danger of neglecting his message, § 115; urges the necessity of repentance, and delivers the parable of the barren figtree, § 116; then cures a crooked woman on the sabbathday, § 117; and continues his journey toward Jerusalem, not intimidated by the fear of Herod from pursuing his plan, § 118. Being invited to dine with a Pharisee, he cures a man who had a dropsy, and vindicates his healing on the sabbathday, § 119; foretells in the parable of the great supper the rejection of the Jews and calling of the Gentiles, § 120; and urges the necessity of deliberate resolution in religion, § 121. The publicans and sinners flocking to hear him, he delivers the parables of the lost sheep, and piece of money, § 122, that of the prodigal son, § 123, the unjust steward, § 124, the rich glutton and Lazarus, § 125; and concludes with exhorting his disciples to simplicity, forgiveness, and humility, § 126. Passing through Samaria, as he was going up to the feast of dedication, he rebukes the intemperate zeal of James and John, and heals ten lepers, § 127. As he was near Jerusalem, he warns the Jews against expecting a pompous appearance of the Messiah’s kingdom, and foretells their approaching destruction, § 128; presses his disciples to perseverance in prayer by the parable of the importunate
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Tiberius 18. Anno Dom. 32. widow, and recommends humility by that of the Pharisee and Publican, § 129. Being come to Jerusalem at the feast of dedication in December, he opens the eyes of a man born blind, § 130; the man is examined by the Sanhedrim, and excommunicated; Jesus meets him, and declares himself to be the Son of God, § 131. Having admonished the Pharisees of their danger, he represents himself, first as the door of the sheepfold, § 132, then as the good shepherd of the flock, § 133; and discourses of his union with the Father, upon which the Jews attempt to seize him, and he retires beyond Jordan, § 134. 19 33 Jesus declares against divorces, § 135; blesses the little children, § 136; answers the young ruler, who applied so respectfully to him; discourses of the danger of riches, § 137; and warns the Jews not to envy the Gentiles being called to equal privileges with themselves, by the parable of the labourers in the vineyard, § 138. Hearing of the sickness of Lazarus, he determines to return into Judea, § 139, where he raises Lazarus from the dead, § 140. The Sanhedrim agreeing Jesus should be put to death, and publishing a proclamation against him, he retires to Ephraim, § 141. Setting out on his last journey to Jerusalem, he tells his disciples what he should suffer there, rebukes the ambition of Zebedee’s sons, and exhorts to humility, § 142. Passing through Jericho, he cures the two blind men, and converts Zaccheus the publican, § 143: After which he delivers the parable of the ten pounds, and represents the vengeance he would take on his enemies, § 144. He is entertained at Bethany, and his feet anointed by Mary: Many flock thither to see Lazarus, whom also the chief priests conspire to kill, § 145. Christ rides in triumph to Jerusalem on the first day of the week, § 146. When he came near the city, he weeps over it, and at his entrance goes into the temple, which he vindicates a second time from the profanation of the traders, and performs several miracles there, § 147.
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Thierius 19. Anno Dom. 33. Discourses with some Greeks who came up to the Passover, and retires in the evening to Bethany, § 148. Christ returns to Jerusalem the next morning, (that is, on Monday in the Passion week,) and by the way curses the barren figtree, § 149; visits the temple, and again reforms the abuses of the traders; the priests are exasperated, and he retires in the evening, § 150. Returning to Jerusalem on Tuesday morning, the figtree is found withered away: Coming again into the temple, he confounds the members of the Sanhedrim who questioned his authority; utters the parable of the complaisant but disobedient son, § 151, and then that of the vineyard let out to husbandmen, § 152, and of the wedding feast and garment, § 153. Confounds the attempt to insnare him in the question about paying tribute, § 154; proves the resurrection against the Sadducees, § 155; answers the question as to the first commandment of the law, § 156; and repeats his charges and denunciations against the Pharisees, § 157, 158. Going out of the temple, he applauds the liberality of a poor widow, § 159; foretells the destruction of Jerusalem, acquainting his disciples with the signs of its approach, and of his second coming, § 160—162; and urges the suddenness of his appearance, as an engagement to watchfulness, § 163, which he enforces by the parable of the ten virgins, § 164, and of the talents, § 165, concluding his discourse with a most affecting description of the last judgment, § 166. The rulers contrive how they may seize Jesus: Judas makes an infamous contract to betray him: He retires at night to the mount of Olives, § 167. Christ returns again on Wednesday to teach in the temple as before; but the particulars are not recorded, ibid. 2. On Thursday morning, he directs two of his disciples to go and prepare the Passover, which was his fourth and last Passover: He comes in the evening, and sits down with his apostles to that feast, § 168. At the antepast, he rebukes their ambition, and washes their feet, § 169. At supper, he intimates who should betray him, and Judas upon this retires, § 170.
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Tiberius 19.
Anno Dom. 33.
He exhorts them to mutual love, foretells Peter’s fall, § 171, and then institutes the eucharist, § 172.
After this he addresses his disciples with a large consolatory discourse, § 173—178, which he closes with a solemn prayer, § 179, 180. Then retires from the guest chamber to the garden of Gethsemane, renewing his caution to Peter and his brethren, § 181.
Christ falls into an agony: His disciples sleep, § 182. Judas betrays him: He yields himself up, and they forsake him, § 183. He is conducted to the palace of Caiaphas, where Peter denies him, § 184.
He is examined and condemned on Friday morning by the Sanhedrim, § 185: Then is brought before Pilate, and examined by him, § 186; is sent to Herod, who returns him to Pilate, § 187, who having in vain attempted his release, declaring to the Jews he found no fault in him, at length yields to their importunity, and gives judgment against him, § 188.
Being delivered up by Pilate, after various abuses, he is led forth to Calvary, and nailed to the cross, § 189. His garments are divided; and while he is himself outrageously insulted, he shews mercy to the penitent robber, § 190; and having commended his mother to the care of John, expires: Amazing prodigies attend his death, and alarm the spectators, § 191.
Christ’s body is pierced on the cross; then begged, and buried, by Joseph of Arimathea, § 192.
Judas confesses his guilt on Christ’s being condemned, and hangs himself in despair, § 193—
On the morrow after the crucifixion, (which was the Jewish Sabbath, or Saturday,) the Jews desire to have the sepulchre secured, and procure a guard to watch it, §—193.
Christ rises from the dead early on Lord’s day morning: Mary Magdalene, finding the sepulchre open, calls Peter and John, who enter into it and return, while Christ makes his first appearance to her, § 194.
The other women, coming to the sepulchre, are informed of his resurrection by angels, who bid them go and tell his disciples: He appears to them as they
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Tiberius 19.
Anno Dom. 33.
return, and they report it to his incredulous disciples, § 195.
The guards who had fled away make their report of what had passed to the chief priests, and are hired to disguise the truth. Christ appears to Peter, §196, and then to the two disciples on their way to Emmaus, §197, who return and report it; and while they are together, Christ appears to all the company the same evening, § 198.
On that day sevennight he appears again to the eleven, Thomas being with them, and offers to be examined by his touch, § 199.
He discovers himself to Peter and other disciples at the Sea of Tiberias, while they were fishing, § 200; and, after a remarkable discourse with that apostle, foretells his martyrdom, § 201.
Christ appears to the whole body of his disciples in Galilee, and afterwards meets the apostles several times at Jerusalem, discoursing with them of the affairs of his kingdom, § 202.
He leads them out of the city, and, having blessed them, ascends to heaven in their sight: They return joyful to Jerusalem, § 203; with which the history of the evangelists concludes.
CONTENTS OF THE THIRD VOLUME, THAT IS, OF THE HISTORY OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Christ (as was said before,) ascends to heaven from the mount of Olives in the view of his apostles forty days after his resurrection, § 1.
The apostles return to Jerusalem, and being assembled with the rest of the disciples, Matthias is chosen in the room of Judas, § 2.
The Holy Spirit descends upon the apostles on the day of Pentecost, and people of all nations hear them speak in their own language: Peter declares, that this was what the prophet Joel had foretold, § 3, and shews, that Jesus whom they crucified was risen from the dead, and was the true Messiah, § 4. Great numbers are converted, and baptized; and converts are daily added to the church, § 5.
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Tiberius 19. Anno Dom. 33. Peter and John cure a man who had been lame from his birth at the gate of the temple, § 6. Peter makes an affectionate discourse to the people assembled on that occasion, § 7. The two apostles are seized by order of the Sanhedrim, and, being examined by that court, courageously declare their resolution of persisting to preach in the name of Jesus: They are severely threatened, and dismissed, § 8. Returning to their company, they all unite in an inspired prayer, which is attended with a new effusion of the Spirit. The number and zeal of the converts increase. Many estates are sold, and the price distributed, § 9. Ananias and Sapphira are struck dead for their fraudulent dealing: The church increases, and extraordinary miracles are wrought, § 10. The twelve are apprehended and imprisoned, and, after a miraculous deliverance, are brought before the Sanhedrim, and scourged, but, by Gamaliel’s prudent advice, are discharged without farther severities, § 11. 20 34 The seven deacons are chosen: The number of disciples multiplies, and many of the priests believe, § 12— Stephen, disputing strenuously with the Jews, is seized, and brought before the Sanhedrim, §—12. Being accused of blasphemy, he makes a long defence, but is interrupted in it, and tumultuously stoned to death, Saul heartily concurring in the execution, § 13—15. A great persecution is raised at Jerusalem, where Saul makes havock of the church, who, being all dispersed but the apostles, go into other parts and preach the word, § 16— Philip the deacon preaches Christ at Samaria, and many believe; which also Simon Magus professes to do, and is baptized, §—16. Peter and John, being sent by the apostles, communicate the Spirit by the imposition of their hands; and Simon offering money for the like power, Peter detects and censures his hypocrisy. The two apostles return to Jerusalem, preaching the word in many villages of the Samaritans, § 17.
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Tiberius 20. Anno Dom. 34 Philip is ordered by an angel into the desert in the way to Gaza, where he instructs an Ethiopian eunuch in the faith of Christ; and, having baptized him, the Spirit takes him to Azotus, from whence, when he had preached in all the cities of the neighbouring coast, he comes to Cæsarea, § 18. 21 35 Saul, setting out for Damascus with an intent to persecute the church there, is miraculously converted by Christ’s appearing to him on the way, who bids him go to Damascus, where he should hear what he must do. The light that shone around him strikes him blind, and, being led to Damascus, he continues three days fasting, § 19. Ananias, by divine direction, comes and restores his sight, declaring that the Lord had chosen him to be his witness unto all of what he had seen and heard; and, having baptized him, he receives the Holy Spirit, § 20. Immediately he preaches Christ at Damascus, and confounds the Jews, proving that Jesus is the true Messiah, ibid. Then goes into Arabia, and preaches there: from whence he returns to Damascus, where the Jews seek to kill him, but he makes his escape in the night, ibid. 2 Caligula. 38 Three years after his conversion, Saul returns to Jerusalem, and is introduced by Barnabas to Peter and James; but, preaching boldly there, he is again in danger from the Jews; on which the brethren conduct him to Cæsarea, and send him away to Tarsus, ibid. The persecution ceases, and the churches are multiplied, ibid. 3 39 Peter, making a progress through the neighbouring parts, cures Æneas of a palsy at Lydda, and raises Dorcas from the dead at Joppa, § 21. Cornelius, a devout centurion, is divinely admonished to send to Joppa for Peter, who in obedience to the divine command, comes with his messengers to Cæsarea, preaches the gospel to him and his friends though Gentiles, and receives them into the church by baptism, § 22, 23.
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Caligula 3. Anno Dom. 39. Peter, returning to Jerusalem, is questioned by the brethren of the circumcision for his conversing with such as were uncircumcised; but on his giving an account of the matter, they acquiesce, and bless God for his grace to the Gentiles, § 24. 4 40 The gospel is preached at Antioch, and a great number of the Greeks believe. Barnabas is sent from the church at Jerusalem to confirm the disciples at Antioch, who are first called Christians there, § 25. Claudius. 42 Barnabas goes to Tarsus for Saul, and bringing him to Antioch, they spend a year together there, ibid. 3 43 Agabus comes thither from Jerusalem, and foretells an approaching famine: A collection is resolved upon for the poor brethren in Judea, which is sent to Jerusalem by the hands of Barnabas and Saul, ibid. 4 44 Herod Agrippa puts James to death at Jerusalem, and imprisons Peter, who is delivered by an angel, § 26. Herod extravagantly applauded at Cæsarea dies miserably by the stroke of an angel, § 27. Barnabas and Saul having executed their commission, and carried to Jerusalem what was collected for the poor brethren, return to Antioch, and bring with them John sirnamed Mark, § 28. 5 45 The Holy Spirit orders Barnabas and Saul to be set apart to preach to the Gentiles: They go to Seleucia attended by John, and from thence sail to Cyprus: Having preached at Salamis, they go through the island to Paphos, where Elymas opposing them is struck blind by Saul, (hereafter called Paul,) and Sergius Paulus the proconsul is converted, ibid. From hence they sail to Perga in Pamphylia, where John, departing from them, returns to Jerusalem, § 29. 6 46 Paul and Barnabas go on to Antioch in Pisidia, where Paul makes a long discourse in the synagogue, and the Gentiles desire to hear him again, ibid. The Jews rejecting the word, they turn to the Gentiles; and as many as are determined for eternal life believe, § 30. A persecution being raised against them by the Jews, they are driven away, and go to Iconium, ibid.
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Claudius 6. Anno Dom. 46. Many converts are made there both of the Jews and Greeks. The unbelieving Jews stir up the multitude against them, and they depart to Lystra, where they cure a lame man; on which the people take them to be gods, and are hardly restrained from sacrificing to them, § 31. But, being followed thither by the Jews, the people are persuaded to stone Paul, who being left for dead recovers, and goes with Barnabas to Derbe, from whence they return through Pisidia and Pamphylia, constituting presbyters in every church, and sailing from Attalia, come back to Antioch in Syria, where having called the church together, they report the wonderful success of their ministry among the Gentiles, § 32— 8 48 Paul and Barnabas continue a long time with the disciples at Antioch, §—32. The Jewish converts urge the necessity of circumcision: Debates arise at Antioch; and Paul and Barnabas are sent, with some others, to consult the apostles and elders at Jerusalem, § 33— 9 49 Having passed through Phœnicia and Samaria in their way, declaring the conversion of the Gentiles to the great joy of all the brethren, they come to Jerusalem, where the matter is debated in a full assembly: in which, after Peter and James had spoken for their liberty, the celebrated decree is made in favour of the Gentile converts, § —33, 34. They send back messengers with Paul and Barnabas, who arrive at Antioch with the decree; and having made some stay there, Judas returns to the apostles, but Silas chooses to continue longer there, § 35— 10 50 Peter comes down to Antioch, and is publicly reproved by Paul for dissimulation in his conduct, ib. 2. Paul with Silas, and Barnabas with John sirnamed Mark, set out different ways, to visit the churches they had lately planted, § —35. Paul and Silas travel through Syria and Cilicia, and several provinces of the Lesser Asia, and come to Derbe and Lystra, where having associated Timothy with them, they go on to Phrygia, Galatia, and Mysia, and from thence come to Troas, where they are called to Macedonia, § 36— 11 51 Being joined by Luke at Troas, they sail from thence and cross the sea to Europe, passing by Sa-
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Claudius 11. Anno Dom. 51. mothracia to Neapolis, where they land, and go to Philippi, §—36. Having preached at Philippi, Lydia is converted, and receives them into her house: But a tumult arising on Paul’s dispossessing the Pythoness, he and Silas are scourged, and thrown into prison: The jailer is miraculously awakened and converted, § 37. On pleading they were Romans, the magistrates come and dismiss them; and having visited the brethren, they depart from Philippi, § 38. Passing through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they come to Thessalonica, where Paul having preached in the synagogue, and planted a Christian church, the unbelieving Jews stir up the mob against them, and oblige them to depart, § 39— 12 52 Being come to Berœa, they are received more candidly by the Jews there, many of whom, and of the Greeks, believe; but being followed thither by the Jews of Thessalonica, Paul goes away to Athens, appointing Silas and Timothy to follow him, §—39. Paul, greatly moved at the idolatry which prevailed at Athens, makes an excellent discourse to the philosophers there; who most of them make light of what he says, but some believe, § 40. Paul departs from Athens to Corinth, where he finds Aquila and Priscilla, and, lodging at their house, works as a tentmaker, but preaches every sabbathday to the Jews and Greeks, § 41— 13 53 Silas and Timothy come to him here: and Paul, rejected by the Jews, turns to the Gentiles, many of whom believe and are baptized, ib. Being encouraged in his work by a vision of Christ, Paul continues at Corinth a year and six months, and is rescued by Gallio from the rage of the Jews, §—41. From hence he writes his first and second epistles to the Thessalonians, and that to the Galatians, ib. 1. 14 54 Paul departs from Corinth to Cenchrea, where in performance of a vow which he had made, he shaves his head: From thence he sails to Ephesus, where he leaves Aquila and Priscilla, whom he had brought with him from Corinth; and spending but one sabbath there, as he was hastening to the passover, pursues his voyage to Cæsarea, where he lands, and goes up to Jerusalem. There he salutes the church, and
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Claudius 14. Anno Dom. 54. having kept the feast, returns to Antioch in Syria, § 42— Having continued there some time, Paul sets out on another progress, (which was the third that he began from thence since his conversion;) in which he visits the Asian churches, and particularly those of Galatia and Phrygia, ib. Apollos, in the mean time, preaches at Ephesus; and being farther instructed in the Christian doctrine by Aquila and Priscilla, goes over to Achaia, and preaches at Corinth and other places in that province, § —42. Nero. 55 While Apollos was watering what Paul had planted at Corinth, Paul comes to Ephesus, where some of John’s disciples, being instructed by him, are baptized, and receive the Spirit, § 43— Having taught there in the synagogue three months, meeting with opposition from the Jews, he separates the disciples, and discourses daily for two years in the school of Tyrannus; performing extraordinary miracles, while the exorcist Jews are beaten by a dæmoniac they would have dispossessed; and preaching the word with such success, that many believe and burn their magical books, § —43. About this time he writes his first epistle to the Corinthians, § 44, a. 3 57 Paul thinks of setting out for Macedonia and Achaia, from whence he would go to Jerusalem, and afterwards to Rome; but sending Timothy and Erastus into Macedonia, he alters his design, and tarries some time longer in that part of Asia, § 44— Demetrius the silversmith raising a tumult against him, the mob is enraged and cries out for Diana: Paul is advised not to venture among them: The chancellor comes and appeases the tumult, § —44. Paul leaving Timothy, who was now returned to him, at Ephesus, departs from thence; and having passed through Troas in his way, crosses the sea to Macedonia, where he visits the several churches, gathering a contribution as he passed for the poor brethren in Judea, § 45— In this journey he writes his Second Epistle to the Corinthians; as also, probably, his First to Timothy, ib. b, c. 4 58 From Macedonia he goes on to Greece, where he visits the churches at Corinth, and in the neighbour-
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Nero. 4.
Anno Dom. 58.
ing parts of Achaia: and having finished his collection, after three months abode there, being now ready to embark for Syria, to avoid the Jews he chooses to return by Macedonia, §—45—
From Corinth in this journey the apostle writes his epistle to the Romans, ib. c.
Timothy being returned from Ephesus, accompanies Paul in his journey, with Luke and several others, who sail from Philippi after the passoverweek to Froas; where, on the first day of the week, Paul celebrates the eucharist, and having preached till midnight raises Eutychus to life, who was killed by a fall as he slept, after which he proceeds on his voyage, and comes to Miletus, designing, if possible, to be at Jerusalem by Pentecost, §—45.
At Miletus he sends for the elders of the Ephesian church, and takes his leave of them in an affectionate discourse, § 46.
Paul and his company pursue their voyage, and having sailed by divers places come to Cæsarea, where they are entertained at Philip’s house; and notwithstanding the repeated warnings that were given him by inspired persons of what the Jews would do to him, he resolutely goes up to Jerusalem, § 47.
Upon his coming to Jerusalem, after an interview with James and the elders of the church there, Paul being advised to join with some that had a vow, to obviate the prejudices of the Jews, begins his purification; but is assaulted in the temple by some Jews from Asia, who so incense the people that they would have killed him, if Lysias the Roman Tribune had not come and prevented it, who orders his soldiers to bind him and take him into the castle, § 48.
As they were carrying him away, Paul obtains leave to speak to the people, and gives them an account of his conversion, and of the call he had to preach the gospel, § 49: But upon mentioning his being sent unto the Gentiles, the Jews are enraged and will hear him no farther: The Tribune orders that he should be scourged, which Paul escapes by pleading he is a Roman, § 50.
Paul being brought before the Sanhedrim, occasions a division in the council; and a tumult arising, the Tribune takes him away. Christ appears in a vision to Paul, and tells him he should testify concerning him at Rome. The Jews conspire to assas-
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Nero. 4. Anno Dom. 58. Finite him, which being made known to Paul, the Tribune is informed of their design, § 51. Lysias sends away Paul under a guard, who bring him by night to Antipatris, and conduct him from thence to Felix the Roman governor at Cæsarea, who orders him into custody till his accusers came, § 52— He is soon followed thither by the high priest and elders of the Jews; and Tertullus accusing him, the Jews affirm that what he said was true, § —52. But Paul having made his defence, Felix adjourns the cause till Lysias should come down, and only orders him to be kept under a gentle confinement, with liberty for his friends to come to him, § 53. 5 59 On hearing Paul discourse before him and his wife Drusilla, Felix trembles, and puts him off to another opportunity; but though he frequently sent for him afterwards, it was only with a view of getting money from him to release him, § 54— 6 60 When Paul had been in custody two years, Felix, on quitting his government, to gratify the Jews leaves Paul a prisoner, ib. Festus succeeding Felix is applied to by the Jews, who renew their complaints against Paul. He makes his defence before Festus, and to avoid his sending him to Jerusalem, appeals to Cæsar, §—54. King Agrippa and Berenice coming to visit the new governor, Festus acquaints them with the case of Paul: and, at the King’s request, Paul is produced before him in a large assembly, § 55. Being permitted to speak for himself, Paul makes an excellent defence, and gives such an account of himself and his doctrine, that Agrippa is almost persuaded to be a Christian; and the assembly rising, he declares Paul might be set at liberty, if he had not appealed to Cæsar, § 56. Paul is shipped for Italy with some other prisoners, in custody of a centurion, and is attended in his voyage by Luke and Aristarchus: Having suffered great extremity in a storm, Paul is assured by an angel, that none of them should perish, which he declares for their encouragement to those that sailed with him, § 57. The storm continues many days, and they at length are shipwrecked on the coast of Malta, but all get safe to land, § 58. The inhabitants of Malta treat them with great kindness. A viper fastens upon Paul, and he receives
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Nero. 7. Anno Dom. 61. no harm : Publius’s father and others are miraculously cured : And after three months’ stay there they depart for Rome, § 59— Having touched at Syracuse in Sicily, they sail to Rhegium in Italy, and from thence to Puteoli ; from whence they go by land to Rome, being met by several Christian brethren on the way, § —59— When they were come to Rome, Paul is allowed to dwell in his own hired house, while the rest of the prisoners are delivered to the Captain of the Guard, §—59. Soon after his arrival Paul has an audience of the Jews, and gives them an account of the Christian Faith ; but most of them being hardened in their unbelief, he declares, the salvation of God is sent to the Gentiles, § 60— 9 63 He spends two years confined to his own hired house there, preaching the things concerning CHRIST to all that came to him, § —60 During this time of his abode at Rome he writes several Epistles ; particularly, those to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philippians ; as also that to Philemon ; and not long after, that to the Hebrews. His Epistle to Titus, and the Second to Timothy, seem to be of a later date, ibid. 8.
CONCLUSION OF THE HISTORY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.
NUMBER IV.
AN ADDITIONAL NOTE, RELATING TO THE PARTICULAR TIME, IN WHICH THE SEVERAL HISTORICAL BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT WERE WRITTEN.
SINCE the preceding parts of this work were finished, it has been suggested to me by a much esteemed friend, that it might be proper to say something concerning the Time of writing each of these Sacred Books on which I have commented. I confess it might justly be expected I should touch on this article; and I heartily wish I were capable of doing it in a more satisfactory manner.
In general, it must be allowed, their being so universally received, among those who were most capable of judging, and who were certainly obliged by the highest interest to be accurate in their inquiries, as written by Holy Men, who were contemporary with CHRIST himself, and personally concerned in the grand facts they record, plainly shows they must have been of very early date, and secures the point which is most important to our faith and edification as Christians.
But as to the particular year, in which either of the Four Gospels, or the Acts, were published, I am of opinion, on the most careful inquiry I have had a capacity and opportunity of making, that we have no certain foundation to go upon in determining it.
It is but very little we can learn from the Books themselves, with regard to this circumstance. Matthew does not continue his history quite so low as the Ascension of CHRIST. Mark indeed goes much farther, and speaks of the Apostles going out and preaching every where; which implies, that the Gospel had made a considerable progress before his history was concluded. Luke carries down the Acts, which book was written after his Gospel, to the end of the second year of Paul’s imprisonment; which shows it could not be written till about thirty years after CHRIST’s Ascension, but does not certainly prove, it was written quite so soon: And as for the argument from 2 Cor. viii. 18, to prove that his Gospel was dispersed throughout all the churches with applause, before Paul wrote his Second Epistle to the Corinthians, (that is, before the year 57,) I think it very precarious. John plainly appears to have intended his gospel as a supplement to the other three, and consequently it must have been the last of the four: But as he mentions nothing which happened after
The time of writing the Historical Books.
the Ascension, though he so certainly wrote after Christianity had been widely propagated, (as appears from what has been said of Mark’s conclusion,) it will show, that no conjecture can be formed as to the Date of one of these Books merely from the last article recorded in it.
Tradition does indeed say something on this subject, but not in so determinate, or always in so consistent a manner, as we might have been ready to expect. Irenæus, Eusebius, Jerom, and Augustine are mentioned by almost all critics and commentators that write upon this head. They all agree in telling us, what is extremely probable, that Matthew’s Gospel was first written: (Compare Iren. adv. Hær. lib. iii. cap. 1. Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. vi. cap. 1. Hieron. Catal. Script. Eccles. and Aug. de Cousen. Evan. lib. i. cap. 1.) But in the account of the year of publication they differ. Eusebius, (in his Chronicon,) and Theophylact, whom most of the moderns follow, place it but eight or nine years after the ascension; and Calmet tells us, that almost all the old Greek manuscripts have it thus at the end of his Gospel. The Alexandrian Chronicle brings it seven years lower: and Irenæus in the forecited place, on the authority of a tradition from Papias, (which in itself seems not very probable,) sets it as late as the preaching of Peter and Paul at Rome; which must have been, (if they ever preached together there,) more than fifteen years after that. The same author says, that Mark wrote two years after Matthew: And hardly any other accounts (so far as I can recollect,) say any thing determinate about it; though several of them speak of Mark’s writing his Gospel at the request of St. Peter. (See Clem. Alex. apud Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 15, & lib. vi. cap. 14. Hieron. Catal. Vir. illustr. in Marc. and Ephiphan. Hær. 51.) I cannot certainly affirm, that Luke had seen both these, though Mr. L’Enfant thinks he strongly intimates it: And I find little in the Fathers about the time of his writing, more than what Irenæus says, that he digested into writing what Paul preached among the Gentiles; thereby seeming to intimate, that it was after that apostle had dispatched some considerable part of his ministry. (See Iren. lib. iii. cap. 1.) Eusebius, (Eccl. Hist. lib. iii. cap. 24, & lib. vi. cap. 14,) Jerom, (Catal. in Joan.) and Irenæus, (lib. iii. cap. 11,) say, that John wrote his Gospel in an extreme old age, and very near the conclusion of the first century. And this is the substance of what I can learn concerning the light that antiquity throws on this question.
On the whole, it will appear certain concerning Two of the Gospels, those of Mark and John, and probable concerning the third, I mean that of Luke, (whatever we may conjecture concerning Matthew’s,) that they were not written till some considerable time after our Lord’s resurrection. Perhaps this may afford a probable argument, that Matthew’s was written sooner; since we
The time of writing the Historical Books.
can hardly suppose, (as Mr. Le Clerc observes, Eccles. Hist. p. 414,) that the Church should be left so long without any authentic account in writing of facts so highly important to its edification and its very being.²
As for the later Evangelists it might perhaps be urged, that they, who wrote not altogether from their own knowledge, but from the testimony of others, would have an opportunity of making fuller inquiries from a greater variety of persons, in consequence of the deliberation they used before the publication of their works. Yet on the other hand, it would on the part of the original witnesses so much increase the probability of some slip of memory, that on the whole it might something derogate from the full credibility of what they have written, were it not for what hath been proved above of the divine superintendency and inspiration with which they were favoured: But when this is allowed, the objection immediately falls to the ground; for in regard to this, we may as entirely credit Moses, when relating facts which happened two thousand years before he was born, as Luke, when giving an account of the shipwreck he himself suffered at Malta.
I shall close this note with observing, that the longer Christianity had been settled in the world before these books were written, the stronger is the argument which we may deduce from the universal reception they met with, to prove their credibility: Because it plainly shews, they were perfectly agreeable to what the churches in one place and another had been taught by the lips of the apostles; otherwise their inconsistency with those originally received accounts would, no doubt, have been esteemed an invincible reason for rejecting them. And when a due weight is allowed to this thought, it will perhaps appear, that if we should bring the date of each book as low as any of the Ecclesiastical Writers do, (for which I can see no sufficient reason,) yet the cause of Christianity would not, on the whole, lose any thing material by such a concession.
² See Mr. Le Clerc’s Dissertation on the Four Evangelists, prefixed to his Harmony; in which he says as good things as I have any where met with, in favour of the earliest dates which any have assigned to Matthew, Mark, and Luke.
END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.