05. BOOK IV, CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER VIII.

Moral Courage in the Martyrs—Martyrmdom of Cyrillus—Of Faustus—Martyrs in Palestine—In Carthage—Martyrmdom of Fructuosus—Apparent Authenticity of the Narrative of Fructuosus—Beneficiarii—Case of Sapricius and Nicephorus—Sapricius is tortured—And apostatizes—Nicephorus suffers—Remarks on this Case—Milner the Historian—The Fall of Valerian—Principles of the Divine Government—Cruel Edict of Valerian against the Church—He is taken Prisoner—Reduced to servile Slavery—And dies a miserable Death—Lactantius—Unfilial Conduct of Gallienus—Dreadful Condition of the Roman Empire—Pestilence and Earthquakes—Swarm of Usurpers—Their general Character—Testimony of Gibbon—Conduct of Gallienus—Reason of his Edict in Favour of the Christians—Sanquinary Character of Macrianus—Persecution still existing—Neander and Townsend on the term “Religio Licita”—Fall of Macrianus—The Martyrdom of Marinus—Remarks on the Death of the Centurion—Tranquil State of the Church—Death of Gallienus—Zenobia—Ascension of Claudius, and Death—Quintilius—Aurelian, Emperor—His History—His Character—The Sibylline Books—General Tranquillity of the Church—His Treatment of the Christians—Paul of Samosata—Change of his Conduct towards the Church—Cause thereof—History of the Mother of Aurelian—Edict against the Christians—Quinquennalia—Martyrmdom of Felix, Bishop of Rome—And of Agapetus—Aurelian undertakes an Expedition to the East—Is assassinated—Lactantius—Tacitus—His Character, and Death—Florianus and Probus—Quietude of the Church—Death of Probus—Carus—Carinus—Numerianus—State of the Christians—Arrius Aper—Death of Numerian—Its suspicious Character—Diocletian proclaimed Emperor—He slayes Aper—Anecdote of Diocletian—Progress of Christianity—Theonas, Bishop of Alexandria—Dorotheus—General Decline of Piety in the Church—History and Character of Diocletian—Hercules raised to the Office of Cesar—And afterward of Co-Emperor—Diocletian an Enemy to the Christians, and why—Martyrs of this Period—Testimony of Mosheim—Hercules a Persecutor—Martyrmdom of Primus and Felician—Of Marcus and Marcellianus—Of Zoe, Tranquillinus, and others—Tiburtius and Chromatius—Caius, Bishop of Rome—Christianity in the Army of Rome—The Theban Legion—Their Martyrdom—Carausius—Constantius Chlorus and Galerius made Casars—Helena, History of Division of the Government—Mar-

B tyrdom of Faith, Capracius, and Quintin—Heresy of Manicheism—And of Hierax—Oppression of the Christian Soldiers—Martyrdom of Maximilian—Persecuting Spirit of Diocletian—The Case of Marcellus—Remarks of Gibbon, examined Cassianus—Galerius an inveterate Enemy of the Church—Character of Constantius Chlorus—Baths of Diocletian—State of the Church—Romula, the Mother of Galerius—Her Character—Active Measures contemplated against the Christians—Diocletian consents to them—His first Edict defined—Martyrdom of Sebastian—The Edict of Diocletian is executed—Nicomedia—Terminalia—Another Edict, and how executed—Arnobius—Conduct of the Christians—Martyrdom of Maximilian—The Edict is torn down—Heroism of the Faithful—Numerous Martyrs—Fire at the Palace—The Persecution is general—Prisca and Valeria are persecuted—Unheard of Tortures—Vivicomburation—Hierocles—Lactantius—Martyrdom of Vitus, Modestus, and Crescentia—And also of Victor of Marseilles—Aurelius Clemens Prudentius, who he was—Account of Tarachus—Romanus and Eulalia—Political Storms prejudicial to the Church—Martyrdom of Authimus, Bishop of Nicomedia—Of Peter—George and Erasmus—Eusebius—Martyrdom of Agnes—This Persecution depreciated—Persecution in Rome—Marcellinus and others suffer—Persecution in Gaul and Spain—Many suffer—The Persecution extends to Britain—Albanus and others are martyred—Giraldus—Gildas the Historian—Case of Marcellinus, Bishop of Rome—Diocletian in the Capital—Porphyrius—Diocletian publishes another Edict—Persecution in Egypt, and neighbouring Districts—Cyprian, Justina, and other Martyrs—Theonas, Bishop of Alexandria—Agricola martyred—Mensurius of Carthage—Saturninus—Persecution in Syria and Palestine—Numerous Victims—Illness of Diocletian—Case of Apphianus Edesius—Remarks thereon—Diocletian abdicates—Hercules follows his Example—Constantius Chlorus and Galerian, Emperors—General Misery of the Empire—Severus and Maximin Cæsars—Character of the latter—Character of Constantius as an Emperor—Council of Cirta—Commemoration of Martyrs—Case of the Lapsed revived—Council of Illiberis—Cruelty of Maximin—Persecution in Egypt revived—It increases in Severity—Christians multiply—Number of Martyrs—Puntalcon, Julietta, and others noticed—Results of Christian Fortitude—The Martyrdom of Phileas—Remarks on Gibbon—Epistle of Phileas—Cruelties in Phrygia, Antioch, Pontus, &c.—Sufferings of Lucian, Procopius, and others—Also of Hesychius, Pachymius, and Theodorus—Meletius—Meletian Schism—Another Edict—Intemperate Rage of Persecutors—Paul, the Bishop of Cirta—Felix of Tibiura—Promising Character of Constantine—Death of Constantius—Character of Maxentius—His Death—Cruelties at Cæsarea—Agapius—Cruelty of Maximin—Death of Severus—Licinius—Alexander—Pamphilus—Persecution again in Palestine and in Egypt—Antony, the Monk—Marcellus, Bishop of Rome—Persecution revived in general—Feroity of Urbanus—His subsequent Fate—Death of Pamphilus—Quirinus—Continued Cruelty of Maximin—Sufferings of the Christians—Peleus and Nilus, two Egyptian Bishops—Martyrdom at Tyre—Numerous Sufferers—Barbarous Conduct of Firmilian—Arnobius—State of the Church—Illness of Galerius—Edict of Galerius—Jealousy of Maximin—Death of Galerius—Various Plots against the Christians—Number of Martyrs—Maximin—Jealousy of Licinius—Licinius hostile to Christianity—Re-organization of Paganism—The Milatian Schism—Persecution continues in Egypt—Maximin and "Acts of Pilate"—Persecutions perpetrated by Maximin—The Arts and Tyranny of Maximin—Lucianus—Septuagint Version—Doctrines of Lucianus—State of the Church—Death of Lucianus—Refined Cruelties of Maximin—Death of Peter—Distressing State of the Empire—And of the Church—Carthage—The Donatists—Death of Diocletian, and of his Wife—Cæcilianus—Constantine marches to Rome—Vision of the Cross—Victory of Constantine—Edict of Constantine—His Conversion—War between Maximin and Licinius—Licinius defeats Maximin—Maximin retracts his persecuting Edicts—Death of Maximin—Edicts of Constantine—His Character—Constantine supports Cæcilian—Donatists defeated—Pro-

MARTYROOM OF CYRILLUS.

gress of Christianity—Persecution in Persia—Conversion of the Empire—Offensive Movements of Licinius—Full of the New Paganism—Rebuilding of the Church at Tyre—Remarks.

PERSECUTION still raged. It is, however, an interesting fact, that nearly as many examples exist of females suffering nobly for the cause of Christ, and triumphing gloriously, as of men. The instances of such fortitude are not confined to persons of mature age: youths far below the age of manhood have been known to expose themselves to the peril of death, for the purpose of expressing their entire devotion to the truth they had embraced. A circumstance of this nature is related in the history of the period of which we are writing, which illustrates this fact in a very striking manner. A lad named Cyrillus having been converted to Christianity, his father drove him from his house, and left him exposed to starvation: he was at length apprehended, and taken before the Magistrate, who endeavoured by his threats to terrify him into a recantation. But the youthful confessor remained firm to his purpose; and when the Judge changed his tone, and said mildly, that, if he would repent of his error, his father would take him home again, and give him all he could desire, he replied, that he rejoiced at being driven from his home to suffer for the honour of God; that he should quickly inhabit a nobler and happier mansion than that which he had lost; and that he should not fear to die, to obtain a better life. The Magistrate himself was moved at seeing one so young so unbending in his profession, and determined to save him from the punishment to which an older Christian would have been condemned without delay. Desirous, however, of making him recant, if possible, he ordered him to be bound, and carried to execution; but neither the appearance of the fire, nor the preparations made to expose him to its flames, had any effect upon his mind, and he was led back to the tribunal. The Judge again addressed him in the gentle voice of persuasion; but it was as unavailing as before; and Cyrillus said, with firmness, "You have done me great wrong in bringing me back: I fear not your fire; I shall pass through it to an infinitely more excellent habitation than any I could enjoy upon earth." Few of those most accustomed to even the scenes of misery which took place during persecutions, could refrain from tears as they heard him thus express himself, in a voice, the firmness of which was in singular contrast with its boyish tones. But the extraordinary magnanimity which he exhibited had no permanent effect on his Judge; for soon after uttering the words above mentioned, he was again led to execution, and put to death.*

A "cloud of witnesses," at this period, suffered in the cause of Christ, of whom mention only needs be made. Faustus, an aged man, was beheaded. At Cæsarea, in Palestine, there were martyred, Priscus, Malchus, and Alexander; who, dwelling in the country, had witnessed the effects of the fortitude of the Christians, were grieved at their own supineness and negligence with regard to the

* Fleury, Hist. Eccles., liv. vii., sect. 49, Nismes, 8vo. edit., p. 613, 1779; Stebbing, History of the Christian Church, vol. I., p. 118.

B 2 cause of Christianity, and, consulting with each other, they came voluntarily to the city, and stood before the Governor, declared themselves to be Christians, and suffered accordingly. The city of Carthage was in no degree free from renewed exhibitions of the tyrant's power, especially if the "Speculum Historiale Vincentii" is to be credited, where mention is made of not less than three hundred martyrs. We are told, that the Proconsul placed before them coals and incense, adjoining a limekiln, in order to sacrifice to Jupiter, and, in case of refusal, to throw themselves into the burning furnace; on which they simultaneously embraced that death to which they had been doomed. The same writer also testifies, that in the city of Tuburbo, in Africa, were three ladies of the names of Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who, in the persecution of Valerian and Gallienus, first had given them for their drink vinegar and gall, then they were whipped with the scourge, then tortured upon the rack, and rubbed with lime; after that they were scorched upon the gridiron, and then thrown to the wild beasts; and as these refused to approach them, the confessors were beheaded. Mention is also made of Pontius, who was arrested at Cimele, a small city, now in a state of dilapidation, in the neighbourhood of Nice, in Sardinia, at the direction of Claudius, the Prefect: he was first placed on the rack, then he was thrown to the wild beasts, and afterward committed to the flames; having emerged from these torturing scenes unhurt, he was beheaded by the river-side, and then thrown into the stream. Zeno, the Bishop of Verona, is said, also, in the same persecution, to have sustained martyrdom. Others, also, at Carthage laid down their lives for the faith, particularly Lucius, Montanus, Flavian, Julian, Victoricus, Primolus, Remus, and Donatian, most of whom were Clergy, and the disciples of Cyprian.

Aurelius Prudentius, in his work entitled, "Peristephanon," or "The Crowns of Martyrs," mentions Fructuosus, the Bishop of Tarragona, in Spain, who, with his Deacons, suffered martyrdom during the reign of Valerian and his son Gallienus, and under the consulate of Æmilian and Bassus.* Fructuosus was in bed when the

* Lord Halles, (Sir David Dalrymple,) to whose translation of the account of Fructuosus we are much indebted, does not hesitate to say, that the narrative of the trial and execution of Fructuosus and his two Deacons has various marks of authenticity which seem to distinguish it from others of the like nature, too hastily admitted as genuine. 1. The time is mentioned in such a manner as not to be inconsistent with history; and the place, although not mentioned in the manuscript here used, is to be learned from a manuscript quoted by Valesius. (Ad Euseb., lib. ix., cap. 9.) "Æmilianus Praeses, adveniens in civitatem Tarraconientium, immolavit Diis, et—misit beneficiarios ad domum Fructuosi Episcopi," &c.; and the same thing is said by Prudentius: "Felix Tarraco," &c. 2. There is in it no pompous declamation by the Roman Magistrate, and no curious and impertinent inquiry into the grounds and reasons of the Christian religion. 3. No promise of rewards or honours is made to apostatizing Christians. 4. The persons accused, instead of displaying a verbose and systematic confession of their faith, avow that they believe in one God, and that they are Christians. 5. The Roman Magistrate is not represented as holding converse with the persons condemned amidst their sufferings. 6. Some minute and apparently trivial incidents are related, which add greatly to the credibility of the narrative. Thus days, and even hours, are scrupulously specified; and the circumstances which attended the putting on and putting off the shoes of Fructuosus, are related with as much care as the circumstances of his martyrdom. This is the style of a faithful,

FRUCTUOSUS MARTYRED.

exempted soldiers,* Aurelius, Festucius, Æius, Pollentius, Donatus, and Maximus arrived at his house. Hearing the sound of their feet, he instantly arose, and came to the threshold in his slippers. The soldiers said, "Come, the Governor hath sent for thee, and thy Deacons." Fructuosus answered, "Let us go; but permit me first to put on my shoes;" and the soldiers permitted him; and then were Fructuosus, and the two Deacons, straightway received into prison. The Bishop, in full assurance of obtaining from the Lord that crown to which he was called, prayed without ceasing. The brethren were with him comforting him, and entreated to be remembered in his prayers.

On the sixth day of their imprisonment, they were brought forth to the place of trial, and heard. Æmilian, the President, said, "Bring in Fructuosus, the Bishop, together with Augurius and Eulogius." It was immediately answered by the officers of the court, "They are here." Æmilian, addressing Fructuosus, said, "Hast thou heard what the Emperors have commanded?" The Bishop replied, "I know not what they have commanded.† As for me, I am a Christian." The President then said, "They have commanded that the gods be worshipped." "I worship," rejoined Fructuosus, "the one God, who made heaven and earth, and the sea, and all that is therein." Æmilian: "Knowest thou that there are gods?" "No!" said the Bishop. "That," said Æmilian, "thou shalt know hereafter." Then Fructuosus looked toward God, and began to pray within himself. Æmilian said, "Who can be obeyed, or feared, or adored, if no worship is paid to the gods, and no veneration to the image of the Emperors?" And, addressing himself to Augurius, the Deacon, he said, "Do not thou listen to the speeches of Fructuosus." To which he replied, "I worship the Almighty God." The President though not of an elegant, historian. 7. It may be added, that Augustine was acquainted with the story of Fructuosus, as recorded in this narrative. He has quoted the most characteristic parts of it, as will appear in the course of these notes: and, although there be a long interval between the middle of the third century and the days of Augustine, and too much reason to suspect that forgers and interpolators were busy during that interval; yet the authority of Augustine must have weight in the scale of evidence; and, at least, will serve to show that the account of the martyrdom of Fructuosus is not the work of a later age. Ruinart has published many a trifling and many an ignorant story in his "Acta Martyrum sincera." This will be acknowledged by learned men of his own communion. He generally prefaces them with a declaration, that he found them in manuscripts eight or nine hundred years old; that is, in manuscripts just of that age when every man who could write at all, wrote fables. A story which is more ancient than Augustine, has a fairer probability of being genuine. (Dalrymple.)

* "Exempted soldiers:" men who, having distinguished themselves in service, were exempted by their commanders from certain military duties. The term "beneficium" is equivalent to fendum or "fief" in the writers on feudal law, and is an interest in land, or things inseparable from the land, or things immovable. The beneficiarius is he who has a beneficium. The term "benefice" is also applied to an ecclesiastical preferment. "Beneficium" also signified any promotion conferred on, or grant made to soldiers, who were thence called "beneficiarii:" this practice was common. It does not, however, appear what the beneficium actually was: it might be any kind of honour, special exemption from service, &c.

† "I know not what they have commanded," &c. As he added this profession of his faith in Christ, it is not improbable that in saying, "Nescio quid praecepunt," ("I know not what they have commanded,") he meant, that "to him it imported nothing what the Emperors had commanded."

then addressed the other Deacon, to whom he said, "Dost thou also worship Fructuosus?" * "No," said Eulogius; "but I worship Him whom Fructuosus worshippeth." Æmilian then said to the martyr, "Art thou a Bishop?" "I am," said he. "Thou wert!" said the Judge. He then pronounced sentence, and condemned them all to be burned alive. While the myrmidons of Æmilian were conducting Fructuosus and the Deacons to the amphitheatre, the multitude began, with one voice, to lament over the Bishop, so great was the esteem which not only the brethren, but the Pagans also, manifested towards him. He was confessedly such an individual as the Holy Spirit, by the Apostle Paul, declares, that a vessel unto honour, and a teacher of the Gentiles, ought to be. The disciples, who knew that he was advancing to an "exceeding weight of glory," rejoiced rather than mourned: many, through kindness, offered him wine mixed with spices to drink; but he refused, saying, "My fast is not yet ended:" for Fructuosus, with his Deacons, had, on the fourth day of the week, instituted a fast in prison; and on the sixth day, says the record, he hastened with confidence and joy to the feast of the Prophets and martyrs, in that paradise which the Lord hath prepared for those who love him.

When Fructuosus approached the amphitheatre, his reader, named Augustalis, forthwith came unto him, and with tears besought permission to take off his shoes. To whom the Bishop answered, "Let me alone, my son: I myself will perform that office; for I am strengthened, and I rejoice in the certainty of the divine promise." After this, Felix, a brother and fellow-soldier, seized his hand, and requested to be remembered in his prayers: to whom Fructuosus, in the hearing of all, with a loud voice, replied, "Thou desirest that I should pray for thee:† depart not, then, from her for whom I must needs pray; for it behoveth me, in my supplications, to remember the universal church, spread from the East unto the West." And now standing at the threshold of the amphitheatre, and about to receive, not punishment, but an unfading crown, he was encompassed with

* "Dost thou also worship Fructuosus?" These words of the Roman Governor are quoted by Augustine. (Serm. celxxiii. "In Natali Martyrum Fructuosi Episcopi, Augurii et Eulogii, Diaconorum," Opera Augustini, tom. v., pars ii., p. 1623. Edit. 8vo. Paris, 1838.) "Ait illi judex, 'Numquid et tu Fructuosum colis?'" The sense of the verb "colera" is so vague in the Latin language, that it may signify the respect due to superiors, or the worship of the supreme Being. It is probable that the Roman Magistrate intended to express something far short of religious honour; but that Eulogius understood the word in the obvious and popular sense.

† "Thou desirest that I should pray for thee," &c. This is added from Augustine: "Tu si vis ut pro te orem, noll recedere ab illa pro qua oro." In the manuscript the following words only are to be found: "In mente me habere necesse est ecclesiam catholicam, ab oriente usque in occidentem diffusam." Ruinart, considering this as a most apposite authority for the cause of the Roman Catholic Church, has taken pains to print it in capital letters. He appears not to have known, that Protestants believed in "the catholic church, spread from the East unto the West," as truly as himself did; and that the great matter in controversy is, whether the word "catholic," or "universal," ought to be understood in a more extended or more limited sense. It may be conjectured, that Fructuosus meant to reprove Felix, because he requested the prayers of his departing Pastor for himself alone, rather than for the Christian society at large. It is possible, also, that Felix might have been of a character inclined to divisions, a character not unknown in the primitive ages. The passage, viewed in this light, contains a weighty and important admonition. (Dalrymple.)

SAPRICIUS AND NICEPHORUS.

the soldiers of whose names mention has been made; yet so, that the brethren heard the words which he uttered: he declared, "There will not be wanting a Pastor among you; for the loving-kindness and the covenant of the Lord shall never fail; and that which ye now behold, seemeth but as the tribulation of one hour." Having comforted his companions in affliction, he with them speedily entered into the rest which remains for the people of God.* They were worthy in their martyrdom to receive the fruits promised in the holy Scriptures, and exhibited a striking resemblance to the three Hebrews in the fiery furnace, of whom we have heretofore written. When the wreaths which bound their hands were consumed, they, mindful of their wonted religious worship, and in firm trust of their future resurrection, kneeled down, and implored the mercy of God, until they gave up the ghost together.†

The little estimation in which many of the Christians held their lives may also be illustrated from an anecdote related of two citizens of Antioch, Sapricius, a Priest, and Nicephorus, a layman. These persons had long cherished towards each other an ardent friendship; but some dispute having arisen between them, they separated, without a prospect of ever becoming reconciled. At length Nicephorus, influenced by early recollections and Christian mildness, determined to heal the schism, and accordingly sought, by every means in his power, to soothe the irritated feelings of his friend. But all his efforts proved vain; and Sapricius and he remained apart till the apprehension of the former, which again induced Nicephorus to attempt a reconciliation. As his friend was led to execution, after professing his faith in the boldest manner, he ran to him, and, falling at his feet, implored him to forgive whatever he had done to anger him; but the Priest preserved a stern silence, and the afflicted Nicephorus found all his entreaties received with disdain. Hastening, however, after the procession, he again approached his resentful friend, and repeated his solicitations, but was again rebuffed; on seeing which the guards expressed their surprise that any one should be so anxious to obtain the favour of a man who was on the point of being put to death; but Nicephorus answered, that they knew not what he sought from the confessor of Jesus Christ.‡

* It is recorded in some of the ancient Martyrologies, we are informed, that when these martyrs were in the fire, there was a soldier in the house of Æmilian, who did see the heavens above open, and these witnesses for the truth enter in; the soldier likewise showed the sight at the same time to the daughter of Æmilian, who, beholding the spectacle, was also enabled to testify to the blessedness of those whom her cruel father had condemned. (Foxe.)

† See "Remains of Christian Antiquities, with Explanatory Notes. By Sir David Dalrymple."

‡ When Sapricius was apprehended and brought before the Governor, the latter asked him his name. He answered, "It is Sapricius." "Of what profession are you?" said the Governor. "I am a Christian," said Sapricius. Governor. "Are you of the Clergy?" The prisoner at the bar said, "I have the honour to be a Priest: we Christians acknowledge one Lord and Master, Jesus Christ, who is God, the only and true God, who created heaven and the earth. The gods of nations are devils." The President, exasperated at his answer, gave orders for him to be put into an engine, like a screw-press, which the tyrants had invented to torment the faithful. The excessive pain of this torture did not shake the constancy of Sapricius; and he said unto the Judges, "My body is in your power; but my soul you cannot touch. Only my Saviour,

At length they reached the place of execution; and at the sight of the preparations which were made to separate his early and venerated acquaintance from him for ever in this world, Nicephorus renewed his appeals to the clemency and former affection of the Priest. But Sapricius remained in the same temper; and God, as it has been rightly observed, punished him for his unchristian indulgence of resentment, by depriving him of the grace which had hitherto enabled him to persevere in the profession of the truth. Everything being ready for his execution, he knelt down to receive the stroke which was to sever his head from his body; but, just as the executioner raised the sword, he called out to him to stop, and declared that he was ready to obey the Emperors, and sacrifice to the gods. Nicephorus started with astonishment at hearing these words. He had witnessed the constancy hitherto exhibited by his friend with the highest admiration, and had been induced to humble himself so deeply before him, because he regarded him not only as one whose affections he wished to regain, but as a saint whose blessing would render him more acceptable in the sight of God. Many, therefore, were the sorrowful emotions which filled his mind at witnessing the fall of Sapricius. He had not only to lament him as lost, but to behold the faith and constancy of Christians put in doubt among their pagan enemies. "Lose not the crown," he exclaimed, addressing the Priest, "which you have won by so many sufferings." But these words were lost, as his others had been, to the ear of Sapricius; and, as if the spirit of devotion and truth had passed from the fallen confessor to redouble the fervour of his despised friend, Nicephorus turned to the attendants, and said, "I am a Christian: I believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, whom this man hath renounced. Let me die instead of him." He was taken at his word; and, information being sent to the Magistrate, he expired beneath the sword which had been raised for Sapricius.*

Jesus Christ, is Master of this." The President, seeing him so resolute, pronounced this sentence: "Sapricius, Priest of the Christians, who is ridiculously persuaded that he shall rise again, shall be delivered over to the executioner of public justice, to have his head severed from his body, because he has condemned the edict of the Emperors." After all, Sapricius apostatized.

* Stebbing, History of the Christian Church, vol. i., pp. 119, 120. Milner justly observes: "The account ends here; but if Sapricius lived to repent, as I hope he did, he might see what a thing it is for a miserable mortal, whose sufficiency rests entirely on divine grace, to despise, condemn, or exult over his brother. The last became the first, and God showed his people wonderfully by this case, that he will support them in their sufferings for his name, but, at the same time, will have them to be humble, meek, and forgiving. This is the first instance I have seen of a man attempting to suffer for Christ on philosophical grounds; and it failed. Let Christians and men of self-sufficiency be ever thus kept asunder, and let both their cause and their spirit be preserved distinct and separate. It appears that Christian fortitude is a very different thing from the pride of philosophy, or the sullenness of Indians, and cannot even subsist in the absence of Christian meekness and charity. Philosophers and savages can maintain the hardy spirit of nature amidst the highest gratifications of malice and ferocity. The spirit of suffering for Christ being above nature, and wrought in the heart by the grace of Christ, cannot subsist if the Spirit of God be provoked to leave the sufferer; and the event of this story shows how little reason infidels have to plume themselves on the hardihood of others who have suffered by the side of Christians. Their spirit is entirely of a different nature." (Hist. of the Church of Christ, vol. i., cent. iii., chap. xvi., p. 506.)

AWFUL FATE OF VALERIAN.

The Persian campaign of Valerian was fatally disastrous, a just and awful retribution of the miseries he brought upon the Christians: it ended in the spectacle, which had never yet been witnessed, of a Roman Emperor being led in triumph by a barbarian Prince. This was the fate of Valerian; who was taken prisoner at Edessa, by Sapor, the King of Persia, and continued in that condition until his death. An early and a fearful fate appeared to be the inevitable lot of the persecutors of Christianity. The profound and earnest conviction of the Christians, namely, that the hand of divine Providence was perpetually and visibly interposing in the affairs of men, was not so deeply imbued with the spirit of their divine Master, as to suppress the language of triumph, or even of vengeance, when the enemies of their God and of themselves either suffered defeat or death, or, worse than that, a cruel and insulting captivity. The fall of Decius, which we have recorded already, was, if we give full credence to the Pagan account, worthy of the ancient Roman republic: he was environed by the Goths; his son was killed by an arrow; he cried aloud, that the loss of a single soldier was nothing to the glory of the empire; he renewed the battle, and fell valiantly. The Christian writers strip away all the more ennobling incidents. According to their account, having been decoyed by the enemy, or misled by a treacherous friend, into a marsh, where he could neither fight nor fly, he perished tamely; and his unburied body was left to the beasts and carrion-fowls. The captivity of Valerian, the mystery which hung over his death, allowed ample scope to the imagination of those whose national hatred of the barbarians would attribute the most unmanly ferocity to the Persian conqueror, and of those who would consider their God exalted by the most cruel and debasing sufferings inflicted on the oppressor of the church. Thus writes Milman; but the primitive Christians were better students of the word of God. If the Scripture is to be credited, we are bound to believe in the existence of a retributive Providence; and if a righteous God be the supernal Arbiter of heaven and earth, he will do right. "To me belongeth vengeance and recompence." "He is the Lord our God," said the Psalmist; "his judgments are in all the earth. He has remembered his covenant for ever, the word which he commanded to a thousand generations. Which covenant he made with Abraham, and his oath unto Isaac; and confirmed the same unto Jacob for a law, and to Israel for an everlasting covenant; saying, Unto thee will I give the land of Canaan, the lot of your inheritance: when there were but a few men in number; yea, very few, and strangers in it. When they went from one nation to another, from one kingdom to another people; He suffered no man to do them wrong; yea, he reproved Kings for their sakes; saying, Touch not mine anointed, and do my Prophets no harm." On these principles the Most High has ever acted; and persecutors have invariably, both in ancient and modern times, drunk largely of the bitter cup.

We return to Valerian. Before he met his adversaries in the field, to please his parasite Macrianus, and to secure the favour of the pagan deities in his enterprise, he caused the cruel edict against the Chris-

C tians to be issued. He therefore commenced proceedings against Sapor, the King of Persia, with the blood of the saints upon his skirt, and the withering curse of the Most High upon his conscience. The sin of Valerian was in opposition to light and knowledge; he had long known and respected the Christians; and it is usual with divine Providence to visit such in a manner the most exemplary and heart-searching. The Emperor entering Mesopotamia, both armies met, and a general engagement was expected. It proved otherwise; inasmuch as, immediately before the anticipated conflict, Valerian, through the negligence, or, as some say, the treachery, of Macrianus, was led into an incommodious place, without sufficient support; and being surrounded by the Persians, he was taken prisoner by Sapor,* who conveyed the old man into his own country, and treated him with greater indignity than his meanest slave. The tyrannical Persian, elated with the prosperous circumstance, made the Emperor his footstool whenever he took exercise on horseback; thus causing the greatest Monarch in the world, and to whom all nations had paid homage, to bow down, that Sapor might tread upon his neck in mounting his saddle. Valerian continued seven years in this miserable servitude. Lactantius observes: "That the Roman name remained long the scoff and derision of the barbarians; and what added much to the severity of the fallen Emperor's punishment was, that, although he had an Emperor for his son, he found no one to revenge his captivity, and his most abject and servile state; neither was he ever demanded back. After, when he had finished this shameful life under so great dishonour, he was flayed; and the skin was dyed with vermilion, and placed in the temple of the gods of the barbarians, that the remembrance of a triumph so signal might be perpetuated; and that this spectacle might always be exhibited to our Ambassadors, as an admonition to the Romans, that, beholding the spoils of their captured Emperor in a Persian temple, they should not place too great confidence in their own strength."†

Gallienus was now the sole and legitimate Sovereign of the Roman empire: he had long supported with impatience the censorial severity of his father and colleague, and received the intelligence of his misfortunes with secret pleasure and avowed indifference. "I knew that my father was a mortal," said he; "and since he has acted as becomes a brave man, I am satisfied." While Rome lamented the fate of her Sovereign, the savage coldness of his son was extolled, by the servile courtiers, as the perfect firmness of the hero and the stoic. His reign was most confused and calamitous; heaven and earth appearing

* "It has been said that Macrianus was concerned in betraying him to the Persians; and the suspicion is confirmed by his receiving the imperial title from the army in the East." (Burton.)

† "Ita ille dignissime triumphatus, aliquandiu vixit, ut diu barbaris Romanum nomen ludibrio ac derisui esset. Etiam hoc ei accessit ad poenam, quod cum filium haberet Imperatorem, captivitatis sine tamen ac servitutis extremæ non invenit ultorem, nec omnino repetitus est. Postea vero cum pudendam vitam in illo dedecore finivit, direpta est ei cutis et exuta visceribus pellis est infecta rubro colore, ut in templo barbarorum deorum ad memoriam clarissimi triumphi poneretur, legatisque nostris semper esset ostentus, ne nimium Romani viribus suis fiderent, cum exuvias capti Principis apud deos suos cernerent." (Lactantii Liber De Mort. Persecut., cap. v., Vesout. 1838.)

DISTURBED STATE OF THE EMPIRE.

to join their energies to destroy and root up the name and the people of Rome. At the commencement it is stated that the sun was darkened, earthquakes took place in many parts, the sea overflowed its bounds, the pestilence continued to rage, and the whole empire on every side had to withstand the hostile attacks of invading foes; together with intestine broils which constantly occurred, at a time when the reins of government were held with a very loose hand, and produced a troop of usurpers against the son of Valerian. The soldiers claimed the right of selecting their own Generals, who forthwith assumed the title of Emperor; and, as they were all opposed to each other, so they were all unanimous in accomplishing the ruin of Gallienus. These ephemeral Emperors amounted, it is said, to thirty, and are generally recorded by the name of "The Thirty Tyrants." Mr. Gibbon imagines the number to have been greatly overrated; and concludes that the reign of Gallienus, distracted as it was, produced only nineteen competitors for the throne. Several of these pretenders to the dignity of empire possessed a considerable share of vigour and ability, which had recommended them to Valerian, who promoted them to important commands. Of these nineteen tyrants Tetricus only was a Senator, and Pison only a noble; and not one enjoyed a life of peace, or died a natural death. "As soon as they were invested with the bloody purple, they inspired their adherents with the same fears and ambition which had occasioned their own revolt. Encompassed with domestic conspiracy, military sedition, and civil war, they trembled on the edge of precipices; in which, after a longer or shorter term of anxiety, they were inevitably lost. These upstart Monarchs received, however, such honours as the flattery of their respective armies and provinces could bestow; but their claims, founded on rebellion, could never obtain the sanction of law or history. Italy, Rome, and the Senate, constantly adhered to the cause of Gallienus; and he alone was considered as the Sovereign of the empire. The rapid and perpetual transitions from the cottage to the throne, and from the throne to the grave, might have amused an indifferent philosopher, were it possible for a philosopher to remain indifferent amidst the general calamities of human kind. The election of these temporary Emperors, their power, and their death, were equally destructive to their subjects and adherents. The price of their fatal elevation was instantly discharged to the troops, by an immense donative, drawn from the bowels of the exhausted people. However virtuous was their character, however pure their intentions, they found themselves reduced to the hard necessity of supporting their usurpation by frequent acts of rapine and cruelty. When they fell, they involved armies and provinces in their fall."*

* There is still extant a most savage mandate from Gallienus to one of his Ministers, after the suppression of Ingenuus, who had assumed the purple in Illyricum. "It is not enough," says that soft but inhuman Prince, "that you exterminate such as have appeared in arms; the chance of battle might have served me as effectually. The male sex of every age must be extirpated; provided that, in the execution of the children and old men, you can contrive means to save our reputation. Let every one die who has dropped an expression, who has entertained a thought, against me; against me, the son of Valerian, the father and brother of so many Princes. Remember that Ingenuus was c 2

Such was the cloud of ills which hovered around the throne of Gallienus when he took possession of it. It was no kind regard that he manifested toward the Christian name and character that actuated him in his movements: he shut himself up in the capital, and reflected on his perilous position; he had no friends to lose, and judged it the wisest plan to create some, if possible. He knew that while his father favoured the Christians, he reigned in prosperity; but when he began to persecute them, the divine vengeance fell both upon him and upon the country. The Emperor therefore issued an edict * to terminate the sufferings of the church, which appears to have taken effect wherever his authority was acknowledged. By this imperial decree he granted to the Christians the free exercise of their religion; he commanded that all the burial-grounds belonging to their churches, and the other houses and grounds which had been confiscated under the previous government, should be restored to them: he thus recognised the Christian church as a legally existing corporate body; for none but such a body could, according to the Roman constitution, possess a common property.† Macrianus, made Emperor: tear, kill, hew in pieces. I write to you with my own hand, and would inspire you with my own feelings." (Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. i., chap. x., 8vo. edit. Milman, 1834.)

* "Gallienus," says Eusebius, "restrained the persecution against us by sending edicts, in which he commanded that the Ministers of the word might perform the customary duties of their office with freedom, the copy of which was as follows:—'The Emperor Cæsar Publius Licinius Gallienus, Pius, Felix Augustus, to Dionysius, Pinus, Demetrius, and the other Bishops. The benefit of the privilege, granted by me, I have ordered to be issued through the whole world, that all may depart from their religious retreats; and therefore you may make use of this copy of my edict that no one may molest you. And this liberty, indeed, which you are now permitted to have, has been long since granted by me. Aurelius Cyrenius, therefore, who has the chief administration of affairs, will keep the copy here given by me.' This, that it may be the better understood, we have here presented to our readers in a translation from the Latin tongue. There is also another ordinance from him, which he addressed to other Bishops, in which he grants permission to recover what he calls the cemeteries." (Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 13.)

† Mr. Townsend questions whether Neander is right in his conclusion; and thinks that Gallienus had no notion of the mass of Christian societies forming one church, and that only was a religio licita which was established, not tolerated, by law. "The permission granted by the English law to the Socinians, that they may have the exercise of their worship, and possess their burial-grounds, if they have any, without confiscation, does not amount to the recognition of the Socinians as a corporate, but as a scattered, body. If, too, the mere toleration of a religious body constitute their faith a religio licita, then every sect, party, and denomination, from the most ancient error to the latest fancy, are all in England religioses licita. That which we are required, by expediency or principle, to tolerate, cannot be described by the same terms as that which we affectionately or devotionally love." This is highly hypercritical. Christianity was not intended by Gallienus to be recognised as the religion of the state; but it was certainly taken under the imperial protection, and the profession of Christianity viewed as lawful; consequently, it was a religio licita. The situation of the Christians in the days of Gallienus was in some degree similar to that of the Nonconformists in this country, at the passing of the Toleration Act. "By that Act," says Sir J. Nicholl, in the famous case of Kemp e. Wickes, "an important change was worked in the situation of His Majesty's Protestant Dissenting subjects; and the baptisms now administered by Dissenting Ministers stand upon very different grounds from those by mere laymen. There were many laws, both of Church and State, requiring conformity to the Church, creating disabilities, imposing penalties, and denouncing excommunications upon all Nonconformity. Now, supposing that, during the existence of these disabilities, it could be maintained that, in point of law, no act of Nonconformists could be recognised in a court of justice, and therefore that a baptism administered by such persons could not be noticed at all, either by the Church, or by the courts administering the law of the

MARINUS THE CENTURION.

however, still adhered to his former measures; and, as he had set himself up for Emperor in the East, and in Egypt, in these countries it was not till after his fall,* A.D. 261, that the toleration edict of Gallienus came into effect. Dionysius was not yet able to return to Alexandria. The whole of Christian Africa appears to have continued for some time longer in a state of affliction. Galerius, the Proconsul, who put Cyprian to death, died himself shortly after; but the Receiver-General of the province continued the same cruel system, and many of the leading Clergy were tortured and slain. The names of several persons are recorded who suffered in Numidia;† and from Eusebius we may infer, that Palestine was one of the countries where the authority of Macrianus was still productive of evil to the church.‡ Hence, while the Christians in the West were already in the enjoyment of repose, persecution may have continued in those countries in compliance with the edict of Valerian.

Macrianus, having established himself in the East, embraced every opportunity of vexing the church. Marinus, of Cæsarea, in Palestine, who was one of the army, distinguished for his military prowess, and illustrious for his family and opulence, was beheaded for his manly confession of the Lord Jesus. Marinus was about to receive the office of Centurion, which, in the course of usage in the army, was to fall upon him by right. Just as the Centurion's staff, the vitis,§ was about to be intrusted to him, another soldier, who had the next promise of promotion, stepped forward, and declared that, according to the old laws, Marinus could not hold any Roman military rank, because he was a Christian, and did not sacrifice to the gods and the Emperor. Whereupon Achæus, then being Judge, examined him respecting his faith; and, finding him to be as represented, and manifesting great firmness in his belief, gave him three hours to deliberate and to advise with himself, and then decide whether he would remain a Christian. In the mean time Theotecnus, Bishop in Cæsarea, perceiving him to be in doubt and perplexity, led him to the church; he then pointed on the one hand to the sword which the soldier bore upon his side, and on the other to the book of the Gospel, which he laid before him. "He must choose between the two,—between the military rank and the Gospel!" The soldier immediately lifted up his right hand, and took hold of the Gospel. "Now," said the

Church,—yet could it be maintained now, that such a baptism was a mere nullity? If such could have been considered as the view of the law before the Toleration Act, yet that Act would change the whole shape of the thing." Also the language of Lord Stowell, in K. P. v. Stone, enforcing the obedience due by a Clergyman to the Articles of the Church of England, "As the law now is, every one goes to his parochial church with a certainty of not feeling any of his solemn opinions offended. If any person dissents, a remedy is provided by the mild and wise spirit of toleration which has prevailed in modern times, and which allows that he should join himself to persons of persuasion similar to his own." Consequently, Christianity became, under Gallienus, in the strict sense of the word, a religio licita.

* He was condemned as an "inimicus diis Romanis et sacris legibus." So Pont. in Vit. Cypriani; compare also the Passio Cypriani.

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxvii.

‡ Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 15.

§ The vitis was the badge of office with which the Centurion punished his men. (Juv. Sat., viii., 247; Plin., xiv., 1.)

Bishop, "hold fast on God; and mayest thou obtain what thou hast chosen. Depart in peace." On his return into the presence of the Governor, he was announced by the Crier of the Court; and being arraigned, he was speedily beheaded. His remains were secured by Astyrius, a noble Senator, and one of the chief and most wealthy of that order, who bestowed upon them an honourable burial.*

The beneficial effect of the edict of Gallienus was immediately felt in the capital. The see of Rome, which had been vacant for nearly a year since the death of Xystus, was filled up by the election of Dionysius; the same person who, while he was Presbyter of that church, had corresponded with Dionysius of Alexandria upon the baptismal controversy. He appears to have been a man of considerable learning, as well as piety; and from the absence of any materials for ecclesiastical history for the following year, we may hope that, at least in Italy, the Christians were without molestation. Gallienus was certainly favourable to them; but, through the whole of the year 260, his attention was otherwise engaged. Macrianus, the bigoted persecutor, and his two sons, were put to death shortly after, and the authority of the Emperor being now recognised in Egypt, the condition of the Christians in that country became more favourable. Shortly after this, Æmilianus, the Governor of Egypt, assumed the title of Emperor, and Alexandria was made the scene of warfare and bloodshed.† It does not, however, appear that the spirit of party raised the usual feeling of hostility against the Christians, who were themselves divided in their political sentiments; for while some supported Æmilianus, others took the part of Gallienus. Ere long, the usurper was taken prisoner, and the whole of Egypt once more submitted to the Emperor of Rome. In the state of comparative cessation from open and direct persecution, the Christian church was continually, during this time, kept in a state of suspense, from the irruption of the Goths and other barbarous nations into several parts of the East, who ran through the country like a flood, and carried away as prisoners many of the inhabitants. Christians and Heathens, we are told, were alike

* Mosheim loses sight of the fact, that it was under the government of Macrianus that he was put to death; and says, that he could not have suffered in consequence of the edict of Valerian; for that was at this time no longer in force, having been virtually repealed by the rescript of Gallienus; but he must have been put to death under the old law of Trajan. The course of proceeding was briefly this: An informer stood forward; and, upon the accused person confessing himself guilty, he was commanded to sacrifice to the Roman deities: this he refused; and was, in consequence, consigned over to capital punishment. From this instance it is evident, says Mosheim, that the ancient imperial edicts against the Christians, notwithstanding their having been succeeded by others of a more mild and humane character, were yet considered as remaining in full force; and that even in the most tranquil times, and under Emperors by no means disposed to the exercise of severity, a power still remained with the Presidents of putting to death such persons as should be regularly informed against, and who acknowledged themselves to be Christians. The benevolent act of Astyrius brought him into no sort of danger or trouble; for this very obvious reason,—namely, that, by the law of Trajan, the Judge had no power of punishing, unless an accuser came forward; and no one, it may be easily conceived, had either the will or the courage to prefer an accusation against Astyrius, who, besides being a man of the highest rank and authority, possessed a still further claim to respect, from his enjoying the personal friendship of the Emperor. (Mosheim.)

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxvii.

AURELIAN, EMPEROR.

exposed to these predatory excursions; many of the Clergy were among the number: it is said, however, that the pious life and amiable conduct of these men contributed to produce the happiest effects; and an extension of the faith was manifestly the result. Heresies were rife, to which we have briefly alluded in our account of Dionysius of Alexandria; and no external persecution took place until the death of Gallienus. His father continued in Persia, in servile bondage, his son having no desire to attempt his rescue: charity may lead us to the conclusion, that Rome was too enfeebled to contest this point with Persia. An aspirant of the name of Odenatus, a citizen of Palmyra, invaded the kingdom of Sapor, and proceeded as far as the walls of Ctesiphon; and Gallienus, as a reward for his bravery, presented to him the government of Egypt, under the title of Emperor: he prosecuted his conquests; but, in 267, he, with his son Herod, was put to death, when his masculine and high-spirited Queen, Zenobia, succeeded to his title and possessions. In the following year, Gallienus was treacherously persuaded by his two Generals, Claudius Martianus and Cecropius, to advance against Aureolus, who was becoming formidable in the north of Italy; and the Emperor, and his brother Valerian, were both put to death.*

Claudius succeeded to the empire, which was conferred upon him by the soldiers, and subsequently ratified by the Senate. The obscurity which covered his origin, sufficiently betrays the meanness of his birth. It appears that he was a native of one of the provinces bordering upon the Danube, that his youth was spent in arms, and that his valour arrested the attention of Decius. He rose to considerable eminence as a soldier, and was much noticed, because feared, by Gallienus. When he ascended the throne, he was about fifty-four years of age. If Claudius became a persecutor of the Christians at Rome, as the annalist Baronius asserts, we may conjecture that he found them disposed to honour the memory of Gallienus. There is, however, very little reason to imagine that any systematic persecution took place in the days of Claudius; because, on the one hand, he was annoyed by competitors for his throne, and the inroads of barbarous hordes from the East; and, on the other, he was arrested by the hand of death; for, after a short and glorious reign of two years, the Emperor expired at Sirmium, amid the tears of his subjects. Before his decease, he recommended as his successor Aurelian; but the people, wishful to render honour to the bravery and patriotic enterprise of Claudius, were determined to retain the imperial purple in his family; therefore his brother Quintilius was raised to the throne, which he ascended only soon to leave. The sanction of the Senate and a mutiny of the troops accompanied each other; and, hearing that the latter had invested the well-known Aurelian with supreme

* "As the cloud rising before the sun, obscuring it by its shadow, and appearing in its place, afterwards passes away and is dissipated, and the sun, which had arisen before, seems to rise again; so Macrianus, who had aspired to the very power of Gallienus, is now no more, indeed never was: but the latter, as he was previously, is now again, and his government, as if it had lost the feebleness of age, and had become purified of its former baseness, now arose, and assumed a more flourishing aspect; and is seen and heard, and diffuses itself everywhere." (Kusob., Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 24.)

power, he ordered his veins to be opened, and suicidally withdrew himself from the unequal conflict, after a reign of only seventeen days.

Lucius Domitianus Aurelianus was the next Emperor: he succeeded to the throne in 270, and was the son of a peasant of Sirmium. He enlisted in the troops as a common soldier; successively rose to the rank of a Centurion, a Tribune, the Prefect of a legion, the Inspector of the camp, and General; and then, during the Gothic war, he exercised the important office of Commander-in-Chief of the cavalry. His reign lasted only about four years and nine months; nevertheless, the greater part of that period was occupied in some memorable achievement. He put an end to the Gothic war, chastised the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain out of the hands of Tetricus, and destroyed the proud monarchy which Zenobia had erected in the East, on the ruins of the afflicted empire. Aurelian had been educated in superstition; and had, from the beginning, scarcely any but hostile feelings towards the Christian religion: he was not only most fanatically devoted to the eastern worship of the sun, whose Priestess his mother was, and to which deity he built a temple at Rome, but he was in every respect a blind supporter of the old heathen worship. The welfare of the state appeared to him to be most intimately connected with the proper performance of the olden forms of superstitious devotion. For instance, when, during the threatened danger of a war with the German tribes, some of the members of the Roman Senate had proposed in that body, that, after the old custom, the Sibylline Books should be opened, and their counsel asked, some of the Senators said, that there was no need to take refuge there, the power of the Emperor was so great, that there was no need to ask counsel of the gods. The matter dropped for this time, and was afterwards taken up afresh. But the Emperor, who might very well have heard of these transactions in the Senate, expressed his displeasure, and wrote to the people thus:—"I wonder that you should have hesitated so long to open the Sibylline Books,* as if you had been consulting in a Christian church, and not in the temple of all the gods." He called upon them to support him by religious ceremonies of every kind; for it could be no shame to conquer with the help of the gods. He offered to pay all costs incurred by the offering of every kind of victim, and also to give towards it prisoners from all nations, and thus also human victims.† It is easy to conceive, from these circumstances, that the

* "The severe Emperor reproaches the Senate for their want of faith in these mystic volumes, or of zeal in the public service, as though they had been infected by the principles of Christianity." (Milman.)

† "Est epistola," says Flavius Vopiscus, "Aureliani de Libris Sibyllinis; nam ipsam quoque indidi ad fidem rerum:—Mirot vos, Patres sancti, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitasse libris; perinde quasi in Christianorum ecclesia, non in templo deorum omnium, tractaretis. Agite, igitur, et castimonia Pontificum, cærimoniisque solemnibus juvate Principem, necessitate publica laborantem. Inspiciantur libri: quæ facienda fuerint celebrentur: quemlibet sumtum, cujuslibet gentis captivos, qualibet animalia regia non abnuo, sed libens offero: neque enim indecorum est diis juvantibus vincere: sic apud majores nostros multa finita sunt bella, sic capita. Si quid est sumptuum, datis ad praefectum ærarii litteris decerni jussi, est præterea vestra auctoritatis arca publica, quam magis referiam esse reperio, quam cuplo." (Flav. Vopisc., Vit. Aurelian., cap. xx.)

AURELIAN CONTEMPLATES A PERSECUTION.

Emperor was not disinclined to shed the blood of Christians to the honour of his deities; and that, from the dictates of his own spirit, he would be disposed to adopt harsh and severe measures.*

With the exception of a few individuals, who were deprived of their lives through the abuse of power in the President, after the favourable edict of Gallienus had been promulgated, the Christians appear to have enjoyed tranquillity during the eight years that the son of Valerian occupied the throne, as well as the two years that the empire was governed by Claudius; and during the first four years in which Aurelian swayed the sceptre, no hostile measures were taken against Christianity. He also showed, by his conduct on one occasion, in the third year of his reign, that he considered the Christian church under imperial protection; for when a contention had arisen among the Christians in Antioch, who should be the Bishop of that place, the church appealed to the Emperor, and requested that the Bishop, Paul of Samosata, who had already been deposed by the Antiochean Council, on account of his doctrinal opinions, but had hitherto found support in Zenobia, who was now conquered by Aurelian, might be compelled at last to lay down his office. Aurelian did not altogether refuse to interfere in this unprecedented cause; but, with laudable impartiality, declined any actual cognizance of the affair, and transferred the sentence from the personal enemies of Paul, the Bishops of Syria, to those of Rome and Italy. This interference, however, cannot wholly be attributed to the good feeling of the Emperor toward the church; but rather to the enmity which he manifested to Zenobia, under whose wing the Heresiarch of the East had taken shelter. Whatever sentiments had been entertained by the Emperor toward the church until now, they at once became decided, and easily understood. It was in the fifth year of the Emperor's reign, whether influenced solely by the superstitious suggestions of his own mind, or instigated by evil advisers, does not fully appear, that he was, nevertheless, induced to make preparation for a general persecution of those harmless people; which, had he lived long enough (and, judging from the severity of his character, and his recklessness of human blood, he would not, if committed in the strife, have hesitated at any measures to subdue the spirit of his subjects) to have carried into execution, would, in all probability, from the natural ferocity of his disposition, and the subjection in which he was held by clamorous bigots and a malignant priesthood, have been accompanied with greater cruelty, and proved more disastrous to the Christian interests, than any of those which preceded it. Eusebius† does not hesitate to declare, that Aurelian was industriously prompted, by certain advisers, to persecute the Christians. It is very possible that either the Platonic philosophers, who possessed great influence in those days, or the heathen Priests, who had many friends among the more noble ladies of the court, might have incited the Emperor to an assault upon the church, as a measure calculated to become highly beneficial to the interests of the empire. By any one who shall have made himself

* Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. i., p. 144.

† Eusebius, Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 30.

D acquainted with the life and character of this Emperor, it must readily be perceived, that, without recurring to the incitements of other people, this projected extermination of the Christians may well be accounted for from Aurelian's superstition and cruelty. From the whole list of Emperors, down to Constantine the Great, it would scarcely be possible to select one who can be said to have exceeded him in a superstitious cast of mind, or to have been more devotedly attached to all the extravagant and disgusting absurdities of the heathen mythology and worship.* About the time that Aurelian would be celebrating his Quinquennalia, his sanguinary edicts against the faith of Christ were first issued; but they did not penetrate far into the interior, owing to the sudden death of the persecutor himself. As the edict would first take effect at Rome, Felix, the Bishop, appears to have been among the first victims; who, after having performed all that could be required of him in such perilous times, having taken great pains to strengthen the weak in faith, and to encourage such as might be called to suffer for the sake of Christ; having baptized many catechumens, that they might be provided with the assistance which the church is able to afford in the trying hour; and having also gained many infidels to the faith even while it was powerfully attacked and gainsayed by human authority; he was led forth to suffer, and by his patient and firm example he instructed more efficaciously than by his sermons. He is supposed to have suffered death by beheading. About the same time, and before the progress of the persecution was arrested, Agapetus is said to have suffered. He was a young man who had consecrated all his fortune

* The mother of Aurelian, as we learn from Vopiscus, was a Priestess of the sun; and by her son this luminary appears to have been regarded through life as the supreme deity. At the conclusion of an oration, in which he returns thanks to Valerian for the honours which he had conferred upon him, he thus expresses himself:—"Dil faciant et deus certus Sol ut et Senatus de me sic judicet." (Flav. Vopisc., in Aurel., cap. xiv.) It is plain, therefore, that he placed more confidence in the sun, than in all the rest of the heathen deities put together. Upon the discomfiture of the army of Zenobia at Rimesa, he attributed his victory entirely to the sun; and therefore, immediately after the battle, "Ad templum Heliogabali tendebat," says the historian, "quasi communi officio vota soluturans." (Ibid., cap. xxv.) We find it also recorded of him, (cap. xxviii.) that he placed in the temple of the sun at Rome the sumptuous vestments, enriched with jewels, which he had taken in his wars with the Persians, Armenians, and other people of the East. At Palmyra, also, the temple of the sun having, in the general scene of havoc and devastation by which the utter ruin of that great and opulent city was finally completed, been plundered and overthrown by the infuriate soldiery, he, with the most anxious solicitude, made instant provision for its being magnificently re-edified and dedicated anew. (Ibid., cap. xxx.) Shortly after this, he caused a most splendid temple to be erected in honour of the sun at Rome, and embellished it with an abundance of gold and precious stones. (Ibid., cap. xxxix.) Hence, in an encomiastic oration in the Senate subsequently to his death, delivered by Aurelianus Tacitus, it is, amongst other things, remarked in his praise, that, through his liberality, one temple alone (namely, the temple of the sun) had been enriched with fifteen thousand pounds of gold, and that every other temple in the city glittered with the resplendence of his offerings. (Ibid., cap. xli.) Finally, on one of his coins (see Spanheim, De Usu et Prestantia Numis. Antiq., vol. ii., p. 485) we find his portrait encircled with the following legend: "Sol Dominus Romani Imperii." Now, with proofs like these before his eyes, of this Emperor's very extravagant, not to say insane, veneration for the sun, who is there, says Mosheim, "I would ask, that can feel in the least degree surprised at his having resolved on a rigorous persecution of the Christians, by whom this great object of his unbounded admiration and reverence was deemed in no shape deserving of divine honours?" (See Mosheim's Commentaries.)

DEATH OF AURELIAN.

to the relief of the poor; was seized by the imperial officers, exposed to various torments, and at last beheaded at Præneste, about twenty-four miles from the capital.

While the ink was scarcely dry which rendered authoritative the edicts of Aurelian, he was arrested by that mandate which all are compelled to obey: "Here shall thy proud waves be stayed!" Conceiving it expedient to exercise the restless temper of his legions in some foreign war, and finding that the Persian Monarch still exulted in the shame of Valerian, and braved with impunity the offended majesty of Rome, he resolved to undertake an expedition in the East. At the head of an army less formidable by its numbers than by its discipline and valour, the Emperor advanced as far as the straits which divide Europe from Asia. He there experienced that the most absolute power is a weak defence against the effects of despair. He had threatened one of his secretaries, who was accused of extortion; and it was known that he seldom threatened in vain. The last hope which remained for the criminal was, to involve some of the principal officers of the army in his danger, or at least in his fears. Artfully counterfeiting his master's hand, he showed them, in a long and bloody list, their own names devoted to death. Without suspecting or examining the fraud, they resolved to secure their lives by the murder of the Emperor. On his march between Byzantium and Heracles, Aurelian was suddenly attacked by the conspirators, whose stations gave them a right to surround his person; and, after a short resistance, fell by the hand of Mucapor, a General whom he had always loved and trusted. He died regretted by the army, detested by the Senate, but universally acknowledged as a warlike and a fortunate Prince.* "Aurelian," says Lactantius, "might have recollected the fate of the captive Emperor; yet, being of a nature outrageous and headstrong, he forgot both his sin and its punishment, and by deeds of cruelty irritated the divine wrath. He was not, however, permitted to accomplish what he had devised; for just as he began to give loose to his rage, he was slain. His bloody edict had not reached the more distant provinces, when he himself lay all bloody on the earth at Cœnophrurium in Thrace, assassinated by his familiar friends, who had taken up groundless suspicions against him. Examples of such a nature, and so numerous, ought to have deterred succeeding tyrants; nevertheless, they were not only not dismayed, but, in their misdeeds against God, became more bold and presumptuous."†

An interregnum of six months succeeded the death of Aurelian, which doubtless was not favourable to the church; but Tacitus, who succeeded, revoked the persecuting edicts which had been issued, and gave to the Christians some cessation from persecution and bloodshed.‡ Tacitus lived only a few months after he had assumed the

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, &c., vol. ii., p. 84. Milman, edit., 8vo. 1838.

† Lactantii Liber de Mortibus Persecutorum, cap. vi.

‡ Tacitus is said to have often dissuaded Aurelian from some act of cruel severity, which might perhaps lead us to think that he would not have wilfully persecuted the Christians. (Flavius Vopiscus.)

D 2 purple. Transported in the depth of winter from the soft retirement of Campania to the foot of Mount Caucasus, he sunk under the unaccustomed hardships of a military life. The fatigues of the body were aggravated by the cares of the mind. For a while, the angry and selfish passions of the soldiers had been suspended by the enthusiasm of public virtue. They soon broke out with redoubled violence, and raged in the camp, and even in the tent of the aged Emperor. His mild and amiable character served only to inspire contempt, and he was incessantly tormented with factions which he could not assuage, and by demands which it was impossible to satisfy. Whatever flattering expectations he had conceived of reconciling the public disorders, Tacitus soon was convinced that the licentiousness of the army disdained the feeble restraint of laws, and his last hour was hastened by anguish and disappointment. He expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of only six months and about twenty days.* He was succeeded by his brother Florianus, who showed himself unworthy to reign by his hasty usurpation of the purple, without any assurance of the good-will of the Senate; and the soldiers, by whom he had been raised to the empire, after having witnessed his mode of treatment about three months, were glad to surrender all pretensions to him into the hands of Probus, whose activity and enterprise triumphed over every obstacle. His reign, on the whole, was a season of peace to the Christians. Probus had little else to do, during the six years of his reign, than to check the incursions of barbarians into various parts of his empire. The Emperor was successful, though none of these campaigns furnish subjects of ecclesiastical history. The Christians endured much suffering, and greatly rejoiced in the victories which Probus from time to time achieved over the barbarians. This was the case in Gaul, where Gregory of Tours states that the Germans had been the cause of considerable affliction to the Christians, but that Probus had rescued them from their incursions in 277. We have an account of some martyrdoms† which took place at Antioch in this reign; but the time is uncertain, and incidents of that kind may have happened occasionally, without any instructions to that effect having been given by the Emperor.

Probus was put to death by the soldiers in 282, while he was preparing for a war with Persia; and Carus, who immediately succeeded him, gave the title of Caesar to his two sons, Carinus and Numerianus. The latter has obtained the name of a persecutor; and, among others who are said to have suffered in this reign, mention is made of Eutychianus, Bishop of Rome. There appears but little ground for this assertion, inasmuch as Numerianus accompanied his father to Persia, and his facilities for persecuting the Christians would be very few and distant. He died in the autumn of 284. He can therefore hardly have molested the Christians during the short time that he held the empire with his brother Carinus, after the death of Carus. Numerian was engaged in the Persian expedition, his constitution

Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. xii., vol. ii., p. 67. Milman's edit. 8vo.

Baronii Annal. Eccles., ad ann. 281.

DIOCLETIAN, EMPEROR.

destroyed, and himself confined to the solitude and darkness of his tent. All civil and military affairs devolved upon Arrius Aper, the Prætorian Prefect, who to the power of his important office added the honour of being father-in-law to Numerian. The imperial pavilion was strictly guarded by his most trusty adherents, and during many days Aper delivered to the army the supposed mandates of their invisible Sovereign. On the return of the troops, the legions halted at Chalcedon, when a report soon circulated of the Emperor's death, and of the presumption of the Minister, who exercised the sovereign power in the name of a Prince who was no more. With rude curiosity the soldiers rushed into the imperial tent, and discovered the corpse of Numerian. His death might easily have been attributed to natural causes; but the concealment which Aper had practised betokened guilt: he was therefore accused of being his murderer. A general assembly of the army was appointed to be held at Chalcedon, whither Aper was transported in chains, as a prisoner and a criminal. A vacant tribunal was erected in the midst of the camp, and the Generals and Tribunes formed a great military council. They soon announced to the multitude that their choice had fallen on Diocletian, Commander of the domestics or body-guards, as the person the most capable of revenging and succeeding their beloved Emperor. The future fortunes of the candidate depended on the chance or conduct of the present hour. Conscious that the station he had filled exposed him to some suspicions, Diocletian ascended the tribunal, and, raising his eyes towards the sun, made a solemn profession of his own innocence, in the presence of the all-seeing deity. Then, assuming the tone of a Sovereign and a Judge, he commanded that Aper should be brought in chains to the foot of the tribunal. "This man," said he, "is the murderer of Numerian;" and, without giving him time to enter on a dangerous justification, drew his sword and buried it in the breast of the unfortunate Prefect.* A charge supported by such decisive proof was admitted without contradiction, and the legions, with repeated acclamations, acknowledged the justice and authority of the Emperor Diocletian. It was not long before Carinus was put to death, and Diocletian reigned supreme.†

The final contest between Paganism and Christianity approached. Almost three hundred years had elapsed since the divine Author of the new religion had entered upon his mortal life in a small village in Palestine; and now, having gained so powerful an ascendancy over the civilized world, the Gospel was to undergo its last and most trying ordeal, before it should assume the reins of empire, and

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. xii, vol. ii., p. 105. Milman's edit.

† "This Diocletian, ever having an ambitious mind, aspired greatly to be Emperor; to whom, when serving in Gaul as a common soldier, a Druidese foretold, that, 'after he had killed a wild boar, he should be Emperor.' He, taking effect at these words, used much to kill with his hands wild boars; but, seeing no success to come thereof, he used this proverb: 'Ego apros occido, alius pulpaenito frantur!' that is, 'I kill the boars, another eats the flesh!' At length the said Diocletian, being nominated Emperor, and seeing Aper (who had killed Numerian, the Emperor) standing thereby, aware to the soldiers that Numerian was wrongfully killed; and forthwith, running upon Aper with his sword, slew him." (Foxe.)

become the established religion of the Roman world. The temporal authority was everywhere armed in defence of the ancient polytheistic creed. It is therefore of importance to look at the situation of Christianity, what front it had to present that was feasible, and promised ultimate success. Though menaced with persecution again and again, the Gospel of Christ had recently enjoyed security and peace. The Christians had become not merely a public, but an imposing and influential, body; their separate existence had been recognised by the law of Gallienus; their churches had arisen in most of the cities of the empire,—as yet, probably, with no great pretensions to architectural grandeur, though no doubt ornamented by the liberality of the worshippers, and furnished with vestments and chalices, lamps and chandeliers, of silver. These buildings were constantly on the increase. The faithful no longer declined or refused to aspire to the honours of the state: they filled offices of distinction, and even of supreme authority, in the provinces and in the army, and they were exempt, either by tacit connivance, or direct indulgence, from the accustomed sacrifices.* Christians were employed in offices of importance in the imperial court; some were found among the eunuchs and chamberlains, (cubicularii,)—from which, however, we are not entitled to infer that the Emperor had any particular partiality for the Christians, for there had been for a long time some Christians among the Cæsariani; and although at first only one of these was a Christian, yet he would probably use his influence, as Lucius, who, having obtained the confidence of the Emperor, was made by him the Præpositus Cubiculariorum, to extend Christianity amongst the people of the court.† These Christians immediately round the Emperor might also have great effect in rendering him favourable to their fellow-believers.‡ Among the more immediate attendants upon the Emperor, two or three openly professed the Christian faith: Prisca the wife, and Valeria the daughter, of Diocletian, and the wife of Galerius, were suspected, if not avowed, partakers in the Christian mysteries.§ If it be impossible to form the most remote approximation to their relative numbers with that of the pagan population, it is equally erroneous

* Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 260. 8vo. edit.

† Theonas, Bishop of Alexandria, who gave Lucius, one of the royal household, much excellent advice as to the duties of his office, charges him particularly not to be lifted up, and to pride himself, because many in the palace of the Prince had been brought to a knowledge of the truth through him; but far rather to give God thanks that he had made him the instrument of a good work. But we cannot here determine that this Emperor was Diocletian. At all events, it is quite clear that the Emperor in whose court he was, was no Christian; it is not even clear, that he had any prevailing inclination to Christianity; but only that there were hopes of winning him over to the cause by means of his Chamberlain. The Christians about the court were recommended to use the utmost precaution not to offend the heathen Emperor. If a Christian were appointed librarian, he was to take good care not to show any contempt for worldly knowledge and the old authors; he was to be as familiar as a Heathen with all the poets, philosophers, orators, and historians of old; but then he was sometimes to take an opportunity of praising the Scriptures, to mention Christ, and, by degrees, to hint that he is the only true God. "Insurgere poterit Christi mentio, explicabitur paulatim ejus sola divinitas. Omnia hæc cum Christi adjutorio prouenire possent." (Galland, Bibl. Patr., tom. iv.; Neander; see also Routh, Relig. Sacr., vol. iii., p. 307.)

‡ Neander, Hist. of the Christ. Relig. and Church, vol. i., p. 145.

§ Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 1.

DECAY OF PIETY IN THE CHURCH.

to estimate their strength and influence by numerical calculation. All political changes are wrought by a compact, organized, and disciplined minority. The mass of mankind are shown by experience, and appear fated by the constitution of our nature, to follow any vigorous impulse from a determined and incessantly aggressive few.* From the account given by Eusebius, it appears that the faithful were in every point of view treated with the greatest kindness and benevolence by the Emperors, who intrusted them with the government of provinces,† and gave free permission to the domestics of the palace, together with their wives, their children, and their servants, to make open profession of the faith; nay, that they even manifested a preference for such of their attendants as were members of the Christian community. The Christian Bishops and Pastors, it moreover appears, were held in high respect by the Magistrates, and the Presidents of the provinces. A daily acceleration was hence experienced in the diffusion of Christianity, and churches of considerable extent were founded in most of the principal cities. The calumnies and invectives, also, with which the religion of Christ had in former times been so successfully assailed, were now no longer circulated, or at least failed of producing their accustomed effect. By the same historian, however, it is ingenuously acknowledged, and most deeply deplored, that, instead of turning the liberty they thus enjoyed to good account, the Christians appear to have given the rein to licentiousness, and to have plunged into faults of the most inexcusable and fatal nature.‡

A period of more than thirty years elapsed between the persecution of Valerian and that of Diocletian, in which the church enjoyed much external prosperity and peace; but, alas! many of those virtues which had distinguished their predecessors, and had enabled them to stand against the power and corruption of the whole heathen world, became inoperative and evanescent; and the Christian community displayed a fearful decay of piety and relaxation of morals. Ecclesiastical historians have not hesitated to ascribe the misery which afflicted the church in the latter part of the reign of Diocletian to the displeasure of the Most High on beholding the corruption of the sanctuary. Instead of manifesting gratitude and increased devotedness to God, as an acknowledgment of the many mercies and privileges conferred, the great mass of the people "waxed fat and kicked;" sloth, negligence, envy, discord, fraud, and malice, form the sad catalogue of sins with which the Bishop of Caesarea charges the believers of this age; and the Christian will not feel disposed to contradict the conclusion to which he comes, that it was to purge the church of this bad leaven, that the providence of God again exposed

* Millman, Hist. of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 260.

† It is perhaps worth recording, that one of the persons taken into the household of Diocletian was a Presbyter of the church in Antioch, by name Dorotheus. He was well versed in profane as well as sacred literature, to which he added a knowledge of Hebrew; and the Emperor was so pleased with him, that he gave him the honourable and probably lucrative post of presiding over the establishment for preparing purple dye at Tyre. (Burton; see also Eusebius, Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 32.)

‡ Mosheim, Commentaries, vol. iii., p. 207 it to the purge of persecution.* The more flourishing and extensive the community, the more the pride; perhaps the temporal advantages of superiority predominated over the Christian motives, which led men to aspire to the supreme functions in the church. Sacerdotal domination began to exercise its awful powers, and the Bishop to assume the language and the authority of the vicegerent of God. Feuds distracted the bosom of peaceful communities, and disputes occasionally proceeded to open violence, so as to render them the prey of intestine wars; congregation was set in array against congregation, and Pastors against Pastors; whilst fraud and dissimulation were on every side carried to an alarming extent.† The comparatively inconsiderable persecution which at the first affected the soldiers and servants of the palace had no apparent effect in restraining and correcting these evils. By an unfortunate delusion, or waywardness, the Christians seem rather to have been led to add crime to crime; and their Pastors, so far from permitting the mild and healing influence of Christianity to exert itself in assuaging their mutual heats, affected more the character of despotic rulers or tyrants, and assumed to themselves, in various other things, a licence no less incompatible with the respectability than with the sacred duties of their office. It is necessary that all these things should be taken into consideration by those who may be desirous of ascertaining the causes that gave rise to the very heavy persecution which took place a short time subsequently to the period of which we are now treating.‡ Such is the melancholy confession of the Christians themselves, who, according to the spirit of the times, considered the dangers and afflictions to which they were exposed in the light of divine judgments, and deplored, perhaps with something of the exaggeration of religious humiliation, the visible decay of holiness and peace.§

Diocletian was the son of a slave, or of obscure and doubtful parentage; and that he forced his way to sovereign power, and conceived, and actually accomplished, the project of re-constructing the empire, betokens him to have been a man of strong political courage, of profound, if not always of wise and statesmanlike, views: he reigned for a longer period than any Emperor since the days of Hadrian, and furnished more matter, though of a painful kind, for the ecclesiastical historian than any of his predecessors. He assumed the new title of Dominus or Lord, which gave considerable

* Stebbing, History of the Christian Church, vol. I., p. 121.

† "But as commonly the nature of all men, being of itself unruly and untoward, always seeketh and desireth prosperity, and yet can never well use prosperity; always would have peace, and yet having peace always abuseth the same: so here, likewise, it happened with these men, who through this so great liberty and prosperity of life began to degenerate and languish into idleness and delicacy, and one to work spite and contumely against another, striving and contending amongst themselves, for every occasion, with railing words after most despitful manner; Bishops against Bishops, and people against people, moving hatred and sedition one against another; besides, also, cursed hypocrisy and simulation, with all extremity increasing more and more. By reason whereof, the judgment of God, after his wonted manner, (the multitude of the faithful as yet meeting in their assemblies,) began by little and little to visit the people with persecution, falling first upon the brethren who were abroad in warfare." (Foxe.)

† Mosheim, Commentaries, vol. III, p. 207.

§ Milman, History of Christianity, vol. II., p. 261.

MAXIMIANUS HERCULEUS.

umbrage to the servile and flexible religion of his pagan subjects. The necessity of the state appeared also to require the active and perpetual presence of more than one person invested with sovereign authority, who might organize the decaying forces of the different divisions of the empire, against the menacing hosts of barbarians on every frontier. His first care, therefore, was to give the title of Cæsar to Maximianus Herculeus, which was almost equivalent to associating him with himself in the kingdom. Diocletian preferred Nicomedia, in Bithynia, as a place of residence; and in the year 286 he gave the title of Augustus to Maximian, and admitted him as his colleague in authority and power. The Emperor constantly entertained the notion, ever dear to the heart of the Roman statesman, that the glory of the empire was necessarily connected with the old state religion, and that one could not possibly exist without the other: while he wished to renew the former splendour of the Roman name, he conceived it to be necessary to re-virify the ancient Heathenism, which was daily and manifestly sinking into neglect, and to extirpate the Christian faith, which was spreading wider and wider, and threatening to attain universal sway. By these principles Diocletian appears to have been governed, which failed not to constitute him an enemy and persecutor of Christianity. At present, however, no public document prejudicial to the interests of the church was put forth; and if the Christians suffered in the midst of the civil and military movements which were taking place, it was without the consent, or at least without any positive command, of the Emperors. Some martyrdoms are mentioned about this time in Lycia, and several in Rome; but the Emperors were not present, and these are rather to be considered as insulated events, resulting from the cruelty or the caprice of some particular Magistrate, or from a temporary ebullition of popular feeling.*

Herculeus, the colleague of Diocletian in the empire, was a bitter opponent of the Christian church, and eagerly embraced every opportunity of testifying his zeal in the cause of idolatry. Among the first who suffered in this reign† were Primus and Felician, two

* Barton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xviii.

† "We find," says Mosheim, "many martyrdoms recorded by Roman Catholic writers, as having taken place both in Gaul and at Rome, as well as in various other quarters, during the early part of the reign of Diocletian, to which all the more early Christian historians appear to have been entire strangers; and more particularly Eusebius (Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 1) expressly represents the Christian church as having, during the first eighteen years of Diocletian's reign, enjoyed a season of such perfect tranquillity, that it may almost be said to have been freed from every apprehension of danger. By way of justifying themselves as to this, the Romish writers to whom we allude, contend, either that Eusebius was better acquainted with the affairs of the eastern than the western church; or, that the martyrdoms in question were passed over by the early Christian historians without notice, in consequence of their not having been authorized by any public imperial mandate, but merely by the private orders of Maximian Herculeus. Now, with regard to this explanation, I can certainly have no objection to any one's acquiescing in it, to whom it may appear satisfactory; but at the same time I must claim for myself the freedom of remarking, that all the accounts which have been given of these martyrdoms appear to me to wear a very questionable aspect. The whole of them are, in fact, derived from certain Martyrologies and Acts, on which those who are in the habit of giving credit to none but determinate and approved authorities will not easily place any reliance. No one can be ignorant that the Martyrologies

E brothers, and natives of the city of Rome, whose religion seems to have been their only crime. When they were brought before the tribunal, they boldly confessed their faith; and upon refusing to sacrifice, they were ordered to be scourged; after which they were sent to Nomen-tum, about twelve miles from the capital, where Promotus, the Governor, was ordered to use them as the enemies of the gods; and with great exactness he executed this commission: his severity, however, only strengthened their constancy and resolution. On their examination, the responses which they gave proved that with them there was indeed "one Lord, one faith, one baptism." The Governor, irritated at their intrepidity, imagined that the courage which they had shown proceeded from their having been together; but if they were separated from each other, they might with facility be overcome. This scheme was tried. Promotus forthwith began with Felician, who was about fourscore years old, supposing that his age, and numerous infirmities, would readily yield to his suggestions. After a variety of torments employed to no purpose, and vain exhortations, advising him to pay some regard to his old age, he was tied to a post in the prison, where he remained three days without sustenance, that he might ultimately accept relief on any terms. In the meantime, Primus was summoned before the Governor, and mendaciously told that his brother had obeyed the orders of the Emperor, and had saved his life, and he was advised to follow his example. He was evidently unmoved by the report, manifesting confidence that he had been preserved from falling. The Judge, therefore, endeavoured to overcome him by torments; but finding him steadfastly fixed in the faith, he at length commanded them to be beheaded. Marcus and Marcellianus suffered about the same time: they were brothers, and natives of Rome, and of noble descent: their father, whose name was Tranquillinus, held some considerable post in the court of Diocletian. He, with his wife, was a Heathen; but committed the education of their sons to those who instructed them in the principles of Christianity, and employed themselves in providing for them according to the station which they occupied in society. The brothers were married when they were apprehended on account of their religion; for though the Emperor, and his colleague Herculeus, had as yet issued no edict against the Christian faith, the pagan priesthood, and others interested in the heathen theology, caused several to suffer as martyrs, by bringing into operation obsolete, but unrepealed, laws of the empire, which respected all innovations in the worship recognised by the people. Marcus and his brother were committed to prison, where they were visited by Sebastian, an officer of the imperial housemade use of in some churches are of the most dubious and uncertain character, having been chiefly compiled from old, vague, and obscure reports; nor are the traditions that have in various places been current for several centuries, at all more entitled to respect. Of the accounts now extant of the saints and martyrs of the first three centuries, under the title of their 'Acts,' how very few there are that can be considered as genuine, or free from suspicion, may be learned from Ruinart, who undertook to make a collection of them, and certainly did collect together all that he could of them. The volume, as he published it, is but of a moderate size; and small and slender indeed would have been its bulk, had he admitted nothing but what was altogether unexceptionable." (Mosheim's Commentaries.)

TRANQUILLINUS, SEBASTIAN, &C.

hold, and a Christian: after they had continued some time in confinement, they were exposed to severe torture, and afterwards condemned to lose their heads. Their parents procured the postponement of the sentence for a month, during which time they anticipated inducing them to abandon the faith; and for this purpose they were removed to the house of Nicostratus, the public Registrar. It was there that Tranquillinus and Marcia, accompanied by the wives and children of their sons, attempted their constancy by all the endearing and affectionate persuasions which a sorrow-stricken family could urge; until Sebastian, perceiving that his friends began to soften so far as to deliberate on the case, came opportunely to their relief, by cogent arguments to perseverance and constancy: this was accompanied by the conversion of their parents and families, and also of Nicostratus, their keeper. When the period of their respite terminated, Chromatius, the Prefect, sent for Tranquillinus, the father, to give him an account of the progress he had made in his endeavours to make his sons abjure the faith: we are informed, that by his conversation the Magistrate became a convert to Christianity, liberated his prisoners, resigned his office, and retired into the country. Castulus, an officer of the household, concealed Marcus and Marcellianus in his own apartments in the palace, until they were betrayed by Torquatus, and, being arrested, were ordered to instant execution.*

Intimately connected with the above, we have information of Zoe and Tranquillinus, who are said to have suffered martyrdom in 286. Zoe was the wife of Nicostratus, mentioned above; and being present out of curiosity during one of the visits of Sebastian to the prison, her heart was so powerfully affected with the force of the truth, that she fell at his feet, and entreated to be taught the way of God more perfectly. As paralysis had deprived her of the power of speech, she could only make her desires known by her gestures; but Sebastian, deeply affected by her miserable condition, not only granted her request, but instructed her to pray to God that, as a proof of the truth of what she had heard, she might recover her speech: the Almighty was pleased to hear her prayer, so that the neophyte is said to have declared, in a distinct and audible manner, her full persuasion of the truth of all that she had heard. Nicostratus, finding his wife thus miraculously healed, made confession of the same faith; and Sebastian, thus encouraged, further instructed them in the principles of Christianity, and the duties of the disciples of Christ, on which they manifested an earnest desire to be admitted to baptism, which was administered. The conversion of this family created such an uproar, that there was no security for them or their friends in their own habitations: they were therefore obliged to take shelter, in company with Marcus and Marcellianus, in the apartments of Castulus. Here they spent their time in prayer and mutual exhortation, until

* Fabian, who had succeeded Chromatius as Prefect, condemned them to be bound to two pillars, with their feet nailed to them. In this posture they remained a day and a night, and on the following day were pierced with lances, and buried in the Arenarium, since called their cemetery, or catacombs, two miles out of Rome, between the Appian and Ardeatine roads.

F 2 the greatest part of the hallowed company obtained the martyr's crown. Zoe appears to have been the first who suffered, after the former two: she was apprehended while in the act of prayer, and was strongly urged to sacrifice to Mars; she refused with a resolution becoming a Christian; and, having professed an utter contempt of Paganism, and implicit confidence in Christ, she was cast into a murky dungeon, and prohibited from having either light or sustenance, being constantly threatened with a lingering death, unless she would worship the gods of the empire. Fabian being made acquainted with her firm and inflexible demeanour, ordered her to be hung upon a tree, and under her a straw fire to be kindled, in which position she expired. Tranquillinus, ashamed to hear of the stronger sex overcome by the weaker, made an open confession of the faith, was stoned to death, and thrown into the Tiber.

Tiburtius was a native of Rome, and descended from a family of some distinction in the city. His father, Chromatius, as some assert, was Governor of Rome; others declare that he was only a deputy, or Vice-Governor: be that as it may, this appears certain, that he was a Judge for trying the causes, and passing sentence upon such as were accused of being Christians, in the commencement of the reign of Diocletian. Having passed sentence upon the two sons of Tranquillinus, and having, at the request of the parent, vouchsafed a short respite, the Most High rendered this act of mercy instrumental in the manifestation of the glory of his grace. Chromatius instituted a rigid inquiry into the truth of Christianity, which terminated in his conversion: he then sent for Polycarp, a Priest, and requested baptism; and engaged, also, that his son Tiburtius should take the same step. The initiatory rite in respect of the father was for some special reason deferred; but his son having renounced all hopes of worldly preferment, and everything that would interfere with the duties of Christianity, he was forthwith accepted and baptized. Chromatius at once relinquished the office which he had held, and allowed all the new converts to take shelter under his roof, where they remained secure for some time. Apprehensive, however, that it would be impossible for him to conceal his change much longer, he applied to the Emperor for permission to retire to his estate in Campania for the benefit of his health. Having obtained his request, he acquainted Caius, then Bishop of Rome, that he was disposed to take his new family with him, and all whose faith and courage might suffer by being exposed to the trial at Rome. The Prelate approved of the proposal, and sent Polycarp the Priest with them. Tiburtius remained in Rome, where he took all prudent measures for his own security, and assembled in the apartments of one of the officers of the Emperor's household, with other Christians. But their tranquillity was soon disturbed by Torquatus, who, being offended at the liberty which Tiburtius had taken in reproving him for his faults, accused him to Fabian the Prefect, who, after several interrogatories, commanded him to offer incense to the idol-deities, or to walk barefoot over burning coals. The martyr chose the latter, which, it is said, he accomplished without injury. The Magistrate, uninfluenced

CHRISTIANITY IN THE ARMY OF ROME.

by the supernatural interposition, and imputing his escape to the effects of magic, pronounced sentence of death upon him.

In the army of Rome the Christians and the Heathens were placed in constant opposition, which frequently manifested itself in numerous overt acts of oppression and cruelty, which prognosticated a general persecution. Nowhere, as Mr. Milman justly observes, did the old Roman religion retain so much hold upon the mind as among the sacred eagles. Without sacrifice to the givers of victory, the superstitious soldiery would advance, divested of their usual confidence, against the enemy, and defeat was ascribed to some impious omission in the ceremonial of propitiating the gods. The Christians now formed no unimportant part of the army: though permitted by the ruling authorities to abstain from idolatrous conformity, their contempt of the auspices which promised, and of the rites which insured, the divine favour, would be looked upon with equal awe and animosity. The unsuccessful General, and the routed army, would equally seize every excuse to cover the misconduct of the one, or the cowardice of the other. In the pride of victory, the present deities of Rome would share the honour with Roman valour: the assistance of the Christians would be forgotten in defeat; the resentment of the gods, to whom that defeat would be attributed, would be ascribed to the impiety of their godless comrades. An instance of this kind took place, during one of his campaigns, in the presence of Diocletian. The army was assembled around the altar, the sacrificing Priest in vain sought for the accustomed signs in the entrails of the victim; the sacrifice was again and again repeated; but always with the same result. The baffled soothsayer, trembling with awe or with indignation, denounced the presence of profane strangers. The Christians had been seen, perhaps boasted that they had made the sign of the cross, and put to flight the impotent demons of idolatrous worship. They were apprehended, and commanded to sacrifice; and a general edict issued, that all who refused to pay honour to the martial deities of Rome should be expelled the army.* Herculeus was the most ferocious of tyrants; of which the martyrdom of the Theban Legion would furnish the strongest proof, if the several accounts of it could be received as authentic. It may be said to have taken place about the year 286,† when Herculeus was on his march into Gaul; and one entire legion in his army is stated to have been composed of Christians. While they were encamped in a narrow defile,

* Milman, History of Christianity, vol. II., p. 271.

† "Insecurable to pity, and fearless of consequences, he was the ready instrument of every act of cruelty which the policy of that artful Prince, Diocletian, might at once suggest and disclaim. As soon as a bloody sacrifice had been offered to prudence or to revenge, Diocletian, by his seasonable intercession, saved the remaining few, whom he had never designed to punish, gently censured the severity of his stern colleague, and enjoyed the comparison of a golden and an iron age, which was universally applied to their opposite maxims of government. Notwithstanding the difference of their characters, the two Emperors maintained on the throne that friendship which they had contracted in a private station. The haughty, turbulent spirit of Maximian, so fatal afterwards to himself, and to the public peace, was accustomed to respect the genius of Diocletian, and confessed the ascendant of reason over brutal violence." (Gibbon, Decline and Fall.)

not far from the head of the lake of Geneva, and now called St. Maurice, from one of these soldiers; Herculeus ordered this legion to be decimated for resistance to some orders which no Christian could comply with. The history of the affair is as follows:—Herculeus, entering Gaul for the purpose of repressing some disturbances that had arisen, and having crossed the Alps, he, in order to take the field under more favourable auspices, gave directions for a general lustration of his forces, and that the whole army should join in swearing fidelity at the altars of their gods. With these orders of the Emperor, the Theban Legion, under the command of Mauritius, which had shortly before been called from the East, refused to comply.* Enraged at their resistance, Herculeus caused them to be decimated; that is, he ordered one soldier out of every ten to be put to death. The remainder continuing firm, the decimation was repeated; and still finding their constancy proof against all this severity, he caused them all to be put to death. Mauritius, and his associates in command, exerted themselves incessantly to keep up the spirits and resolution of their men; and after the execution of the second sentence of decimation, sent a remonstrance to the Emperor, which shows, if authentic, how genuine were both the piety and loyalty of these heroic Christians, and how clearly they understood the nature of their duty to God, and their temporal Sovereign. "We are your soldiers, Sire," said they; "but we are also the servants of God, and we willingly confess that we glory in being so. We owe to you service in war; but we are bound to appear innocent before God. From you we receive pay; from Him, life; and we cannot obey you, when to do so would be to renounce God our Creator and our Lord, and yours also, though you thus obstinately refuse to acknowledge him. If you demand of us nothing that is contrary to his decrees, we will obey you as heretofore: if you do otherwise, we must obey him rather than you. We offer to expose ourselves to any of your enemies, whosoever they may be; but we cannot believe that it would be lawful for us to dip our hands in the blood of the innocent. We were bound by an oath to God, before we swore allegiance to you; and you would have good reason to doubt our fidelity did you find us violating so sacred a pledge. You command us to pursue the Christians, that they may be taken and punished: behold us! we confess our belief in God the Father of us all, and in his Son Jesus Christ. We have seen our

* This company received the name of Theban Legion from their having been raised in Thebes, or Thebais. They had been stationed in the East, till Herculeus professed to need their aid in Gaul to put down the peasants of that country, who, under the appellation of Baganda, had risen in a general insurrection, very similar to those which in the fourteenth century successively afflicted both France and England. When they came to Rome, they were confirmed in the faith by the Bishop of that city, and promised, upon oath, that they would rather be slain by their enemies than forsake the faith; after which they followed the army over the Alps, under the command of Mauritius, Exuperius, and Candidus, their chief officers, men as renowned for their piety as for their valour. The body of the soldiers halted for a short time for refreshment, while some detachments were forwarded to Treves and Cologne. At this time, the Emperor commanded a general sacrifice to be offered to the heathen deities for the success of their expedition, requiring all the troops, both of the East and West, to attend, and proposed to them taking such oaths as were incompatible with Christianity; a part of which included, that they should persecute the Christians as enemies to the national gods.

THE THEBAN LEGION.

companions suffer without complaining; but have rejoiced, rather, at their being allowed the honour of dying for their God, and our God. Neither the injustice with which they have been treated, nor the menaces hurled against us, have been sufficient to make us revolt. We have still our arms; but we resist not, for we would rather die innocent, than live with guilt." But no declaration of loyalty, no demonstration of the most honourable adherence to principle, could make any impression on the mind of Herculeus; and, perceiving the inflexible character of the converted legion, he resolved upon its immediate and entire destruction.* To effect this sanguinary purpose, says the tradition, he directed a considerable body of troops to surround it, and to put every man to the sword. The Christians, on being made acquainted with the Emperor's intentions, awaited their fate with resignation; and when they saw the regiments approaching which were ordered to act as their executioners, they laid down their arms, and fell passive victims to the edict of their barbarous Sovereign.†

Notwithstanding the great activity which Diocletian and Herculeus manifested in the government of the empire, and especially in the progress of their arms against the Persians and Germans, new opponents were perpetually arising, who created considerable annoyance and danger. Carausius had declared himself Emperor in Britain, in reference to whom the associated Princes met in consultation, and resolved upon adopting vigorous measures. They terminated, however, at the commencement of the campaign in favour of the insurgent, so that Herculeus found it necessary to make peace with him, and ignominiously to allow him the assumption of the imperial title. In addition to this, a fresh competitor appeared in Egypt, in the person of Achilleus. Affairs beginning to wear an aspect so serious, the two Emperors met again at Milan for mutual conversation; and determined to strengthen their powers of aggression by calling to their help two individuals, on whom they imposed the title of Cæsar. These were Constantius Chlorus, and Galerius Valerius Maximianus. Constantius took the command in Gaul, having first divorced his wife Helena,‡ and married Theodora, the step-daughter of Herculeus.

* Such is the substance of the account now extant, under the title of "Passio sanctorum Mauritii ac sociorum ejus," which is said to have been compiled by Kucherina, Bishop of Lyons, in the sixth century; and is to be found, accompanied with a learned introduction and notes, in Ruinart's "Acta Martyrum Sincera et Selecta," p. 271, et seq. Fol., 1713. And it may be remarked, that, notwithstanding the zeal that has occasionally been displayed by the adversaries of the Church of Rome, in reducing within as narrow limits as possible the very extensive catalogue of its martyrs, by none of them, with the exception of one or two, was any attack, previously to the commencement of the eighteenth century, ever made on the history of the Theban, or, as it is not unusually, by way of distinction, termed, "the happy, or fortunate, legion." Nor is there anything in this that should occasion much surprise, when it is considered that scarcely any other history of this kind has come down to us so well supported by ancient documents and testimonies. (Mosheim's Commentaries.) "Such is the story," says Dr. Burton, "of the Theban legion, which it is difficult, if not impossible, to receive in all its details; but which may have some foundation in fact; and the local tradition is certainly extremely ancient."

† Stebbing, History of the Christian Church, vol. 1., p. 196.

‡ Helena was the mother of Constantine the Great. She was born of obscure parents in Bithynia. When divorced by the marriage of her husband with Theodora,

At the same time he sent his son, Constantine, who was now sixteen years old, to attend upon Diocletian at Nicomedia; and though he was treated in a manner suited to his rank, and had the advantage of gaining military experience, the young Prince was, in fact, kept as a hostage for the good conduct of his father. Galerius at the same time married Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian, and took the command in Illyria. Herculeus had Africa and Italy, while Diocletian protected the eastern part of the empire, including Egypt, residing principally at Nicomedia. In this division of the country, the government of Britain fell to Constantius; but he was occupied in Gaul some years. In the meantime Carausius was killed by Allectus, who himself assumed the title of Emperor. In 296 Allectus was defeated and killed, and Constantius then passed over into the island.* About the same time Diocletian succeeded in recovering Egypt, having slain the usurper Achilleus.†

The sanguinary act of Herculeus, with regard to the Theban Legion, rekindled the persecution in Gaul, and many suffered. Among several are enumerated Faith, Capracius, and Quintin; of whom a brief notice will be recorded. Faith was a native of Aquitaine, who from her infancy was instructed in the principles of the Christian faith, and brought up in a manner which accorded with the opulence of her parents. When Herculeus afflicted the Christians in Gaul, Aquitaine was governed by Dacian, who was a great devotee to the superstitious ceremonies of Paganism, and servilely devoted to his master's will. This Magistrate was extremely active in apprehending the professors of Christianity, and in endeavouring to persuade them to renounce the faith. He resided in the same place as our martyr, whose reputation among the Christians constituted her the peculiar object of his aversion and hate: she was speedily informed of the dangerous circumstances which were gathering, and being persuaded that she could not be long concealed, prayed to be divinely assisted, and then surrendered herself to the officers. Being brought before the Governor, he employed both promises and threats to induce her to relinquish the Christian profession; but finding his efforts to be she retired from the court; but the elevation of her son to the throne restored her to the honours of her rank, which she adorned by devotion and Christian charity. She was the founder of various churches; and in her travels into the Holy Land, she is said to have discovered the true cross. She died in the arms of her son, A.D. 328, and was interred in the imperial mausoleum at Rome.

* "In the third year of the reign of Diocletian, Carausius, a person of no extraction, but of great courage and abilities, and of an enterprising temper, gave Diocletian some trouble in Britain. This Carausius had been ordered to guard the coasts against the Franks and Saxons: misbehaving himself in his post, and being suspected of holding a correspondence with the enemy, he was ordered to be executed by Herculeus, who was now raised by Diocletian to a partnership in the empire. Carausius, having notice of this order, assumed the purple in his own defence, and set up for himself; and, seizing upon Britain, held it seven years, maintaining his ground with great conduct and resolution; but at last was assassinated by Allectus, a friend of his, whom he had used with the greatest confidence, and trusted with the main of his affairs. This Allectus usurped the island three years, and was then slain in the field by the Prefect Asclepiodotus, who commanded under Constantius Chlorus. And thus, after ten years' revolt, Britain was recovered to the Roman Emperors." (Collier, Eccles. Hist. of Great Britain.)

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxviii.; see also Bede, Eccles. Hist. of the English Nation, lib. i., cap. 6.

CAPRACIUS, QUINTIN, &C., MARTYRS.

ineffectual, he commanded her to be laid on the iron-bed, or gridiron, over a slow fire; which cruel and lingering torture she endured with a fortitude bordering upon cheerfulness, which so influenced several of the spectators, that they embraced the faith, and, young as they were in the profession of truth, they were enabled to meet death with intrepidity and courage. Capracius appears to have been one of those who fled when the storm first broke out in Gaul; but hearing of the constancy of the before-mentioned martyr, he addressed himself to God, that he might obtain a similar victory. Being carried before the Governor, he made a full confession, and was laden with irons. The Magistrate, perceiving him to be young, and adequate for the service of his country, attempted his fidelity by the offer of a considerable post at court: he, however, rejected every proposal, but that of dying for his faith, from which he could not be removed; declaring that his imperial Majesty had nothing to bestow, in comparison of what he anticipated from the Most High whom he served. Dacian, being unable to overcome his constancy, delivered him over to the executioners, with directions for them to try the utmost power of their torments upon him. The Governor, finding that all his efforts tended only to increase the number and fortitude of the faithful, ordered Capracius to be beheaded, extending this sentence to others who had recently embraced the truth on beholding the indomitable courage of those who had suffered in maintaining it. Quintin appears to have been a native of Rome, and descended from a senatorian family; but the records of his personal history are scanty, until we find him engaged in the publication of the Gospel. Being desirous of preaching the word among the Heathen in Gaul, he left his country, and all hope of temporal advantage, and, in company with one Lucian, arrived in Picardy, where they for some time preached the faith together. In process of time they separated: Quintin prosecuted his mission in that part of the country: his companion went to Beauvois, where he is said to have received the crown of martyrdom. Although we are not acquainted with any consecutive or detailed account of the actions of Quintin, we are nevertheless enabled to say, that God made him powerful both in words and deeds, and that he received the reward of his labours in this reign. Herculeus having appointed Rectius Varus his Prefect, he proved himself to be on an equality with his Sovereign in acts of superstition and cruelty, and executed the whole of his designs against the Christians with ardour and fidelity. Varus being in Gallis Secunda, or the Farther Gaul, heard of the great success which attended the ministrations of Quintin; and, being incensed at the progress of Christianity, he formed a resolution to destroy its Preacher, but deferred the execution of it until the affairs of state brought him to Amiens. On his arrival he ordered Quintin to be arrested, thrown into prison, and placed in irons; and on the following day he was brought before the Governor, who attempted to subdue his fidelity by promises and threats; but finding him proof against both, he ordered him to be severely scourged, and then confined him to a close dungeon, without the liberty of receiving any comfort or assistance from his friends. The

F writer of his Acts asserts, but upon what authority we know not, that a martyr was miraculously set at liberty that night, and found preaching to the people the following morning, which prodigy is said to have proved the conversion of many; but the Prefect, ascribing it to the power of magic, issued a second order to apprehend him, and endeavoured by certain violent methods to shake his resolution, but with as little success as before. He then ordered him to be stretched with pulleys, until his joints were dislocated, after which his body was torn with scourges composed of wire; boiling pitch and oil were poured down his back, and lighted torches were applied to his sides and arm-pits; but being strengthened by Him whose cause he defended, he was superior to all the cruel arts of his barbarous persecutor, and was kept in a state of holy tranquillity and patience; and, finding him unable to be overcome, the Governor remanded him to prison. Shortly after Varus being obliged to journey to Vermandois, he ordered Quintin to be conducted thither under a strong guard, where he expired under the hands of his executioners. His remains were carefully watched until the evening to prevent their interment, and were then ignominiously thrown into the Somme.

The heresies which at the close of the third century infested the church operated in some degree to increase the prejudices of Diocletian against the Christians. Manicheism had made considerable progress in Egypt; and, on account of its Eastern origin, the Emperor, having found difficulty in subduing Persia by his arms, was afraid that they were about to inundate the world with a new and dangerous doctrine. In a letter which Diocletian addressed to Julianus, the Proconsul of Africa, against the Manichees,* are numerous passages which were greatly calculated to cause alarm among the Christians. In this epistle, also, mention is made of the old religion having been supplanted by a new one, and of the criminality of suffering established usages to fall into decay or desuetude, and orders were given that all persons professing Manicheism should suffer capitally, that their books should be burnt, and their property confiscated; but if any of them were high in rank or station, their property should be seized, and themselves sent to work in the mines;† a movement which fully harmonized with the Empe-

* Baronii Annales, ad ann. 287.

† Manes, or Manichees, the founder of the sect of the Manichees, flourished about the year 270. He was a native of Persia, but not born in a condition of slavery, as some have maintained. He is represented to have been a man of considerable learning, and to have been, while yet young, ordained a Christian Priest; but afterwards falling into heresy, he was expelled from the church, and favourably received at the court of Sapor, King of Persia. That Prince listened to Manes so far as the doctrine of the two principles is concerned; but when he proceeded to introduce his peculiar notions of Christianity into the religion of his country, he lost the favour of the Monarch, and was obliged to retire into Turkistan. On the death of Sapor, he returned to court, and was well received by Hormisdas, the new Monarch. This reign only lasted two years; and though his son Varanes was inclined at first to favour Manes, he was compelled to give way to the calumnies and jealousies which existed against him; and, after a public conference, in which, as might have been supposed, Manes was defeated, he was put to death, either by crucifixion or by excoriation, A.D. 277. The charge that he impiously pretended to be himself the Messiah, or the Holy Ghost, is now regarded as an unfounded calumny; indeed, it is more than probable, that the circumstance of his name, signifying "comforter," alone gave rise to the latter part of the accusation. The doctrine of Manes was a motley mixture of the tenets of Christianity with the

MAXIMILIAN, A MARTYR.

ror's subsequent operations against the church. About this time a new heresy appeared in Egypt, which was founded by a man named Hieracas, or Hierax.* He professed himself a Christian; but his Egyptian education had led him to study astrology and magic, to which he added an acquaintance with the literature and philosophy of Greece. The Manichaean doctrines which were now becoming popular soon attracted his notice. He prohibited marriage, and the use of animal food, in which he followed the more rigorous of the Manichees; although there is reason to think that Manes did not impose this abstinence upon all his followers. Hierax appears to have borrowed largely from the Gnostics; and, with respect to the nature of the Son of God, he had a notion peculiarly his own, which tended to a denial of the eternal existence of the Son. His followers were called after him, Hieracitae; and they were likely to be numerous, when we find Manichaeism so widely spread as to attract the notice of the Government; and when we remember that many persons in Egypt had from a long period been following an ascetic or monastic life. It does not, however, follow, that Hierax adopted the doctrinal as well as the practical principles of the Manichees; and if the Christians were confounded with the Hieracitae, or with the Manichees, there was likely at that time to be a revival of the ancient prejudices against them.†

Until now there had been many Christians in the army, both in the higher and lower ranks, and they had never been compelled to do anything against their conscience. This is clearly shown, says Neander, from what is related by Eusebius, as well as from a remarkable circumstance which, as we can determine with certainty from the name of the Consul given in a narration prepared by eye-witnesses, took place in the year 295. It is one of the instances of an absolute refusal of a part of the Christians to enter into military service, on the plea that it was, by its very nature, incompatible with their religion; instances which, although their force was weakened by many others on the opposite side of the question, might very easily serve as an argument to the enemies of Christianity to support their assertion, that Christianity was detrimental to the state. At Sevesta, in Numidia, a young man of the name of Maximilian was brought before the Proconsul, as bound to serve in the army: as he entered, and was about to be measured, to see if he had the stature required, he declared at once, "I cannot be a soldier; I can do nothing wicked: I am a Christian." The Proconsul, without noticing his protestations, coolly ordered him to be measured, and, when he was found to ancient philosophy of the Persians. He combined these two systems, and applied and accommodated to Jesus Christ the characters and actions which the Persians attributed to the god Mithras. He established two principles; namely, a good and an evil one: the first, a most pure and subtle matter, which he called "light," did nothing but good; and the second, a gross and corrupt substance, which he called "darkness," nothing but evil. This philosophy is very ancient; and Plutarch treats of it at large in his Isis and Osiris.

* Hieracites, heretics in the third century, so called from their leader Hierax, a philosopher of Egypt, who taught that Melchisedek was the Holy Ghost, denied the Resurrection, and condemned marriage. (Henderson.)

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxviii.

F 2 be of the standard height, said to him, "Let them put the insignia of the military service round your neck, and become a soldier;" without taking any further notice of his profession of Christianity. The young man said, "I will bear no such badge: I bear already the badge of Christ, my God." The Proconsul, who was a Heathen, sarcastically threatened him, "I will send you instantly to your Christ." The young man said, "I hope you may: this would be a glory to me." The Proconsul, without further debate, ordered them to put the soldier's leaden badge upon his neck. The young man struggled against this, and answered in the ardour of youthful faith indeed, but perhaps with some deficiency of Christian humility and consideration, "I will not take upon me the badge of the world's service; and if it be put upon me, I will break it; for it is unavailing. I cannot bear this leaden token about my neck, after once receiving the saving badge of our Lord Jesus, of whom ye know nothing, who died for us." The Proconsul, though a cold heathen Statesman, showed, nevertheless, humanity in this instance, by endeavouring to persuade the young man by kind arguments: he himself endeavoured to represent to him, that he might become a soldier without violating his duty as a Christian; that there were Christians, who performed military service without scruples, in the body-guards of all the four Emperors, Diocletian, Herculeus, Constantius Chlorus, and Galerius. However, as this young man of one-and-twenty years of age would not submit his own conviction to the example of others, he was sentenced to death; yet, in his sentence of death,* no notice was taken of his Christianity, and his non-compliance with the duty of military service was alleged as the only ground. This is a clear proof, that the soldiers, also, might openly profess their Christianity; and that if they would only fulfil their other duties, it would not be expected of them to participate in heathen ceremonies.†

This state of affairs did not last long. Toward the end of the century, Diocletian practising the superstitious rites of divination, and understanding or guessing from the ill success of his sacrifices, that the presence of a Christian servant was the cause, ordered not only those who were present, but all in his palace, to sacrifice, and in case of refusal to be scourged with whips. He wrote, also, to the officers of the army, to constrain every soldier to sacrifice, or to discharge the disobedient from the service. Possibly the festival of the fifteenth year, the nomination of Maximianus Herculeus to the imperial dignity, the "dies natalis Cæsaris," in the year 298, was selected for the purpose of issuing such a command to the army; for this time would be exactly adapted for that object, as sacrifices and feasts would be held for the celebration of the festival in which all the soldiers might be compelled to participate. The result of this trial has been stated by Eusebius:—"Very many who were soldiers in the kingdom of Christ, without hesitating, preferred the confession of his name to that apparent glory and comfort which they enjoyed; and of these a few here

* "Eo quod indevoto animo sacramentum militia recusaverit, gladio animadverti placuit."

† Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. i., p. 149.

MARCELLUS, THE CENTURION, A MARTYR.

and there exchanged their honours, not only for degradation, but even for death, for their perseverance in religion. These last, however, were not many, as the great instigator of these violent measures had, as yet, but moderately proceeded, and ventured only so far as to shed the blood of some only. The great number of the believers probably deterred, and caused him to shrink from a general attack upon all; but when he began to arm more openly, it is impossible to tell how many and how eminent those were that presented themselves, in every place and city and country, as martyrs in the cause of Christ."* The story of Marcellus is remarkable.† Mr. Gibbon, in his History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, endeavours to justify the death of this soldier, representing him as punished solely for desertion and military disobedience, as a mutineer, and deserving of severe castigation, thus suppressing or disguising the real facts of the case. The truth is, that the death of Marcellus was the effect of a partial and undisguised persecution: his conscience was not burdened with being a soldier,—for it was no uncommon thing at that time for a Christian to serve in the army,—but with the introduction of rules among the soldiery which were utterly subversive of the very name and principles of Christianity; for those who commanded the Christian soldiers to sacrifice, were aware that in so doing they compelled them to renounce the faith of Christ. An instance of this occurs in the case referred to, at Tingi, now Tangier, in Africa. When the festival in honour of the Emperor, after the pagan custom, was accompanied by sacrifices and banquets, the Centurion Marcellus stood up from the soldiers' table, and, throwing down his wand, his belt, and his arms, he declared, "From this moment I cease to serve your Emperors as a soldier: I despise praying to your gods of wood and stone, deaf and dumb idols. If the condition of a soldier require this, that one must offer sacrifice to the gods and to the Emperors, I throw away my wand and my belt. I renounce the colours, and I am a soldier no more." All that he had said and done was now associated, which amounted to this, that Marcellus had publicly cast away the military insignia, and that he had spoken before the whole people much that was injurious to the gods and the Emperors: he was consequently sentenced to death. Cassianus, the Registrar who recorded the sentence, exclaimed, that he was shocked at the injustice of it; and in the course of a month he also suffered.

These circumstances tended to prepare the way for more active measures against the church of Christ, of which Galerius was eminently the great instigator. His ambition had recently been gratified by a victorious campaign against Narseus, the King of Persia; and Diocletian, who had been afraid of facing the danger himself, felt alarm at the success of his son-in-law; and his fears led him to consent in some degree to those measures of severity which he had proposed with regard to the Christians. Galerius would gladly have enforced his orders by more sanguinary measures; but Diocletian did

* Kuseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 4.

† Rainart., Acta Martyrum Sincera et Selecta, p. 302.

not fully consent to this, so that a Christian soldier might for a time make his option between resigning his commission, or abjuring his faith. The celebration of the accession of the Emperor doubtless gave numerous opportunities for insulting the Christians: nevertheless, the instances were few in which any were put to death, and indeed the letter of the edict did not of itself authorize such cruelty; but Magistrates may have executed it with more or less severity, according to their own feelings, and there is evidence of martyrdoms having taken place in Africa. This country was under the government of Herculeus, who had been gaining victories in Mauritania, at the same time that Galerius was pursuing his conquests in the East. Herculeus had the vices of Diocletian, such as his love of money and his sensuality, but with a more active and enterprising mind; and Galerius was likely to find him a willing assistant in his schemes against the Christians. Constantius was the only one of the four heads of the empire who did not take part in this cruelty.* Being engaged in the distant provinces of Gaul and Britain, he was probably not consulted when the edict was issued, and the names only of Diocletian and Herculeus would be affixed to it. Constantius did not execute it in the countries under his command; and with some few exceptions, with which he was not personally concerned, the Christians of those parts were as much unmolested as before. The case appears to have been otherwise at Rome. Caius, the Bishop of that see, died in 296, and escaped the painful scenes which Marcellinus, his successor, was called to witness. Evidence, also, of another species of persecution is forthcoming, and of which we find monuments in the present day. When Herculeus was at Carthage, he had some baths constructed upon a magnificent scale, which were called after his own name; and when he came to Rome shortly afterwards, he built some others equally splendid, which bore the name of Diocletian. The ruins of these enormous baths are still to be seen at Rome; and the interest which they excite is increased, when we read that they were raised by the labours of Christian soldiers,†

* Though Constantine Chlorus, who was a favourer of the Christians, had the government of Britain at this time, yet being no more than Cæsar, he was under the jurisdiction of Diocletian and Herculeus, and obliged to execute their orders: for, as Aurelius Victor observes, though the titles of Augustus and Cæsar were both names of sovereignty, yet the latter had more of sound than power in it, being perfectly under the command of him that was Augustus; and therefore, Lactantius says, (cap. ix.,) when Diocletian called Galerius Cæsar, after defeating the Persians, he replied in a question with some disgust, "Quousque Cæsar?" "How long must I be Cæsar?" meaning, he expected to be advanced to the supreme station of Augustus. Constantius, therefore, having no more than a subordinate command, when the Diocletian persecution came on, was forced to see some rigorous orders put in execution. This Lactantius informs us, (cap. xv.,) that "the edict against the Christians was sent to Constantius without asking his consent;" and he confesses, Constantius complied so far as to "pull down their churches." But his kindness, when declared Augustus, made the Christians willing to forget what they had suffered under him in other respects. From this observation we may conclude the persecution was general, till Diocletian and Herculeus resigned the empire. (Collier, Eccles. Hist., vol. I., p. 47.)

† Of these baths, which were the largest in Rome, little is to be said in description, although great fragments of the ancient building remain. Herculeus, when he returned from Africa, began them, and employed seven years in the work. He had distinguished himself very much in persecuting the Christians, and accordingly he ordered as many as he could find to work in the building. Some say that forty thousand Christians worked

DECAY OF PIETY IN THE CHURCH.

who were condemned to these and other public works by Herculeus.*

All these premonitions of a general persecution with which the fourth century opens, did not affect the minds of the Christians at large: the spirit of prayer was not stirred up among them, a sign of protracted and inveterate decay in godliness. There was a secret and lamentable decline of the life and spirit and power of the Gospel. A philosophical kind of religion became exceedingly fashionable; and, from what we are enabled to gather from the writings of this period, the discourses of Christian Pastors were confessedly homilies on different points of morality, rather than sermons on those evangelical doctrines of justification by faith, the hearty conviction of sin, and the various influences of the Holy Spirit; on account of which we wonder not at the circumstances which followed. The Most High, who had exercised long patience, at length declared, in the dispensations of his providence, "Because I have purged thee, and thou wast not purged, thou shalt not be purged from thy filthiness any more, till I have caused my fury to rest upon thee." In the winter of 302 Diocletian and Galerius met at Nicomedia; and while their private conferences were supposed to relate to the affairs of the empire, they were engaged in preparing plans for the persecution of the Christians. Galerius was the prime mover: his mother, Romula,† was superstitiously devoted to Paganism, and endeavoured to have various kinds of sacrifices to accompany her in all her public entertainments. The Christians ever and anon declined her invitations; and, her pride being now wounded, she was incessant in urging her son to put down their enemies by force. Galerius had also his share of superstition, and employed every argument with his father-in-law that the former edict might be pursued with even severer measures. Diocletian at length consented to summon a Council, formed of some persons versed in the administration of the law, and some military men. Of these one here. "Hence," says one of the antiquaries of Rome, "though all the other baths are destroyed, these, which were built by the hands of saints, are still preserved." He adds, that some of the bricks have been found with a cross marked upon them. (Burton, Description of the Antiquities, and other Curiosities of Rome, 8vo. edit., p. 296. Oxford, 1821.) "Ecclesiastical historians tell us, that these baths were erected during the tenth general persecution of the Christians. The soldiers who had embraced the religion were condemned to work here; and after having supported that fatigue for that space of seven years, many of them were cruelly put to death." (Lumisden, Remarks on the Antiquities of Rome, 4to., p. 206. London, 1797.)

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxviii. Barouil Annal. Eccles., A.D. 298.

† Lactantius says: "She was exceedingly superstitious, and was a votary of the gods of the mountains. Being of such a character, she made sacrifices almost every day, and she feasted her servants on the meat offered to idols: but the Christians of her family would not partake of these entertainments; and, while she feasted with the Gentiles, they continued in fasting and prayer. On this account she conceived ill-will against the Christians; and, by woman-like complaints, instigated her son, no less superstitious than herself, to destroy them. So, during the whole winter, Diocletian and Galerius held council together, at which no one else assisted; and it was the universal opinion, that their conferences respected the most momentous affairs of the empire. The old man long opposed the fury of Galerius; and showed how pernicious it would be to raise disturbances throughout the world, and to shed so much blood; that the Christians were wont with eagerness to meet death; and it would be enough for him to exclude persons of that religion from the Court and the army." (Lactant., De Mortib. Persecut., cap. 11.)

party was already notoriously hostile to Christianity, Hierocles, who was probably a member of this assembly. Diocletian, however, prolonged his resistance; and being old and infirm, and naturally timid, he had no wish to take the lives of his subjects. To give somewhat greater solemnity to the proceeding, and to identify their measures as much as possible with the cause of polytheism, it was determined to consult the oracle of Apollo at Miletus. The answer of the oracle might be anticipated; and Diocletian submitted to the irresistible and united authority of his friends, of Galerius, and of the god, and contented himself with moderating the severity of the edict. Galerius proposed that all who refused to sacrifice should be burnt alive. Diocletian stipulated that there should be no loss of life. The first edict issued against the Christians in this reign appeared early in the year 303.* It was, says Eusebius, the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, and the month of Dystrus, called by the Romans March, in which the festival of our Saviour's passion was at hand, when the imperial edict was everywhere published to tear down the churches to the foundation, and to destroy the sacred Scriptures by fire. Such was the character of the primary manifesto; but it was not long before others were promulgated, in which it was decreed that all the Prelates, in every place, should first be committed to prison, and that afterward every method should be adopted to compel them to sacrifice to the pagan deities.†

It was about this time, and before the edict came into operation, that Sebastian suffered: he held a responsible situation in the court of Rome, and was a Captain in the Praetorian guards; but his employment in the imperial household could not draw him aside from his fidelity to the cause of the Redeemer. His prudence and sincerity, together with the urbanity for which he was distinguished, secured for him the attachment of the soldiers, and the esteem of all who were acquainted with him: he conducted himself as an apostle under the garb of a soldier; and when Christianity was beheld as "the off-scouring of all things," he was instrumental in leading many to Him who is "the way, the truth, and the life;" confirmed and strengthened others in seasons of temptation and difficulty; and several he taught to despise suffering and death for the sake of Christ. His situation at court for a time secured him from any attempts being made against himself personally; but when Diocletian began to sweep his palace and his army of all who bore the Christian name, Sebastian was charged with being one of the chief supporters of those martyrs who pertained to the family of Castulus: he was of too great importance to be put to death without the express order of the Emperor: the Praetor therefore acquainted Diocletian with the defection of his officer; and insinuated that he was the abettor, if not the author, of the numerous disorders which had recently taken place in Rome; and that he, under the character of a Captain of the Guards, was sheltering an

* The accuracy of this date is proved by Pagi ad Baron, A.D. 302; Walchius, Dissert. de Christ. sub Dioclet. Persecut., sec. xvi., p. 51; Tillemont, Memoires, tom. iv., p. 515, et seq.

† Eusebius, Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 9.

THE GENERAL PERSECUTION OF DIOCLETIAN.

enemy both to the empire and to the gods. The Emperor summoned Sebastian into his presence, and bitterly reproached him with ingratitude in thus repaying his favour and confidence: he replied, by observing, that Christianity, so far from engaging him in any designs prejudicial to His Majesty, taught him, that it was impossible to give a greater proof of his fidelity to his Sovereign, than by supplicating the only true God for his preservation and success. The Emperor, being incensed at an answer so injurious to the gods he adored, ordered him immediately to be taken to the Campus Martius,* and tied to a post and shot with arrows. This sentence was executed, and the martyr was left for dead on the field. Some Christians, however, coming to the place of martyrdom with the intention of burying the body, found him with signs of life remaining. The wife of Castulus caused him to be conveyed privately to the Emperor's palace to the apartments of her husband, where with proper care, in process of time, he recovered; and the Christians, beholding him thus restored, besought him earnestly to seek safety in flight. He refused to do this; and when able to go out, he placed himself in the way of the Emperor, as he was proceeding to the temple, and addressed him boldly, and in strong terms, on the unreasonableness of his prejudice against the faith of Christ, and on the facility with which he credited the calumnies and falsehoods of the heathen priesthood, whose chief endeavour was to misrepresent the Christians, and to charge them with being the enemies of the state; although obliged, by the principles of their faith, to maintain inviolable loyalty to the person of the Emperor, and to pray for the prosperity of the empire. The freedom of the language of Sebastian, and especially of one whom Diocletian imagined he had caused to be put to death, not merely surprised but angered him: he therefore ordered him to be carried to a spot near his palace, and there beaten till he expired; and to prevent any future resuscitation, his body was thrown into the common sewer.

A day was chosen for the execution of the persecuting edict; and the time which elapsed from its issue, would allow it to be conveyed to several places before Easter. At Nicomedia, where the decree was first promulgated, and where Diocletian and Galerius were still staying, an earlier day was fixed. The feast called Terminalia † took place on the 23d of February, that festival which was inseparably connected with the stability of the Roman power; that power which was so manifestly endangered by the progress of Christianity. Early in the

* The term Campus belongs to the language of Sicily, in which it signified a hippodrome, or race-course; but amongst the Romans it was used to signify an open plain, covered with herbage, and set apart for the purpose of exercise or amusement. Eight of these plains are enumerated by P. Victor, as appertaining to the city of Rome; among which, the most celebrated was the Campus Martius, so called because it was consecrated to the god Mars. The most populous part of modern Rome stands here.

† Terminalia was a festival in honour of the god Terminus, who presided over boundaries. His statue was merely a stone or post, stuck in the ground to distinguish between properties. On the festival the two owners of adjacent property crowned the statue with garlands, and raised a rude altar, on which they offered some corn, honeycombs, and wine, and sacrificed a lamb, or a sucking-pig. The public festival in honour of this deity was celebrated at the sixth mile-stone, on the road towards Laurentum, doubtless because this was originally the extent of the Roman territory in that direction.

G morning, when it was scarcely light, the Prefect of the city appeared at the door of the church in Nicomedia, attended by the officers of the city and of the court, with Generals and officers of the army; the doors were instantly thrown down, and an immediate entry was effected. The Pagans beheld with astonishment the appearance of the place; and after seeking in vain for an idol, or any visible object of worship, they burnt whatever sacred books were discovered, and the rest of the furniture of the building was plundered by the tumultuous soldiery. The two Emperors commanded from the palace a full view of the tumult and the spoliation, and marked the proceedings with evident anxiety; for the church stood on a height at no great distance, in a populous part of the city. It was a subject of consultation between them whether the edifice should not be set on fire. Galerius wished to enjoy the spectacle of its conflagration; but Diocletian fearing that the flames might extend to the splendid buildings which were contiguous, his opinion prevailed. The pioneers of the Praetorian guard were detached; and advancing in battle array, with the instruments of destruction in their hands, they surrounded the building, and in a few hours the lofty structure was razed to the ground. This was intended as a signal for further aggressions: the Christians made no resistance, but awaited in silent consternation the event.

On the following day another edict was declared, which was framed in terms of the sternest and most rigorous proscription, short of the punishment of death. It comprehended all ranks and orders under its sweeping and inevitable provisions. Throughout the empire the churches of the Christians were to be levelled with the ground, and the public existence of the religion annihilated. The sacred books were to be delivered, under pain of death, by their legitimate guardians, the Bishops and Presbyters, to the imperial officers, and publicly burnt. The philosophic party thus hoped to extirpate those pernicious writings with which they in vain contested the supremacy of the public mind. The property of the churches, whether endowed in land or furniture, was confiscated; all public assemblies for the purposes of worship prohibited; * the Christians of rank and distinction were degraded from all their offices, and declared incapable of filling any situation of trust or authority; those of the plebeian order were deprived of the right of Roman citizenship, which secured the sanctity of their persons from corporal chastisement or torture; slaves were declared incapable of claiming or obtaining their liberty; the whole race were placed without the pale of the law, disqualified from appealing to its protection in case of wrong, as of personal injury, of robbery, or adultery; while they were liable to civil actions, and bound to bear all the burdens of the state, and amenable to all its penalties. In many places an altar was put before the tribunal of justice, on which the plaintiff was obliged to sacrifice, before his cause could obtain a hearing.† How far the Christians of lower condition were to lose the

* Not only were the meetings of the Christians prohibited, but the houses in which they were held were liable to be seized for the use of the state. (Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 10.)

† Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 275.

THE PERSECUTING EDICT TORN DOWN.

enjoyment of their freedom, is certainly not sufficiently defined; but considerable latitude, says Neander, is left in the application of this edict to individual cases. It is certain, from the decree by which the Emperor Constantine annulled all the consequences of this persecution in the East, that, at times, free-born Christians were converted into slaves, and sentenced to those kinds of slave-labour which were at once the lowest and the most despised, and to which they would be the least adapted from their former habits of life.*

We are enabled to discover something of the spirit in which this edict was received throughout the empire among the Christians, by what took place at Nicomedia. A Christian of respectable condition allowed himself to be carried on, by a somewhat inconsiderate zeal, to violate that respect toward the government which the Gospel prescribes, and publicly to tear down the document, and then to rend it in pieces, exclaiming, in a sarcastic manner, "Behold, these are new victories over the Goths and Sarmatians which are posted up! The Emperor treats the Christians, his own subjects, no otherwise than if they were the conquered Goths and the Sarmatians!" This outrage on the imperial Majesty was expiated by the death of the offender, who avowed his glorious crime. Although less discreet Christians might secretly dignify the sufferings of the victim with the honours of martyrdom, they could only venture to approve the patience with which he endured the agony of being roasted alive by a slow fire.† There were also at this period many additional circumstances of a peculiar nature, which cast a somewhat disadvantageous light on Christianity, or, at least, might be made use of so to do. A fire having broken out in the imperial palace of Nicomedia, which spread almost to the chamber of the Emperor, it was natural enough that this circumstance should have been attributed to the revengeful spirit of the Christians; and the accusation might have still been true, without attaching any general disgrace to the whole Christian church; inasmuch as, among so numerous a body as the Christians, there might very likely be many who allowed themselves to be carried away by passion, which they would palliate under the semblance of religion, so

* Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. I., p. 151. In order to understand the meaning of the edict as far as possible, we must compare the two imperfect and inaccurate statements given by Eusebius, (Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 2,) and the writer De Mortibus Persecutorum, as well as the translation of Rufinus. No positive interdict of assemblies for the worship of God is expressly given in any of these places; but the nature of the case shows that it was tacitly implied in the edict. But it is moreover clear, from credible and official documents relating to the first time of the persecution in proconsular Africa, that such an interdict was positively expressed in the decree. The words of Eusebius, which have caused much dispute, are difficult enough: *Τους εν οικετίαις ει στι επιμείνουν τρ του Χριστιανισμου προθεσει, ελευθερίας στεριακεσθαι.* By the words *εν οικετίαις*, we cannot, according to the common use of language, understand anything but persons in the condition of servants, slaves. We must, therefore, if we wish to put any reasonable sense on the passage, seek for some other meaning for the word *ελευθερία*, than that which first offers itself. The words implying, "they shall be deprived of their freedom," may mean, "shall be put into chains and into prison." Compare above the edict of Valerian against the Cessaians. But it is safe to follow Rufinus, who may have seen the original of the edict: "Si φις κεννόμαινις, libertatem consequi non posset." If this be correct, the translation of Eusebius is very defective.

† Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 8.

G 2 far as to forget of what manner of spirit they ought to be as the disciples of Christ.* The real origin of this fatal conflagration is unknown; and, notwithstanding the various causes to which it was ascribed by the fears, the malice, and the superstition of the different classes, we may probably, says Milman, refer the whole to accident. It may have arisen from the hasty or injudicious construction of a palace built but recently. The author of the work on the judgments which befell the persecutors, says, that Galerius himself caused the fire,† in order to be able to accuse the Christians of the crime; and Constantine, who was afterwards Emperor, and who was now at Nicomedia, says expressly that the palace was struck by lightning,‡ and discovers in that dispensation evident marks of the judgment of God. The truth is, as acknowledged by Ensebius, that we do not know the real cause: it was enough that the Christians were accused of a conspiracy against the Emperor, and that many of them were arrested without any distinction as to whom suspicion could attach or not. Most terrible tortures were used in order to obtain a confession, but to no purpose. Many were burnt, beheaded, and drowned. About fourteen days after a second fire broke out, which was speedily extinguished; and this tended to make it more probable that the fire was intentional. The Christians did not hesitate to throw the guilt of incendiarism upon Galerius, who had practised the part of a secret incendiary in order to criminate them, and to alarm Diocletian into his more violent measures.§ The impolicy of such an accusation as attributing the fire to the Christians, will at once appear, if we consider the chance which they actually had of destroying both their imperial enemies in the fire: this must have been very remote, and could only darken the subtle mind of Diocletian with the blackest superstition, and irritate Galerius to more unmeasured hostility; whilst it acquitted the Christians of all such conspiracies, even if their high principles, their sacred doctrines of peaceful submission, even under the direst persecution, did not place them above all suspicion. The only Christian who would have incurred the guilt, or provoked upon his innocent brethren the danger inseparable from such an act, would have been some desperate enthusiast, like the man who tore down the edict. The silence of Constantine may clear Galerius of the darker charge of contriving, by these base and indirect means, the destruction of a party against which he proceeded with undisguised hostility: Galerius, however, as if aware of the full effect with which such an event would work upon the mind of Diocletian, immediately left Nicomedia; declaring that he could not consider his person safe in that city.∥

The consequences which followed the conflagration were most disastrous to the whole Christian community. The officers of the household, the inmates of the palace, were exposed to the most cruel tortures, by the order of the Emperor. The females of the family were

* Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. i., p. 157.

† Lactantius, De Mort. Persecut., cap. 14.

‡ Constant. Orat. ad Sanct., cap. 25.

§ Ensebi., Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 6.

∥ Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 277.

PETER, DOROTHEUS, AND OTHERS, MARTYRS.

by no means exempt from the severest scrutiny in the judicial investigations which took place in the presence of Diocletian himself. It is remarkable that the servants of Galerius were subjected to no torture; but he took great pains to keep up the indignation of the old Emperor, who was now thoroughly in earnest, and raged most furiously against every individual bearing the Christian name. His wife Prisca,* and, what is still more extraordinary, her daughter Valeria, the wife of Galerius, who were at least suspected of a secret regard for Christianity, were compelled to offer sacrifice. The edict was still in force, which had been published several years before, ordering all official persons to attend the religious services of Heathenism; but it was now interpreted to mean, that they who did not comply should be put to death: an example was therefore set in torturing several individuals, who not only held places in the household, but had been great favourites with Diocletian. Among these, Peter, Dorotheus,† and Gorgonius stand conspicuous. The Emperor had shown a peculiar respect for them; some of them were even officers of his chamber; and he placed so great confidence in their fidelity in discharging trusts reposed in them, that nothing was done in the palace without their direction or permission; but no worldly advantage could prejudice any of them against the faith of the Redeemer; and the Almighty shortly vouchsafed unto them an opportunity of proving how empty and vain were the pleasures of time when compared with the honours of eternity. After the second conflagration had been subdued, Peter was seized and carried before Diocletian, who insisted upon him offering sacrifice. This he, of course, refused to do. He was immediately stripped naked, and scourged until his bones were laid bare, when vinegar and salt were applied to his wounds: he nevertheless maintained his integrity. He was then laid upon the iron-bed, or gridiron, and literally broiled over a slow fire. Nothing, however, could move him; and the executioners were conquered by his invincible courage and fortitude, which triumphed over all their attempts, and procured for him the glory and reward of martyrdom. Gorgonius and Dorotheus, after having felt the violent effects of the pagan fury, and endured a variety of torments, were strangled. Others of the Emperor's household died in a similar manner. "Diocletian," says Lactantius, "raged not only against his own domestics, but indiscriminately against all. Eunuchs, once the most powerful, and who had chief authority at court and with the Emperor, were slain. Presbyters, and other officers of the church, were seized, and without evidence, by witnesses or confessions, condemned, and, together with their families, were led to execution. In burning alive, no distinction of sex or age was regarded; and, because of their great multitude, they were not burnt one after another, but a herd of them were encircled with the same fire; and servants, having

* The name of the wife of Diocletian was unknown until the discovery of the M. De Mort. Persecut. In the Acts of S. Susannah, she is styled Serena; in the Acts of St. George, Alexandria; and in the life of Pope Vigilius, she is styled, Eleutheria. This shows what credits is due to such writers: (Lord Hailes.)

† This Dorotheus is probably the same who had the superintendence of the manufactory of purple dye at Tyre; though some think that the latter survived to the reign of Julian.

millstones tied about their necks, were cast into the sea. Nor was the persecution less grievous on the rest of the people of God; for the Judges, dispersed through all the temples, sought to compel every one to sacrifice. The prisons were crowded; tortures hitherto unheard of were invented; and, lest justice should be inadvertently administered to a Christian, altars were placed in the courts of justice, hard by the tribunal, that every litigant might offer incense before his cause could be heard. Thus Judges were no otherwise approached than divinities. Mandates also had gone to Herculeus and Constantius, requiring their concurrence in the execution of the edicts; for, in matters even of such mighty importance, their opinion was never once asked. Herculeus, a man of no merciful temper, yielded ready obedience, and enforced the edict through the dominions of Italy. Constantius, on the other hand, lest he should have seemed to dissent from the injunctions of his superiors, permitted the demolition of churches, mere walls, and capable of being built up again; but he preserved entire that true temple of God, which is the human body;"* and Gaul, which was his favoured province, for a time was not defiled with Christian blood. The fierce temper of Herculeus only awaited the signal, and readily acceded to carry into effect the barbarous edicts of his colleagues.

When the persecutors attempted, by burning all the copies of the Bible, to annihilate Christianity, with its sources, for ever, they certainly, says Neander, made choice of means which were more efficacious than the extirpation of the living witnesses of the faith among mankind; for their example only excited a greater number of followers. On the contrary, if they could succeed in annihilating the inspired Scriptures, they would by that means have suppressed the very source from which true Christianity and the life of the church had constantly risen up afresh and unconquerable. Let them execute as many Preachers of the Gospel, Bishops and Clergy, as they would, nothing was done as long as this book, which could always form new teachers, remained to the Christians. Considered in itself, indeed, the transmission of Christianity was not necessarily dependent on the letters of holy writ. Inscribed, not in tables of stone, but in the living tablet of the heart, the divine doctrine, once established in the consciences of men, by its own divine power, might maintain its ground, and make further progress; but, as human nature is at present constituted, the testimony of history declares, that Christianity, separated from its source, the word of God, from which it may always be recalled to its purity, would soon be overwhelmed by the mixture of falsehood and corruption, and become so disguised as not to be recognised. This means, therefore, after the laws of human calculation, was well chosen; if only the wilfulness of man could have defied the almighty power of God, who wished to preserve the treasure of the holy word as the best possession of man, and could have brought its deep-laid schemes to effect. But how could it ever be imagined possible, according to the usual rules of human calculation, to find and to annihilate, by human power, all the copies of the

* Lactantius, De Mortib. Persecut., cap. 15.

THE BIBLES COMMANDED TO BE BURNT.

Scriptures, which were not only deposited in the churches, but were also in existence in so many private houses? We here trace that blind policy which the empire of lies always makes use of, while it expects that nothing can escape its search, and that it can destroy, by fire and sword, what is protected by a higher power. The blind zeal for the support of the old religion went so far, in many cases, that the Heathen would willingly see many of the most glorious monuments of their own literature perish with the writings of the Christians, those at least in which a testimony was raised against the superstition of the popular religion, which were constantly used by the Christians in their controversy against Heathenism; and they would gladly have drawn up a whole "Index Librorum prohibitorum," and "expurgandorum." * One is immediately led to suppose, that where people of this description, or those who would cheerfully earn imperial favour by doing too much, rather than too little, were commonly to be found among the Governors and Magistrates of provinces, many acts of violence and cruelty must have been committed against the Christians, by the fulfilment of the first edict, in which the delivering up of the holy Scriptures and the discontinuance of congregations were commanded; and especially since by this edict Christians of all classes were subject to judicial investigations with the use of torture.

"But many Magistrates," continues Neander, "who were free from this fanaticism, and this spirit of flattery, which would sacrifice all higher objects to lower and baser, and who had more humane feelings, endeavoured, as far as possible, to soften the rigour of these

* Arnobius, who wrote exactly about this time, says, in his Disput. adv. Gentes, lib. iii., "Not a few abhorred the work of Cicero, 'De Natura Deorum,' and could not prevail on themselves to read a book which contradicted their ancient prejudices." Others said, in the greatest indignation, that a "Senatus-con-vitum" ought to be published, that those writings might be annihilated, by which Christianity was confirmed, and the authority of antiquity undermined: "Aboleanor ut hæc scripta, quibus Christiana religio comprobetur, ut vetustatis opprimatur auctoritas." Arnobius was a teacher of rhetoric at Sicca, a town of Numidia, in the reign of Diocletian. His great work, from which we have quoted above, was written at the time when he was a candidate for admission into the Christian church, and before he was enrolled among its members. Of this work, which consists of seven books, the first two are a defence of the Christian religion against the charges of the Gentiles, and a defence of the Deity and divine mission of Jesus Christ. The three next following are directed against the errors of Paganism; and the last two, a justification of the Christians for abandoning the pomp and luxury of the temples, sacrifices, and altars in use among the Pagans. He appears to have known nothing of the Old Testament; and of the New, only the history of Christ; unless we suppose that he purposely omits any allusion to the contents of the rest of the holy Scriptures, as being works unknown to those for whom he wrote. On the other hand, he shows great acquaintance with Greek and Roman writers, many of whom he cites by name; considerable knowledge of the Christian apologists, —Justin and Clemens Alexandrinus, for instance; and in the books devoted to the attack upon the doctrines of Paganism, he exhibits an extensive mythological knowledge, and quotes, for the purpose of giving them a philosophical explanation, many myths which are not now to be found in any other writer. The first edition of this work was published at Rome, (1542-3,) under the title of "Arnobil Disputationum adversus Gentes libri viii. Romae. Fr. Priscianensis." The number of books here mentioned is made up by the addition of the Octavius of Minutus Felix as an eighth. A Commentary on the Psalms, and a Dispute between Serapion and Arnobius, De Deo Trino et Uno, which have been ascribed to him, are now decided to be the productions of the younger Arnobius, who was of Gaul, and a semi-Pelagian, who obtained considerable reputation for being mistaken as the veritable Arnobius the elder.

measures, and acted with as much lukewarmness as they could without openly violating the imperial edict. They either suffered themselves to be deceived by the Christians, or put the means into their hands of evading the edict, and fulfilling it only in appearance. Bishop Mensurius, of Carthage, used the precaution to bring all the copies of the Scriptures from the churches of Carthage to his own house, to preserve them there, while he left in the churches only the writings of heretics. When the inquisitors came, they took these writings, and went away satisfied. They were assuredly religious writings of the Christians; and in the edict nothing was said of what holy writings, and of what party among the Christians, it meant to speak. But some Senators of Carthage discovered the imposition to Annalinus, the Proconsul, and required him to institute a search in the house of the Bishop, where he would find all the writings. The Proconsul,* who was willing to be deceived, refused to comply with this request. When Secundus, another Numidian Bishop, refused to deliver up the holy writings, the inquisitors asked him why he could not deliver up some useless extracts, or at least give them something, anything he pleased.† With the same intention, probably, must the Legate of the Proconsul have asked the Numidian Bishop Felix, as he did more than once, 'Why, then, do you not give up your superfluous writings?'‡ So, also, in the case of Felix, the African Bishop, when the Præfectus Præstorio asked him, 'Why dost thou not give up the holy writings? or perhaps thou hast none?' it is evident enough that he meant to put the latter assertion into his mouth.§

"In the conduct of the Christians at this critical time we find the opposite results which, under such circumstances, the different inclinations and imperfections of human nature are apt to bring about: some, in the dread of martyrdom and death, gave up their copies of the Bible, which were then burnt in the public market-place,—these men were excommunicated, under the name of traditores;||

* August., Opera, tom. ix., Brevical. Collat. cum Donat. Dies, ill., cap. 13. Edit. 8vo. Paris, 1837.

† "Aliqua exfolia aut quodcunque."

‡ "Quare scripturas non tradis supervacuas?" is, perhaps, intentionally ambiguous; so that the words might be understood to mean, that the Christian writings in general were something useless.

§ Ruinart, Acta Martyrum Sincera, Acta Felicis, p. 356.

|| A name applied to those who delivered up their Bibles, and the sacred utensils of the church, to the Heathen to be burnt in the time of the Diocletian persecution. The first Council of Arles, held immediately after the persecution, (Labbe. Concilia Sacrosancta, tom. i., p. 1428,) makes it deposition from his order for any Clergyman who could be convicted by the public Acts of this crime, either of betraying the Scriptures, or any of the holy vessels, or the names of his brethren, to the persecutors. The Donatists frequently, but falsely, objected this crime to Caecilian, Bishop of Carthage, and those that ordained him, that they were traditors; upon which Augustine tells them, that if they could evidently make good the charge, the Catholics would not scruple to anathematize them after death. (August. Opera, tom. ii., Epist. ad Bonifac. Bened. edit., p. 967. Paris, 1837.) But the truth of the matter was, these very objectors were traditors themselves, though they had the impudence to absolve one another, while they threw the charge upon innocent men, as Optatus (Opera, De Schismate Donatistarum, lib. i., folio, Paris, 1676) and Augustine (Opera, tom. ix., Contra Crescon. Donat., lib. iii., cap. 27, Bened. edit., p. 696, Paris, 1837) show out of the acts of their own Council of Cirtis, where they acted this comedy which stood as a witness against them. (Kingdom, Antiquities of the Christian Church, vol. vi., book xvi., chap. vi., § 26. Straker's edition.)

WRITERS AGAINST CHRISTIANITY.

others, (of which we find examples more particularly in northern Africa, where an enthusiastic disposition was natural to the people,) without any necessity, but in a blind zeal, into the composition of which something of earthly warmth entered, gave themselves up to death, by declaring that they were Christians, that they had holy writings in their possession, but that nothing should induce them to give them up; or else they rejected with scorn the means of evasion proffered by Governors of humane feelings: in this latter case, we ought to give high honour to a tender conscientiousness, which did not act thus out of a delusive enthusiasm to become martyrs, but because they held it unchristian to deceive in this manner, or because it appeared to them a tacit denial of the faith, if they delivered up these writings to the Heathen, and allowed them to think that these were the holy Scriptures of the Christians. Others believed it to be their duty to remain true to their faith with the simplicity of doves, and with hallowed prudence to accommodate themselves to the times. They used every precaution which was not incompatible with the profession of Christianity, to save from danger their own lives, and at the same time the copies of the Scriptures; and, in order to divert the jealousy of the Heathen, they endeavoured to temper the violent zeal of their brethren. It was likely enough that these men should be condemned by the other party, as those with whom the fear of man and human considerations had too much weight, and as cowardly traitors to the faith,—a feeling which proved, in after-days, the source of many convulsive struggles in the North African church. The prudence, however, of this party in the Christian community, at least, had this advantage, that it withdrew from the fanatical fury of the people many copies of the Bible which otherwise would have been a prey to the flames." *

While the Emperors were declaring war against the Christian church, other adversaries were attacking them with the pen. Two works were published about this time at Nicomedia, which were intended to bring Christianity into contempt and ridicule. One was written by a philosopher, who pretended great zeal for Paganism, and a wish to save the Christians from suffering; but he was careful to introduce many compliments to the Emperors, for defending the old religion.† Lactantius, who was living in Nicomedia at the time, speaks of this man as extremely dissolute in his life, and of his book as being very defective in argument.‡ The other work was composed in two books, and called "Philalethes." The author was Hierocles,§ who

* Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. I, p. 152, et seq.

† Lactantii Divinarum Institutionum lib. v., De Justitia, cap. ii.

‡ Lactantius does not mention his name; it is written in the dust: he was not unlike some Preachers of morality in all ages,—a defender of virtue, and a practitioner of vice; a flatterer of the court, very rich and very corrupt; one who condemned his own practice by his moral writings; and who dealt largely in the praises of the Emperors on account of their great piety in supporting the religion of the gods. Yet all men condemned his meanness in choosing that time particularly to write against Christians; nor did he obtain the favour at court which he expected. (Miller.)

§ A notorious persecutor of the Christians in the beginning of the fourth century: he was at first President of Bithynia, and afterwards Governor of Alexandria. Lactantius relates, that at the time he was teaching rhetoric in Bithynia, and the Christian church held some judicial station in the city: he was a man of some talent, but a virulent enemy of the Gospel, and exercised great influence in promoting this persecution. He appears to have held some military command in Egypt; but wherever he was employed, he distinguished himself for cruelty against the Christians. His work was addressed to them in the form of an expostulation; but it proved to be a bitter attack upon the founders of their religion, as well as upon the Scriptures, with which he showed such an intimate acquaintance, that he might almost have been suspected of having once been a believer. It was utterly unbecoming and discourteous to choose, for his attack on Christianity, the season when persecution against the Christians was in full operation; a time which a man of tender feelings, as he professed himself to be, would have been the last to select. In his work, Hierocles brings forward much which had been said by Celsus and Porphyry, and allowed himself to indulge in the most shameless falsehoods about the history of Christ. In order to deprive Christians of their argument from the miracles of Christ, he carries on a comparison between him and Apollonius of Tyana, allowing full credit to all the fables which the rhetorical Philostratus chose to narrate from unauthenticated sources, and from his own fancy; as, for example, that he understood the language of animals: in a word, he everywhere recognises the Apostles as uneducated and lying impostors. However, at this time Lactantius,* a native of Africa, was teaching under persecution, Hierocles was one of the Judges, and had been the chief promoter of the persecution which the Christians suffered under Diocletian. He composed two small books; not, indeed, professedly against the Christians, lest he should seem to inveigh against them as an enemy; but insidiously addressed to them, that he might be thought to advise them kindly as a friend. They were entitled, Λογοὶ φιλαληθεις στρος Χριστιανοῦς, in which he insisted upon some points in Scripture which seemed to him to contradict one another. He attempted also to compare the feigned miracles of Apollonius Tyanaus with those of Jesus Christ, and pretended to prove that Apollonius had performed even greater wonders. Eusebius undertook, in his book against Hierocles, to confute the latter part of this work; but, as Dr. Cave says, "he has done it very indifferently, his confutation being little more than a bare running over Philostratus's Life of Apollonius."

* Lactantius, whose name is now generally written Lucius Cælius, or Cæcilius, Ferminius Lactantius, was the most eloquent of the Latin fathers, and flourished at the close of the third and in the early part of the fourth century. Some have conjectured that he was a native of Firmum, now Firmo, in Italy, and that from thence he was called Firminius; but it is more generally believed that he was an African. He was educated under Arnobius, who taught rhetoric at Sicca in Africa. While he studied there he wrote a book, entitled, Symposium, or The Banquet; by which he acquired so great a reputation, that when Diocletian entertained the design of rendering Nicomedia a rival to Rome, he was sent for by him to teach rhetoric in that city. Lardner thinks that he was educated in the Christian religion. That he was a Christian when Diocletian's persecution commenced at Nicomedia, is unquestionable. How he passed through that long and dreadful affliction, we are not informed. He was afterwards invited by Constantine into Gaul, and appointed Latin preceptor to his son Crispus. The date of his death is not known. Dupin says, that he is the most eloquent of all the ecclesiastical authors who wrote in Latin; and he deserves the name of the Christian Cicero, not only for the clearness and purity of his language, but also for the turn of his phrase, and his manner of writing. His principal work is entitled, Divine Institutions, in seven books, and contains a confutation of the writings of two Heathens of note, who had published pieces against the Christian religion at the commencement of the persecution under Diocletian. Critics have widely differed in their judgments concerning the time of writing and publishing them; but the weight of evidence appears to preponderate in favour of the opinion of Cave and Lardner, who consider them to have been composed about the year 306. Basnage and Dupin place them about A.D. 320. Of the preceding

LACTANTIUS.

rhetoric at Nicomedia, which gave him an opportunity of reading these works, as well as of witnessing the sufferings of the Christians; and although the place afforded him but few pupils who cultivated the Latin language, he took to writing, and some of his voluminous works have come down to us. The "Divine Institutions," in seven books, though not published till after this period, were undertaken as an answer to the two works mentioned above; and they contain much valuable information, as well as decisive proof of the writer being a sincere believer in the Gospel; but we must not forget that Lactantius was a layman, and a rhetorician, who was but imperfectly acquainted with some of the leading points of Christianity. While the religion of Christ was thus assailed by persecution or argument, if it may be so called, defenders of the faith were always ready to cope with it.

The persecution now became general. In almost every part of the world, Christianity found itself assailed by the full force of the civil power, constantly goaded on by the united influence of the pagan priesthood and the philosophic party. "The furious rage of the malignant Emperors," says Foxe, "being let loose against the saints of Christ, proceeded more and more, making havoc of God's people throughout all quarters of the world. Diocletian, who had purposed with himself to subvert the whole Christian religion, executed his tyranny in the East, and Herculeus in the West. But the wily Diocletian began with great subtlety; for he put the matter first in practice in the camp, where his Lieutenant * put the Christian soldiers to this choice,—whether they would obey the Emperor's commandment in that manner of sacrifice he enjoined, and so both keep their offices and lead their bands, or else to cast away from them their armour and weapons. Whereunto the Christian men courageously answered, that they were not only ready to throw aside their armour and weapons, but also to suffer death, if it should with tyranny be enforced upon them, rather than they would obey the wicked decrees and commandments work there is also an abridgment, entitled, Institutionum Epitome, inscribed by Lactantius to his brother Pentadius. This was imperfect at the beginning, in Jerome's copy, and was so in those which reached modern times; till a perfect, or nearly perfect, copy was found in the library of the King of Sardinia, at Turin, by Dr. Christopher Matthew Pfaff, and published by him at Paris in 1712. In his treatise, De Ira Del, which is particularly commended by Jerome, Lactantius endeavours to prove, that God is capable of anger as well as of mercy and compassion; and in his treatise, De Opificio Del, he establishes the doctrine of God's providence, by demonstrating the excellence of his principal work, which is man, giving an elegant description of the parts of the human body, and the properties or faculties of the soul. Respecting the well-known book, De Mortibus Persecutorum, the learned world has been divided in opinion. It is a work which none of the ancients, after the time of Jerome, have noticed; and it was first published by Stephen Baluze, in the second volume of his Miscellanea, in 1679. The first edition of the works of Lactantius was published at Rome in 1468, fol., by Conrad Lewenhelm; and the last, of any importance, which is the most correct, was edited at Paris, in 1748, 2 vols., 4io., by the Abbé Lenglet. There is also an edition by Heumann, Göttingen, 1736. Lactantius also wrote an Itinerary from Africa to Nicomedia, a work entitled Grammaticus, two books to Asclepiades, and eight books of Epistles, all of which are lost.

* Ἄνρατονιδάρχης. Eusebius says, in his Chronicon, that this man's name was Veturius. Foxe renders the word, "Marshal of the field." The Chief Magistrates in the Emperor's provinces exercised both the civil and military functions, and bore military titles.

II 2 of the Emperor. There might a man have seen very many who were desirous to lead a simple and poor life, and who regarded no estimation and honour in comparison of true piety and godliness. And this was no more but a subtle and wily flattery in the beginning, to offer them liberty, whether they would willingly abjure their profession or not; as also this was another, that in the beginning of the persecution there were but a few tormented with punishment; but afterward, by degrees, the enemy began more manifestly to break out into open persecution.* After the second edict, commanding that all the governors of churches should be committed to prison, the sight of what was then done no expressions are sufficient to describe, when infinite multitudes were everywhere committed to custody; and the prisons, which had formerly been provided for murderers and robbers of the dead, were then filled with Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, Readers and Exorcists, insomuch that there was now no place left therein for those who had been condemned for their crimes. Again, when another edict offered the choice to the imprisoned, of liberty on sacrificing, or a thousand tortures on refusal, it can hardly be expressed with words what number of martyrs and what blood was shed throughout all cities and regions for the name of Christ." †

The tide of persecution had fully set in; edict followed edict in rapid succession, and unheard-of tortures were invented and applied: nevertheless, many endeavours have been made to depreciate the accounts which have been recorded of this general and simultaneous attack upon the church. The historian Milner says, "If I think it needless to relate distinctly all the sufferings of the Christians under it, I must not be supposed to countenance such attempts. The agreement of Lactantius and Eusebius, both contemporary authors of credit, is apparent. That such edicts were published, that much pains were used to enforce them, that a real attempt was made to extinguish the Gospel, more systematical, and conducted with more industry and refinement, than formerly, are certain. Even if we had no particular Martyrologies extant, we might be assured, from circumstances, that much blood must have been spilt, and much misery endured, not only in a regular and legal way, but also by tumultuary violence, and by the malice of men combined against a set of persons deprived universally of the protection of the laws. There wanted not some instances of humanity and generosity in Pagans towards their Christian friends and relations; but whoever knows what the passions

* Diocletian "did not all at once, nor in a mass, wage an open war against us; but as yet only made trial of those that were in the armies. For in this way he supposed that the rest could easily be taken, if he could first succeed in subduing these. Then one could see great numbers of the military most cheerfully embracing a private life, so as not to renounce their reverence for the supreme Creator of the universe. For when the General, whoever he was, first undertook the persecution against the soldiers, he began by a review and lustration of those that were enrolled in the army; and gave them their choice, either to enjoy the honour conferred upon them if they obeyed, or, on the contrary, to be deprived of it if they disobeyed. Very many who were soldiers in the kingdom of Christ, without hesitation, preferred the confession of his name to that apparent glory and comfort which they enjoyed; and of these a few here and there exchanged their honours, not only for degradation, but even for death, for their perseverance in religion." (Eusebi., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 4.)

† Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. 1., p. 226. Seeley's edition.

THE PERSECUTION IS SANCTIFIED.

of men are capable of, when set afloat, and suffered to act without check or control, will not doubt that the sufferings of Christians at this period must have been far greater than can be related by any historian. Thus did God at once punish the sins of Christians, revive his work in their hearts by sanctified afflictions, evidence the extreme depravity of mankind, and, above all, illustrate his own power and wisdom in baffling the rage of Satan,* and in defending and delivering his church when everything seemed combined for its destruction. Should any be inclined to pay more regard to the testimonies of Heathens, than of Christians, let them hear Libanius, the friend of Julian the Apostate, who thus speaks, in his funeral oration, of that Emperor: 'They who adhered to a corrupt religion' (he means the Christian) 'were in great terrors, and expected that their eyes would be plucked out, that their heads would be cut off, and that rivers of their blood would flow from the multitude of slaughters. They apprehended their new master would invent new kinds of torments, in comparison of which mutilation, sword, fire, drowning, being buried alive, would appear but slight pains. For the preceding Emperors had employed against them all these kinds of punishments.' He goes on to commend Julian for using milder methods. Two pillars in Spain were also monuments of the systematic cruelty of this persecution, on one of which was this inscription: 'Diocletian, Jovian, Maximian Hercules, Cæsares Augusti, for having extended the Roman empire in the East and West, and for having extinguished the name of Christians, who brought the republic to ruin.' On the other this: 'Diocletian, &c., for having adopted Galerius in the East; for having everywhere abolished the superstition of Christ; for having extended the worship of the gods.' And to name only one more evidence, the cruelty must have been egregious, which could have induced the persecutors to strike the medal of Diocletian, which still remains, with this inscription: 'The name of Christians being extinguished.'" †

A political storm, which took place about this time, appears to have farther exasperated Diocletian, and to have spurred him onwards to exercise greater cruelties. Two persons, in different places, assumed the imperial title; one in Armenia, who has not had his name preserved; the other was Eugenius, who commanded some regiments at Seleucia; and, being invested with the purple by the soldiers, he took possession of the neighbouring city of Antioch. The inhabitants soon put him and his supporters to death, and his authority only lasted a few days; but Diocletian chose to be very angry with the

* "Let not the reader startle, because I ascribe the persecutions of the church to satanic influence. The following scriptures, carefully compared together, seem abundantly to warrant such a sentiment: John viii. 38-44; 1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Peter v. 8, 9; 1 John iii. 8-13; the Revelation throughout. To these the evangelical reader may easily add many more. Moreover, as the description of the influences of the Holy Spirit form an essential part of this History, it seems to fall in with my plan, to bring into view, from time to time, the counterpart of the said influences, which is undoubtedly the agency of Satan." (Milner.)

† "Nomine Christianorum deleto." See Milner, History of the Church, vol. ii., p. 7, 8vo. edit. Cambridge, 1795.

two cities of Antioch and Seleucia; and it was after this disturbance that he issued a still more definite edict against the Christians. It was ordered that the heads of the churches in every place should first be put into prison, and then that every means should be used to compel them to sacrifice to the heathen deities.* At the same time, letters were despatched to Hercules and Constantius, calling upon them to take similar measures in the countries under their command.† The former was a person of no merciful temper, and therefore yielded prompt obedience, and enforced the command cheerfully throughout Italy: it was different with Constantius; but lest he should appear to dissent from the injunctions of his superiors, he permitted the demolition of the Christian edifices, but spared the lives of the faithful. The edict was executed at Nicomedia as soon as it was proclaimed, and many fell victims to its sanguinary character. Eusebius speaks of the prisons being so full of these unhappy inmates, that there was no room for others.‡ The same historian relates, that "some were slain with the axe, as in Arabia; some had their limbs fractured, as in Cappadocia; and some, suspended by the feet, and a little raised from the ground, with their heads downwards, were suffocated with the ascending smoke of a gentle fire kindled below, as was done to those in Mesopotamia; some were mutilated by having their noses, ears, and hands cut off, and the rest of their limbs, and portions of their body, cut to pieces, as was the case at Alexandria. Why should we revive the recollection of those at Antioch, who were roasted on grates of fire, not to kill immediately, but torture them with a lingering punishment?"§ Two ladies in Antioch are recorded as "distinguished for piety, and truly sisters (says Eusebius) in all respects; illustrious in family, wealth, youth, and beauty; but not less so for their serious minds, their pious deportment, and their admirable zeal; and, as if the earth could not bear such excellence, they were ordered by these worshippers of demons to be thrown into the sea. Others, at Pontus, endured torments that are too horrible to relate. Some had their fingers pierced with sharp reeds thrust under the nails. Others had masses of molten lead, bubbling and boiling with heat, poured down their backs; and others endured insufferable torments on the most tender and delicate parts of the human frame, which their Judges, with a view to display their refinement in cruelty, devised as proof of their wisdom, and worthy of universal approbation. Thus constantly inventing new tortures, they vied with one another, as if there were prizes proposed in the contest, who should invent the most exquisite cruelties. As to the last of these calamities, when the Judges now had despaired of inventing anything more effectual, and were weary of slaughter, and had surfeited themselves with shedding blood, they then directed their energies to what they considered kindness and humanity; so that they seemed disposed to exercise no farther cruelty against us. For, said

* Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 2.

† Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. xv.

‡ Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

§ Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 12.

GORDIUS, THE CENTURION.

they, the cities should not be polluted with blood any more, and the government of the Sovereigns, which was so kind and merciful toward all, should not be defamed for excessive cruelty: it was more proper that the benefits afforded by their humane and imperial Majesties should be extended to all, and that we should no longer be punished with death. For we were liberated from this punishment by the great clemency of the Emperors. After this, therefore, they were ordered only to tear out our eyes, or to deprive us of one of our legs. Such was their kindness, and such the lightest kind of punishment against us; so that, in consequence of this humanity of theirs, it was impossible to tell the great and incalculable number of those that had their right eye dug out with the sword first, and, after that, seared with a red-hot iron; those, too, whose left foot was maimed with a searing-iron; after them, those who in different provinces were condemned to the copper-mines, not so much for the service as for the contumely and misery they should endure. Many, also, endured conflicts of other kinds, which it would be impossible to detail: their noble fortitude surpasses all power of description. In this the magnanimous confessors of Christ, who shone conspicuous throughout the whole world, everywhere struck the beholders with astonishment, and presented the obvious proofs of our Saviour's divine interposition in their own persons. To mention each by name would be at least a long and tedious work, not to say impossible."*

We shall now, as we have before done, consider some individual traits of Christian faith and courage as they have been told in credible accounts. At the commencement of the persecution we meet with the following relation of Gordius, a Centurion in the army. In the time of extreme trial, he refused any longer to discharge his military duties, and chose a voluntary exile, leading a religious and solitary life in the desert. But on the day on which was solemnized the festival of Mars in the city of Cæsarea, and when much people was assembled in the theatre to witness the games, he left his place of retreat, and entered the chief part of the Circus, and, with a loud voice, repeated the words of the Apostle, "Behold, I am found of them which sought me not; and to those which asked not for me, have I openly appeared." By these words he gave the populace to understand, that he had come of his own accord to surrender up himself. At this interruption the multitude, little regarding the sights, looked around to see who it was that had uttered such an address. As soon as it was recognised to be Gordius, the crier commanded silence, and the exile was conveyed into the presence of the officer. When he was asked the question, who he was, and from whence he came, he told the truth: "I am come," said he, "to publish that I set nothing by your decrees against the Christian religion, but that I profess Jesus Christ to be my hope and my salvation; and when I understood how ye surpassed other men in cruelty, I took this as a fit time to accomplish my desire." With these words the officer was greatly moved, and expended all his displeasure upon the victim, commanding the executioners to be brought forth, with scourges,

* Eusebi., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 12.

wheel, gibbet, and whatever torments they could devise. The martyr answered, that it would be to him a hinderance and a damage if he could not suffer and endure various pains and punishments for the cause of Christ. The man in office, being offended at his boldness, directed all the tortures which they had, to be applied to him: but he, lifting up his eyes to heaven, sang, "The Lord is my helper, and I will not fear what man shall do unto me;" and also, "I will fear no evil, for thou art with me." After this he again provoked the extremity of his tormentors, and reproached them if they showed him any favour at all. When the officer saw that he gained but little, he endeavoured, by enticing words and gentleness, to turn the stout and valiant mind of Gordius. He promised large offers of temporal advantage if he would but deny Christ: all was in vain, inasmuch as he derided the folly of the Magistrate, who imagined that he could confer any earthly good, worthy of being compared with a place in heaven. With these words the official was mortified, and prepared to pronounce the condemnation of the martyr, whom he ultimately caused to be taken out of the city, and burnt. Many ran to see him executed; others to testify respect for him, and to urge him to save himself; to whom Gordius replied, "Weep not, I pray you, for me, but rather for the enemies of God, who always make war against the Christians: weep, I say, for them who prepare for us a fire, and purchase for themselves hell-fire in the day of vengeance. Cease, therefore, to molest and disquiet me. I am ready for the name of Christ to endure a thousand deaths, if need were." Some persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, and to preserve his conscience clear to himself. He said, "My tongue, which by the goodness of God I have, cannot be brought to deny the Author and Giver of the same; for with the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation." Shortly after he underwent his sentence.*

Similar to the above we have the account of Mennas the Egyptian, who, in the persecution of Diocletian, was led to flee to the desert; but returning to the city of Cotyæum, in the open Circus, while the people were occupied with the spectacles and pastimes, he, with a loud voice, proclaimed himself a Christian. Being brought before Pyrrhus, the President, he was interrogated respecting his faith; to whom he replied, "Convenient it is that I should confess God, in whom is light and no darkness." After this the sufferer was most painfully tortured: in all, however, he manifested a constant heart and invincible faith, confessing, "There is nothing in my mind that can be compared to the kingdom of heaven; neither is all the world, if it were weighed in the balance, able to be estimated with one soul. Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? shall tribulation or distress? I have thus learned of my Lord and King, not to fear them which kill the body, and have no power to kill the soul; but to fear Him rather who hath power to destroy both body and soul in hell-fire." On being sentenced to lose his head, and being led to the

* Basilli Magul Opera, tom. i., Homilia xix. In Gordium Martyrem Cæsarienæm, p. 443, et seq. Fol. Paris, 1638.

MARTYROOM OF ATHANASIA AND OTHERS.

place of execution, he exclaimed, "I give thee thanks, O Lord God, who hast so accepted me as to be found a partaker of thy precious death, and hast not given me to be devoured by mine enemies, but hast enabled me to remain constant in thy pure faith to my latter end;" and after fighting valiantly, he lost his head, but won his soul.* In this association of martyrs there was also Cyrus, a Physician of Alexandria, who during the persecution fled into Egypt, and led a solitary life in Arabia: he was afterwards accompanied by one of the name of John, who was born in the city of Edessa, and had relinquished the life of a soldier, which he had aforetime followed. During the time that the persecution raged in the city of Canope in Egypt, a Christian woman called Athanasia, and her three daughters, Theoctista, Theodota, and Eudoxia, with whom Cyrus was acquainted, were cast into prison for the confession of the faith. Attended by his companion John, he visited them in order to encourage and comfort them. Syrianus at that time was the chief Captain and Lieutenant of Egypt, whose licentiousness and cruelty Athanasius has recorded. These benevolent individuals (Cyrus and John) were accused by certain adversaries of having persuaded Athanasia and her daughters to continue steadfast in their opposition to the edicts of the Emperors; and not being induced by any means to offer the sacrifice required, they were put to death by the sword. The Christian matron, also, with her family, subsequently suffered.

Basil of Caesarea, in one of his Homilies, makes mention of not less than forty martyrs, who were called to pass through much tribulation and death for the kingdom of heaven's sake. The account is, in fact, as follows:—There came into a certain place the officer of the Emperors, bearing the atrocious edict which had been promulgated against the Christians, stating that whosoever were discovered acknowledging Christ should, after various torments, be put to death. Numerous individuals were arrested, and the sword, the gibbet, and the wheel were brought forth, at which the hearts of many trembled. Some did fly for fear, and many stood in doubt, not knowing what course to take. Numbers were so terrified at the sight of these instruments of torture, that they denied the faith; and others, who began the conflict, and for a time were "steadfast" and "unmovable," finally made "shipwreck of their faith, and of a good conscience." All, however, did not abandon their profession: there were forty who proved themselves undaunted followers of Christ, that, when the officer exhibited the cruel edict, freely and without fear acknowledged themselves Christians, and declared their names. The officer, or Marshal, as some have termed him, was amazed, and endeavoured, by enticing words, to draw them from their steadfastness: he alluded to their youth, and that they ought not to prefer a cruel and untimely death to an easy and pleasant life, and even promised them wealth and honourable offices in the Emperor's name.

* Another Mennas, a martyr in Libya, under Maximian, is named in the Eastern and Western Martyrologies. Procopius mentions a church built at Constantinople by Justinian in honour of him. This Baronies understands of the Libyans. (Alban Butler.)

I

These confessors did not esteem these things, and assured the Marshal, that they did not desire life, dignity, nor money, but only the kingdom of Christ; for they were ready, for the faith and love which they had to and in God, to endure the affliction of the wheel, the cross, and the fire. The irritated Marshal forthwith devised a novel mode of punishment. Knowing that before the walls of the city was a certain large pond, which lay exposed to the northern blast, and as it was the time of winter, he commanded them to be put into it, and to remain there during the night. They received this punishment with cheerfulness, comforting one another by saying, "We put off not our clothes, but we put off the old man, corrupt with the deceit of concupiscence: we give thee thanks, O Lord, that with this our apparel we may also put off, by thy grace, the sinful man; for by means of the serpent we once put him on, and through Jesus Christ we now put him off." When they had said this, they were led naked into the water, where they experienced such vehement cold as to render their limbs stiffened and motionless. As soon as the day began to dawn, they were conducted to a large fire, where they were consumed. It seems that one of the company, more vigorous than the rest, appeared to endure the severity of the cold with less suffering; and the executioners, taking pity upon him, said unto his mother, who was a spectator, that they would save his life; but she with her own hands took up her son, and brought him to the pile of wood where the residue of his companions were lying, literally crooked on account of the cold, and admonished him to complete the journey which he had taken in hand.* The same writer, in another Homily, relates the case of one Barlaam, a distinguished martyr, who endured all the torments of his executioners to the point of death; which when the myrmidons of the Marshal saw, they laid him upon the altar where their unholy sacrifices were offered, and placed fire and frankincense into his right hand, imagining that the influence of the fire would have induced him to scatter fragments of the incense upon the altar, and thus he might be said to have sacrificed. In this, however, they were disappointed; for the flame raged around his hand without igniting the gum, and the martyr recited out of the Psalms the words, "Blessed be the Lord, my strength, which teacheth my hands to war, and my fingers to fight."

By no means dissimilar to the account of Barlaam, we have the

* Basilii Magul Opera, tom. i., Homilia xx. In *Quadraginta Martyrum*, p. 452. Fol. Paris, 1638. A similar account of forty martyrs, who were married men, is recorded by Nicephorus (Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 44) and Sozomen, (lib. ix., cap. 2,) who were killed likewise in a lake or pond at Sebaste, a town of Armenia. In all probability it is the same as that mentioned by Basil. Sozomen, to whom reference is made, was a native of Palestine, and in great repute as an advocate at Constantinople about the year 440, and is known by a history of the Christian church from its first establishment to his own times. Of this work the latter part only has reached posterity, containing an account of the transactions from the year 324 downwards. It is visibly copied from the similar history of Socrates, and is equally remarkable for the marvellous legends which it details, and the florid style in which they are narrated. He is supposed to have died about the middle of the fifth century. His history was translated and published by Valesius, with Eusebius, and other ecclesiastical historians; and separately, with additional notes by Reading. London, 1720. 3 vols. folio.

MARTYRDOM OF AGRICOLA, VITUS, AND OTHERS.

narrative of the martyrdom of Agricola and Vitalis, which Ambrose * mentions in his exhortation to certain virgins, and who suffered during this persecution at Bologna. Vitalis was a servant of Agricola, and, with his master, resolved to surrender his life in the company of other martyrs for the sake of Christ. The former had the precedence, and first fell into the hands of his persecutors, who endeavoured by every means of persuasion to induce him to deny his Lord: finding these measures abortive, they employed torture so unmercifully, that no whole skin remained on his person, and in the midst of painful agony he gave up his life. After his death the executioners addressed themselves towards Agricola, whose virtuous character and gentle demeanour were so well known and approved, that his sufferings were longer deferred; but he, not approving of this delay, and provoking his adversaries to quicker speed, was fastened to a cross, and in this manner consummated his martyrdom. Vitus, Modestus, and Crescentius suffered about this time. The first was a native of Sicily, and descended from one of the respectable families of the island. Providence ordained that in early life he should be placed in the hands of a Christian nurse, who instructed him in the principles of religion, and trained him up in the way in which he should go. Her endeavours were crowned with success, inasmuch as Vitus increased in piety as he advanced in years, and was so well-grounded in Christian truth and practice, that nothing could prevail with him to renounce or dishonour his profession. His constancy exposed him to numerous trials; but he was superior to them all. Hylas, his father, attempted to draw him from his steadfastness, and so far forgot the ties of nature as to deliver him up into the hands of a heathen Magistrate: the persecution of Diocletian had already commenced in most parts of the empire, and Valerian, the Governor of Sicily, was by no means backward in carrying the edicts of the Emperor into execution. Vitus was only twelve years old when he was brought before the Magistrate, who was requested by his father to correct him, and, if possible, to frighten him with the fear of death if he persevered in the faith of Christ. Valerian ordered him to be scourged, and returned to his father; thinking that after having felt the smart of the rod, it would not be difficult to bring him to any terms. But in this he was greatly mistaken: Hylas, finding his son invincible, gave loose to wild transports of zeal for the heathen deities, whom he thought dishonoured by the conduct of his son, and resolved to sacrifice him in order to deter the rest of his family from following his example. Vitus had notice of his father's intention, and thought it best to avoid the impending blow so long as he could with safety. With this view he transported himself, with Modestus and Crescentius, to the Continent, and abode in the province of Lucania, a part of the kingdom of Naples; to which place they were pursued, and, by the order of Valerian, or some other persecutor, they were all put to death.

Herculeus was a stranger to humanity; and his presence was at all times fatal to the Christians: the cruelty of his temper had

* Ambrosii Opera, tom. v., Epistol., lib. vii., p. 318. Fol. Paris, 1661.

I 2 risen to a degree of unparalleled fury against the church through his blind and superstitious zeal for the pagan deities: when he came to Marseilles, he immediately commenced proceedings against the faithful, by commanding the various Prefects and other officers to employ their utmost endeavours and ingenuity to arrest, imprison, torture, and slay all who bore the name of Christ. Victor was the most considerable person among the many who suffered for the truth during the residence of Herculeus at Marseilles: he was descended from an ancient and honourable family, and held an important office in the Roman army. His worldly employment, however, did not lead him to forget the obligations of religion, or the duties which he owed the members of the Christian church. It was his constant practice to spend a considerable portion of the night in visiting the faithful, in order to strengthen and confirm them in the truth, and to comfort and encourage them in this dark and stormy period of persecution and trial. It was in this labour of love that he was engaged, when the orders of the Emperor were issued to seize him. He was conducted before two Prefects of the city, who endeavoured to persuade him to alter his present line of proceeding; observing, that it was not worth his while to forfeit his interest with his Prince, and expose himself to his anger, for the sake of a dead man who was called Christ, the Author and Giver of life. Victor boldly replied, that he preferred the service of that dead man, who was in reality the Son of God, and was risen from the grave, to all the advantages he could possibly reap from the favour of the Emperor; that he was a soldier of Christ, and should be careful that the post which he held under an earthly potentate should not interfere with his duty to the King of kings; and as for the gods, the worship of which they so strongly recommended, he held them as no better than evil spirits. Those who were present at this examination, hearing him speak so contemptuously of what they conceived to be most sacred, loaded him with invectives and reproach; but as he was a man of rank and fortune, the Prefects resolved to send him in person before the Emperor.

As soon as he came before Herculeus, he was required, under pain of the severest punishment, to offer the accustomed sacrifice; but these menaces, so far from shaking the firmness of his resolution, only strengthened it. In his defence, he fearlessly established the divinity of the Saviour, and by irrefragable arguments showed the fallacy of all idol-worship. The Prince, being infuriated, ordered him to be bound and dragged through the streets, an example to all those who dared to despise the gods of the empire. The populace ran from all parts to see and assist at this barbarous spectacle, and cruelly aided the authorities by blows and insults upon the victim. Covered with wounds and blood, he was re-conducted to the Prefects, who conjectured that, after having endured so much contumely and suffering, he would readily comply with their demands. Again they were mistaken: Victor assured them that he would willingly accept those light and transitory pains, and whatever else they thought fit to inflict, as he judged all too trifling when compared with that happy eternity to which he was hastening. The Prefects strove to convince

MARTYROOM OF VICTOR.

him, that the happiness of which he spake was only an imaginary one, and that if he persisted in his disobedience to the gods and the Emperor, he should certainly travel the same road to that fantastical bliss as his pretended Saviour had gone before him! Upon this Victor addressed the Magistrates and the company present on the truths of the Gospel, and the folly of Paganism; and, in answer to the objection which had been raised, that the confidence of the Christian was ill-founded and irrational, informed them, that the readiness of the disciples of Christ to endure any trial, and the alacrity and even joy with which they met the most painful and ignominious deaths, were sufficient proof of the assurance which they entertained of the object of their hope; and that he also was ready in his own person to give an example of what he had said. The Prefects now resolved to apply the torture, but differed in opinion as to the manner of it; and so high did the mutual contest rise, that Eutychius, one of the Magistrates, indignantly left the court, when Asterius, the other, who remained on the bench, commanded Victor to be stretched upon the rack, the pain of which he bore with calmness and serenity. The executioners were fatigued with their employment, and subdued by the patience of the martyr, who was then conveyed to a dark dungeon.* During this incarceration, Victor was instrumental in the conversion of his jailers, Alexander, Longinus, and Felician, who were baptized by a Priest whom he caused to be provided for that purpose. The conversion of these men becoming known, it speedily reached the ears of the Emperor, who condemned them to death, and Victor again to be placed upon the rack. The martyr, being deeply concerned for these new converts, exhorted them to persevere, and referred them to the favour which they received from the great Head of the church, in being called to suffer for his sake so speedily after they had embraced the faith. They were all taken to a public place in the city, which was soon filled with a motley group composed of Christians and Pagans; the former, that they might receive consolation and instruction; and the latter, to satiate their malice towards the enemies of the gods. The three soldiers adhering to their profession lost their heads.

Victor was left alone: the delay of his anticipated happiness, it is said, drew tears from his eyes. It did not, however, continue long; for shortly after, when engaged in prayer, the executioners took him, and, according to the mandate of the Emperor, placed him a second time upon the rack, and, after beating him unmercifully with batons, conveyed him back to prison, where he remained three days, when Herculeus again resolved to hear him, and ordered a small altar or shrine to be introduced, and commanded Victor forthwith to offer incense to

* Alban Butler, who gluts his readers even to loathing with the wonders attendant upon martyrdom, says, that Jesus Christ appeared to Victor when upon the rack, holding a cross in his hands, and gave him his peace, and told him that he suffered in his servants, and crowned them after their victory. When thrown into the dark dungeon, he says, that Almighty God visited him by his angels, the prison was filled with a light brighter than that of the sun, and the martyr sung with the angels the praises of God. The soldiers who guarded the prison, seeing this light, were surprised at the miracle, and, casting themselves at the martyr's feet, desired baptism.—But, enough.

Jupiter, who, being transported with a holy indignation at such a proposal, stepped forward and overthrew the altar and the idol that stood upon it with his foot.* This so enraged the Emperor, that he directed the offending member to be cut off; and being still more irritated at the patience and fortitude of the martyr, he condemned him to be thrown into a mill and crushed to pieces by the stones. This barbarous order was punctually obeyed; but before he died, the machinery of the mill broke, and the sufferer was dragged forth terribly bruised, his bones fractured, and his body miserably torn, insomuch that it was impossible for his life to be preserved: but Herculeus had not the mercy to let him quietly expire, and therefore finished his work by ordering him to be beheaded.

The treasury from which our professed and olden martyrologists have obtained their materials, has generally been certain separate treatises entitled "Acts of the Martyrs;" a series of compositions on the whole extravagant in style, and of doubtful authenticity. Some of them are translated in the first volume of Foxe's "Acts and Monuments," as well as in Fleury's "Ecclesiastical History;" but the best collection of them is that of Ruinart, contained in one folio volume. Of these histories a few, such as those of Cyprian, Ignatius, and Polycarp, and some others, are told in a simple and dignified manner; an observation scarcely applicable in any degree to the remainder. On examining some of the narratives contained in these "Acts," we are astonished at their unnatural and improbable character. A condensed enumeration of tortures, varied only by the repartees of the sufferer, may for a few lines excite our horror; but when continued through many pages, as Dr. Maitland† justly observes, "imagination refuses to grant such powers of endurance to frail humanity. A difficulty meets us at the outset: these 'Acts' are given as an official report of the trials, entered in the Roman records, and privately obtained for the Christians by Sebastus, an archer on duty at the time. Yet their style betrays a Christian author; for they contain abundance of speeches attributed to the martyrs, related in Christian language. Indeed the chief point of the narrative is made to lie in these speeches, generally highly figurative, and the mistakes of the Pagans arising from a too literal interpretation of them." The writers who flourished soon after the time of Constantine, literally rivalled each other in elaborating highly coloured descriptions of the horrors of martyrdom. Prudentius‡ was

* The Council of Eliberis, or Elvira, held about the year 306. "The sixtieth Canon of which deprives those of the title of martyrs who are killed for overthrowing idols publicly, because the Gospel commands us not to do any such thing, and we never read that it was practised by the Christians in the time of the Apostles." Dupin, Eccles. Hist., vol. i., p. 593, fol., Dublin. 1723. See also Labbe, Concil. Sacrosanct., tom i., p. 967.

† Maitland, The Church in the Catacombs, p. 98.

‡ Aurelius Clemens Prudentius, a Christian poet, was born in Spain, probably at Saragossa, in 348, and was brought up to the legal profession, and, after practising at the bar, became chief Magistrate in two considerable cities. He also served in the army; and obtained employment at the court of Honorius. In 407, he went to Rome, and after his return to Spain passed his time in religious exercises and studious pursuits. Nothing further is known of his life, nor where it terminated. His poems consist of Psychomachia, or the Soul's Combat; Cathemerion, or Hymns for Festivals; Apotheosis, or, On Deity, against the Heretics; Hamartigens, or, the Origin of Sin; Peristephanon, or, the Crowns of Martyrs; and two books against the Oration of

MARTYRDOM OF TARACHUS.

the first of those who wrote in metre, but not always in poetry, and he brought out the whole subject with fresh embellishments, and was greatly admired by contemporaries and successors. His various descriptions of the tortures endured by the sufferers, Ruinart terms "admirable!" The general tendency of such extravagant productions as written by Prudentius, is to make us believe that the martyrs suffered no pain, and had therefore little merit in facing the torments prepared for them; while they exhibit the victim and the executioner as two combatants;* the one backed by miracles, and supported by insensibility to pain; the other armed with the most fearful instruments that human or diabolical cruelty could invent. In this novel species of single combat, in which high words were not wanting on either side, the Pagan was invariably worsted.†

Illustrative of the foregoing remarks, we insert the following account. When the edicts of Diocletian against the Christian church were published, Flavius Clemens Numerianus Maximus was Governor of Cilicia; and being on a visit at Pompeiopolis, Eutolmus and Palladius presented before him three Christians, of different ages and countries; and being on his way to Tarsus the metropolis of the province, he directed them to be conveyed thither. The name of the senior confessor was Tarachus, a Roman by extraction, though born in Isauria: he had served in the army, but had procured his discharge, for fear of being compelled to do something that was contrary to the Christian name and character. He was at this time about sixty-five years old. The second was Probus, a native of Pamphilia, who had relinquished a considerable fortune that he might be more at liberty to serve Christ. The last was Andronicus, a young nobleman connected with one of the principal families of the city of Ephesus. Demetrius, a Centurion in the army, placed them before the Governor's tribunal, and preferred the charge, by stating that the individuals at the bar were of the impious sect termed Christians, and disobedient to the orders of the Emperors. Maximus, addressing himself to Tarachus, said that he commenced with him, as being the first in rank and age; and then asked his name. Tarachus promptly replied, that he was a Christian. The Governor requested him not to mention that hated name, but to say simply what his name was; and, upon Tarachus repeating the same reply, ordered him to be struck upon the face, commanding him not to give such perverse responses. Tarachus then assured him, that he had acknowledged his real name; but if he were desirous of knowing the cognomen which he had received from his parents, it was Tarachus; and the name by which he was known in the army was Victor. Maximus then required to know what station he held. He replied, that he was a soldier; and being born at Claudiopolis, in Isauria, he enjoyed the privilege of a Roman citizen, but had quitted the service on account of his religion. To which the Governor most

Symmachus, Prefect of Rome, for the Altar of Victory, and the Restoration of the Temples and Rites of the Pagan Religion. His works have been chiefly read and edited in Roman Catholic countries.

* "Hinc Martyr, illinc carnifex," as Prudentius has it.

† Maitland, Church in the Catacombs, p. 107.

dishonourably replied, that he had been dismissed the army on account of his abominable principles, and was considered unworthy to draw a sword in the Emperor's defence. The Governor then assumed a milder demeanour, and expressed compassion for his grey hairs, and urged him to sacrifice to the gods, as the certain road to promotion and honour. To this the martyr replied, that the Princes were themselves misled! Maximus resented this affront by commanding the confessor to be again smitten on the mouth. He replied, that he had said, and always would say, that the Princes were deceived, and in this respect were like unto other men. The Governor requested him to throw aside such idle thoughts, and at once sacrifice to the gods of his forefathers. He answered, "I do worship the God of my father, not indeed with the blood of victims, but with the sacrifice of a clean heart." "Well," said Maximus, "my regard for your age and hoary hairs obliges me to advise you to lay aside these foolish notions, and to submit." Tarachus * said, that he never had opposed the laws of his ancestors. "Draw near and sacrifice, then," replies the Governor. "No," said the martyr, "my regard for the laws of my ancestors will not allow me to be guilty of such a wicked action." "Is there, then, any law," says Maximus, "but that which I now press?" "Yes," replied Tarachus, "and you transgress it, by worshipping stocks and stones, the work of men's hands." The Governor, resenting this freedom, ordered him to be struck on the head; but the undaunted Christian assured him, he would not abandon the means of saving his soul, though he was pleased to call his perseverance folly. Maximus then informed him, that he would undertake to cure him, and to bring him to his senses. Tarachus replied, that he might do what he pleased with his body, which was in his power; but he could not hurt his soul. Maximus then ordered him to be severely scourged; when he was told by the martyr, that he had made him wise, for the blows, said he, which he received, inspired him with fresh courage, and increased his confidence in God and in Christ. This sentence gave the Governor an opportunity of accusing the confessor with inconsistency in worshipping two gods; to which he replied, that he acknowledged but one true God; and Maximus made him remember, that he had given that appellation directly to Christ. He then without reserve

* We give a very abridged relation of that which is contained in the Acts of Tarachus and Probus, as published by Ruinart, and contained in the voluminous work of Allan Butler, solely on account of their extravagant and doubtful character. Happily for the reader, says Maitland, his attention is continually diverted from the mutilation of the martyrs, to their successful wit-combats with their judge. "Rub him with salt," said the Governor. "Salt me more, that I may be incorruptible," replies Tarachus. When taunted by Maximus with his blindness, he returns the reproach, and boasts of superior inward vision. He professes to be armed from head to foot, clothed in divine panoply: Maximus, who only sees his naked body one undistinguishable wound, is necessarily puzzled by the assertion, and has recourse to fresh barbarities to maintain his credit. Lastly, Maximus dismisses him, promising to think over some fresh tortures for their next meeting. These Acts of Tarachus bear strong marks of forgery: the martyrs are declared to have suffered in the first consulate of Diocletian, that is, in the year 284; whereas the Diocletian persecution did not begin till 303, after an interval of fifty years' peace. The Prefect is also made to quote the "Acts of Pilate," which are known to have been invented by Maximin, certainly not earlier than 303. See Enseb., Eccles. Hist.; and Maitland, Church in the Catacombs.

MARTYROOM OF PROBUS AND OTHERS.

stated the divinity of the Redeemer, whom he recognised as the Son of God, and the hope of the Christians; and declared him to be the author of salvation to all that believe. He would doubtless have continued his address, had he not been interrupted by the Governor, who required him immediately to sacrifice: upon his refusal he was conducted to the prison.

The Centurion forthwith introduced Probus, who, upon Maximus demanding his name, said, that the most valuable name which he bore was that of Christian, but the cognomen by which he was recognised among men was that of Probus. "The name of Christian," said Maximus, "will be of little service to you: therefore be advised, sacrifice to the gods, and thus secure the Emperor's favour." Probus replied, that he neither wanted to recommend himself to the esteem of the Emperor, nor desired the friendship of Maximus; who immediately commanded him to be scourged in his presence. Demetrius then requested him to have some regard for himself, and to observe how the blood streamed from his body. "My body," said the sufferer, "is in your power, and the severities which you inflict are not disagreeable." "What," said Maximus, "does he still persist in his madness?" He then, having received the lash only on his back, was ordered to receive the punishment in the opposite position. While thus tormented, the martyr invoked the assistance of the Almighty; upon which the executioners asked him, where was his assistance when they applied the torture? He replied, that He was always ready to help, and that the numerous acts of cruelty invented by the Governor could not shake his confidence in God. Maximus now resolved to try further tortures, and ordered him to be taken away, to be laden with irons, and his hands and feet to be fastened in the stocks.

Andronicus was then placed at the bar, and similar questions proposed; to which he replied, "I am a native of Ephesus, and descended from one of the first families in that city." The Governor advised him to waive all idle speeches, and be ruled by him; that he was desirous to use him with all tenderness; and that if he would honour the Emperors, and sacrifice to the gods whom his forefathers had owned, he should be rewarded for his obedience. To this persuasive language Andronicus replied, "It is with justice you call them the gods of your fathers; for you are no better than the sons of the evil one, who do his works." Maximus, incensed at this retort, insinuated, that the ardour of his youth inspired him with insolence. To this the prisoner replied, that though he appeared young, his soul notwithstanding was robust in manhood, and prepared for the severest trials. The Governor then commanded him to forbear his gabbling, and to sacrifice. Andronicus assured him, that his resolution was the same as those who had already passed before him; and that he was ready to encounter suffering, but could not renounce the faith. He was sentenced to the same punishment, and then to the prison. Soon after Maximus commanded these undaunted confessors to be brought before him for a second trial: commencing his interrogations with Tarachus, he observed that old age was generally honoured, on

K account of its being accompanied with prudence and discretion; therefore he had reason to anticipate that change in his sentiments which would not fail to recommend him to the esteem of his superiors. The sufferer replied that he was a Christian, and most cordially wished that both the Governor and the Emperors would open their eyes, and correct their mistaken notions. This sentence provoked Maximus to order him to be struck in the face, accompanied with the admonition, "Quit your folly;" remarking that his teeth were loosed, and desiring him to consider what he brought upon himself by such obstinacy. Tarachus assured him that he could not hurt him; though he were to deprive him of all his limbs, he should nevertheless stand firm through the strength which he derived from the Lord Jesus Christ. After this the martyr was silent; but so great was the cruelty of the Magistrate, that he ordered him again to be struck, and then commanded to speak. The confessor urged the loss of his teeth, and the blows which he had received on his mouth and face, as a reason for his silence. "And yet," said Maximus, "you remain obstinate: come at once, and sacrifice to the gods." "No," replied the old man, "though I have almost lost the use of my speech, yet you will never remove me from my resolution, which increases in strength by the sufferings I have been called to endure." The tyrant assured him that it was in his power to overcome this resolution. But Tarachus said he trusted in God, who would impart help proportioned to his day. The Governor then ordered his hands to be held open, and fire to be applied; and after enduring other tortures, he was taken back to prison.*

Probus again appeared, and was asked if he were ready to offer the required sacrifice. He replied, "I come better prepared than before, because what I have suffered at your hands has tended to confirm me in my resolution; and I trust you will never induce me to adore gods which I know not." After a short discourse between the Governor and the martyr, concerning the divinity of the pagan deities, the latter concluded by declaring, that he would not own a plurality of gods, and that he was resolved to adhere to the worship of one Supreme Being, who alone deserved that title. Maximus attempted to take advantage of this profession, and asked him then to sacrifice to Jupiter whom he recognised as the great and invincible god! "Shall I pay," replied Probus, "divine honours to one who married his own sister? that infamous debauchee, as he is described even by your own poets!" The enraged Governor ordered his mouth to be stopped by blows, as a caution against blasphemy. The martyr could not forbear complaining of the injustice of this proceeding, and observed, that the character of Jupiter had been drawn in the same light by those who professed to worship him, and appealed to his Judge for the truth of what he said; but Maximus, instead of listening to or answering him, ordered hot iron bars to be placed to his body, which he endured apparently without pain. He then commanded the applica-

* "Dentes ejus et lingnam blasphemam tollite, et comburite, et cinerem facite, et ubique spargite, ut nemo de consortibus ejus implis, aut de mulierculis aliqua colligat ut servet quasi pretiosam aliquid aut sanctum æstimet." (Ruinart, Acta Martyr., p. 444.)

MARTYROOM OF ROMANUS.

tion of iron rendered more hot, and his body to be more closely pressed thereto; but the fire, according to human observation, seemed to lose its force. He was then directed to be stretched out, and scourged into obedience; but no acts of cruelty which the Governor could direct, nor the officers inflict, had any influence upon Probus, and he was remanded to prison.

Maximus now endeavoured to overcome Andronicus. He assured him that his companions who had been before him, had at last, though with great difficulty, acknowledged the gods of the empire; and that unless he followed their steps, he would make him a terrible example. To this the martyr replied, "Lay not, O Governor, such a weakness to the charge of those who have appeared before me in this cause; nor imagine it to be in your power to shake my fixed resolution with any artful speeches. I cannot believe that they have disobeyed the laws of their fathers, and renounced their hopes in our God, or obeyed your extravagant orders; nor will I fall short of them in faith and dependence upon one common Saviour: thus armed, I neither know your gods, nor fear your authority." Probus was then, by the Governor's authority, cruelly scourged, until his body was one continued wound. He was then directed to be rubbed with salt, and his body turned, that every part might partake of the marks of his hatred to the religion of Christ. Additional tortures were inflicted upon these men, and that of the most sanguinary and barbarous kind; but to no purpose: they were therefore adjudged to be thrown to the wild beasts, and to the amphitheatre the guards were obliged to carry them. The appearance of such melancholy and shocking objects caused a confused murmur among the spectators, many of whom expressed indignation at the proceedings of the Governor, and left the spectacles. Several beasts were let loose; but all refused to touch them, and ultimately they were put to death by the sword.*

Romanus, a Deacon in the church of Cæsaren, followed in the wake of Tarachus to the kingdom of God. He was at Antioch when the edict for the demolition of the churches came to that city, and hesitated not to inform the Christians that "grievous wolves would enter in among them, not sparing the flock," but exhorted them not to fear; he nevertheless had the sorrow to behold great numbers flocking to the idol-temples, in obedience to the commands of the Emperor: his spirit was stirred within him, so that he could not forbear attempting to save some who were evidently on the road to perdition; and in this enterprise he was successful. The Governor of the East, whom some term Asclepiades, being then at Antioch with Galerius, was

* In the apparently fabulous account of these martyrs, in what are called their "Acts," we are told that Maximus commanded their bodies to be intermingled with those of the gladiators who had been slain; and also to be guarded that night by six soldiers, lest the Christians should carry them off. The night was very dark, and a violent storm of thunder and rain dispersed the guards. The faithful distinguished the three bodies by a miraculous star (1) or ray of light, which streamed on each of them. They carried off the precious treasures on their backs, and hid them in a hollow cave in the neighbouring mountains, where the Governor was not able, by any search he could make, to find them. Three fervent Christians, Marcian, Felix, and Verus, retired into this cave of the rock, being resolved to spend there all the remainder of their lives. (2) What next?

informed of the conduct of Romanus in exhorting the Christians rather to die than abjure the faith of Christ. He was ordered to be apprehended and brought before him. The martyr went cheerfully to the tribunal, where he not only confessed the fact of which he was accused, but also asserted that he was ready and prepared to undergo any punishment in a cause that was so great and glorious. The sanguinary Judge at once ordered him to the rack, and his bowels to be torn out; but one present informing him that Romanus was of noble birth, and that it was unseemly for him to be put to such an ignoble death, he ordered him to be scourged, and his body to be torn with the ungulæ.* While he was in the hands of the executioner, he continued intrepid and invulnerable; repeated his profession, and reproached the Governor with cruelty, at the same time requesting the executioner not to show him favour on account of his nobility; "for," said he, "it is not the blood of my ancestors, but my Christian profession, that makes me truly noble." Asclepiades exhorted him to obey the Emperor's commands; but the martyr replied, that he acknowledged Christ as his supreme King, and was under no obligation to comply with the mandate of an earthly Monarch, when such clashed with the duty he owed to the Most High. His flesh was then lanced with knives until the bones appeared: Romanus then assured the Governor, that he was not grieved that he should be so mangled; he sorrowed

* Ungula, an instrument of torture, in the shape of a talon or claw, which was thrust into the sides of criminals. Prudent.: Ungula, Ferramentum mucronatum, quo sulcatim corpora laniobantur et fodiebantur. Uguio: Ungula, genus tormenti, quia effodiat, ut fides inveniatur. Papias: Ungulæ, genus tormentorum, dictæ quod effodiant, ha et fidiculæ. Cyprian, de Lapais: Jam lassum corpus nunc flagella scinderent, contundent fustes, nunc equuleus extenderet, nunc ungula effoderet, nunc flamma torreret: Idem de Laude martyr. Non prædurantibus licet costis ungula recurret in vulnus. Prudent. in Romano Mart.

Scindunt utrimque milites deterrimi,

Mucrone hiulco pensilis latus viri,

Sulcant per artus longa tractus vulnera

Obliqua rectis, recta transversis secont.

Lib. Peristeph. l. 451.

Illa virga et secures et bisulcas ungulas,

Ultra fortis expetebat, &c.

Alibi non semel, in S. Vincentio, in S. Agnete, &c. Hieron. Epist. 49. Cum lividas carnes ungula cruenta pulsaret et sulcatis lateribus dolor quæreret veritatem. Castinus epiæ. Toletanus Hymno in S. Christoph.

Sanctum jubet Christophorum pensum, rudibus ungulis,

Denudatas ejus castas carnibus exciperent.

Strabus in Mammete:

Jubet altius ergo,

Sanctus suspendi, tormentisque acribus amens,

Pulsat utrumque latus, dum carpitur unguibus uncis,

Nullam dat Mammes vocem.

Adde Acta proconsularia Mart. apud Baron. An. 285, N. 5. Acta S. S. Phileæ, Philoromi, N. 3. Acta S. Saturnini. N. 8, &c. Occurrit passim in Vitis Sanctorum. Lacerationes, ungularum scilicet, Eculeis atque lacerationibus subjacere, in l. 4, Cod. Th. de Numerarius. Lacerationes membrorum, apud Senecam, lib. 3. De Ira, cap. 3. Vide Galloum. Ungulare, exungulare. Ungulis subjicere, ungularum tormentum inferre. Vita S. Potti mart. ed. M. S. Neapol. cap. 6. Ferantur scilicet ferreæ ungulæ et unguietur. Ejusdem vita ex. M. S. velseri cap. 4. Iterum jussit cum exungulari. Acta S. Eulalia. Barcinon. no. 6. Jussit eruleum afferri, et suspendi eam, quamdiu exungularetur. Du Cange, Gloss.

MARTYROOM OF ROMANUS.

the most, that, being involved in such fearful error, Asclepiades endeavoured to seduce and compel others to embrace the same. Then descanting on the duties which all men owe to the living God, he exhorted all around to worship him. This so enraged the Governor, that he instantly commanded his face to be disfigured in the same way in which his body had been mangled; but the patience of Romanus triumphed over the cruelty of the Judge, and he continued to exhort the spectators to embrace the worship of the Most High. In the meantime the martyr betrayed no emotion of pain, nor regarded the threatening of Asclepiades; but proceeded with his discourse on the truths of Christianity with perspicuity and force, until the tyrant, amazed at his fortitude, commanded the executioners to withhold their hands; and, after reviling the sufferer, threatened him with the flames, blasphemously taunting him by saying, that his crucified Christ was but a God of yesterday, while the deities of the Gentiles were of the highest antiquity.

Prudentius * informs us, that Romanus offered to abide the deci-

* Prudentius, who was one of the earliest Martyrologists, in his work entitled, "Peristephanon," dedicates a hymn to Romanus: it is the most finished, and may be legitimately taken as a sample of the whole. The history of the sufferings of Romanus is a poem of eleven hundred and forty lines. The speeches of the hero, though grandiloquent, and often out of place, contain much that is striking; and constitute a somewhat powerful apology for Christianity. After the execution of the sentence,—

"Tundatur, inquit tergum, crebris ictibus

Plumboque cervix verberata extuberet;"

the martyr, nothing overwhelmed by the hall-storm of the leaden scourges, (pulsatus filà grandine,) but retaining both sense and speech, addresses Asclepiades in an oration of two hundred and seventy lines, enumerating all the crimes attributed to the heathen deities. The Judge, who had suffered him to proceed so far without interruption, roused at length by the oft-repeated question, "Would you have me worship such a god?" attempts a reply: he argues, that Rome had obtained her present glory under the patronage of Jupiter Stator, and that it would be ungrateful to leave the worship of the eternal gods who presided over the building of the city, for a novelty just called into existence; and, after a thousand consulates had rolled away, to embrace the new Christian dogma. The flesh is now cut from the bones of Romanus, while he carries on a comparison between the pains he endures, and those attendant upon sickness. "The ungulae tearing the sides," he observes, "give no pang so sharp as those of pleurisy; the red-hot plates are less scorching than the burning of fever; nor are my swelled and tortured limbs more painful than those of persons suffering from gout." His constancy is next put to the proof by fearful mutilations; after which he delivers an harangue on the cross, and the plan of redemption; then adducing the command not to cast pearls before swine, he professes his intention of remaining silent for the future. He adds, however, that if the Judge will fix upon any child of seven years old or under, he will pledge himself to follow whatever the infant may declare to be the truth. Acting upon this suggestion, the President seizes an infant in the crowd, and, after obtaining from it a confession of Christianity, orders it to be scourged. In this scene, the severity of the punishment, its effects upon the bystanders, the weeping executioners, but, most of all, the conduct of the mother of the child, in reproving it for begging of her a cup of water, and referring it to a long list of Scripture martyrs by way of consolation, have afforded Prudentius abundant scope for the horrible descriptions in which he apparently delights:—

"Vix hoc profatus, pusionem præcipit

Sublime tollant, et manu pulsent natas;

Mox et remotè veste virgis verberent,

Tenerumque ductis ictibus tergum secent,

Plus unde lactis, quam cruoris defunt.

Impacta quotibus corpus attigerat salix, sion of an infant, whose age should be free from malice, or any other vice, and to rest the truth of the Christian religion upon such a test. His request was granted; and a child was called out of the crowd, and placed before him: he was then asked, Whether men should adore one God in Christ, or worship many gods? He replied, "What men affirm to be God must be One, and as this One is Christ, he must of necessity be God; for that there are many gods, even we children," said he, "cannot believe." The Governor was exceedingly angry at this; and calling him a young villain and a traitor, asked him where he had learned this lesson? The child replied, "From my mother." At this Asclepiades was fearfully irritated, and cruelly commanded the infant to be scourged. At this mandate the multitude wept, but the mother encouraged her boy. The executioners plucked the skin and hair from the child's head, who at the same time was encouraged by his parent saying, "Though you suffer here, yet you will shortly be with Christ, who will adorn thy naked head with a crown of unfading glory." The child smiled upon his mother, and upon those who performed the will of the Governor, and endured their tortures with manlike perseverance and fortitude. The Magistrate, finding the child invincible, and himself vanquished, ordered him to be committed to

Tenui rubebaat sanguine nda vimina

Quem plaga flerat roscidia livoribus.

* * * * * * * *

At sola mater hisce lamentis caret,

Soli sereno frons renidet gaudio."

The child, though exhausted by loss of blood, revives and smiles; and during its decapitation, which soon follows, the mother is employed in singing the versicle, "Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints." The torturing of Romanus now proceeds with redoubled vigour; and after several miracles, only serving to provoke Asclepiades, and prolong the sufferings of the martyr, he is despatched by strangling. The writers who flourished soon after the time of Constantine, tied with one another in elaborating highly-coloured descriptions of the horrors of martyrdom. The hymn of Prudentius, from which we have given a quotation, is sufficient to shake our faith in him as a Martyrologist: without reckoning the miracles, the whole story is a string of improbabilities: the martyr is represented as betraying an infant to certain destruction; the mother displays a want of feeling scarcely credible, and altogether odious; and the infant itself, though lately weaned, exhibits the understanding and resolution of mature age. The profusion of useless miracles answers no end, and is supported by no evidence; indeed, the existence of miraculous adjuncts to martyrdom must be generally doubtful, from the difficulty of obtaining dispassionate testimony regarding them. It is not from a highly-excited crowd of spectators, earnestly watching for some supernatural interposition, and ready to magnify any event that appeared strange or unusual; it is not from such, still less from those who have only listened to their descriptions, that satisfactory proof of miraculous occurrences can be obtained. There are, moreover, strong objections in the nature of these miracles: that God should deliver his servants from their enemies, or support them miraculously under torments, is perfectly in accordance with the tenor of the inspired records; but reason is staggered by the futility of the many prodigies described in connexion with the later martyrdoms. Romanus, having had his face completely cut to pieces, and being still enabled to speak distinctly, derives no relief from the supernatural aid: he is next delivered to another executioner, who cuts out his tongue. After the second mutilation, the martyr, silenced perforce, having no voice to send heavenward, no words with which to proclaim his Master's triumph, draws from his inmost heart a long sigh; and, supplicating with a groan, breaks forth,—"Who speaks of Christ, never yet wanted a tongue; nor asked by what organs words are formed, when the Giver of words is the subject of speech." Yet no conversion of the bystanders ensues; nor does any effect follow the miracles, excepting that of exasperating the Judge. The same want of result is observable in most of the prodigies related by Prudentius. (Maitland, Church in the Catacombs.)

MARTYRDOM OF EULALIA.

the dungeon without nourishment, and the torments of Romanus not only to be renewed but increased. He remained inflexible; and therefore Asclepiades condemned both him and the infant to death; Romanus to be burnt, and the child to be beheaded. As they were conducted to the place of execution, Romanus told the Governor that he appealed from his unrighteous decision to the throne of Christ, who was the Judge of all men, who will reward us according to our deeds: "not," said the martyr, "that I fear thy torments, but that thy conduct may be fully known." When they arrived at the place of execution, the officers demanded the child of its mother, who had taken it in her arms: she, after kissing the infant, delivered him to the executioner, praising God that out of a babe he had perfected praise to the confusion of his enemies. The head of the little one being severed from the body, the mother took it up and placed it upon her bosom. Romanus was fastened to a post, and the wood * laid in order around him. A sudden fall of rain prevented the pile taking fire. Asclepiades attributed this interposition to the influence of magic; and conveyed this calumny with so much address to the ears of Galerius, that he obtained permission to proceed to fresh tortures, and then to kill him in any way he thought proper. He first ordered his tongue to be cut out; and Eusebius and Chrysostom inform us, that he not only survived the operation, but actually spake more distinctly than he had done before. The martyr was remanded to his prison; but the Governor was surprised to hear that he still possessed the power of speech, and sent for the surgeon who executed this part of the sentence, whom he charged with favouring the criminal, or with being himself a Christian. If what Eusebius inform us be true, he had been a disciple of Christ, but had apostatized on account of the persecution. The surgeon, however, had for some cause preserved the tongue of Romanus, produced it to the Governor, and assured him that, according to the rules of nature, the martyr could not at that time be alive. The same experiment was tried on a condemned malefactor, who expired shortly after: the Governor was in no degree changed; and Romanus, after remaining several months in prison, was ultimately strangled. An innumerable company of martyrs suffered at this time, of whom but little is recorded. It matters not: their record is on high!

We feel the same objections to the statements which are extant with regard to the martyrdom of Eulalia. She was a native of Merida, in Spain, and educated in the principles of Christianity. The amusements which commonly occupy the youthful mind, possessed no charms in the estimation of Eulalia. She was but twelve years of age when the persecution under Diocletian commenced; and her mother, finding her anxious to become a martyr, though she knew not what it

* When the Judge had informed him that he was to die by the flames, with a cheerful countenance and a most ardent mind he received the sentence, and was led away. He was then tied to the stake; and when the wood was heaped up around him, and they were about kindling the pile, only awaiting the word from the expected Emperor, he (Romanus) exclaimed, "Where then is the fire?" Saying this, he was summoned again before the Emperor to be subjected to new tortures, and had his tongue cut out, which he bore with great fortitude. (Euseb., De Martyr. Palest., cap. 2.)

was to suffer, to prevent her falling into the hands of the persecutors, conveyed her into the country: she, however, speedily returned to Merida; and on the following day, either surrendered herself, or was apprehended, as a Christian. The early Martyrologists say that she went herself into the court, and reproached the Judge, in no mild terms, on account of the folly and stupidity of Paganism. She was placed before the tribunal, and the Magistrate, evidently irritated by the language which Eulalia had previously used, addressed the executioners, and commanded them to pull her out by the hair of the head, and torture her to the uttermost. "Let her feel," said he, "the power of the gods of the land, and what the imperial government of a Prince is. Nevertheless, sturdy girl, I would desire thee, before thou die, revoke this thy wickedness. Remember what pleasures thou mayest enjoy from the honourable house to which thou dost belong: thy fallen house follow thee to death with lamentable tears. What meanest thou? Wilt thou kill thyself? Doth not the reverend piety of thy ancestry move thee? Behold the furniture which is prepared for thy lingering and painful death: either thou shalt be beheaded with this sword, or else by those wild beasts thou shalt be torn in pieces, or consumed in the flames. How easy it is for thee to escape all these punishments! Take and put with thy fingers a little salt and incense into the censers, and thou shalt escape." To this the martyr made no answer; but, being in a state of great excitement, she spat in the Magistrate's face, she threw down the idols,* and

* In narrating the story of Eulalia, Prudentius highly approves of her bold and insulting bearing towards the pagan authorities. That young lady, according to the poet, had from the cradle given promise of a fierce and unsociable disposition, calculated to distinguish her in the religious world then existing. On the outbreak of persecution she was removed to the country by her heathen parents, and even shut up, to prevent any collision with the authorities. On a dark and silent night she escaped from her home; and, guided by angelic torch-bearers, made her way into the city. Early in the morning she presents herself at the tribunal, and vehemently abuses the Emperor and his gods. She earnestly requests that her bodily frame may be torn to pieces, as a thing useless in itself, and unworthy the trouble of preserving. Provoked by her language, the Prætor ordered the Lictors to bind her; but, before inflicting punishment, he sets before her the miseries which she draws upon herself and her parents, the prospects of happiness which her home offers, and the speedy marriage which awaits her. A grain of incense cast upon the coals is to be the sign of her recantation. To this she vouchsafes no verbal answer, but spits in the face of the Prætor, throws down the images, and kicks over the thurible. The two executioners immediately perform their office by tearing with the ungulae her sides and bosom. In the gashes inflicted by the instrument, her excited imagination traces the letters of her Master's name; and her voice, unshaken by sob or sigh, joyfully proclaims his triumph. Torches are afterwards placed under her face, and this gives her an opportunity of ending her life by inhaling the flames of her burning hair. Prudentius, Ado, and even Aquilius, mention the fact of a white dove issuing out of her mouth at the time of her departure, and of the fire quenched about her body; also of her person being covered miraculously with snow; with other things more, whereof Foxe sapiently observes, let every reader use his own judgment. (Aurel. Prudentii Peristeph., lib. 161, et seq., p. 117. 8vo. Hanorim, 1613.

"Nec mora, carnifices gemini

Juncæ pectora dilacerant;

Et latus ungula virgineum

Pulsat otrimque, et ad osea secat

Eulaliâ numerante notas.

Scribereæ ecce! mihi Domine

Quam juvat hos apices legere."—Peristephan. Prudentii, Hymn 9.

(See Maitland's Church in the Catacombs.)

CHARACTER OF MARTYRDOMS OF THIS AGE.

scattered with her feet the heap of incense which was prepared for the ceremony. Then, without any hesitation, the executioners seized her, rent her delicate flesh with the ungulæ, and scorched her sides to the bone. They afterwards proceeded to the last and final torment, which not only embraced wounding and lacerating her sufficiently mangled body with the iron grate and hurdle, and terribly harrowing her flesh, but burned on every side, with illuminated torches, her bosom and sides: her hair hanging about her shoulders, in two parts divided, descended to the ground. But when the crackling flame flew about her face, and kindled her hair, she shortly after expired.

The numerous ill-concocted tales which emanated from the pen of Prudentius, and other early Martyrologists, are sufficiently annoying, because every principle of probability is violated, and between them and the authentic records of martyrdom there exists not the slightest analogy. Are we to suppose God, who gave the martyrs grace to suffer gloriously in his service, should have left them to disgrace that cause by vain bravado, or abusive retorts? And if the appearance of insensibility to pain is to be considered a test, these stoical confessors must be allowed infinitely to exceed Paul in fortitude: compared with his plea of citizenship, adduced to escape torture, their eager demand for more horrible inflictions must indicate vastly higher attainments in faith and piety. The physical effects of the torture are never taken into account in the later Acta: there is no collapse or prostration of strength, nor swooning from profuse bloodshed. We must either suppose that a miraculous agency had throughout averted the usual effects of mutilation, or that the entire narrative is grossly exaggerated. Generally speaking, the only sufferer is the Judge: he it is who rolls his eyes in frenzy, and gnashes his teeth* with vexation; while the martyr finds vinegar mild, and salt without pungency; mistakes mustard for honey, and claps his blood-stained hands as the ungulæ rend his limbs.†

The author from whom we have last quoted very justly observes, that the character of the stories alluded to, and even their existence, are to be ascribed to the excited state of feeling which prevailed when they were written. Their general tendency is to make us believe that the martyrs suffered no pain, and had therefore little merit in facing the torments prepared for them; while they exhibit the victim and the executioner as two gladiators, the former supported and strengthened by miracles and his insensibility to pain, and the latter armed with the most fearful implements which human or diabolical cruelty could invent. Unfettered by the nec Deus intersit of the profane, the poet liberally introduces the agents of heavenly or hellish power: if there were no group of Oceanides to console the Christian Prometheus, there was a chorus of angels to sing around him, to scatter flowers on his

* "His persecutor saucius

Pallet, rubescit, metuat,

Insana torquens lumina

Spumque freudens egregit."

(Peristeph. Prudentii, Hymnus 2, S. Vincentii Martyris, I. 200. 8vo. Hen., 1813.)

† Maitland's Church in the Catacombs, p. 100.

L couch, and to fill the air with odours. The invisible Coryphæus invites him to heaven, and promises an eternal crown. "Arise, illustrious martyr, secure of thy reward; arise, and join our company, O warrior most invincible, braver than the bravest; thy tortures, cruel as they are, fear thee their conqueror."* Early in the history of persecution, we find Celsus reproaching the Christians with the example of the heathen Anaxarchus;† who, being pounded in a mortar, exclaimed, "Pound the shell of Anaxarchus, himself you touch not." "What," he asks, "did your Deity say in his sufferings comparable to this?" Not to be outdone by a Pagan, Martyrologists took care to record the fact, that Christians also could maintain composure under the greatest tortures; in course of time their hyperbolical language rather represented the martyrs as devoid of feeling, than resolute in enduring pain. In what might be termed a Christianized version of the speech of Anaxarchus, Prudentius makes his hero explain the principle of his fortitude. In reply to the taunt of Celsus concerning the superior fortitude of Anaxarchus, Origen remarks, that a pious submission to the will of God, or even a prayer, such as, "If it be possi-

* "Tear as you will this mangled frame,

Prone to mortality;

But think not, man of blood, to tame

Or take revenge on me.

You overlook, in thus supposing,

The nobler self that dwells within;

Throughout these cruel scenes reposing,

Where nought that injures enters in.

"This which you labour to destroy,

With so much madness, so much rage,

Is but a vessel form'd of clay,

Brittle and basting to decay.

Let nobler foes your arms employ;

Subdue the indomitable soul;

Which, when fierce whirlwinds rend the sky,

Looks on in calm security,

And only bows to God's control."

"Eras crnente, si meam

Te rere pernam sumere,

Quum membra morti obnoxia

Dilancinata interficis.

Est alter, est intrinsecus

Violare quem nullus potest,

Liber, quietus, integer,

Exsors dolornin tristum.

Hoc, quod laboras perdere

Tantis furoris viribus,

Vas est solutum ac fertile,

Quocumque frangendum modo."

The entire passage is imitated from Cyprian's Tract to Demetrian, cap. 8. "Another will suffer in me," said the humble Felicitas one hundred and eighty years earlier.

† "Anaxarchus, of Abdera, was a pupil of Diomenes, of Smyrna, or, according to some authorities, of Metrodorus of Chios. He attended Alexander in his Asiatic expedition, s.c. 334. It seems he was not much of a courtier, and that he took occasion to reprove the King sometimes. After Alexander's death, he fell into the hands of Nicocreon, tyrant of Cyprus, whose enmity he had incurred. Nicocreon avenged himself by pounding Anaxarchus in a mortar. The philosopher bore the torment with fortitude. Owing to his freedom from passion, and his tranquillity, he was called Eudæmonicus, or, the Happy." (Blog. Dict.)

ANTONIUS GALLONIUS.

ble, let this cup pass from me," is more truly magnanimous than the affectation of insensibility so lauded in the pagan sufferers. In the sixty-third canon of the Quinisextan Council, held A.D. 691, it was ordained, "That, whereas certain false stories of martyrdom had been circulated by the enemies of truth, calculated to bring the martyrs into discredit, and drive the hearers of such things into infidelity: we decree that they be not read in churches, but be committed to the flames." We are left in uncertainty as to the real character of the pseudo-Martyrologies referred to by the canon: that they were read in churches leads to the supposition that they were the production of Christian writers; who, by their unlimited indulgence in the licence of the times, had alarmed even a Council of the eighth century. Yet the severe expressions of the Quinisextan divines, "falso convicte ... ut martyres Dei ignominiâe efficerent," seem to be pointed against intentional traducers. In the Council held at Carthage, A.D. 401, it was ordered that all false martyr churches, and unauthenticated relics, should be destroyed; that none should be enrolled as martyrs without sufficient proof; and that altars consecrated upon the authority of dreams, and on other superstitious grounds, should be disavowed. The necessity for having some relic of a martyr, as a palladium to a church, was not felt generally till the fifth century; the follies to which it led, and the frauds resorted to in order to convince the people of the sanctity of particular bones and dust, are evidently implied in this canon.

A work which Dr. Maitland says made considerable pretensions to learning and accuracy, is the small folio of Gallonius, entitled, "De Cruciatibus Martyrum,"* with plates. The ignorance of this writer concerning the power of human nature to support mutilation,† is even surpassed by his credulous eagerness to enumerate the accumulated horrors invented by the Monkish historians, who, in their dismal seclusion, allowed full licence to a morbid imagination. For Gallonius to state simply that the martyrs were suspended in various painful attitudes, would be insufficient for his purpose: sixteen varieties of hanging have been specified by him; and, to the dismay of the reader, the whole sixteen appear in engravings. The same principle of amplification runs throughout the work: lest we should think lightly of the pains of being burnt alive, if conveyed by mere verbal description, not less than nineteen modifications of this torture are figured and explained in the margin. All that lies between a slight historical mention of the details of martyrdom, and the drawings of Gallonius, is mere invention. We are told by ancient writers, that the plumbatæ were scourges laden with lead; and, beyond that, we know nothing of them: also, that the scorpion was a knotted stick, as opposed to the virgæ læves:

* De Sanct. Martyrum Cruciatibus Antonii Gallouli Rom. Congregationis Oratorii Presbyteri Liber cum Figuris Romæ in ære incisis per Antonium Tempestram. Et aliis ejusdem argumenti Libellis ex museo Raphaelis Tricheti du Fresne, fol., Parisiis, 1659.

† One of the sufferers has a row of large nails driven into his back; another is sitting up, alive, with the four limbs amputated, and left to bleed. One plate represents a Christian whose liver is torn out: the opposite page adds in explanation, that the Gentiles used to devour it, a statement which accounts for the fire and frying-pan in the fore ground.

L 2 when, therefore, we are shown an engraving fixing the size and shape of these instruments, we are imposed upon by the ingenuity of the artist. To justify these engravings, there should be in existence authentic relics of the objects, or descriptions by contemporary writers; but no such relics or descriptions can be found.* The collection of prints employed by Gallonius is also inserted in some other works, successive editions having been made from time to time. For instance: the supposed claw of an ungula, found in a cemetery, is published with due honours by its discoverer; another author, who has not seen the original, and is nevertheless better informed regarding it, adds to it a handle; a third puts it, in its complete form, into the hands of a ferocious executioner, and buries the points in the sides of a Christian. A favourite subject with the early Martyrologists, and not overlooked by Gallonius, is the treatment to which the Christian virgins were exposed in the persecutions. Between the desire to magnify the indignities offered to them, and at the same time to exhibit them as coming off with undiminished honour, these writers are sorely perplexed. The usual custom is to introduce a miracle, by which the spouses of Christ are rescued from impending fate, which on some occasions is admitted to have befallen them. Some of the latest histories of martyrdom are worked up into a complete romance, consisting of the adventures and escapes of the virgins from the perils to which they were exposed. Several tales of this sort are to be found in the Ecclesiastical History of Nicephorus. Instance the following:— A young lady, of extraordinary beauty, received the sentence described as common in the Diocletian persecution. To the first person who gained access to her she represented herself as an enchantress, skilled in the knowledge of poisons and their antidotes: on condition of receiving no insult from him, she proposed to render him invulnerable to steel, by a preparation which she had discovered. "But you will, of course," she added, "wish to see its efficacy proved, before concluding the agreement." Immediately producing an ointment, she applied it to her neck, directing the youth to draw his sword, and use his utmost endeavours to inflict a wound. Whether deceived by her manner, or altogether unacquainted with the master-spirit of the time, he obeyed; nor was his knowledge of the true Christian character advanced, when he saw with horror the head of his victim rolling at his feet.†

Agnes ranks high on the pages of ecclesiastical history as a martyr: she was a native of Rome, and of noble parentage. Some historians have recorded very much respecting her, especially with regard to

* Stories regarding martyrdom never lose by repetition. In the massacre of the Huguenots, it is often stated that sixty thousand persons perished in Paris; whereas Banauni declares, officially, that sixty thousand persons were employed in the slaughter, and that they destroyed four thousand of their enemies. (Numismata Romana, opposite the engraving of the medal.) Again: Ruinart says, that Domitius collected seven books of edicts remaining in force against the Christians: Lactantius, from whom he professes to quote, mentions the edicts of the persecutors as contained in the seventh book of the laws collected by Domitius. (Institutions, lib. v., cap. 2.)

† Maitland's Church in the Catacombs, p. 115. The able author refers his readers for other narrations of a similar description, both curious and improbable, to Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiast., livre viii., chap. 36.

MARTYROOM OF AGNES.

certain strange miracles wrought by her during the progress of her eventful history, which Foxe the Martyrologist hesitates to record, because of the incredibility of their history, and professes himself to be satisfied with the testimony of Prudentius.* She appears to have been a remarkable instance of the power of divine grace. Ambrose and Augustine say that she was about thirteen years of age when she obtained the martyr's crown. Her personal accomplishments brought around her a crowd of admirers, all of whom were rejected, inasmuch as Agnes resolved not to be unequally yoked with a Pagan: her suitors were exasperated at her repulses, and, taking advantage of the persecution, delivered her into the hands of the Magistrates as a Christian. The Judge before whom she was taken endeavoured to shake her steadfastness by tender and affectionate expressions; but finding her soul endued with even masculine courage, and proof against his devices, he had recourse to everything that could terrify and amaze. The various instruments of torture were shown her: she was alike unmoved, and betrayed no emotions of fear. These efforts proving ineffectual, she was then forcibly taken to the altars of the pagan deities, in order that she might be compelled to scatter incense in the fire. All, however, that her persecutors were enabled to achieve, was to elicit from the youthful martyr a more triumphant and bold confession of her faith in Christ. The Judge, confounded at her obstinacy, and manifest indifference to life, imagined that she might be more successfully attacked by an attempt upon her chastity: he accordingly threatened to send her to a place where she would be exposed to the rude and licentious attacks of the libidinous and the profane. Agnes, confiding in the protection of the Most High, without hesitation assured the Magistrate, that he might indeed stain his sword with her blood; but that it would be beyond his power to dishonour her person, which she had given to Christ her God. Enraged with her dauntless demeanour, he prepared to carry his threat into execution. Agnes was led to an infamous place; but the Almighty manifested himself in her behalf, who is said to have filled all who were present with respect and esteem for her bordering upon awe, so that none dared to look upon her, much less venture to approach her.† Transported with rage, the Judge commanded her to be beheaded, that he might forthwith be rid of the sight of one whose innocence and weakness were a standing reproach to his injustice and cruelty. She heard the sentence with pleasure, and went to her execution with cheerfulness. The executioner had private instructions to employ all possible means to produce a change in her mind, before he proceeded to the last extremity. All his efforts were unavailing: she besought him to perform his office, and to destroy a body which had the misfortune to please any eyes but those of her Redeemer, to whom she was united by the strongest ties of devotion. The executioner, finding all he could

* Prudentii Peristephan., hymn. xiv.

† It is stated, that one among the crowd, in this filthy place of resort, with impure eyes and thought looked upon Agnes, and was immediately stricken with blindness. Prudentius relates, that Agnes being requested to pray unto Christ in behalf of the party stricken, the culprit was restored unto his perfect health and sight.¹ say or do was to no purpose, at last performed the melancholy task with a trembling hand, and amidst the tears of many of the spectators.

In the Sermons of Basil * we meet with an account of Julitta, a Christian lady of Cæsarea, of Cappadocia, who was distinguished for her eminent virtue, masculine courage, and strength of intellect. We learn, from Basil, that she had a troublesome lawsuit with one of the principal men in Cæsarea, who was unjustly possessed of some considerable part of her estate, and had even taken violent hold on her servants and cattle. This oppressive usurper had found means to bribe the Judges in his favour, and to hire persons to swear that the lands and goods in dispute were his property. Julitta, supported by the justice of her cause, thought that she had nothing more to do, but to give the Magistrates a plain and ingenuous statement of her title. When the cause came to be tried, the defendant, instead of supporting his claim, or giving any answer to the plaintiff's plea, urged that the law would not suffer him to engage at that bar with one of a different religion; so that he could not proceed in his defence, unless the lady who was the plaintiff renounced Christianity. The Judge was too well instructed, not to second the motion; and gave it as his opinion, that what he insisted on was according to the laws of the empire. He then ordered an altar to be brought in, and some fire to be put on it, and incense to be prepared; and then told the parties, that if they expected, either of them, to enjoy the benefit of the laws, both of them must forthwith offer incense to the gods. The usurper, who was a Heathen, immediately complied; but Julitta made it appear that her faith was much dearer to her than her goods, or even than life itself. "No," said she, "my affection to what is unquestionably my own shall never hinder me from sacrificing my all, and even my life, if required, rather than violate my fidelity to my God and Saviour." This declaration greatly incensed the Judge; but Julitta proceeded with the same intrepidity, and thanked God for the assurance she had of an eternal inheritance, while that which was her own upon earth was disputed, and unjustly taken from her. The Magistrate made several attempts to induce her to abandon her faith, but without effect: to his suggestions she invariably replied, that she was the servant of Christ, and, as such, she could not listen to his proposals without horror; upon which she was condemned to be burnt. Julitta listened to the sentence with apparent pleasure, and walked to the place of execution with an alacrity which indicated the tranquillity of her soul. Her last moments were spent in exhorting the Christians who were present to prefer the faith of Christ to all human considerations; and she died a glorious example of that faith which she had recommended to others.†

* Basilli Opera, tom. 1., Hom. in Martyrem Julittam, p. 314, et seq. Fol., Paris, 1638.

† Several women underwent martyrdom at this period; among whom we find Barbara, a noble lady of Tuscany, who, after a miserable and protracted imprisonment, sharp cords, and burning torches applied to her sides, was at length beheaded; Fausta, a virgin; Juliana, a lady of singular excellencies, in Nicomedia; Anysia, a maiden of Thessalonica, who suffered under Maximin; and many others.

MARTYRDOM OF VINCENTIUS.

One of the most celebrated martyrs of this day was Vincent of Saragossa, in Spain, descended from one of the first families in the province of Tarragona: during comparative infancy, he was placed under the care of Valerius, a Bishop of that city, who instructed him, with considerable diligence, in the articles of the Christian faith, and the duties of piety. The progress which he made in his various studies induced Valerius to ordain him a Deacon; after which, Valerius, who was well acquainted with every branch of his office, and who acquitted himself of every obligation with exemplary fidelity, but being naturally bashful, and having an impediment in his speech, committed the task of preaching to his Deacon, which office he discharged with distinguished success. Toward the close of the year 303, when the persecution of Diocletian reached Spain, Dacian, the Governor of Tarragona, ordered the Christians to be seized, and brought to him at Valentia, laden with irons. Here, for some time, he endeavoured to make them feel the miseries of a prison; hoping that the fatigue of a journey on the one hand, and the hardships they had suffered on the road on the other, would induce them to purchase their liberty at any price. Full of this persuasion, he ordered them to be brought before him; but was surprised to find them strong, healthy, and in full spirits, instead of the emaciated and worn-out creatures which he anticipated to have met: he even imputed blame to the officers and guard who had conducted the prisoners from Saragossa, as if they had showed the culprits more indulgence than what his orders had allowed. Dacian, however, struck with their appearance, made use of very bland and gentle language, to induce them to sacrifice to the pagan deities; and strongly inculcated upon them obedience to the edict of the Emperors, which required that all their subjects, without exception, should adhere to the religion of their ancestors; and also represented to them the danger to which they exposed themselves, by acting in opposition to their Sovereign's order, and by introducing novelties into the exercise of divine worship. Vincent, observing that Valerius made no answer to the President's proposal, which he presumed might proceed from his bashfulness, desired that he might be allowed to speak in behalf of them: this being granted, with the utmost freedom he stated their opinion of the idols of the Heathen, and their fixed resolution to suffer for Christ. The freedom of speech which Vincent assumed was offensive to Dacian, who told him, that he should either burn incense to the gods which he despised, or that he himself, for his contumacy, should fall a sacrifice to their vengeance. This, so far from producing any change in the resolution of Vincentius, led him to repeat what he had aforetime related with even greater warmth, and also to declare that those who were supported by Him whom the Christians adored, were too sensible of the almighty power of that Deity, to acknowledge themselves to be anything but what they really were. The Governor could no longer endure the boldness of this comparatively young man, who, although in chains, conducted himself with the dignity of a Magistrate. He therefore, without hesitation, banished Valerius, and directed his animosity against Vincentius, who was first placed upon the rack, and his limbs stretched and torn with cords, till they were dislocated and rent asunder. His body, strange to say, was then laid open, and his flesh torn with the ungulæ: all these torments he bore with comparative tranquillity; and by his patience, and a smile which rested upon his countenance, he appeared to reproach his adversaries with the weakness and insufficiency of their varied efforts. Dacian, who witnessed this behaviour, in a most violent state of excitement and passion, accused the executioners of negligence in the discharge of their offices; accounting it to them, that the patience of the martyr was so great. He then allowed them some rest, that they might return to their work with renewed vigour; but nothing served to shake the constancy of one who was so firmly united to, and supported by, the Most High. The rage of Dacian appeared as if mitigated by the streams of blood which flowed from all parts of the body of the martyr: he ordered a brief cessation of his torture; and also informed him, that as he was so obstinately bent against sacrificing to the gods, and could not be prevailed upon to approach their altars with reverence, the least return he could make for being released from torment, was to deliver up the books which contained the mysteries of his sect, that those seeds of iniquity might be burnt. Vincentius, who reverenced God in his word, said, that the fire with which he threatened those holy books would be more justly employed in punishing impiety.* Finding that the courage of the martyr was indomitable, the Governor gave way to the most violent transports of fury, and ordered him to be laid upon the iron bed, or gridiron, which was also filled with sharp projecting spikes, and placed over a fire: while one side was broiling, the other was grievously tormented, by the application of red-hot iron bars, and salt thrown into the wounds; and that nothing might be wanting, to show to what extent the cruelty of Paganism could go, or what the fortitude of a martyr, when supported by the grace and strength of the Almighty, could endure, he remained unmoved, with his eyes fixed on heaven, where his heart had long been. Dacian, hearing of this last trial, and utterly despairing of successfully vindicating the honour of his idols, was resolved to remove such an obnoxious person as he from the public gaze. This,

* In many of these narratives the language put into the mouths of the martyrs is not always to be justified on Christian principles. Nor should the degree of provocation received by them be admitted as an excuse; for they are represented as perfectly unmoved, capable of arguing with precision, and annoying their tormentors with well-directed sarcasm. Unsuitably enough, occurs the following passage in the Acts of Boniface:—"The holy martyr said to him, 'Be dumb, wretch!' and open not thy mouth against my Lord Jesus Christ. O serpent of darkest mind, ancient of evil days, a curse upon thee!" In the second hymn of the Peristephanon, Vincentius is made to remind Dacian of the fate of Sodom and Gomorra, and to assure him of the certainty of his obtaining the same sulphureous portion in the lowest hell:—

"Vides favillas indices

Gomorreorum criminum;

Sodomita nec latet cinis,

Testis perennis funeris.

Exemplar hoc, Serpens, tuum est,

Fuligo quem nox sulphuris

Bitumen et mixtum pice

Imo implicabant Tartaro."

(Maitland, Church in the Catacombs, p. 99.)

MARTYROOM OF ANTHIMUS.

he imagined, would be most effectually accomplished by enclosing the martyr in a dark dungeon, with his lower extremities extended in the stocks; and also ordered the ground whereon he lay to be covered with sharp flints and broken glass, and to leave him in those circumstances without food; and finally to inform him when he expired. In this project Dacian had to meet with disappointment: though excluded from the light of the natural sun, the Sun of Righteousness illumed his heart; so that when the keepers visited the prison, they invariably found him singing the praises of the Most High; and the wounds which he had received were healed: this so astounded the spectators, as to cause them to abandon Heathenism, and to embrace the religion of the Saviour. By the order of Dacian, Vincentius was now laid on a soft bed, in order that, being well refreshed, he might be enabled to endure torments even more severe and dreadful. All his sufferings were now happily at an end, and the crown was ready. Shortly after he was laid upon the bed, he surrendered his soul into the hands of his Redeemer with great tranquillity.

Anthimus, Bishop of Nicomedia, appears to have been among the first who suffered; but his martyrdom was followed by a great number. Many were burnt to death, and others drowned. Eusebius speaks of the prisons being so full of victims, that there was no room for ordinary criminals. The latter was himself a spectator of numerous atrocities in his own city of Cæsarea, in Palestine. That province was then under the government of Flavianus; and the first edict arrived a little time previous to Easter. The Clergy of the neighbouring churches were brought to be tortured, and the barbarous work was carried onward to a frightful extent. There were some whose courage failed them, and who consented to sacrifice; but many had their lives spared; because, when they were senseless from pain, or when their hands were powerless on account of the rack, they were compelled to go through some act of sacrificing which satisfied the Magistrate.* We cannot fully depend upon these details; and although reports were circulated, in the following century, that Marcellinus, the Bishop, had been seen to offer incense in a temple, there is good reason to think that the whole was a calumny.† He is said, by one writer, to have acquired great glory by his conduct during the persecution.‡ Before the close of the year 303, Diocletian and his son-in-

* "Some, indeed, from excessive dread, broken down and overpowered by their terrors, sunk, and gave way immediately at the first onset; but each of the rest experienced various kinds of torture. Some were scourged with innumerable strokes of the lash; others racked in their limbs, and galled in their sides with torturing instruments; some with intolerable fetters, by which the joints of their hands were dislocated. Nevertheless, they bore this, as regulated by the secret determinations of God. One was seized by the hands, and led to the altar by others who were thrusting the polluted and unhallowed victim into his right hand, and then suffered to go again, as if he had sacrificed. Another, though he had not even touched, when others said that he had sacrificed, went away in silence. Another was taken up half dead, and was released from his bonds, and ranked among the sacrificers. Another crying out, and asserting that he did not assent to these things, was struck on the mouth, and silenced by the blows of many who were suborned for that purpose: he was thrust away violently, although he had never sacrificed." (Kuseb., De Mart. Palest., cap. 1.)

† Baronii Annales, A.D. 302, § lxxxviii. The Acts of the Council of Sinusese, in which Marcellinus is said to have been condemned, are confessedly spurious.

† Theodoret., Hist. Eccles., Bb. 1., cap 3.

M law left Nicomedia, previous to which another severe edict was issued against the church. The twentieth anniversary of his succession to the throne was celebrated in December. Galerius kept it at Antioch. Being now left to himself, he would be sure to execute his own orders with the greatest severity. The Bishop of Antioch at this period was Tyrannus, who had succeeded Cyril in 299; but we do not read of any personal suffering that he underwent. At the same time, Diocletian was celebrating his Vicennalia at Rome; and the usual splendour of such occasions was increased by his having a triumph, together with Herculeus, for victories gained in Persia and Africa. The presence of the two Emperors, and this succession of public shows, were, as usual, likely to be productive of evil to the Christians; but there was something in Diocletian's reception at Rome that displeased him. If these festivities had been given with a view to conciliate his subjects in the capital, they totally failed; and he was so disgusted with them, that he set out, in the depth of the winter, for Ravenna, though his bad health made this journey particularly unpleasant. In the summer of 304 he found himself once more in his favourite residence of Nicomedia, but with his constitution entirely broken, and in a state of great danger.* Herculeus probably continued at Rome during the whole of the year 304. In the month of October, Marcellinus, Bishop of Rome, died; and some accounts say that he was martyred. There is also reason to believe that the see continued vacant for more than three years, which might seem to point out a season of more than usual danger. This, however, was not the case; and some other cause must have operated, beside persecution, which delayed the election of the Bishop. The names of other martyrs are mentioned, who suffered at Rome: on the whole, however, we may conclude, that the Christians in the capital were exposed to much less suffering than in other parts of the empire.†

Egypt suffered severely during this persecution. The see of Alexandria was now filled by Peter, who had previously been teacher in the catechetical school, and succeeded Theonas in the bishopric in the year 300, three years before the persecution began. He had been a sufferer with Dionysius fifty years before, in the Decian persecution; and his great age, we find, did not preserve him from severer trials. The whole of Africa being under the government of Herculeus, the edicts were executed with the same severity in that country as in Egypt. Anulinus was the Proconsul; and the names of several are recorded whom he put to death. Particular pains seem to have been taken in Africa to compel the Christians to give up their books. Mensurius, who had been raised to the see of Carthage, after Lucianus, the successor of Cyprian, was accused of having given up the books belonging to his church; but he proved, satisfactorily, that he had deceived the inquisitors, by giving them some heretical works. This persecution raged violently in Palestine: this fact Eusebius, without hesitation, asserts; and that he himself was well acquainted

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.; Lactantius, De Mort. Persecut., cap. xvii.

† Baronii Annales, A.D. 304, § xxiv.

MARTYROOM OF CHRYSOGONUS AND ANASTASIA.

with several in that country. He mentions, says John Foxe, "a marvellous martyrdom at Tyre, where certain Christians, being given to most cruel wild beasts, were preserved, without being hurt by them, to the great astonishment of the beholders; and those bears, hoars, leopards, and bulls, kept hungry for that purpose, and stimulated with hot irons, had no desire to devour them; which, notwithstanding, most vehemently raged against those by whom they were brought on the stage; who, standing, as they thought, out of the reach of danger, were first devoured; but the Christian martyrs, because they could not be hurt of the beasts, being slain with the sword, were afterwards thrown into the sea.* At that time was martyred the Bishop of Tyre, whose name was Tyrannus, who was thrown to the fish, at Antioch; and Zenobius, a Presbyter of Sidon, and a skilful Physician, who died amidst numerous tortures in that place. Sylvanus, Bishop of Emiss, a notable martyr, together with certain others, was thrown to the wild beasts in that city. Sylvanus, a Bishop of Gaza, was slain, with thirty-nine others, at the copper-mines of Phæno. At Cæsarea, Pamphilus, a Presbyter, the glory of that church, died a most worthy martyr, whose Life Eusebius hath written, in a book by itself, and whose commendable martyrdom he hath declared in another treatise.† Furthermore, he maketh mention of others at Antioch, who were broiled on gridirons set over the fire, —yet not to death, but in order to protract their sufferings; of others that were brought to the altars, and commanded to offer incense, who would rather thrust their right hand into the fire, than touch the profane or wicked sacrifice."

Among several whose names have been specially recorded, we find Chrysogonus, a worthy and exemplary Christian, and who was tutor to Anastasia, of whom he had care from her infancy, and brought her up in the fear of God, and in the principles of the Christian religion. He continued to have the oversight of his pupil until her father, who was a Pagan, compelled her to marry a Heathen. That engagement, and the persecution which now raged, obliged him to resign his charge: he was forthwith seized and imprisoned for the truth, where he continued some time; and during his confinement he wrote to Anastasia, to comfort her in her affliction, and also to confirm her in the "good and right way." Diocletian, being at Aquileia, sent an order to the Prefect of Rome, where Chrysogonus was confined, to send him and other prisoners to himself for trial. The martyr, having arrived at Aquileia, and being brought before the Emperor, after numerous promises, and threatened torments, to induce him to apostatize from the faith, was condemned to lose his head. Anastasia, the pupil of Chrysogonus, was descended from an illustrious family of Rome, and educated in the Christian faith by her mother Flavia, a woman of great virtue and piety. But that excellent lady dying while Anastasia was but young, she was placed in the hands of Chrysogonus, who completed what her mother had so auspiciously commenced, and strengthened the foundation which she had laid. Pretextatus, her father,

* Kuseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 15.

† Kuseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 13, De Mort. Palest., cap. xi.

M 2 who was a stranger to the name of Christ, obliged her to marry one Publius, who had nothing but his birth to recommend him, and was guilty of the most criminal extravagances. That unhappy debauchee wasted the greater part of her fortune in riotous living; and in order to secure to himself that part of it which she had appropriated to charitable purposes, he placed her under a guard, and confined her as an enemy to the religion of her country. He deprived her, also, of the comforts of life, and allowed her to receive no visits, especially from such as he apprehended might confirm her in her resolution of suffering. Chrysogonus was now in prison. Anastasia had not only to endure the mortification of being separated from her spiritual guide, but also to hear of the hardships which he was called to endure. She found means to convey to him a letter, and desired the assistance of his prayers for her deliverance. He exhorted her to the exercise of patience, in the prospect of a calm, which, ere long, would follow the storm. The severe treatment was considerably increased: she wrote to her tutor a second time, acquainting him that she could expect no other relief but that which death would bring, and in a very earnest manner commended herself to his prayers. Chrysogonus had been informed of the particulars of her case from the woman who brought the communication from Anastasia, and employed the same individual to exhort her to perseverance, and to inform her from him, that she, as well as himself, was on the road to that glory which invariably attends martyrdom. Publius, the husband of the lady, died soon after while travelling in the East. This circumstance gave her liberty, and the personal disposal of the rest of her fortune, which she cheerfully employed in relieving the indigent, in comforting the sick, and in supplying the wants of those who were suffering for the faith. We are told that when Chrysogonus went to Aquileia to take his trial, she followed him to that city, and after his death devoted a considerable portion of her time in visiting the Christians who were under confinement, which so provoked the Emperors, that they placed her in the hands of Florus, the Governor of Illyricum, who endeavoured to shake her constancy in the faith by a variety of barbarous and unheard-of torments; and afterwards, finding her to be invincible, he ordered her to be burnt alive, which sentence was immediately put into execution.

The city of Gaza produced many illustrious martyrs of both sexes, during the persecution of Diocletian; which was continued by Galerius and Herculeus; some of whom suffered on the spot; others were sent to Cæsarea, the metropolis of Palestine, the usual residence of the Governor of that province. None were more conspicuous among the former, than two holy women, Meuris and Thea, who bore with great fortitude the cruelty of man, and the malice of the devil; and ultimately triumphed over both. We are but little acquainted with the transactions of their lives and sufferings, only that the former died under the hands of her tormentors; and the latter, after having courageously passed through a variety of tortures, languished for some time in prison, where she ultimately expired. Foxe also testifies, and his authority is Nicephorus, that Eulampia and Eulampius, of Nicome-

MARTYRDOM OF SABINUS AND OTHERS.

dia, Agape, Irene, Chionia of Thessalonica, suffered about this time. He mentions also a matter full of horror and grief. There were assembled together in the temple many Christian men to celebrate the memory of the nativity of Christ. Herculeus, judging this a fit opportunity of exercising his cruelty towards the Christians, sent a company thither with orders to burn the temple. The doors being shut and closed round about, they came with fire, and commanded the herald to announce with a loud voice, that whosoever would have life, should come out of the temple, and offer sacrifice on the nearest altar to Jupiter; and upon their refusing so to do, they should all be burnt with the building. Then an individual answered in the name of the rest, with great courage and much boldness, that they were all Christians, and believed that Christ was their only God and King, and that they would offer sacrifice to him, with the Father and the Holy Ghost; and that they were now all ready to offer unto him. With these words the fire was kindled, which surrounded the temple; and of men, women, and children that suffered, many thousands have been enumerated.*

It was about this time that Sabinus, Bishop of Assisium, was called to suffer for the sake of Christ; especially when the Romans animated by the sanguinary edicts of Diocletian and Herculeus clamoured loudly for what they termed justice on the Christians, and openly advocated the extirpation of that odious sect at every time and in every place. The Senate forthwith, willing to gratify the public, and also to oblige the Emperors, published an order for placing all persons whom they discovered professing Christianity, in the hands of the Governors of the respective towns, or the Judges of particular places, who were thereby authorized and required to compel them to renounce the Christian religion, and to sacrifice at the altars of Paganism. History also informs us, that, pursuant to this order, Herculeus sent a rescript to the Governor of Tuscany, directing the confiscation of goods, and inflicting corporal chastisement on such as should refuse or neglect to execute it. By virtue of this order, Sabinus and his two Deacons, Marcellus and Exuperantius, with several other Ecclesiastics, were seized at Assisium in the month of May following, and thrown into prison by order of Venustianus, Governor of Tuscany and Umbria. Here they continued until that Magistrate arrived in the town; when Sabinus, being carried before him, was required to offer incense to the gods. The Bishop returned an answer suitable to the occasion; and on being farther importuned, expressed his utter abhorrence of the act, and thrust the idol from him. Venustianus, being incensed at this boldness, which he considered to be an act of unparalleled impiety, ordered his hands to be struck off. Marcellus and Exuperantius, who were of the same opinion as the Bishop, were placed upon the rack, and for some time were beaten most unmercifully. Finding them proof against these blows, the Governor directed their bodies to be torn with hooks, till they expired under this cruel treatment. Sabinus was doomed to a slower martyrdom, and was confined several months in prison, without

* Nicephori Callisti, Eccles. Hist., lib. vii., cap. 6, fol., p. 446. Paris, 1630.

any relief, except what he occasionally received from a Christian widow, whose grandson had recovered his sight through the blessing of God upon his prayers. This fact coming to the knowledge of Venustianus, who was himself troubled with a complaint in his eyes, he was startled, and immediately sent for the Bishop, to whom he said, that he had now sentiments very different from those which he had formerly entertained, both of himself and the religion which he professed. He then threw himself at the Bishop's feet, and craved his assistance in the cure of both body and soul. The fervency of his petitions, and the sincerity of his intentions, were answered, and, after due and proper instruction, the Governor received baptism. His own conversion was followed by that of his household, to the number of fourteen or fifteen persons, who did not fail to behold the invisible power of Almighty God in the Governor's favour. When Herculeus heard of the conversion of his officer, he sent Lucius, one of his principal dependants, to Assisium, with an order to behead Venustianus and the whole of his family.

We shall now direct attention to the martyrdom of Januarius and his companions. The former was Bishop of Beneventum in the kingdom of Naples. In the reign of Diocletian and Herculeus, he was remarkable for his friendship with Sosius, a Deacon of Misene, near Puzzuolo. The Deacon's reputation for wisdom and sanctity engaged Januarius to make to him frequent visits, which he endeavoured to improve to his own advantage, and that of the people committed to his care; and nothing but the violence of persecution could interrupt their pious conversation. Pursuant to the several edicts for seizing the Christians, Sosius was carried before Draconius the Governor of Campania, who, after the usual interrogatories and answers, insisted on his owning the pagan idols for his gods. When it appeared that promises and threats were too innocuous to move him, he was stretched on the rack and cruelly scourged. The Governor, finding him steadfast, commanded him to be cast into prison at Puzzuolo, where he was visited by the faithful of that town; and, among the rest, by Proculus a Deacon, Eutyches and Acutius, two laymen; nor was he forgotten by his friend Januarius, who saw him frequently, and encouraged him in his resolutions. These friends of the oppressed did not long pass unobserved; consequently this office of humanity and Christian friendship which they discharged was represented to the individuals in authority, as a high offence, and a great insult to the imperial orders. On this information the accused were taken before Draconius, and, after several measures were resorted to, to induce compliance with the imperial mandate, they were committed to the dungeons of the same prison as Sosius. Timotheus succeeded Draco in the Governorship of Campania. On arriving at Nola he received information respecting certain professors of the Christian religion, and was also told that one of that number, from Beneventum, made a common practice of visiting and assisting the Christians whom Draconius had thrown into prison at Puzzuolo, for their adherence to the faith. Whereupon the Bishop Januarius, who was the individual alluded to, was immediately seized, put to the torture, and committed

MARTYROOM OF JANUARIUS.

to prison. The faithful at Beneventum, alarmed at the incarceration of their Bishop, deputed Festus, a Deacon, and Desiderius, a Reader, to visit him in their name, and to make all necessary provision for his comfort and relief. On arriving at Nola, where the Bishop was imprisoned, they were seized, and taken before Timotheus, who proposed several questions, to which they replied with all simplicity and fidelity. Upon the confession which they severally made, they were laden with irons, and compelled to walk before the Governor's chariot to Puzzuolo; and then they were immured in the same prison as Sosius, and the next day were brought out for execution. They were condemned to be devoured by wild beasts in the amphitheatre, but none of those savage animals were inclined to molest them. The whole assembly were amazed at this: the Christians attributed the whole to the interposition of Heaven in favour of the sufferers; the Heathen imputed it to the influence of magic. They were subsequently ordered to be beheaded; which sentence being executed, their remains were taken up and buried by the Christians.*

Of the birth-place or parents of the martyr Dorothy, or what education she received, we have little or no account; only that Fabricius, being Governor of Cappadocia, endeavoured to compel her to worship the pagan deities; and, finding that he could not prevail, he exposed her to several severe and violent kinds of torture. Before he delivered her up to the executioners, he placed her under the direction and care of Chrysta and Calliata, two unhappy women who had apostatized from the faith. They endeavoured to persuade her to follow their example, and to save her life. In this bad work they exercised all their skill, but in vain; and, instead of succeeding with her, were so affected with her behaviour, that they returned to the church, and actually died in behalf of that faith which they had formally renounced. Dorothy was obliged to be present at their execution, in the hope that the prospect of arriving at the same termination might intimidate and deter her from the same profession. But the Most High, who ever designed the blood of the martyrs to be the seed of the church, defeated the object of the enemy, inspired this female martyr with fresh courage, and enabled her with patience to endure all the

* No martyr of any age has had honour thrust upon him, equal to that of Januarius. The city of Naples obtained possession of his relics. During the wars of the Normans, they were removed, first to Benevento, and, some time after, to the abbey of Monte Vergine; but in 1497 they were brought back to Naples, which city has long honoured him as principal patron. Among many miraculous deliverances which it ascribes to the intercession of this saint, none is looked upon as more remarkable than its preservation from the fiery eruptions of Mount Vesuvius, which is only eight miles distant, and which has often threatened the entire destruction of this city, both by the prodigious quantities of burning sand, ashes, and stones, which it throws up on those occasions to a much greater distance than Naples; and by a torrent of burning sulphur, nitre, calcined stones, and other materials, which like a liquid fire has sometimes gushed from that volcano, and, digging itself a channel, (which has frequently been two or three miles broad,) rolled its flaming stream through the valley into the sea, destroying towns and villages in its way, and often passing near Naples. Some of these eruptions, which in the fifth and seventh centuries threatened this city with destruction, by the cloud of ashes which they raised, are said to have darkened the sky as far as Constantinople, and struck terror into the inhabitants of that capital. The intercession of Januarius is foolishly said to have saved the city. I refer, for a full account of the miracles of this martyr, to my edition of Elliott's Delineation of Romanism, p. 538, et seq.

torture of the rack, until the Governor, discovering that she was resolved not to abandon her Saviour and her faith, commanded her to be beheaded. About this time also, according to our most credible authorities, Pancratius suffered, commonly called Pancras. He was a native of Phrygia, but came to Rome with an uncle, when only fourteen years of age: his parents being dead, he was left in the care of this relative, who caused him to be instructed in the principles of Christianity, and to be baptized. His tutor died before the promulgation of the edicts of Diocletian; nevertheless, the grace of God supported his pupil under very severe trials, and brought him off victorious. He was beheaded. Four Christians, officers in the army of Rome, won the crown of martyrdom: their names were Basilides, Cyrinus, Nabor, and Nazarius, who had with boldness declared the truth as it is in Jesus, in that city. Aurelius the Prefect sent for them, and urged them to renounce the faith, and sacrifice to the gods of Heathenism; but finding them resolved, he committed them to prison, where they continued until they were brought before the Emperor. When they appeared before him, it was proved that they had not only disobeyed the edict themselves, but they had also been instrumental in the conversion of Marcellus their jailer, and several others, during their confinement. The Emperor was incensed at this account, and ordered them to be beaten with wire rods, and remanded to prison. After a few days they were again brought into court, and again solicited to offer incense to the gods; and upon their refusing, they were sentenced to be beheaded. Nicander and Marcian were also soldiers in the army of Rome, where they had served some time before it pleased Almighty God to enlighten their minds, and to give them to see the vanity and deceitfulness of the world. When converted to Christianity, they quitted the army, renounced all hope of preferment, and heartily engaged in the spiritual warfare. This change could not long remain a secret; inasmuch as it opposed the existing authorities, which had from time to time issued several edicts prohibiting the profession of the Christian faith: they were speedily accused of disobedience to the Emperor, of gross impiety towards the gods of the country, and carried before Maximus, the Governor of Illyricum, at Mœsia. That civic officer immediately ordered the imperial edict which obliged all persons to sacrifice to the national deities, to be read, and these two soldiers immediately to comply with its provisions. Nicander urged, that the laws of his religion forbade such compliance. To this Maximus replied, that he would make the affair as easy to themselves as possible, and would not insist on any great and solemn offering, but would be satisfied with his throwing a little incense into the fire in honour of the gods. "No," said Nicander, "a Christian cannot adore stocks and stones, without committing an injury to the Immortal Jehovah, who made the world out of nothing;—who is the only true object of worship, and who will save all that put their trust in him." Maximus then asked them, why they would take such a rash step, and deprive themselves of the favour and reward of the Emperors, which were due to their rank and merit. Nicander replied, "that their reason for declining these favours was, because there

MARTYROOM OF NICANDER, AND OTHERS.

existed unhappily a close connexion between them, and such actions as must leave an indelible stain upon their souls." This noble soldier was married to one Daria, a Christian woman of singular piety, who, hearing that her husband was before the Governor, and upon his trial, forthwith went to that court, and, advancing to the side of her husband, exhorted him to constancy and perseverance in the faith. Maximus, observing this, turned towards her, and told her that she was a wicked woman to desire her husband's death! To this cruel insinuation she replied, that her object was to procure for him a better and an eternal inheritance. The Governor repeated his charge, and told her, that it was impossible that she could have any other object in view, than procuring for herself another husband when she had obtained emancipation from the present one. "If," said Daria, "you can entertain such a thought with regard to me, put it in my power to undeceive you, and despatch me the first." To which Maximus replied, that he knew not how far he might go in that case, but would immediately send her to prison. Daria being removed to the place of confinement, the Governor addressed himself to Nicander, advising him not to heed what his wife had said, and to provide for his own safety in the way which he proposed; and that he had allowed him time to make his choice. Nicander replied, "I have already considered this affair, and am resolved, and have no other thought or desire than, to save myself." Maximus, supposing that he spoke of his temporal life, was pleased with the conquest which he supposed he had achieved, and ordered the altar and the incense to be prepared for sacrificing. Upon this Nicander, raising his voice, repeated with some degree of vehemence, what he had previously stated, and prayed to be preserved from the temptation that was prepared for him. Maximus now fully comprehended his meaning, and told him that he was surprised at his sudden change: "I apprehended," said he, "that you were desirous to live; but now I perceive that you make death your choice." "The life that I ask," said Nicander, "is that of eternity, and not the life of this world, which at best is but of short duration." Marcian was next examined, who assured the Governor that he was of the same sentiments with his friend, and could only repeat what he had before said; upon which he was informed that he should suffer the same fate. They were both conveyed to prison, where after lying several weeks, they were again brought up for another hearing. Maximus now observed, that they had had time enough to consider what to do; and asked whether they were disposed to give the usual proof of obedience to the imperial authority. Both repeated their former profession, and declared that they could not think of renouncing the faith. They manifested full confidence in that omnipotent power whom they adored, and desired that they might be put in the way in which Christ required them to walk. The Governor then assured them they should not be disappointed at death, inasmuch as they desired it so eagerly. Marcian then conjured him by the life of their Imperial Majesties, to grant their wish without further delay; and endeavoured at the same time to inform him, that his request did not proceed from any impatience under

N their sufferings, or apprehension of what he could inflict, but from an ardent desire to depart and be with Christ. This prayer was urged with so much warmth, that the Governor immediately sentenced them to lose their heads; for which the martyrs returned thanks to the Most High, from whom they expected the crown; and to the Judge, who contributed to their glory, for condemning them. But a few minutes only passed between the time of pronouncing the sentence and the execution, to which they went with great cheerfulness, which the prospect of approaching happiness only could inspire. They were accompanied by crowds of their friends and relatives, whose sentiments on the occasion were as diverse as their religious creeds. Marcian's wife was among the number; but her behaviour was very different from that of Daria, who, having been set at liberty, was resolved to have the happiness of witnessing Nicander finish his course gloriously; while the other unhappy woman reproached her husband Marcian, for neglecting the means offered for saving his life; she conjured him to have some compassion for her and her child; telling him that it was yet in his power to avert the stroke of death. Marcian, however, was immovable: he assured her that Satan had blinded her; he commanded her to leave him, and not attempt to prevent him completing his martyrdom. He was proceeding in this strain, when Zoticus, a Christian, took him by the hand, bade him take courage, applauded his resolution, and congratulated him on the glory he was about to enjoy. Marcian's wife still followed him, crying, and teasing him to renounce the faith, which compelled him to request Zoticus to keep her at some distance from him. When the martyrs arrived at the place of execution, Marcian desired that his wife might be brought unto him: he embraced her with all possible tenderness, and then conjured her in the name of God to retire from a sight which she could not bear. He then embraced his child, and, lifting up his eyes toward heaven, recommended him to the divine protection. After this the two martyrs were allowed to embrace each other, and then parted to make the last preparations, and to finish the combat. As Marcian was looking round upon the spectators, he beheld Daria, who was endeavouring to reach the scaffold: he desired that she might be brought forward, and conducted to Nicander. That admirable woman stood by her husband, and encouraged him to the last moment. "I had the misfortune," said she, "to live ten years without seeing you, during which time I made it my constant prayer to enjoy that satisfaction once more. My request has been granted; and I am now much happier than I expected, by being the wife of a martyr. Go on then, as you have begun, and deprive me not of that honour; and, if you would add anything to my happiness, let it be your prayers and wishes, that I may follow in the same path to glory." These martyrs remained constant to the last, and died praising the Most High.

At the distance of so many ages it is impossible to discover by whom Christianity was first preached in the islands of Great Britain. Some writers have ascribed that province to Peter, others have preferred the rival claim of Paul; but both opinions, improbable as they

CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN.

are in themselves, rest on the most slender evidence,—on testimonies which are many of them irrelevant, all ambiguous and unsatisfactory. It is, however, certain that at a very early period there were Christians in Britain; nor is it difficult to account for the circumstance from the intercourse which had long subsisted between the island and Rome. Within a very few years from the ascension of Christ the church of Rome had attained great celebrity: soon afterwards it attracted the notice, and was honoured with the enmity, of Claudius and Nero.* Of the Romans whom at that period choice or necessity conducted to Britain, and of the Britons who were induced to visit Rome, some would, of course, become acquainted with the professors of the Gospel, and yield to the exertions of their zeal. Both Pomponia Gracina, the wife of the Proconsul Plautius, the first who made any permanent conquest in the island, and Claudia, a British lady,† who had married the Senator Pudens, are, on very probable grounds, believed to have been Christians. But whether it was owing to the piety of these or of other individuals‡ that the doctrine of Christianity was first introduced among the Britons, it appears to have made proselytes, and to have proceeded with a silent but steady pace towards the extremity of the island. The attention of the Roman officers was absorbed in the civil and military duties of their stations; and while the blood of the Christians flowed in the other provinces of the empire, the Britons were suffered to practise the new religion without molestation. There is even evidence that the knowledge of the Gospel was not confined to the subjects of Rome. Before the close of the second century, it had penetrated among the independent tribes of the north.

It might have been expected that the British writers would have preserved the memory of an event so important in their eyes as the conversion of their fathers. But their traditions have been so embellished and disfigured by fiction, that without collateral evidence it is hardly possible to distinguish in them what is real from that which is imaginary. After deducting from the account of Nennius and his brethren every improbable circumstance, we may believe that the authority conferred by the Emperor Claudius on Cogidunus was continued in his family; that Lucius, (Lever Maur, or "the great light,") one of his near descendants, was a believer in the Gospel; that

* Sueton, in Claud. xxv.; Taciti Annales, lib. xv., cap. 44.

† Pomponia Gracina was a woman of illustrious birth, and the wife of Plautius, who, in the reign of Claudius, made the first descent on Britain, and on his return from that country entered the city with the pomp of an ovation. Pomponia was accused of embracing the rites of a foreign superstition. The matter was referred to the jurisdiction of her husband. Plautius, in conformity with an ancient usage, called together a number of her relations, and in her presence sat in judgment on the conduct of his wife. He pronounced her innocent. She lived to a great age in one continued train of affliction. With regard to Claudia, compare 2 Tim. iv. 21, with Martial, Epig., lib. ii., cap. 54; lib. iv., cap. 13.

‡ Nothing can be less probable in itself, nor less supported by ancient testimony, than the opinion that Britain was converted by oriental Missionaries. The only foundation on which it rests, is, that in the seventh century the Britons did not keep Easter on the same day as the Church of Rome. That, however, they did so in the beginning of the fourth century, is plain from Eusebius, (Vit. Constantin., lib. iii. cap. 19,) Socrates, (Hist., lib. v., cap. 22,) and the Council of Arles. (Spelman, pp. 40-42.)

N 2 he sent to Rome Fagan and Dervan, to be more perfectly instructed in the Christian faith; and that these envoys, having received ordination from Pope Evaristus or Eleutherius, at their return, under the influence of their patron, increased the number of the proselytes by their preaching, and established the British, after the model of the continental, churches. But independently of their authority, we have undoubted proof that the believers were numerous, and that a regular hierarchy had been instituted, before the close of the third century. For by contemporary writers, the church of Britain is always put on an equality with the churches of Spain and Gaul; and in one of the most early of the western Councils, that of Arles in A.D. 314, we meet with the names of three British Bishops; of Eborius of York, for the province of Maxima; of Restitutus of London, for that of Flavia; and of Adelphius of Richborough, for that of Britannia Prima.

Origen puts this question, in his fourth homily upon Ezekiel: "When," says he, "did ever the country of Britain own the unity of the Godhead before the coming of the Saviour?" And in his sixth homily upon the first of St. Luke, he tells us that the "influence of the Gospel, and the power of our Saviour's kingdom, reached as far as Britain, which seemed to lie in another division of the world." And Tertullian, who lived before Origen, in his list of the converted nations, mentions "the different clans of the Moors, the provinces of Spain, from one end to the other, the country of the Gauls, and that in Britain the Gospel had made its way through places impregnable to the Roman arms." And a little after he adds, "The Germans are not suffered to pass their bounds; the Britons are as it were imprisoned by the ocean; the Moors are kept within compass, and blocked up with the Roman legions; nay, the victorious empire itself is not without its limits and non ultra; but the dominions of our Saviour have no frontiers to confine them; his authority is owned in every climate, and his majesty adored by all the nations above mentioned." To the testimonies of Origen and Tertullian, we may add those of Gildas and Bede, the one a Briton, the other a Saxon, and both of them natives of this island. Gildas, who lived in the middle of the sixth century, informs us, that Christianity continued here to the Diocletian persecution; and Bede affirms the same thing, adding withal, that the Britons were constant to their profession, and maintained the faith without apostasy or any heretical corruption.

"Before I proceed," says Collier,* "upon this persecution, I shall run through the interval in a word or two; and just touch upon the British affairs with reference to the Romish empire. Severus, having defeated his rivals, and grown absolute in the empire, was at leisure to attend the business of this island, from whence he had lately received intelligence by Verius Lupus, that the northern Britons had broke into the Roman province, and harassed the country; and that there was need of a reinforcement to deal with them. The Emperor Severus, being an ambitious prince, was glad of the news, in hopes of a triumph. To this purpose he goes in person in the expedition.

* Eccles. Hist. of Great Britain. By Jeremy Collier. 8vo., vol. I., p. 45.

PERSECUTION IN BRITAIN.

The enemy, being discouraged with the formidableness of their preparations, sent an embassy to excuse what they had done, and beg a peace. But the Emperor, being unwilling to lose the opportunity of a victory, threw in delays, and drew out the treaty in length; and, when his troops were ready to march, he dismissed the ambassadors without concluding upon any articles."

The dreadful persecution under Diocletian extended to Britain, which had a large share in the calamity. But when Diocletian and Herculeus resigned the empire, and Constantius was declared Augustus, the persecution ceased in Britain and other places of the West;* where, Eusebius affirms, it did not last two years, though it continued ten in the East. But though the persecution was comparatively short, it went to the extremity of punishment, and took away the lives of several Christians.

The historian Gildas gives but a very gloomy description of the trials through which the Christians at this period had to pass. "The rays of light were received with lukewarm minds by the inhabitants; but they nevertheless took root among some of them in a greater or less degree, until the nine years' persecution of the tyrant Diocletian, when the churches throughout the whole world were overthrown, all the copies of the holy Scriptures which could be found burned in the streets, and the chosen Pastors of God's flock butchered together with their innocent sheep, in order that not a vestige, if possible, might remain in some provinces of Christ's religion. What disgraceful flights then took place; what slaughter and death inflicted by way of punishment in divers shapes; what dreadful apostacies from religion; and, on the contrary, what glorious crowns of martyrdom then were won; what raving fury was displayed by the persecutors, and patience on the part of the suffering saints;—ecclesiastical history informs us; for the whole church were crowding in a body, to leave behind them the dark things of this world, and to make the best of their way to the happy mansions of heaven, as if to their proper home."† "God, therefore," says Gildas, "who wishes all men to be saved, and who calls sinners no less than those who think themselves righteous, magnified his mercy towards us; and as we know, during the above-named persecution, that Britain might not totally be enveloped in the dark shades of night, he, of his own free gift, kindled up among us bright luminaries of holy martyrs, whose places of burial and of martyrdom, had they not for our manifold crimes been interfered with and destroyed by the barbarians, would have still kindled, in the minds of the beholders, no small fire of divine charity. Such were Alban of Verulam, Aaron and Julius, citizens of Carlisle, and the rest of both sexes who in different places stood their ground in the Christian conflict."‡

* Kuseb., de Martyr. Palest., cap. xiii.

† Works of Gildas, surnamed "Sapiens," or the Wise. Sect. 9. Giles's Edit. 12mo. Bohn, 1848.

‡ Works of Gildas, sect. 10. He was surnamed the Wise, a British Monk, and the most ancient writer of this country extant; was born 511, according to Leland, but others say in 493. He was a disciple of Iltutus, Abbot of Morgan, and became a Monk of Bangor. He is said to have visited Ireland; and, after his return, he appears to have

Among the British martyrs, Alban ranks not only the first, but he is confessedly the most eminent. He is said to have been a person of noble extraction, and to have lived near the town of Verulam, which possessed the several privileges of a Roman colony. It stood near the site of the present town of St. Alban's, and was cruelly sacked by the Britons, under Boadices, when Suetonius Paulinus was the General and Governor of the island under Nero. It was about the year 304 the persecution reached this country. Alban, though a Pagan, was of a generous and hospitable temper, and had entertained under his roof a Christian Clergyman, who had absconded on account of the persecution, whom Alban observed to be continually engaged in prayer both night and day, when suddenly divine light shone upon his host, who began to imitate the example of faith and piety which was before him; and, being leisurely instructed by the wanderer in the path of truth and righteousness, he cast aside the darkness of idolatry, and became a Christian in all sincerity of heart. It was not long before the news of a fugitive Christian having been entertained in the house of Alban was spread, and soldiers were sent to make diligent search. When they arrived at the martyr's residence, Alban immediately presented himself to the soldiers, instead of his guest, in the habit or long coat which it was customary for the sacerdotal order to wear; and in this garb he was conducted into the presence of the Judge, who happened at the time when Alban was conducted before him to be standing by the altars, and offering sacrifice to the pretended deities. The appearance of this saint put him into a complete fury; and being enraged that Alban should presume to harbour a Christian, and expose himself to the danger consequent on such a line of conduct, he ordered him to be dragged to the statues of the idols, and menaced as follows:—"Because," said he, "you have had the assurance to conceal a sacrilegious person,* and one that has spent some time in the northern parts of Britain. According to some writers, he visited France and Italy, when he returned to his native country, and acquired a high reputation as a Preacher. In 581, he wrote his Epistola de Excidio Britannica, et Castigatione Ordinis Ecclesiastici. Archbishop Ussher refers this Epistle to the year 564; but Cave, on the authority of Ralph de Diccius, Polydore Virgil, Bale, &c., gives it the later date. It was first printed by Polydore Virgil, in 1525, &c., from an imperfect and corrupt copy, which edition was followed in the eighth volume of the Biblioth. Patrum. It was afterwards published in 1568, by John Josselin, from another corrupt MS. An edition of it was published by Dr. Thomas Gale, from a more ancient and perfect MS. than either of the preceding in 1691, in the first volume of his Historica Britannica Saxonica, &c. Gildas also wrote several letters, of which there are numerous fragments in an old collection of canons preserved among the MS. in the Cotton library. Some say he died at the abbey of Glastonbury in 570: according to others, he died at the abbey of Bangor, in 590.

* His name was Amphibalus, one of our earliest English confessors, who is said to have converted and suffered martyrdom with Alban, in the persecution of Diocletian. Geoffry of Monmouth, according to Archbishop Ussher, is the first author by whom he is mentioned. Julius and Aaron, after suffering martyrdom, were buried in Caerleon, and had each a church dedicated to him. After Albanus and Amphibalus, they were esteemed the chief proto-martyrs of Britannia Major. In ancient times there were three fine churches in this city, one dedicated to Julius the Martyr, ornamented (!) with a choir of Nuns; another to Aaron his associate, ennobled with an order of Canons; and the third distinguished as the metropolitan see of Wales. Amphibalus, the instructor of Albanus in the true faith, was born in this place. This city is well situated on the river Usk, navigable to the sea, and adorned with woods and meadows. The Roman ambassadors here received their audience at the court of the great King Arthur: and

MARTYROOM OF ALBAN.

revolted from the gods, rather than deliver him into the hands of justice, that he might be punished for his blasphemy; for this misbehaviour you shall be treated like that criminal, if you pretend to go off from our religion." Nevertheless, Alban was not to be intimidated: he frankly declared himself to be a Christian, that he was not moved by the threatenings of the Magistrate, and that he could not obey his orders. The Judge then asked him about his family. Alban told him, that question was altogether foreign to the purpose; but that, if he were desirous of receiving information respecting the true religion, he assured him that he was a Christian, and would gladly be serviceable to him in that character. The Magistrate was excessively irritated by his replies, and commanded him to sacrifice immediately to the gods, if he expected to be for ever happy. Alban told him that those sacrifices were offered to evil spirits; that the Pagans paid homage to devils, who were in no condition to assist their votaries, or make them one jot the better for any application they might make to them; that so far was this worship from procuring any advantage, on the other side, those who sacrificed to these statues would be eternally punished in hell for their idolatry. The freedom of this discourse still more, if possible, enraged the Magistrate, who ordered the holy confessor to be seized by the officers, and put to the question; imagining that might go farther with him than menacing; that his courage might give way, and his constancy be overcome by torture. But Alban disappointed the court; and though they strained their invention to put him to pain, yet he seemed to suffer not only with patience, but satisfaction. When the Judge perceived the rack signified nothing, and that Alban was not to be wrought upon by any terror, he ordered him to be beheaded. Being led to execution, he was to pass over a river; and coming to the bridge, he found a vast crowd of people, of all ages and degrees, many of whom were supposed to attend him out of respect. The bridge being blocked up with this vast number, who could scarcely all have passed until night, Alban, whose zeal could not well digest any delay of his martyrdom, came to the river-side, and, lifting up his eyes to heaven, offered a mental prayer; upon which the stream immediately parting, the channel was, it is said, passable. This, we may imagine, says Collier, was a surprising spectacle to the company, since the executioner himself was converted by it. This man, being struck with the miracle, and touched with the grace of God, threw away his drawn sword; and, when he came to the place, fell down at Alban's feet, and desired that, instead of beheading him, he might have the honour to die with him, or, rather for him, if they pleased. The headman turning Christian, made a stop in the execution; upon which Alban walked up a neighbouring hill, where, here also the Archbishop Dubricius ceded his honours to David of Menevia, the metropolitan see being translated from this place to Menevia, according to the prophecy of Merlin Ambrosius. (Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales, by Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Bart., &c., &c., 4to. vol. i., p. 104.) "This holy man (called Amphibalius) suffered at Redburn, about three miles from Verulam, in which town Thomas Rudburn, who wrote in the fifteenth century, affirms there were two knives of an extraordinary size, supposed to be used upon this occasion." (Collier, Eccles. Hist.)

praying for water, a fountain burst out immediately at his feet. Here the martyr suffered, and received his crown: the person, it is said, who struck off his head was seized with exemplary vengeance, his eyes dropping out of his head immediately upon the stroke being given to Alban. That soldier was also beheaded who refused to execute Alban, who, notwithstanding he had not time to receive the initiatory sacrament, was baptized in his own blood.* The Judge, being surprised with these unexpected accidents, and astonished at so many interpositions of Divine Providence, ordered a cessation to the persecution.†

Some martyrdoms in the East again arrest our attention. Among these we are called to enumerate that of Timothy, a truly religious man; but being apprehended by virtue of the imperial edicts, he was carried before Urban, the Governor of Palestine, an individual notorious for his cruelty, even more than his predecessor Flavian had been, who had sufficiently distinguished himself by his rigorous and energetic persecutions of the church. When Timothy was brought before him, he attempted his constancy by the most exquisite torments; but having the mortification to find him invincible to all his tortures, he sentenced him to be burnt to death by a slow fire, in order that his death might be more lingering and painful. We then meet with Philip of Heraclea, a Bishop, and his two companions, who suffered martyrdom. He had for some time appeared in a very advantageous light as Deacon and Priest; he was in advanced age, and raised to the episcopal dignity by the unanimous voice of all who were concerned in his election. Severus and Hermes, the first a Priest and the second a Deacon, were the chief of his disciples, and were so well formed by his hand, that they were ready to join him, not only in the profession of their faith, but also in confirming the truth with their blood. Philip had governed the church of Heraclea, the metropolis of Thrace, for some time with the utmost prudence and vigilance, when the imperial orders for persecuting the Christians

* Elliott, Delineation of Romanism. London Edition, p. 123.

† Alban is supposed to have suffered on the 20th of June, near the city of Verulam, which, in the time of Bede, was called Uverismacestir, or Uvaliojacentir. In this place, when the times grew more favourable, there was a stately church built in honour of the martyr's memory, where, as Bede continues, sick people are recovered, and several miraculous cures performed to this very day. The place where Alban suffered was called Holm Hurst by the Saxons, which signifies a woody place. This relation contains an account of the ancient acts of Alban's martyrdom, which Bede has inserted in his Ecclesiastical History, without making the least question of the authority. This narrative used likewise to be read upon Alban's anniversary in the English Church, before the Norman Conquest, as appears by the Saxon copy in the Cambridge edition of Bede; and by the Breviary, secundum usum Sarum; first probably drawn up by Osmund, who might receive this particular service, put into form by Alfrick, who was Abbot of St. Alban's, about the end of the tenth century. Matthew Paris, in his history of the Abbots of St. Alban's, tells us, that "this Alfric, upon the promotion of his brother Leofric to the see of Canterbury, being chosen Abbot of St. Alban's, drew up the short history of St. Alban's sufferings, which is now used in the Church, and set notes to it; and, by the interest of his brother the Archbishop, brought the form into public use throughout the province, and raised the anniversary to a holy day." This relation concerning St. Alban, mentioned by Bede, agrees exactly with a very ancient account written in the Verulamian, or British language, as Matthew Paris informs us. (Collier, Eccles. Hist.)

MARTYROOM OF PHILIP OF HERACLEA.

were first issued. The dangers which presented themselves to his view, gave him not the least disturbance. Several of the flock, solicitous for the safety of the Pastor, advised him to retire, and, if possible, avoid the storm which was ready to break over his head; but Philip would not listen to the proposal, and exhorted his flock to patience, assuring them, that in this way they might defeat the most malicious designs of their enemies, and convert what was intended for their destruction into the means of improving their virtue and piety. Philip was instructing his people in these Gospel truths, when Aristomachus, an officer of the town of Heraclea, undertook to execute the Governor's orders, and shut up the Christian churches. The Bishop endeavoured to convince him, that the Christian religion could not be destroyed by that act of violence, so long as the living temples of the Holy Ghost were in existence; assuring him that the Almighty dwelt not in houses made with hands, but in the hearts of such as love and fear him. Aristomachus, however, proceeded according to his commission, and seized all the sacred books and vessels, which was a very great mortification to the Christians. Philip, though not allowed to enter his own church, nevertheless, took his station at the door, where he instructed and encouraged the people according to their necessities. Bassus, the Governor of the province, finding the people from time to time congregated with their Bishop, ordered them all to appear before him, and then demanded of them who was their instructor. Philip instantly replied that he was the person; upon which the Magistrate reiterated the Emperor's orders, which prohibited Christian assemblies, and directed the persons assembling to be put to death, if they refused to sacrifice to the pagan gods. "Now, therefore," he said, "bring all the vessels which are used in your worship, and the Scriptures which you read to and teach the people, and give them up to me, before you are compelled to do so by torture." "If," replied the Bishop, "you take pleasure in seeing us suffer, we are prepared for the worst you can do. This infirm body is in your power: use it as you please. The vessels you demand shall be given up; for God is not honoured by gold or silver: the ornaments of the souls of his servants are more pleasing to him than the decorations of churches. But with regard to the sacred books, it is neither proper for me to part with them, nor for you to receive them." This answer so incensed the Governor, that he immediately ordered the executioner and his officers to attend the court; among whom was one Mucapor, a person distinguished for his inhumanity, who was fixed upon to torture the Prelate. When he had endured his punishment for some time, Hermes, who was then present, in an abundance of zeal, assured the Governor, that it was not in his power to destroy the word of God, which was so firmly rooted in the hearts of the faithful, that it would be still preserved, though all the books which contain that sacred treasure were lost. This speech drew the indignation of the Judge upon him, who ordered him to be scourged; after which he accompanied the Governor's assistant to the place where the church plate and the Scriptures were kept. The officer attempting to put some of the sacred vessels aside for his own use, was opposed by Hermes, who suffered for his freedom. Bassus, being informed of what had passed, severely reprimanded Publius, the officer; directed some care to be taken of Hermes, who had received a wound from the officer on his face; and gave directions at the same time for bringing in all the plate and books that could be found. Philip and his congregation were conveyed to the market-place under a strong escort, with a design on the one hand of diverting the pagans, and on the other of deterring the Christians from following the example of those who went before. To render the assembly of the Christians even more impracticable, Bassus ordered the church to be uncovered, and the doors to be walled up, which was immediately done; after which a fire was kindled, and the sacred books thrown into it. The news of this sacrilegious act having been brought to Philip, who was in the market-place, surrounded by a crowd of spectators, he addressed himself to them in a discourse, in order to show how little we ought to dread the material or temporary fire, but rather the fire which is eternal, and is kindled by the justice of the Most High; "where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched." The exemplary Prelate had scarcely finished his oration, when Cataphroneus, a pagan Priest, attended by his assistants, appeared with the instruments of sacrifice, and the food which had been offered in idolatrous service. This detestable sight to the Christian provoked Hermes to such a degree, as to lead him to declare aloud, that what was designed for a feast unto them, was altogether diabolical, and was conveyed thither with the intention of polluting the souls of the faithful. On which occasion Philip exclaimed, "The will of God be done."

Not long after this, Bassus himself, attended by a great concourse of people of both sexes, came to the market-place; some of whom expressed great compassion for the suffering Christians; while others, especially a few Jews, clamoured violently against them, asserting that they ought to be compelled to adore the gods. As soon as the Governor could be heard, he besought the Bishop to sacrifice to the heathen deities, to the Emperors, and to the fortune of the city. To this the Bishop replied, that Christians were instructed to pay their devotions to the one true God only; that their Sovereign had undoubtedly a right to civil obedience, but not to any religious worship; and that nothing made by the hands of man should ever influence him in the rejection of Almighty God. The Governor very significantly pointed to a large and beautiful image of Hercules, and advised him to consider the veneration that was due to such an excellent piece of workmanship. "Alas!" replied the Prelate, "how unhappy are you, who are so grossly mistaken in the nature of the Deity, and so utterly ignorant of the truth, as to adore the workmanship of your own hands! What real, intrinsic, spiritual value, can there possibly be in gold, silver, brass, iron, or lead, which are dug out of the earth? You are unacquainted with the divinity of Christ, which is incomprehensible to all human capacity; but of what power can your idols boast, which are manufactured by base mechanics, a drunken statuary, or some licentious carver, and then decorated by the art of the tailor and the goldsmith? And, nevertheless, these are your gods!" After

MARTYRDOM OF PHILIP AND OTHERS OF HERACLEA.

other similar observations on the absurdities of Paganism, he concluded, that from what he had already said, it appeared that the Heathen worshipped what might lawfully be trampled under foot, and that they made gods of such things as Providence had designed for their use. Bassus, who could not but admire the resolution with which the martyr gave utterance to his sentiments, asserted that he despaired of being able to persuade the Bishop to offer sacrifice.

The attention of the Governor was now directed to Hermes, of whom he demanded the requisite proof of obedience to the Emperors. The Deacon, without any hesitation, urged his religion as an impediment. Bassus then asked, "What was his station in the world?" Hermes replied, "That he was an officer, and punctual in following the directions of his master." The Magistrate laid hold on that profession, and demanded to know, whether he would follow the example of his Bishop, supposing he could be prevailed upon to respect the gods of the empire. "I would not," replied Hermes: "but I am thoroughly satisfied that he will never do it; for our persuasion and resolution are the same." After several useless threats, and entreating him to sacrifice, he and the Bishop were conveyed to the prison. On the road thither, the venerable Prelate was greatly insulted by the rabble, and several times thrown down; yet manifested neither grief nor resentment at their cruel and barbarous treatment.

After a few days' confinement, the prisoners were removed to a house near the jail, where they were allowed the liberty of conversing with their friends, whom they endeavoured to edify by pious discourses and exhortations to courage and perseverance. The conversion of some pagans, whom curiosity drew thither, becoming notorious, they were remanded to the prison: still, however, they had the opportunity of seeing their friends, who resorted thither from all parts. The period of the office of Bassus having expired, he was succeeded by Justin, a man of a violent and inhuman temper. On the arrival of the new Governor, Zoilus, a Magistrate of Heraclea, caused Philip to be carried before him. Justin asked if he were the Bishop of the Christians. Philip replied in the affirmative. The new Governor then began to set before him the penalties denounced by the Emperors; that they peremptorily insisted on all their subjects sacrificing to the gods; and, in compassion to his grey hairs, advised him to comply with the mandate. "I am a Christian," said Philip, "and, therefore, cannot comply with your request: your commission is to punish my refusal, but not to force my compliance." Justin assured him, that he should feel the weight of his authority. The devoted Bishop observed, "You may rack and torture, but can never conquer me; for it is not in the power of man to induce me to sacrifice to idols." Justin then assured him, that he should be dragged through the streets by the feet; and, if he survived that punishment, he should be thrown into prison to suffer additional torture. Philip declared that he was ready to bear that or any other torture for the sake of the religion which he professed: upon which his feet were o 2 tied together, and he was dragged through the town, much wounded with the stones, and thrust into his old quarters.*

The enraged populace had long been in search for Severus, who now surrendered himself, and was carried before the Governor. Justin, after much intimidation, found him immovable: he was re-committed to the prison. Upon his again representing to Hermes the punishment due to his disobedience, the martyr replied, "You will never gain your end: I have been educated in this faith; my holy Master has instructed me in these principles from my cradle; I can never renounce my religion, nor act in contradiction to the obligation which it lays upon me. This is my fixed resolution, and you may now use me as you please." On this declaration he was remanded to his place of confinement, where he and his companion remained not less than seven months; from whence they were removed to Adrianople, where they were kept in a private house until the Governor arrived. On the day following Justin reached the city; and Philip was brought before him. He declared that he still persisted in the profession of Christianity; for which confession he was severely scourged, and sent back to the prison. On the following day, Hermes was brought to the bar, and assailed with both promises and threatenings; but he remained invulnerable. Three days after Justin ordered these prisoners to appear before him; when he asked Philip why he conducted himself so rashly. He answered, "My behaviour is not the effect of rashness, but of my love to, and fear of, Almighty God, who made the world, and who will finally judge the living and the dead. His commands I dare not transgress. I have hitherto done my duty to the Emperors, and am always ready to

* Among the legendary tales which amused the multitude at this period, or which had reference to this time, "I have oftentimes before complained, that the stories of saints have been powdered and sanced with divers untrue traditions, and fabulous inventions of men, who, either of a superstitious devotion, or of a subtle practice, have so mangled their stories and lives, that almost nothing remaineth in them simple and uncorrupt, as in the usual portasses, or breviaries, wont to be read for daily service, is manifest and evident to be seen; wherein few legends there be able to abide the touch of history, if they were truly tried. This I write upon the occasion specially of good Katharine, whom now I have in hand; in whom, although I nothing doubt but in her life was great holiness, in her knowledge excellency, in her death constancy; yet, that all things be true that be storied of her, neither do I affirm, neither am I bound so to think; so many strange fictions of her be feigned diversely of divers writers, whereof some seem incredible, some also impudent. As where Petrus de Natalibus, (lib. x., fol., Lugd., 1508,) writing of her conversion, declareth, how that Katharine sleeping before a certain picture or table of the crucifix, Christ with his mother Mary appeared unto her, and when Mary had offered her unto Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackness. The next time, she being baptized, Mary, appearing again, offered her to marry with Christ, who then, being liked, was espoused to him and married, having a golden ring at the same time put on her finger in her sleep, &c. Bergomensis writeth thus, that because she in the sight of the people openly resisted the Emperor Maxentius to his face, and rebuked him for his cruelty, therefore she was commanded and committed upon the same to prison; which seemeth hitherto not much to digress from the truth. It followeth, moreover, that the same night an angel came to her, comforting and exhorting her to be strong and constant unto the martyrdom, for that she was a maid accepted in the sight of God; and that the Lord would be with her for whose honour she did fight, and that he would give her a month and wisdom which her enemies should not withstand." (Foxe's Acts and Monuments, vol. i., p. 274. Edit. Seeley, London, 1843.)

NUMBER OF MARTYRS.

comply with their just orders, according to the doctrine of our Lord Christ, who bade us render to Caesar and to the Most High their due; but I am obliged to prefer heaven to earth, and to obey God rather than man."

The Governor then directed his attention to Hermes, and advised him to consult his own safety, by offering sacrifice. But he endeavoured to show the reasonableness of his refusing, by exhibiting the enormous folly of pagan worship: at this he was interrupted by the Magistrate, who remarked, that he spoke as though he intended him forthwith to embrace Christianity. To this the martyr replied, "I cordially wish that you, and all who are present, may ere long enjoy that happiness." Justin, astonished at the invincible courage thus displayed by the combatants, consulted with his brother Magistrates on the bench, and afterwards condemned them to be burnt alive; which sentence was speedily carried into execution. Severus, who was now left in prison, looked upon himself as a ship at sea without a pilot; at the same time he was full of joy and gratitude to Almighty God who had crowned his companions with glory, and earnestly entreated that he might be permitted to partake of the same happiness. This was vouchsafed on the following day; but the manner of his death is not recorded.*

Diocletian was not pleased with his reception at Rome, and therefore left the capital, and returned to Nicomedia; but his constitution was greatly broken, and he was physically in a state of great danger. Egypt was, doubtless, one of the first countries in which the Christians were tormented; † and this was the case for a number of years, when thousands, both men, women, and children, despising the present life for the sake of the Saviour's word, submitted to death in various shapes. Some, after being torn with scrapings and the rack, and most dreadful scourgings, and other almost innumerable agonies, were finally committed to the flames; some were plunged and drowned in the sea, some voluntarily offered their heads to the executioners, some died in the midst of their torments, some wasted away by famine, and others were fixed to the cross. Many, indeed, were executed as malefactors usually were; others, more cruelly, were nailed with the head downwards, and kept alive until they were destroyed by starvation on the cross itself. ‡ The power of description would fail to give an idea of the sufferings of the martyrs of Thebais. These, instead of hooks, had their backs scraped with shells, and in this way were mangled until they died. Women were tied by one foot, and then raised on high in the air by certain machines, with their bodies uncovered, presenting a most indecent, cruel, and inhuman spectacle to all beholders: others perished by being bound to trees,

* Some authors are inclined to think that these individuals suffered under Julian the Apostate; others, under Decius: but the order for burning the Scriptures, and destroying the churches, was peculiar to the time of Diocletian, which has induced the most authentic writers to date this martyrdom at the close of the year 304, when the persecution first reached the East.

† Burton's Lectures on Eccles. Hist. Lect. xxix.

‡ Eusebi. Eccles. Hist. lib. viii., cap. 9.

the branches of which being drawn together by machinery, then suddenly allowing the boughs to resume their natural position, the limbs were torn asunder in a barbarous manner. These cruelties were perpetrated, not only for a few days, or occasionally, but for a series of years. At one time, ten or more, at another, more than twenty, at another time, not less than thirty, and even sixty; and again at another time, a hundred men with their wives and little children, were slain in one day, whilst they were condemned to numerous and varied punishments. We ourselves, says Eusebius, have observed, when on the spot, many crowded together in one day, some in the torments of flames, some suffering decapitation; so that the murderous weapon was completely blunted, and, having lost its edge, broke to pieces; and the executioners themselves, wearied with slaughter, were obliged to relieve one another.*

Among others who, at this period, endured as seeing him who is invisible, was Porphyrius, who was servant to Pamphilus, a Christian Priest, who had discharged all the duties of a master and a Christian towards him, having instructed him in the path of piety, and in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures. Pamphilus was condemned to die, with others, for the truth, when Porphyrius boldly interposed, and requested permission to bury the body of his master, and also those of his companions. The Governor, viewing his concern for their mortal remains as proof of his attachment to the cause in which they were about to shed their blood, ordered him to be seized, and asked him of what profession he was. He acknowledged himself to be a Christian, though as yet he had not been baptized: he was immediately delivered to an officer, who commanded him to sacrifice to the gods. He rejected the proposal with becoming firmness, whereupon the tormentors began to exercise their cruelties upon him: they scraped off his flesh, till the bones were denuded; nevertheless, they could not extort a sigh, a groan, or a tear from him. The mortification of Firmilian at finding himself subdued by one whom he viewed as being utterly contemptible, was so great, that he resolved to make an end of him: he therefore ordered him to be burnt by a slow fire. He was consequently fastened to a post, and the fire kindled: † the

* Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 10.

† This horrible punishment of vivicomburation is one of the oldest tortures on record, and has been continued till the year 1826, when a heretic was burned in Spain. The first fatal instance of its use among the Christians was under Constantine. Semancha defends the infliction of this punishment on heretics, from the parable of the tares and wheat. (De Cathol. Instit., tit. xlv., sect. 46.) It was used among the patriarchs as the punishment of unchastity; (Gen. xxxviii. 24;) and among the Jews for the same offence in a Priest's daughter; (Lev. xxi. 9;) and for incest. (Lev. xx. 14.) The Philistines punished treason in the same manner. (Judges xv. 6.) The Romans adopted it. This frightful punishment, which we trust is at length exploded from the sanction of the laws of civilized nations, was too frequently commanded by Constantine. It had been the most common mode of torture among his persecuting predecessors. It seems to have been the favourite penalty with many of his successors. It was the ultima ratio of the Church of Rome, which borrowed it, in common with the laws against heresy and heretics, from the imperial decrees. The last time that fire was applied as a punishment, was in the exercise of the Lynch law in America. May it never be known again, even in the moral deserts of the West! (Townsend, Ecclesiastical and Civil History, vol. i., p. 248.)

MARTYRDOM OF PORPHYRIUS AND SELEUCUS.

martyr maintained a serene and undisturbed mind, singing praises to the Most High, and invoking the name of Christ, until his spirit returned to God. We are also informed of one Seleucus who was present at the martyrdom of Porphyrius, and went and informed Pamphilus how his servant had suffered; as he was embracing him and some other Christian prisoners, and encouraging them by the courageous example of Porphyrius, he was seized by the soldiers and taken before the Governor, who, without even the form of a trial, ordered his head to be struck off. Seleucus was a native of Cappadocia, and had borne arms under the Emperor. His person and strength had recommended him to the notice and esteem of his commanding officers, which procured for him considerable promotion in the army, from which, about five years previous, he had been broken on account of his Christian profession; since which period he had lived in privacy. In him, it is said, the orphan found a parent, the widow a husband, and the sick a physician; from him also the weak anticipated support, the oppressed relief, and the poor bread. His Christianity appeared to want nothing to make it perfect but this trial.

The persecution was now almost at its utmost height. The Magistrates were directed to make free use of torture to compel every one bearing the name of Christian to join in the worship of the gods. These orders being strictly obeyed by men in power, the Christian church was reduced to the last extremity. Hence, according to the disposition of the several Governors was the execution of the imperial edict. Some only sent the Christians into banishment, when the attempt to make them offer sacrifice failed. Others deprived them of an eye, or lamed one of their feet by burning it; others exposed them to wild beasts, or lacerated their bodies with iron hooks, or with the scourge, and afterwards sprinkled vinegar or salt on the wounds, or dropped melted lead into them. In Phrygia, a whole city, with all its inhabitants, was burnt to ashes, because an individual in it would not offer sacrifice. Some Christians also brought death upon themselves,* by holding religious meetings, contrary to the Emperor's prohibition, or by voluntarily presenting themselves before the Governors, and requesting to be martyred. With the exception of Gaul, streams of Christian blood flowed in all the provinces of the Roman empire. Everywhere the Christian temples lay in ruins, and all assemblies for worship were suspended. The major part had forsaken the provinces, and taken refuge among the barbarians. Such as were unable or unwilling to do this, kept themselves concealed, and were afraid for their lives if they appeared in public. The Ministers of Christ were either slain, or mutilated and sent to the mines, or banished the country. The avaricious Magistrates and Judges had seized upon nearly all the church-property, and their private possessions. Many, through dread of undergoing torture, had made away with their own lives, and many had apostatized from the faith; and what remained

* Euseb., De Mart. Palest., cap. 3. Euseb., De Vita Constantini, lib. ii., cap. 51. Lactant., Instit. Divinar. lib. v., cap. 11. Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 9; lib. viii., cap. 12. Sulpicius Severus, lib. ii., cap. 32.

of the Christian community consisted of a few weak, poor, and timorous persons.

Shortly after this period, Cyprian and Justina suffered martyrdom; and ere long Timothy and Maura increased the number, the former of whom was a Deacon in Mauritania, who was married to Maura. They had not been married above three weeks before Timothy was seized by his persecutors, and carried before Arrianus, the Governor of Thebais, who endeavoured to awe him into an act of idolatry by the fear of punishment; but he replied, that the Spirit of Christ residing in him forbade him to comply with his desire or command. The Governor, being aware that Timothy had the custody of the sacred Scriptures, commanded him to give them up, that he might burn them, in accordance with the order of the Emperor; to this the confessor replied, that if he had children, he would rather present them for sacrifice, than be accessory to the destruction of the word of God. The Judge, being irritated at his reply, ordered his eyes to be put out with red-hot irons, that the sacred books no longer might be of any service to him. He calmly underwent this torture; and afterwards, he was hung up by the feet, a heavy weight appended to his neck, and a gag placed in his mouth. All who witnessed these cruelties were amazed at the fortitude of Timothy: however, some officious individuals acquainted the Governor that he was but recently married, and suggested, that although he appeared superior to the attempts which were made to subdue his constancy, he might probably not be proof against the solicitations of his wife. Arrianus, being pleased with the proposal, caused Maura to be introduced, whom he endeavoured to intimidate, by informing her, that the only way to preserve her husband's life was to persuade him to sacrifice to the heathen deities, moreover promising her a handsome gratuity if she prevailed. Maura was but weak in the faith, and, being strongly attached to her husband, employed all her persuasive influence to induce him to pay the required honour to the idols of Paganism; the gag was also removed from his mouth, to give him an opportunity of avowing the efficacy of conjugal love; but he was no sooner restored to the use of speech, than he declared his abhorrence of her mistaken affection, and his resolution of persevering in the faith of Christ. The result of this conflict between natural affection and the stern calls of duty was, that Maura resolved to imitate his courage and fidelity, and either accompany or follow him to the paradise of God. The Governor vainly attempted to shake her constancy; but finding her invincible, he ordered her to be tortured, and ultimately she was condemned to be crucified in company with her husband. When on the way to the place of execution, Maura was met by her mother, who endeavoured to persuade her from persevering in a profession which conducted her to such a disgraceful end; but she was superior to all such considerations, and, together with her husband, met death with great intrepidity.

Agricola, with his servant, suffered also for the name and sake of Christ. The general behaviour of the former engaged the esteem of his pagan neighbours, till he, with his servant Vitalis, whom he had

MARTYROOM OF AGRICOLA AND VITALIS.

instructed in the knowledge of the Saviour, were both apprehended, and taken before the Magistrate, where they witnessed a "good profession before many witnesses." Vitalis was first tortured, and died under the hands of the persecutors through the severity of the pain. The martyrdom of Agricola was delayed for some days, in the expectation, that by reflecting on what his servant had suffered, he might be induced to save his own life by a renunciation of the faith; but they were soon convinced that Vitalis had confirmed and established Agricola in his resolution of adhesion to Christ, though at the expense of his blood; he was therefore fastened with large nails to a cross, and had the honour to follow the Saviour to paradise by the same steps which he had trodden before: after his death, he was not, as others, taken down from the cross, but was interred with the cross at Bologna in Italy.

The persecution in Antioch still continued. In Pontus, other horrible punishments did the martyrs of Christ suffer; some of whom endured bodkins thrust under the nails at the end of the fingers; some were sprinkled with boiling lead; so numerous and diversified were the torments with which the martyrs were afflicted. Phileas, the Bishop of Themuis, a man well learned, has given, in his epistle to his diocese, a description of them:—"Free leave being given to all persons, so disposed, to annoy the Christians, some beat them with cudgels, some with rods, others with whips, some again with leathern thongs, and others with ropes. The spectacle of the beating was sometimes interchanged with other torments, exhibiting much wanton cruelty. Some of the martyrs, having their hands tied behind them, were suspended on the wooden rack, and every limb was stretched out with certain machines; in this position, the tormentors, by command of the Judge, operated on them all over the body; and not only on the sides, (as in the case of murderers,) but also on the belly, the legs, and the cheeks, they tortured them with scrapers. Others were hung up by one hand at a portico, the constant straining of their limbs and joints causing them the most dreadful pain. Others were bound face to face against pillars, their feet not touching the ground; so the cords, being strained by the weight of the body, were drawn tighter and tighter. And this they had to endure, not merely while the President was at leisure personally to attend them, but almost the whole day; for when he passed from them to others, he appointed officials to stay by those whom he left, and watch whether any of them, overcome by the tortures, seemed to flinch, charging them to brace the cords unsparingly, and then, when about to expire, to let them down, and haul them along the ground. 'No care,' said he, 'ought to be taken of these Christians: let all treat them as unworthy the name of men.' Therefore our adversaries devised this second torture, to follow the beating. There were some who, after they had been scourged, lay in the stocks with their faces upward, their feet being stretched four holes asunder, unable to stand because of their fresh wounds, caused by the stripes which they had received all over their persons. Others threw themselves on the ground, where they lay, by reason of the innumerable wounds made by their tortures, exhibiting a spectacle more horrid to behold than the very

P operation of torture, and bearing on their bodies the varied torments devised against them. Some of the martyrs expired under their tortures, having shamed the adversary by their persevering constancy. Others, being half-dead, were shut up in prison, where, in a few days, sinking under their sufferings, their martyrdom was consummated. The residue, having recovered by medical attention, became more stout and confident by time, and their abode in prison. Therefore, a new order was issued, and it was put to their choice whether, by touching the detestable sacrifice, they would free themselves from all molestation, and obtain an acceptable liberty; or whether, refusing to sacrifice, they would abide the sentence of death. For they well knew what was before prescribed to us by the sacred Scriptures: for 'he,' say they, 'that sacrificeth to other gods, shall be utterly destroyed.' And again, 'Thou shalt have no other gods but me.'"*

The persecution in Syria and Palestine continued, and the martyrs were numerous; sometimes ten, and occasionally twenty, were slain at once; and Damasus, Bede, Orosius, and Honorius assert, that there were slain in this persecution, within the space of thirty days, not less than seventeen thousand persons, besides a great number who were condemned to the mines. Lucian was a native of Syria, famous in his youth for his eloquence and learning; but finding no solid satisfaction in these studies, he sought for retirement. After the death of his parents, he disposed of his patrimony to charitable purposes, and turned his attention to the study of the holy Scriptures. Shortly after, he was ordained Priest in the city of Antioch, and became a vigilant and exemplary Pastor. Being conscious that the character which he bore obliged him to devote all his attainments to the service of the Most High, he not only employed his eloquence in leading men into the paths of piety, but his pen in rescuing the holy Scriptures from the corruptions introduced into them either from the variety of versions which had been made, or by the malicious designs of the enemies of the orthodox faith: this he accomplished either by a new translation of the sacred books, or a revisal of the Septuagint version, which he was able to give to the world in a more correct form, as he was well versed in the Hebrew language. He was a vigorous defender of the faith against the errors of Sabellius, who maintained the unity of person in God. Pancratius, a Priest, who professed that heresy, and who had felt the force of the arguments of Lucian, was resolved to rid himself of so formidable and troublesome an opponent by any means which might come in his way. The present persecution of the church presented one, which he forthwith embraced, and Lucian was speedily betrayed by him into the hands of the myrmidons of the Emperor. He endured a protracted imprisonment, during which he wrote an Apology for the Christian doctrine: he procured its presentation to the Governor of the palace at Nicomedia, who was so far from being softened towards the author, that orders were issued for him to be still more rigidly confined. But this effort of Lucian was not entirely useless: if it did not secure the professors of Christianity from suffering, it inspired new courage and resolution into many,

* Kuseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. x.

MARTYROOM OF LUCIAN.

whose constancy had well-nigh been shaken by the fear of death. Here also it was that he wrote several letters to the church at Antioch, one of which terminates in the following manner,—"All the martyrs that are with me salute you." Lucian* continued in prison till Maximillian succeeded to the empire in the East, who revived the persecutions against the Christians as a religious act, judging that this would ingratiate himself with his subjects, who viewed all the professors of the faith as enemies of the gods. He had observed the constancy and courage of the faithful in the midst of the most severe and unheard-of torments, and employed his utmost efforts to overcome Lucian by gentleness and kind treatment. Finding these efforts ineffectual, he was enraged at his disappointment, and commanded him to be cruelly maltreated: this he endured with becoming fortitude, till the inventive powers of his executioners seemed to be at a stand, through inability to devise any torture over which he had not triumphed. At length they fixed upon one which they anticipated must succeed: they strewed the ground of the dungeon where he was confined with sharp pieces of flint, broken crockery, and the like; they rolled him thereon, naked and sore as he was with what he had already suffered at their hands, and then left him to lie upon them, judging that this would effectually deprive him of sleep; after this they kept him several days without sustenance, and then brought him food which had been offered to idols, thinking it impossible for him to abstain from eating, who had fasted so long a time. In this also they were disappointed; for although Lucian might have reasoned as the Apostle Paul, "that the idol was nothing," and therefore what was offered to it could contract no real impurity, nothing being unclean before God, but sin; yet, like that Apostle, Lucian was determined not to offend his weak brother by his proceeding, and resolved not to give the Heathen any ground for triumph. With this view he left the care of his life to Almighty God, and preferred the last extremity of suffering to a compliance attended by such circumstances. The Emperor was resolved to put a speedy end to the affair. He ordered Lucian to be brought before him, and then placed him on the rack, asked where he was born, who were his parents, and what was his profession. Lucian, who was well assured that no answer of his would be able to change the resolution of the Emperor, made no other reply to his interrogatories but that he was a Christian; a reply which sufficiently expressed his heavenly country, and his profession, had it been rightly understood. Upon this he received sentence of death, and ere long suffered martyrdom.

* Lucian is frequently mentioned by ecclesiastical writers as a man of great learning and piety. Jerome says, that "Lucian was so laborious in the study of the Scriptures, that in his own time some copies of the Scriptures were known by the name of Lucian." And we learn from another part of his works, that Lucian's revision of the Septuagint version of the Old Testament was generally used by the churches from Constantinople to Antioch. Lucian also made a revision of the New Testament, which Jerome considered inferior to his edition of the Septuagint. What the opinion of Lucian was on the subject of the Trinity has been much questioned; and though the evidence is very strong in favour of his having maintained the same sentiments with Arius, or Paul of Samosata, yet the accounts concerning him are so difficult to be reconciled, that this is a point which cannot be easily decided.

P 2

The year 305 brought a great change in the government of the empire.* Diocletian, as we have seen, had returned to Nicomedia greatly indisposed. His health, which had been for some time declining, became much worse at the end of the year, so that a report was spread of his death. He was seized with a protracted and depressing malady, which affected him, it is supposed, with some temporary derangement; secluded him within the impenetrable precincts of the palace, whose sacred secrets were forbidden to be betrayed to the popular ear. This concealment gave currency to every kind of gloomy rumour. The whole Roman world waited, with mingled anxiety, hope, and apprehension, the news of his dissolution. Diocletian, to the universal astonishment, appeared again in the robes of empire; to their still greater astonishment, he appeared only to lay them aside, to abdicate the throne, and to retire to the peaceful occupation of his palace and agricultural villa, on the Illyrian shore of the Adriatic. This event was, doubtless, the result of the machinations of Galerius, who, not content with procuring the abdication of Diocletian, persuaded Herculeus to follow the same example; so that, while one Emperor abdicated at Nicomedia, his colleague went through the same form, with ill-dissembled reluctance, at Milan. A circumstantial account is given by Lactantius, of the proposal made by Galerius in the palace of Nicomedia to Diocletian, to abdicate his authority, and of the reluctance with which the old man complied with the request of his ambitious colleague. At last, however, he was compelled to yield. He then made a feeble effort to name his successor, and Constantine, the son of Constantius, whose princely qualities were universally allowed, was proposed by Diocletian, but rejected by Galerius, who named Severus, a creature of his own; and his nephew Daja, afterwards named Maximin. It was in vain that the aged Augustus objected to their unfitness for the empire: the purpose of Galerius was formed; and on the same day, Diocletian at Nicomedia, and Herculeus at Milan, resigned office, Galerius and Constantius were elevated to the rank of Augusti, and Maximin and Severus were proclaimed the two Cæsars.†

The great scheme of Diocletian, the joint administration of the empire by associate Augusti, with their subordinate Cæsars, if it had averted for a time the dismemberment of the empire, and had introduced some vigour into the provincial governments, had introduced other evils of appalling magnitude; but its fatal consequences were more manifest directly the master-hand was withdrawn which had organized the new machine of government. Fierce jealousy succeeded at once, among the rival Emperors, to decent concord; all subordination was lost; and a succession of civil wars between the contending Sovereigns distracted the whole world. The earth groaned under the separate tyranny of its many masters; and, according to the strong expression of a rhetorical writer, the grinding taxation had so exhausted the proprietors and the cultivators of the soil, the mer-

* Burton's Lect. on Eccles. Hist. Lect. xxix. Milman's Hist. of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 280.

† Welsh, Elements of Church History, vol. i., p. 356.

GENERAL MISERY OF THE EMPIRE.

clients and the artisans, that none remained to tax but beggars.*

The sufferings of the Christians, however, still inflicted with unceasing barbarity, were lost in the common sufferings of mankind. The rights of Roman citizenship, which had been violated in their persons, were now universally neglected; and to extort money, the chief persons of the towns, the unhappy decurions, who were responsible for the payment of the contributions, were put to the torture. Even the punishment, the wasting by a slow fire, invented to force the conscience of the devout Christians, was borrowed, in order to wring the reluctant impost from the unhappy provincial.

The abdication of Diocletian left the most implacable enemy of Christianity, Galerius, master of the East; and in the East the persecution of the Christians, as well as the general oppression of the subjects of the empire, continued in unmitigated severity. His nephew, one of the Cæsars, was the legitimate heir to his relentless violence of temper, and to his stern hostility to the Christian name. In the West the assumption of the purple by Maxentius, the son of the abdicated Maximian, (Herculeus,) had no unfavourable effect on the situation of the Christians. They suffered only with the rest of their fellow-subjects from the vices of Maxentius. If their matrons and virgins were not secure from his lust, it was the common lot of all who, although of the highest rank and dignity, might attract his

* That which gave rise to public and universal calamity, was the tax imposed at once on each province and city. Surveyors having been spread abroad, and occupied in a general and severe scrutiny, horrible scenes were exhibited, like the outrages of victorious enemies, and the wretched state of captives. Each spot of ground was measured, vines and fruit-trees numbered, lists taken of animals of every kind, and a capitation-roll made up. In cities, the common people, whether residing within or without the walls, were assembled; the market-places filled with crowds of families, all attended with their children and slaves; the noise of torture and scourges resounded; sons were hung on the rack, to force discovery of the effects of their fathers; the most trusty slaves compelled by pain to bear witness against their masters, and wives to bear witness against their husbands. In default of all other evidence, men were tortured to speak against themselves; and no sooner did agony oblige them to acknowledge what they had not, but those imaginary effects were noted down in the lists. Neither youth, nor old age, nor sickness, afforded any exemption. The diseased and the infirm were carried in; the age of each was estimated; and that the capitation-tax might be enlarged, years were added to the young, and struck off from the old. General lamentation and sorrow prevailed. Whatever, by the laws of war, conquerors had done to the conquered, the like did this man presume to perpetrate against Romans and the subjects of Rome, because his forefathers had been made liable to a like tax imposed by the victorious Trajan, as a penalty on the Dacians for their frequent rebellions. After this, money was levied for each head, as if a price had been paid for liberty to exist; yet full trust was not reposed on the same set of surveyors, but others, and others still, were sent round to make further discoveries; and thus the tributes were redoubled, not because the new surveyors made any fresh discoveries, but because they added at pleasure to the former rates, lest they should seem to have been employed to no purpose. Meanwhile the number of animals decreased, and men died; nevertheless, taxes were paid even for the dead; so that no one could either live, or cease to live, without being subject to impositions. There remained mendicants alone, from whom nothing could be exacted, and whom their misery and wretchedness secured from ill-treatment. But this pious man had compassion on them: and determining that they should remain no longer in indigence, he caused them all to be assembled, put on board vessels, and sunk in the sea. So merciful was he in making provision, that under his administration no man should want! And thus, while he took effectual measures that none, under the feigned pretext of poverty, should elude the tax, he put to death a multitude of real wretches, in violation of every law of humanity. (Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. xxiii.)

insatiable passions. If a Christian matron, the wife of a Senator,* submitted to a voluntary death rather than to the loss of her honour, it was her beauty, not her Christianity, which marked her out as the victim of the tyrant. In the mean while, Galerius looked forward to the death of Constantius as placing the supreme authority in his hands; an event which took place A.D. 306. Eusebius tells us, that after he had for a long time avowed the one supreme God, and condemned their impiety who worshipped a plurality of gods, and had on all sides fortified his house by the prayers of holy men, he completed his life without trouble or disquietude, consecrating his wife and children to one God, the supreme King.

So long as Constantius swayed the sceptre, he acted as he thought fit with regard to the edicts for persecution. The countries under his government had not altogether escaped during the first two years; † but tranquillity was now restored for a season, and the Christians of Africa, who had suffered severely under Herculeus, felt the advantage of being under Constantius. Among the Palestinian martyrs, mention is made of Apphian about the close of the first year of the reign of Galerius, when the persecution was prosecuted with great rigour in the East. Apphian was a native of Lycia, a province in the south part of Lesser Asia, and descended from one of the most considerable families in that country. His parents sent him to Berytus to acquire the rudiments of learning. When he had made sufficient progress to qualify him for superior studies, he applied himself to the civil law, which was taught in great perfection in that place. Apphian spent some considerable time in Berytus, and on account of the thoughtful and sedate direction of his mind, he was preserved from the corruption which usually reigns, where young persons are masters of their own actions, before they possess sufficient prudence and judgment to govern themselves. He was but eighteen years of age when he returned to his father, who then held a considerable post under the government. We have no specific account which states the time when he embraced Christianity: it is, however, probable, that it was about the time that he completed his studies; ‡ for we are informed that his father's advancement inspired the son with no vanity, and even no desire to transgress the rule of Christian sobriety, which is too often forgotten by many who make a considerable figure in the world, or have any connexion with those who are raised above the rest of mankind. On the contrary, he was so zealous for the precepts of the Gospel, and looked on the honours and grandeur of the world with so much indifference, that he endeavoured to persuade his father and other relatives to abandon the attachment which they manifested to trifles such as these. His well-meant endeavours for their conversion meeting with but little success, he resolved to provide for the

* "He sank into every kind of wickedness, leaving no impurity or licentiousness untouched; committing every species of adultery and fornication, separating wives from their lawful husbands, and, after abusing these, sending them most shamefully violated back again to their husbands." (Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 14.)

† See the Acts of Rogatianus and Donatianus, who suffered martyrdom at Nantes. (Apud Ruinart., p. 280.)

‡ Euseb., de Mart. Palest., cap. iv.

MARTYROOM OF APPHIAN.

safety of his own soul, which might be placed in no little peril while he conversed and resided with such as lived according to the corrupt and mistaken maxims of the world. He accordingly left the paternal mansion secretly, in order to prevent any obstacle being thrown in his way, should his purpose be made known, and threw himself on the merciful care of a gracious Providence, which guided his steps to Cæsarea in Palestine. Here he placed himself under the direction of some pious Ecclesiastics, among whom was Eusebius the historian,* where he studied the sacred writings with great diligence, and, by prayer and other devout exercises, became prepared for that combat in which he shortly afterwards engaged.

The persecution which was commenced by Diocletian appeared to be in some measure subsided, or at least it did not burn with that heat which was satisfactory to an individual of such a cruel disposition as Galerius: that Emperor forthwith issued a fresh edict, for inflicting all manner of severities on the professors of Christianity. Urban, the Governor of Palestine, expressed prompt obedience to the commands of his Prince, by ordering a proclamation to be made, that all the heads of families in Cæsarea should repair to the heathen temples, and pay their devotions to the gods of the empire: care was also taken to enter the name of every one in a book kept for that purpose, so that no one could escape conforming to the imperial order, or suffering the penalty annexed to their disobedience. To give the greater sanction to this measure, the Governor appointed the time, when he gave notice that he would himself set the example of what he exacted from others as a proof of their loyalty and religion. Apphian being informed of the Governor's design, and stimulated with zeal for the honour of the true God, and a holy detestation of the abominations practised among the Heathen, under the sacred name of religion, made his way to the pagan temple, without communicating his design to any. He entered the place devoted to superstition and idolatry, passed the guards without experiencing any molestation, and placed himself contiguous to Urban the Governor, who, when he raised his hand, to execute the abominable act of sacrifice, Apphian laid hold of it, and entreated that he would consider the absurdity of what he was about to do, and even offered to convince him of the unreasonableness and the folly of sacrificing to devils. This might seem an imprudent and a rash action, in an individual not yet called to a confession of his faith, and whose age and station in the world neither added weight to what he said, nor authority to what he attempted.† Indeed, we must look on this action as one of those

* "Having associated with us in Cæsarea," says Eusebius, "and having studied the holy Scriptures as much as could be for a short time, and having prepared himself most cheerfully by the proper exercises and discipline, he finally made so illustrious an end, as could not be witnessed again without amazement." (De Mart. Palest.)

† Milner says, "His imprudence was great, and his zeal very irregular and extravagant; but who will not admire the sincerity of that love of Christ, which carried this ardent youth through all hardships; who would not prefer his disposition, with all his faults, to the cowardice, and love of the world, which in our times prevent such numbers from daring to show true regard for the divine Saviour?" (Hist. of the Church, cent. iv., chap. i., vol. i., p. 489. Edit., Grantham. 8vo. 1847.) We may rely upon it, that much more mercy will be shown on the great day of account, towards those who have extraordinary circumstances which transpire, and are recorded, not for our imitation, but to excite our gratitude and admiration to Almighty God, who inspired these champions for the truth with such a courage and resolution as made them desire suffering and death as a great happiness.

The guard, surprised and enraged at the conduct of Apphianus, fell upon him with unbridled fury, and dragged him away to prison, where he lay for four-and-twenty hours in the stocks, with his legs extended to the utmost. The next day he was brought before the Governor, who endeavoured to soften his resolution by large promises, and to shake his courage by menaces; but found him invincible to all he could say, and as intrepid in the court as he was in the temple. Urban, finding all his efforts ineffectual, ordered him to be placed on the rack, and tormented with the ungulæ, till his body was so torn, that his bones appeared, and his head so swollen with the blows he had received, that it would have been impossible for any one to have recognised him. This cruelty, however, did not move him: he stood as the beaten anvil to the stroke, and seemed to obtain fresh courage in his soul, as his bodily strength declined under the hands of his tormentors. His lower extremities were now enveloped in linen clothes, then saturated with oil, and ignited. Apphian endured this refinement in cruelty without any apparent motion, and was the only individual who appeared to be unconcerned at such tortures. The pagans were confounded, the executioners fatigued, and the brutal Governor was overcome by his undaunted fortitude; so that he was again remanded to his prison. Three days after this commitment he was once more brought before Urban, and his torments repeated, but without success; and having proved himself invincible, he was thrown into the sea.*

Shortly after the martyrdom of Apphianus, Ædesius was called to the same trial, and died as became one who preferred the truth to every other consideration. He was half-brother to the former martyr, and somewhat older than he, and had made greater progress in the liberal sciences of the day: before he embraced the Gospel, he professed himself a philosopher, and wore the habit peculiar to that character, which he retained after his conversion. He had been often called to give an account of his faith, and as frequently triumphed over the art and malice of his persecutors by his invincible constancy. He had been too eager to show their attachment to the cause of the Redeemer in the times of persecution, than towards those who have manifested a craven spirit, and who have not shown attachment enough, or, probably, NONE AT ALL!

* "What happened immediately after this," says the historian, "would scarcely be credited by any who had not seen with his own eyes; but, notwithstanding this, we cannot but record the events. As we may say, all the inhabitants of Cæsarea were witnesses of the fact. There was no age that was not present at this wondrous sight. As soon as this blessed and holy youth was cast into the deepest parts of the sea, suddenly a roaring and uncommon crashing sound pervaded, not only the sea, but the whole surrounding heavens, so that the earth and the whole city were shaken by it; and at the same time with this wonderful and sudden shaking, the body of the martyr was cast by the sea before the gates of the city, as if unable to bear it. And such was the martyrdom of the excellent Apphianns, on the second day of the month Xanthicus, or, Roman style, the fourth of the Nones of April, on the day of the preparation, or Friday." (De Mart. Palest.)

MARTYROOM OF ÆDESIUS.

more than once experienced the hardship of a prison, and felt the weight of chains: he had also been doomed for a limited time to labour in the mines. When he obtained his liberty he went into Egypt. Maximian Daja was Cæsar in the East, a man worthy of him who raised him to that office: he found the Governors of the provinces and other Magistrates, faithful ministers of his hatred towards the Christian name. The Governor of Alexandria* was one of the most violent at the time that Ædesius arrived: he could not endure beholding the cruelties which the Magistrate inflicted upon the faithful; but being animated with a zeal not unlike that of Apphian, he went to the Governor, and accosted him in a manner which proved that he was disposed to meet death, although it was connected with most violent torments. He reproached the Magistrate for his barbarous conduct in no measured terms: that officer was evidently thrown into considerable embarrassment; but recovering his stoical insensibility, he employed all the arts of cruelty he was master of, against this bold impugner of his proceedings, who, after being severely scourged, and otherwise cruelly tortured, was, like his brother, thrown into the sea. This martyrdom is supposed to have taken place, April 8th, 306. Ulphianus is reported to have suffered about this time, in the city of Tyre, and, after dreadful torments, and the most severe scourgings, was sewed in a raw bull's hide, together with a dog and poisonous asp, and thrown into the sea. Hence he appears deservedly to claim a place among the martyrdoms noticed with Apphianus.†

The persecution which we have now under review, found the church in the lowest state of Christian wisdom and piety. In addition to what Mr. Milner had said on the ungenerous remarks of Gibbon the historian,‡ concerning the behaviour of Ædesius, it should be observed, that amidst the great dearth of instruction in which he had learned Christianity, it is not to be wondered at, that he should know his duty so imperfectly. Milner compares the piety of him and of Apphian with that of Jephthah and of Samson; sincere, but irregular and injudicious. They lived under similar circumstances, in times of great ignorance. The Spirit of God, when he creates a new heart and a new spirit, and furnishes a man with dispositions for obedience, supersedes not the use of pastoral instruction. When this is much wanted, even divine law itself, though strong, is blind, comparatively speaking, and will mistake the rule of duty continually. It is in vain that I look out, he continues, in all this period for judicious and discreet Pastors, and for clear evangelical views. No Cyprian, no Dionysius, now appeared to check, to regulate, to control the spirits of Christians, and to discipline them by Scripture rules. This persecution found vast numbers perfidious and cowardly; some chosen

* "When he saw the Judge at Alexandria condemning the Christians there, and rioting beyond all bounds, sometimes insulting grave and decent men in various ways, sometimes consigning females of the greatest modesty, and virgins who had devoted themselves to the duties of religion, to panders, to endure every kind of abuse and obscenity, he made an attempt similar to that of his brother." (Kuseb., De Mart. Palest.)

† Kuseb., De Mart. Palest., cap. v.

‡ Milner's Remarks on Gibbon.

Q spirits, honourable and faithful unto death; but of these, many, it is to be feared, poorly informed of their duty both to God and man, and mixing with the love of Christ the intemperance and precipitation of blind self-will. The best use to be made of this observation, after teaching us to be candid to the faults of these good men, is this, that those who enjoy the advantage of better instruction and of wise Pastors, should thankfully improve their privileges, and not by the want of just subordination deprive themselves of the opportunity of exhibiting more regular and edifying examples of holiness. That knowledge was thus low among Christians, is evident from Eusebius, one of the most learned of those times, who extols a conduct in these brethren, which every Christian of common light and capacity now would condemn. The prevalence of the monastic and philosophic spirit was also apparent. Devotees were increasing in numbers among serious persons, and Origenism had made philosophy more and more reputable. Under this influence, the two brothers, whose story we have seen, imbibed too much of Platonism, knew too little of Christianity; and, though sincere enough to become martyrs of Christ, attained not the praise of Christian simplicity. The doctrines of Christ had ceased to be explicitly unfolded, and it was in sufferings chiefly, endured with patient faith and cheerful hope, that we can now see, that Christ had yet a church in the world. The bush was burning indeed, in a fire the most dreadful, yet it was not consumed.*

Constantius for many years bore the character of an exemplary Prince, and a good man. At a time when four persons shared the administration of the Roman empire,† Constantius alone adopted a course of conduct different from that pursued by his colleagues, and avowed himself the friend of the supreme God. For while they wasted the church of the Most High, levelling the structure to the ground, and obliterating the very foundations of the houses of prayer, he kept his hands free from such impiety. They polluted their provinces by the indiscriminate slaughter of holy men and women, he preserved himself from those fearful crimes: they, involved in the mazes of impious idolatry, enthralled first themselves, and then all under their authority, in bondage to the errors of evil demons, while Constantius maintained profound peace throughout his dominions, and secured to his subjects the privilege of enjoying without hinderance the worship of Almighty God. In a word, while his colleagues opposed all men by the most grievous exactions, and rendered even life burdensome to them, he governed the people with a mild and tranquil sway, and like a father to the country, he manifested towards them a truly parental and fostering care. Numberless, indeed, are the excellences of his character, which are the theme of his praise by all writers. "Of this I will," says Eusebius, "record one or two instances, as specimens of the quality of those which I must pass by in silence." ‡

In consequence of the many reports in circulation respecting this Prince, describing his kindness and gentleness of character, and the

* Milner, Hist. of the Church, cent. iv., chap. i., vol. i., p. 490.

† Diocletian, Hercules, Galerius, and Constantius.

‡ Eusebius, De Vita Constant., lib. i., cap. xiii.

CHARACTER OF THE EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS.

extraordinary elevation of his charity, alleging, too, that by reason of his extreme indulgence to his subjects, he had not even a supply of money laid up in his treasury; the Emperor who at that time occupied the place of supreme power sent to reprehend his neglect of the public weal, at the same time reproaching him with poverty, and alleging in proof of the charge the empty state of his treasury. On this he desired the messengers of the Emperor to remain with him awhile; and calling together the wealthiest of his subjects of all nations under his dominion, he informed them that he was in want of money, and that this was a time for them all to give a voluntary proof of their affection for their Prince. As soon as they heard this, (as though they had long been desirous of an opportunity of showing the sincerity of their good-will,) with zealous alacrity they filled the treasury with gold and silver, and other wealth; each eager to surpass the rest in the amount of his subscription, and this they did with cheerful and joyous countenances. And now Constantius desired the messengers of the supreme Emperor personally to inspect his treasures, and directed them to give a faithful report of what they had seen; adding, that on the present occasion he had taken this money into his own hands, but that it had long been kept for his use in the custody of the owners, as securely as if under the charge of faithful treasurers. The ambassadors were overwhelmed with astonishment at what they had witnessed; and, on their departure, it is said that the truly generous Prince sent for the owners of the property, and, after commending them severally for their obedience and true loyalty, restored it all, and bade them return to their homes. Constantius appears to have been strongly imbued with divine truth; and the kind of death which was vouchsafed to him when he was called to exchange worlds, and how He whom he honoured made his lot to differ from that of his colleagues in the empire, will promptly be acknowledged by those who will investigate the circumstances under which he died.

After he had for some time given proof of nobility of soul, in acknowledging the Most High alone, and condemning the polytheism of the impious, and had, as it were, fortified his household by the prayers of holy men, he is said to have passed the remainder of his life in repose and tranquillity, in the enjoyment of that happiness which consists in neither molesting others, nor being molested ourselves. Accordingly, during the whole course of his quiet and peaceful reign, he dedicated his entire household, his children, his wife, and domestic attendants, to the one supreme God, so that the company assembled within the walls of his palace differed in no respect from a church of God; wherein were also to be found his Ministers, who offered continual supplications on behalf of their Prince, and this at a time when, generally speaking, it was not lawful to make any allusion, even by name, to the worshippers of God. The result which followed the abdication of Diocletian and Herculeus was, that he came into the supreme authority of the empire.* Those Princes, who were

* As soon as Diocletian and Herculeus had resigned the purple, their station, according to the rules of the new constitution, was filled by the two Cessars, Constantius and

Q 2 his superiors in respect of age, for some unknown reason resigned their authority. From that time Constantius received the honours of chief Augustus, having been previously indeed distinguished by the diadem of the Imperial Cæsars, among whom he held the first rank; but after his worth had been proved in this capacity, he was invested with the highest dignity of the Roman empire, being named "chief Augustus" of the four who were afterwards elected to that honour. Moreover, he surpassed most of the Emperors in regard to the number of his family, having gathered around him a very large circle of male and female children. And, lastly, when he had attained to a happy old age, and was about to pay the common debt of nature, and exchange this life for another, God once more manifested his power on his behalf, in providing that his eldest son Constantine should be present during his last moments, and should receive the imperial power from his hands.*

The stern temper of Galerius was cast (says the historian Gibbon) in a very different mould; and while he commanded the esteem of his subjects, he seldom condescended to solicit their affections. His fame in arms, and, above all, the success of the Persian war, had elated his haughty mind, which was naturally impatient of a superior, or even of an equal. If it were possible to rely on the partial testimony of an injudicious writer, we might ascribe the abdication of Diocletian to the menaces of Galerius, and relate the particulars of a private conversation between the two Princes, in which the former discovered as much pusillanimity as the latter displayed ingratitude and arrogance. But these obscure anecdotes are sufficiently refuted by an impartial view of the character and conduct of Diocletian. After the elevation of Constantius and Galerius to the rank of Augusti, two new Cæsars were required to supply their places, and to complete the system of the imperial Government. Diocletian was desirous of withdrawing himself from the world; he considered Galerius, who had married his daughter, as the firmest support of his family and of the empire, and he consented without reluctance that his successor should assume the merit as well as the envy of the important nomination. It was fixed without consulting the interest or inclination of the Princes of the West. Each of them had a son who had arrived at the age of manhood, and might have been deemed the most natural candidate for the vacant honour. But the impotent resentment of Herculeus was no longer to be dreaded; and the moderate Constantius, though

Galerius, who immediately assumed the title of Augustus. The honours of seniority and precedence were allowed to the former of those Princes, and he continued, under a new appellation, to administer his ancient department of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The government of those ample provinces was sufficient to exercise his talents, and to satisfy his ambition. Clemency, temperance, and moderation distinguished the amiable character of Constantius; and his fortunate subjects had frequently occasion to compare the virtues of their Sovereign with the passions of Herculeus, and even with the arts of Diocletian. Instead of imitating their Eastern pride and magnificence, Constantius preserved the modesty of a Roman Prince. He declared, with unaffected sincerity, that his most valued treasure was in the hearts of his people; and that, whenever the dignity of the throne, or the danger of the state, required any extraordinary supply, he could depend with confidence on their gratitude and liberality. (Gibbon, Decline and Fall.)

* Eusebi, De Vita Constant.

COUNCIL OF CIRTA.

he might despise the dangers, was humanely apprehensive of the calamities, of civil war. The individuals whom Galerius appointed to the rank of Cæsar were much better suited to serve the views of his ambition; and their principal recommendation seems to have consisted in the want of merit or personal consequence. The first of these, as we have already noticed, was Daja, or, as he was afterwards called, Maximin, whose mother was the sister of Galerius.* The inexperienced youth still betrayed by his manners and language his rustic education, when, to his own astonishment, as well as that of the world, he was invested by Diocletian with the purple, exalted to the dignity of Cæsar, and intrusted with the sovereign command of Egypt and Syria. At the same time Severus, a faithful servant, addicted to pleasure, but not incapable of business, was sent to Milan, to receive from the reluctant hands of Herculeus the Cæsarian ornaments, and the possession of Italy and Africa. According to the forms of the constitution, Severus acknowledged the supremacy of the western Emperor; but he was absolutely devoted to the commands of his benefactor Galerius, who, reserving to himself the intermediate countries from the confines of Italy to those of Syria, firmly established his power over three-fourths of the monarchy. In the full confidence that the death of Constantius, whenever that event occurred, would leave him sole master of the Roman world, we are assured that he had arranged in his mind a long succession of future Princes, and that he meditated his own retreat from public life, after he should have accomplished a glorious reign of about twenty years. But within less than eighteen months two unexpected revolutions overturned the ambitious projects of Galerius.† But we must not anticipate.

It was about this time, when the severity of the persecution was in some degree abated, that a Council met at Cirta, in Numidia. The object was to elect a Bishop of that city, in the room of Paul; and Secundus, Bishop of Tigisis, presided. The church having been destroyed, the parties met in a private house, and, instead of proceeding to their business, they began to accuse each other, and about eleven or twelve of the Bishops present confessed that they had been guilty of betraying the sacred books during the persecution. In order to understand the nature of their crime, it must be remembered that, during the Diocletian persecution, an edict was promulgated ordering the destruction of the churches, and obliging the Magistrates everywhere to take from the Bishops and Priests of the church their copies

* "Then entered into the number of the Cæsars, a person whose blind heathenish superstition and cruelty were in perfect keeping with the character of Galerius, who chose him as Cæsar; namely, Caius Galerius Valerius Maximinus. It was naturally to be expected, that in the provinces assigned to him, in Syria and the adjoining parts of the Roman empire, and in Egypt, the persecutions should be renewed with vigour. At times, however, men became weary of their own violence, and as their efforts proved unavailing, the execution of the imperial edict slackened of itself, the persecution slumbered, and the Christians began to enjoy a little repose; but when their enemies perceived that they had taken breath again, their anger arose afresh, because they felt that they had been unable to extinguish Christianity, and again set up Heathenism; and then a new and more violent storm arose." (Neander.)

† Gibbon, Doctrine and Fall, vol. ii., p. 186. Milman edit. 8vo 1838.

of the holy Scriptures. This edict was executed with the greatest rigour in Numidia: the Magistrates themselves entered into the churches, and into the houses of the Bishops and Clergy, to search for the Scriptures, that they might burn them, threatening with the penalty of death all who refused to discover them. Many of the Christians were content to suffer death, or any torment, rather than betray them; but there were also many, not merely among the lower order of Ecclesiastics, but also among the Priests, and even Bishops, who, through fear of death, were guilty of delivering up the sacred volumes. Such were styled traditores. At Cirta there were, unhappily, many Bishops and others of the Clergy, who had given a miserable example of cowardice.* Nay, the Council of Cirta appears to have been composed principally of traditores. And Silvanus, whom they elected Bishop of Cirta, had the same charge proved against him afterwards. Even the President himself was accused of being guilty; and the conduct of himself and the other Bishops led to results which, for a long time, were productive of serious evil to the African church. Secundus was also in communication with Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage, upon a subject which always led to much discussion after a persecution. This was the case of the martyrs. It had long been a custom, that the names of these persons should be recorded, and their memories honoured, by an annual celebration in the church to which they belonged. But when, in course of time, the number of the martyrs became very great, it was found necessary to use some selection as to the names which were to be preserved. There is some evidence that the lists were submitted by the Bishop of the diocese to the Bishop of the province for his approval. Thus Secundus, who seems to have been Primate of Numidia, wrote to Mensurius, the Bishop of Carthage, who told him that those persons ought not to be placed on the list of martyrs who had courted death voluntarily, or those who surrendered their books before any inquiry was made. It appears, from the same correspondence, that some persons had been anxious to be put into prison, either for the sake of the support which they received there from the charity of Christians, or that the credit which they gained as confessors might cause their former irregularities to be forgotten. This being the case, it was very necessary that the lists of martyrs should be submitted to some examination.†

At this period, also, the question was revived, which had been agitated so warmly in the time of Cyprian, concerning the treatment which was to be shown to the lapsed. At that period, the whole Christian world, with the exception of the Novatians, had agreed to act upon the same general principles; but no definite rules had been laid down for particular cases. Before the Easter of 306, Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, undertook to do this for his own diocese. The fourteen canons which he drew up are still extant; and it is pleasing to see this venerable Prelate, who had shown such fortitude himself,

* Labb. Concilia, tom. ii., p. 1518, fol. See also, Landon, Manual of Councils, p. 132. London, 1846.

† Burton, Lect. Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

THE COUNCIL OF ELVIRA.

and had been a sufferer in more than one persecution, yet acting with lenity and indulgence towards those who had been less courageous. The cases of the lapsed admitted of many variations. Some had given way immediately, without offering any resistance; others had resisted at first, and been thrown into prison, but their courage failed them afterwards. Some had consented to sacrifice at first, but they afterwards repented, and submitted to suffer torture; and in all these cases a particular period of penitence was specified, after which the parties might be admitted to communion. The case was also considered of persons who had escaped by deceiving the Magistrates, by submitting their slaves to torture instead of themselves, by paying money, or by concealing themselves; and indulgence was extended to all of them upon certain conditions. Those who had had incense put into their hands, or some meat from a sacrifice forced into their mouths, when their bodily sufferings had made them insensible, were at once admitted to communion. But if any of the Clergy had lapsed, though they might be pardoned like the rest, they could only be admitted to communion as laymen, and could never again exercise their clerical functions. The Bishop of Alexandria appears to have been less displeased than the Bishop of Carthage with those who voluntarily courted persecution; and his proceedings on this occasion are a proof, that though the churches of any one province were anxious for uniformity, they were quite at liberty to make rules for themselves, without consulting the Bishops of any other province. This is farther evident by what the Bishop of Alexandria states of it being customary in his church to keep a fast on the Wednesday and Friday before Easter, and always to make the Sunday a festival.*

It was doubtless rather earlier than this, and before the persecution had subsided, that a Council was held upon the same subject at Elvira, or Illiberia, in Spain.† It was attended by nineteen Bishops, many of whom had been confessors, and, among the rest, by Hosius, Bishop of Corduba, who seems to have suffered during some persecution about the year 296. The canons of this Council were drawn up in a tone of much greater severity than the regulations made by the Bishop of Alexandria. The latter had not excluded any case of lapse from re-admission into the church after a certain period; but the Spanish Bishops decided that some persons should never be admitted to communion, not even at their death. They were also more severe towards those who had purchased their safety by payment of money. It is plain, from all their regulations, that their great object was to prevent idolatry, to which perhaps they had seen some lurking attachment in their recent converts. With this view they prohibited the use of wax candles in the cemeteries, because they were used at heathen festivals; and paintings in churches were likewise forbidden.

* Burton, Lect. Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

† This Council was probably held about the year 300, but whether in Tarragona or Betica is uncertain; most probably the latter. Nineteen Bishops were present, and eighty-one strict canons were published. Amongst the Bishops was Hosius of Cordova: twenty-six Priests, and certain Deacons, also assisted. The canons appear to be a collection from the penitential canons of Africa and Spain. (Labb. Concilia, tom. I., p. 967. Landon Manual of Councils, p. 220.)

This Council is also remarkable for ordering Bishops, Presbyters, Deacons, and sub-Deacons, if they happened to be married, to live separate from their wives.*

In the meantime the Christians in the West were gradually recovering their wonted tranquillity, and had time to attend to the arrangement of their affairs: their brethren in the East, however, found themselves exposed to still more implacable enemies. Galerius knew well what he was doing when he conferred the title of Caesar upon Daja, who was also called Maximinus or Maximin; and the latter soon exercised his newly-obtained power by enforcing the imperial edicts. There is scarcely a country in Asia in which Eusebius does not speak of some inhuman acts of cruelty having been performed. Among those who suffered for the cause of truth was Agapius: this happened in the presence of the tyrant Maximinus, who was amusing the multitude with public shows on his birth-day. It was an ancient practice when the Emperors were present to exhibit a variety of spectacles, and, for the greater novelty, to collect new and strange sights in the place of others which were more common and ordinary; including either animals from various parts of India or Ethiopia, or men who, by their dexterity, exhibited singular specimens of adroitness: but to complete the whole, as it was no less than an Emperor that exhibited the sight on the present occasion, it was thought requisite to have something even more than common. A martyr was introduced, who was led forth into the arena to endure the contest for the one and only true religion. This was Agapius: after having been paraded with malefactors from the prison to the stadium several times, and after various threatenings from the Judges, whether through compassion, or from the hope of inducing him to change his purpose, he had been deferred from time to time until now: at length, when the Emperor was present, he was led forth. He was brought into the stadium with a certain criminal, who was charged with having murdered his master. This culprit, when he was about to be cast to the beasts, was favoured with clemency and mercy from the Emperor, not unlike the manner in which Barabbas was treated in the days of our Saviour. Hence the whole theatre resounded with acclamation, that the blood-stained homicide was so humanely saved by the Emperor, and was honoured with liberty and dignity. But when Agapius was summoned into the presence of the Monarch, he was required to renounce his faith, with the promise of liberty. With a loud voice he declared, that he would cheerfully and with pleasure sustain whatever Maximin might inflict upon him; not indeed for any wickedness, but for his veneration of the God of the universe. Thus saying, he associated actions with his words, and rushing against a bear which was let loose upon him, he readily offered himself to be devoured by the beast; after which he was taken up yet breathing, and conveyed to prison. Surviving until the following day, he had stones appended to his feet, and was plunged into the sea.†

At Easter, in Cæsarea, a maiden of Tyre, Theodosia by name, not yet eighteen years of age, but distinguished for her faith and piety,

* Burton, Lect. Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

† Euseb., De Mart. Palest., cap. vi.

MARTYRDOM OF THEODOSIA AND OTHERS.

approached some prisoners, confessors of Christ, who were placed before the judgment-seat, in order to comfort and encourage them: she was seized by the soldiery, as though guilty of some impious and atrocious deed, and led away to the Commander, who directed her to be tortured with dreadful and horrid cruelties; furrowing her sides and breasts with instruments even to the bones; and whilst yet breathing, and withal exhibiting a cheerful and joyous countenance, he ordered her to be thrown into the sea. Proceeding to other confessors, he consigned them all to the mines at Phœno, in Palestine. After this, Silvanus, who was a Presbyter, became a confessor, and not long after he was honoured with the episcopate, and ultimately crowned with martyrdom. The same Judge condemned those who exhibited the noblest firmness in the cause of piety to labour in the mines, having first directed their ankles to be disabled by searing with red-hot irons. At the time this sentence was pronounced, he ordered one who had rendered himself illustrious on numerous occasions of confession to be committed to the flames. This was Dominus, well known throughout Palestine for his great boldness. After which, this Magistrate, who was a terrible inventor of miseries, and peculiarly ingenious in the invention of new devices against the doctrine of Christ, planned torments against Christians such as had never before been heard of. He condemned three to pugilistic combat; but Auxentius, a grave and holy Presbyter, he commanded to be cast to the beasts; others who had reached the age of maturity, he mutilated, and then sent them to the mines; and others, after deadly tortures, he committed to prison. Among these was Pamphilus,—"that dearest of my friends and associates,"* says Eusebius, "a man who, for every virtue, was the most illustrious martyr of our times."

Pamphilus was a native of Berytus, in Phœnicia, descended from one of the most considerable families in that province: he commenced his studies in his own country, but went to complete them in the flourishing school of Alexandria. The celebrated Pierius was his master; a man of such universal learning, that he was called a second Origen. From Alexandria, Pamphilus removed to Cæsarea, in Palestine, was received into the body of the Clergy in that city, and ordained Priest.† His learning and general deportment rendered him an ornament to that church. His life was spent in the practice of Christian virtues; but his humility, contempt of the world, and diffusive charity, rendered him conspicuous. He was a true Christian

* This is the Pamphilus from whom Eusebius obtained the surname of Pamphilus.

† "Theodymus, Bishop of Cæsarea, dying, Agapius succeeded in that see, a man prudent and diligent in his charge, and of a very charitable temper; by him Pamphilus was ordained Presbyter of that church, and probably not long after Eusebius himself. Between the two commenced so strong a friendship, that Jerome says, 'they seem to have had but one soul between them.' And Eusebius, to perpetuate the remembrance of so close an amity, assumed the name of Pamphilus, a title which he carries to the present day. Besides him, he mentions another of his familiar acquaintance; Pierius, Presbyter of Alexandria, and the head of the catechetic school in that city, who had for some time been the preceptor of Pamphilus, one whose strict life and extensive learning in all faculties gained him the title of a second Origen." (Cave, Lives of the Fathers, 8vo., vol. ii., p. 96.)

R philosopher, and maintained a perfect indifference alike to the miseries and happiness of this life. The study of the holy Scriptures was his favourite exercise; and, in order to promote the improvement of ecclesiastical learning, he established a library at Cæsarea, which he furnished with the best books of that kind. The utility of such an undertaking soon appeared; and we may safely say, that we owe all our acquaintance with what occurred in the first ages of Christianity to his industry, to whose collection Eusebius was greatly indebted for his Ecclesiastical History. Among the ancient authors which Pamphilus endeavoured to preserve for the use of posterity, no one engrossed more of his time and thoughts than Origen; for whose works, upon all occasions, he expressed a particular regard, and transcribed the greatest part of them with his own hand: Jerome imagined that he had found an inestimable treasure, when he recovered the twenty-five books of Commentaries on the twelve lesser Prophets, copied by Pamphilus, whose judgment and accuracy he knew he might depend upon. But the first care of Pamphilus was to see the world provided with a correct copy of the Old Testament, which had suffered much from the ignorance or negligence of transcribers since it passed through Origen's hands: in this work he had the assistance of Eusebius, who was not only united to him by the bonds of friendship, but also by a similitude of study. The application of Pamphilus was not so engrossed by his literary pursuits as to deprive the world of the advantage of being instructed at his mouth. He founded a school at Cæsarea, in imitation of that established at Alexandria, and gave lessons in divinity in that new seminary of religion and literature, until the persecution interrupted the course of his useful labours. He was apprehended in 307, and carried before Urban, the President or Governor of Palestine. The account which this officer had heard of his extraordinary merit, excited his curiosity to see him, concluding that such a man must be of great importance to whatever party he espoused, and that his example would be followed by great numbers of Christians, if he could be induced to alter his creed. The Governor first endeavoured to win him over by blandishments and insinuation; but finding him invulnerable, he tried the influence of terror. All was useless. The martyr remained fixed and unmovable, nobly rejecting his promises, and despising his threatenings, which so enraged the Governor, that he commanded him to be severely tortured; so that after they had raked his sides with their torturing *ungulæ*, and marred his flesh with hot pincers, he was sent to keep company with other Christians in prison, with a design of bringing him out again as soon as his wounds were closed.* A retributive Providence speedily pur-

* It was not all the disgrace and torment which Pamphilus endured that could fright Eusebius from his friend: he visited him in prison; and diligently ministered to his necessities, and then they mutually employed their time and pains to excellent and useful purposes. And as heretofore they had published the Greek translation of the Septuagint, taken out of Origen's Hexapla, for the use of the Palestine churches; so now they composed an elaborate Apology in defence of Origen, to vindicate him from those rude censures and reflections which the hasty and indiscreet zeal of some had made upon his memory. It is true, Jerome more than once peremptorily denies that Pamphilus either wrote this or any other book. But Eusebius, who knew best, expressly

MARTYRDOM OF PAMPHILUS.

sued Urbanus,* which deprived him of his anticipated pleasure in witnessing the execution of his barbarity: he was soon afterwards dismissed from his employ, and condemned to lose his head.

As the implacable hatred of Urbanus alone recommended him to the favour of Maximin, he took care to supply his place with another of the same disposition, whose name was Firmilianus, to whom Maximin gave strict orders to continue the persecution without the slightest relaxation. This the new Governor implicitly obeyed; and established himself in the Emperor's favour by his severity in the execution of his orders. But whether he forgot Pamphilus, or reserved him for some particular occasion, he continued in prison for two whole years, and had the satisfaction of seeing and conversing with his friends. He received frequent visits from Eusebius, who diligently aided him on all occasions. Pamphilus was again brought forth with his companions for trial. The Judge, aware of his constancy and resolution, asked whether he would comply with the request of the Emperor, and received a positive denial from himself and the confessors who were with him; sentence of death was pronounced upon them; and he, with Valens and Paul, was beheaded† on the evening of the same day that five Egyptian martyrs, his own servant and Seleucus, suffered. "When the storm had incessantly raged against us," says Eusebius, "until the sixth year, there had been before this a vast number of confessors of the true religion in what is called the Porphyry quarry, from the name of the stone which is found in Thebais. Of these, one hundred, wanting three, men, women, and young infants, were sent to the Governor of Palestine, who, for confessing the supreme Jehovah, had the ankles and sinews of their left legs burnt away with a red-hot iron. Besides this, they had the whole of the right eye cut out from the orbit, which was then seared with irons. All this was done by the order of Firmilianus, who was sent thither as successor to Urbanus, and acted in obedience to the imperial command. After this, he condemned them to the mines, to drag out a miserable existence in constant toil and oppressive labour. Nor was it enough that those who endured such miseries were detells us, that it was the result of their joint endeavours; and Photius, more particularly, that the whole work consisted of six books; the five first whereof were finished by Pamphilus in prison, with Eusebius's assistance; the sixth added by Eusebius after the other's martyrdom, and that it was designed for the consolation of the martyrs who laboured in the mines, the chief of whom was Patermuthius, who was shortly after burnt at the stake. (Cave, Lives of the Fathers, vol. ii, p. 100. 8vo. edit.)

* "That man whom we but yesterday saw judging on a lofty seat, and surrounded by a guard of soldiers, and ruling over all Palestine,—the associate, favorite, and guest of the tyrant,—stripped in a single night, divested of all his bonours, and covered with disgrace and infamy, before those who had courted him as the Emperor himself; him we saw timid and cowardly, uttering cries and entreaties, like a woman, before all the people whom he had ruled." (Kuseb., De Mart. Palest., chap. vii.)

† In 309, Pamphilus was put to death by order of Firmilianus, the Roman President at Cæsarea. Eusebius wrote a life of Pamphilus, in three books, of which only a few fragments remain. In the second volume of the works of Hippolytus, Fabricius published what he calls, "Acta Passionis S. Pamphili Martyris, ex Libris Eusebii Cæsariensis de illius Vita, juxta M. S. Medicorum Regis Christianissimi;" but there are strong reasons for concluding that piece a forgery.

R 2 prived of their eyes, but those natives of Palestine* also, whom we have already mentioned as condemned to pugilistic fights, as they neither would suffer themselves to be supported from the imperial treasury, nor undergo the exercises preparatory to the combat, were now brought not only before the Governors, but before Maximin himself; where, displaying the noblest firmness in their confessions, by enduring hunger and stripes, they suffered finally the same as the former did, besides other confessors from the same city. Immediately after these others were seized who had assembled in the city of Gaza to bear the holy Scriptures read, some of whom suffered the same mutilations in their eyes and feet; others were obliged to endure still greater sufferings, by having their sides furrowed and scraped in a dreadful manner. Among these was one who was a female in sex, but a man in firmness, not enduring the threat of violation; and having used a certain expression against the tyrant, for committing the Government to such cruel Judges, she was first scourged, then raised on high on the rack, and lacerated on the sides. But notwithstanding those who were appointed incessantly and vehemently applied the tortures according to the orders of the Judge, another woman who, like the former, had contemplated a life of perpetual virginity, though ordinary in bodily form, and common in appearance, yet possessing a mind otherwise firm, and an understanding superior to her sex, was unable to bear the merciless, cruel, and inhuman scene before her, and, with a courage exceeding all the far-famed combatants among the Greeks for their liberty, she exclaimed against the Judge, from the midst of the crowd, 'And how long, then, will you thus cruelly torture my sister?' Firmilianus, the more bitterly incensed by this, ordered the woman immediately to be seized. She was then dragged into the midst; and after she had called herself by the august name of our Saviour, attempts were first made to bring her over to sacrifice by persuasion. But when she refused, she was dragged to the altar by force. Her sister remaining the same, and still adhering to her purpose, with a resolute, intrepid step she kicked the altar, and overturned all upon it, together with the fire. Upon this, the Judge, exasperated, like a savage beast, applied

* Euseb., De Mart. Palest., cap. viii. Eusebius himself was subjected to imprisonment during this persecution, and he has been accused of offering incense to idols to secure his release. After the martyrdom of Pamphilus, he seems to have withdrawn to Tyre, where he witnessed the persecutions of which he gives an account. He then went to Egypt, and in the course of the persecution he was seized and carried away to prison. It was here that he was said to have been guilty of that act of sinful compliance with which he has been charged. Epiphanius mentions, that at the Synod of Tyre, held 335, Potamon, a Bishop of Heraclea, in Egypt, perceiving Eusebius to be present, cried out, "How came you to sit as a Judge upon the innocent Athanasius? Who can endure it? Tell me, I pray you, were we not in prison together during the time of the persecution, where I was deprived of an eye for maintaining the truth, while you suffered nothing? How then did you get out of prison?" Epiphanius adds, that upon this Eusebius rose up and dismissed the assembly. In a letter of the Bishops of the Council of Alexandria also, it is said, that Eusebius was accused by the confessors of sacrificing to idols. It must be allowed that the dismissal of the assembly, under whatever pretence, was a suspicious circumstance. But then, on the other hand, Potamon does not positively assert that Eusebius did sacrifice; and if he really had been guilty, it is unlikely that he would so soon have been elected Bishop of Cessarea. (Welsh, Elements of Church History.)

THE PERSECUTION INCREASES IN SEVERITY.

torture beyond all that he had done before; all but glutting himself with her very flesh, by the wounds and lacerations of her body. But when his madness was gratified to satiety, he bound her and the former, whom she called sister, together, and condemned them to the flames. The former of these was said to be of Gaza; but the other, Valentina by name, was a native of Caesarea, and well known to many." *

After the flame of persecution had relaxed its violence amidst such heroic achievements of the noble martyrs of Christ,† and had been almost extinguished with the blood of holy men, and some relief and liberty had been granted to those condemned to labour in the mines for Christ's sake, and "we began," says Eusebius, "to breathe purer air, I know not how, but he that had received the power to persecute, was again roused by a new impulse against the Christians." Immediately, therefore, edicts were issued against them from Maximin; everywhere in the provinces,‡ Governors and the Praetorian Prefect, in proclamations and edicts, and public ordinances, urged the Magistrates and the Generals and notaries in every city to execute the imperial mandate; which ordained,—that with all speed the decayed temples of the idols should be rebuilt, and that all people, men, women, domestics, and even infants at the breast, should sacrifice and make libations; that they should be diligently made to taste of the odious sacrifices; that the things for sale in the markets should be

* Euseb., De Mart. Palest., cap. vii.

† A person named Paul being sentenced to lose his head, he begged to be allowed a short space of time. His request being granted, he prayed with a loud voice for the whole Christian world; that God would forgive them, remove the present heavy scourge of their iniquities, and restore them to peace and liberty: he then prayed for the Jews, that they might come to God, and find access to him through Christ. In the next place he prayed that the same blessings might be vouchsafed to the Samaritans. The Gentiles, who lived in error and in ignorance of God, were the next objects of his charitable petitions, that they might be brought to know and to serve him: nor did he omit to mention the crowd about him, the Judge who had sentenced him, the Emperors and the executioner, and, in the hearing of all, he prayed that their sins might not be laid to their charge. The whole company was moved, and tears were shed. The martyr composed himself to suffer, and, offering his neck to the sword, he was beheaded. An admirable Christian hero: in whom divine love breathed in conjunction with resignation and serenity. The Lord's hand was not shortened: his grace appeared in him in a manner worthy of the apostolic age. Soon after, a hundred and thirty Egyptian Chieftains, suffering the same mutilations which have been mentioned, were sentenced by Maximin to the mines of Palestine and Cilicia. (Milner, Hist. of the Church.)

‡ The persecution fell most heavily upon the most eminent of the body; upon men who were deeply pledged, by the sense of shame and honour, even if, in any case, the nobler motives of conscientious faith and courageous confidence in the truth of the religion were wanting, to bear with unyielding heroism the utmost barbarities of the persecutor. Those who submitted performed the hated ceremony with visible reluctance, with trembling hand, averted countenance, and deep remorse of heart: those who resisted to death were animated by the presence of multitudes, who, if they dared not applaud, could scarcely conceal their admiration; women crowded to kiss the hems of their garments; and their scattered ashes, or unburied bones, were stolen away by the devout zeal of their adherents, and already began to be treasured as incentives to faith and piety. It cannot be supposed that the great functionaries of the state, the civil or military Governors, could be so universally scared to humanity, or so incapable of admiring these frequent examples of patient heroism, as not either to mitigate, in some degree, the sufferings which they were bound to inflict, or even to feel some secret sympathy with the blameless victims whom they condemned, which might ripen, at a more fortunate period, into sentiments still more favourable to the Christian cause. (Milman.)

defiled with the libations of victims, and that before the baths guards should be stationed, who should pollute those that had been cleansed in them with their execrable sacrifices. These atrocities having been committed, many of the Heathen bitterly censured their severity and absurd character, not only as oppressive and overbearing, but superfluous, especially when they beheld an ugly storm gathering around themselves. However, the great Head of the church infused courage and confidence into his wrestlers that, without being drawn or even encouraged by any one, they voluntarily trampled upon the threatenings of such opponents. Three of the Christians associated, and rushed upon the Governor as he was offering sacrifice, and called upon him to desist, for there was no other God but one, the supreme Jehovah and Creator of the universe. On being interrogated who and what they were, they boldly confessed that they were Christians. Firmilianus enraged, and without inflicting any torture upon the offenders, condemned them to capital punishment. Of these one was named Antoninus, a Presbyter; the second was called Zebina, a native of Eleutheropolis; and the third was known by the name of Germanus. They were all executed on the thirteenth day of the month Dius,* on the ides of November. On the same day, Eunathas, a woman of Scythopolis, ennobled also by the virgin's fillet, was added to that number. She had not, indeed, gone the same length as the former three, but was dragged by force, and brought before the Judge; she was scourged, and endured dreadful abuse, which was heaped upon her by Maxys, the Tribune of a neighbouring district, and without any authority from a higher power: he was a sanguinary character, exceedingly harsh and inflexible, and in his general deportment so fierce and violent, that he was in the bad repute of all that knew him. Having denuded Eunathas of her clothes, so as to leave only her body covered from her loins to her feet, he caused her to be led about the city of Caesarea, beaten with thongs of hide. After all these cruelties, which she bore with the greatest firmness, she exhibited the same cheerful alacrity when before Firmilianus himself, where she was condemned to the flames. Whilst aiming his cruelty and madness against the worshippers of the Most High, he overstepped the dictates of nature, and denied the lifeless bodies of these martyrs a place of sepulture. Night and day he commanded their mangled remains to be watched, as they lay exposed in the open air, the food of any beasts of prey: no small number of men were present several days, who attended to witness the execution of this savage and barbarous decree; some, indeed, were actually seen peering from behind their

* Three other Bishops are supposed to have suffered about this period, namely, Hesychius, Pachymius, and Theodorus; the first of whom was a man of considerable note, if he were the Hesychius who published an edition of the Septuagint. Origen's great work had now been before the world for more than half a century, and it contained the fullest materials for settling the Greek text. The copies, however, still continued very different, and Hesychius undertook a revision of it, which obtained general circulation in the diocese of Alexandria. If he were the Bishop who suffered martyrdom, his edition of the Septuagint probably appeared at the end of the third century. (Burton's Lectures.)

MARTYROOM OF PANTALEON, AND OTHERS.

post of observation, as though it were considered meritorious to watch that the lifeless carcasses were not stolen. Wild beasts, dogs, and carnivorous birds, scattered human limbs in every direction; and the whole city round about was deluged, so that nothing appeared more dreadful or horrific, even to those who had been most hostile to the church, not so much lamenting the calamity of those against whom such things were perpetrated, as the nuisance against themselves, and the indignity offered to our common nature.*

Others also in the East received the martyrs' crown. On the fourteenth of the month Apellæus, that is, the nineteenth of the calends of January, some from Egypt were seized by the spies appointed to observe those who went out at the gates. They had been sent for the purpose of ministering to the necessities of the confessors in Cilicia. These experienced the same lot as those whom they came to serve, and were mutilated in their eyes and feet. Three of them, however, exhibited wonderful fortitude at Ascalon, where they were imprisoned, and bore away different prizes of martyrdom. One of them, named Ares, was committed to the flames; the others, Promus and Elias, were beheaded. On the eleventh of the month Audynæus, which is the third of the ides of January, in the same city of Cæsarea, Petrus Ascetes,† also called Apselamus, from the village of Anea, on the borders of Eleutheropolis, like the purest gold, with a noble resolution, gave the proof of his faith in the Christ of God. Disregarding both the Judge and those around him, who besought him in many ways only to have compassion on himself, and to spare his youth and blooming years, he preferred his hope in the one supreme God to all, and even to life itself. With him also was said to be a certain Bishop, named Asclepius, a follower of Marcion's error, with a zeal for piety, as he supposed, but not according to knowledge. He departed this life on the same funeral pile.‡

Somewhat earlier than the present date, we have an account of the martyrdom of Pantaleon, recognised also by the Greeks by the name of Pantelemon, a name signifying, "full of compassion:" he was a native of Nicomedia, in Bithynia, was blessed in having a Christian mother, who instructed him in youth in the religion of Christ, but of whom he was in early life deprived by death. His father, on whom the responsibility of his education now entirely devolved, was a Pagan, and placed his son in a situation where he could study the

* After the perpetration of these atrocities, "a strange event," says Eusebius, "took place. The air happened to be clear and bright, and the aspect of the whole heavens was most serene. Then, suddenly, from the greater part of the columns that supported the public porticoes, issued drops like tears; and the market-places and streets, though there was no moisture from the air, I know not whence it came, were sprinkled with water and became wet: so that it was immediately spread abroad among all, that in an unaccountable manner the earth wept, not being able to endure the extreme impiety of those deeds, and, to address a reproof to men of a relentless and callous nature, the very stones and senseless matter could bewail these facts. I well know that these accounts may, perhaps, appear an idle tale and a fable to posterity; but it was not so to those who had its truth confirmed by their presence at the time." (De Mart. Palest.)

† Peter, called the Ascetic, probably from the extraordinary severity of life and self-denial that he exhibited at an early age.

‡ Eusebius, De Mart. Palest., cap. x.

learning of the times, in which he made such progress, that in a few years he became one of the most eminent Physicians of the age. Galerius, who, on the resignation of Diocletian, raised himself to the imperial throne in the East, kept his court at Nicomedia, and installed Pantaleon in the office of Physician to his court and household. The corruptions of such a court would, doubtless, easily have effaced whatever impression his mother's instructions had made upon his mind, had not Almighty God beheld him with compassion, and in his providence directed him to one Hermolaus, a venerable old man, and a sincere Christian, who undertook to instruct him in the way of God more perfectly: this he accomplished with such success, that Pantaleon soon became one of the warmest assertors and defenders of the truth as it is in Jesus. The church in Nicomedia was still suffering under the persecution which commenced in that city in the year 303, and even now raged in that place more fiercely than in other parts of the empire. The situation and profession of Pantaleon did not afford him opportunity to adopt the same measures for his personal security as those of others: therefore, finding himself exposed to the public gaze as a Christian, he began to prepare for martyrdom by the exercise of those duties which placed the religion he professed in such an advantageous light, as caused numbers to embrace it. The reputation which he acquired, through the blessing of God attending his prescriptions, roused the envy and jealousy of the pagan Physicians, who at once began to plot his destruction. An opportunity soon presented; for it was by no means difficult to find ways of effecting their purpose, when Christianity was so odious to the powers who governed that part of the world. His adversaries complained of his proceedings to Galerius, and assured him that it was in vain to anticipate the extirpation of Christianity from out of the imperial city, so long as Pantaleon was suffered to corrupt the minds of the people, and to make such a number of proselytes. The Emperor was surprised to hear that he harboured an enemy to the gods in his own court, resolved to know the truth, and had the mortification of being convinced that he had not been misinformed. Galerius omitted no means by which he hoped to induce Pantaleon to embrace the worship of the pagan deities; but finding him invincible to threatenings or promises, he ordered him first to be tortured, and afterwards beheaded.* The venerable Hermolaus, who instructed Pantaleon in the faith, was dragged from his retreat, and in the same manner glorified God.

Sufficient has now been related, to adopt the language of a modern writer, of the early persecution of the Christians, to make the reader acquainted with the most striking circumstances by which that dark series of events was distinguished. The principal points to which we would direct his attention, in reflecting on the narratives which have been given, are those that distinguished these persecutions of Christi-

* Alban Butler very sagely informs us, that the relics of Pantaleon were translated to Constantinople, and there preserved with much honour. The greater part of them are now shown in the abbey of St. Denys, near Paris; but his head is at Lyons. Credat Judæus. Ipelia.

FORTITUDE OF THE CHRISTIANS.

anity from other religious persecutions, either of an earlier or a later date. The primitive Christians were, it is probable, the first people in the world that ever suffered from religious motives, wholly unmixed with any of a different nature. There appears the strongest reason for believing that, in the convulsions of the ancient world, the struggles which took place were conflicts between liberty and slavery, who set up their standards at the same time that hostile religions disputed with each other for empire.* Even in the persecution which the Jews suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes, something of this kind may be discovered. The Syrian was an invader and a political tyrant, as well as a persecutor; and the Jews were at least as proud of their superiority as a nation as they were zealous for the observance of their religious rites. Scarcely, however, had the sufferers been made to feel the hand of the oppressor, when they rose unanimously, and resisted the sword with the sword; triumphing by that fierce and stern vigour which, when force is to be opposed by force, can only be supplied by the impulse of a national spirit. But the Christians of the first three centuries had no motive of this kind either for acting or suffering: the seed of their fortitude was in their souls, and the plant which sprang from it had no nurture but what it received from heaven. Other seed was here and there mixed with the former, and the dew of blessing was sometimes dissipated as it fell on hot and intemperate hearts; but, as a people, the early sufferers for Christianity had no reasons for their conduct but those which were established on that precept of their Scriptures, that by resigning this life for the sake of truth, they should gain one of eternal continuance. Submission to the reigning powers was a duty, to which they had been exhorted both by their heavenly Master and his inspired Apostles; and they could, therefore, never feel themselves agitated by the passions which usually incite to resistance: the only part they could lawfully take in the politics of their age was to pray that they might be peaceably and quietly governed. The medium of their sentiments on such subjects was to be a prayer for all in authority; and the only weapons with which they were to contend against the power and tyranny of persecuting rulers and unjust judges were the words, and, more frequently, only the manifestations, of holiness and resignation which they were taught by the divine Spirit.†

* The spirit of severity towards erroneous persons, in whomsoever it is found, is opposed to the calm temper of Christianity, as intimated in the reply of Christ to his disciples, "Ye know not what spirit ye are of;" that is, "Ye do not well consider under what dispensation ye were placed by me. The way I come to teach men, the temper, disposition, and affection I would fix within them, is not a furious, persecuting, and destructive spirit, but mild and gentle and tender of the lives and interests of men, even of those who are our greatest enemies." Under the Old-Testament dispensation, they who rejected and scoffed at a Prophet, suffered severely for it; the Prophet had commission to call for fire from heaven to devour them presently, and to curse them in the name of the Lord. But they who reject and crucify Christ, are by him prayed for, and are, by his command, still to be preached unto, and if possible brought to repentance: and according to this example all Christians are to conform themselves, acting towards despisers of their persons, or rejectors of their doctrines, not according to the legal, but the evangelical, dispensation; not according to the severity of Elias, but the meekness and gentleness of Christ. (Dr. Haramood.)

† It is not easy to add anything of moment to the conclusions of Jeremy Taylor:—

"It is one of the glories of Christianity, that it came in upon the world with no other

VOL. II. 8

This humility and peaceableness of disposition constituted a part of their religious profession, and the situation in which they stood rendered the exercise of these virtues constantly necessary. They were opposed, in their belief, to all the nations of the earth; but few as they were in number, and contradictory as was their creed to that of all other men, it was the open and professed object of their lives to convert the world to their faith. Had they been of a turbulent disposition, had they been less meek in their sentiments and appearance, the hostility which was provoked by their refusal to comply with established customs, would have given birth to conflicts in which not some few distinguished members of the society would have died, setting an example of fortitude to the rest, but the whole body would have been cut off; fortitude and resignation blunting the edge of the sharpest sword, while pride and an active valour add continually to its keenness. However useful, therefore, the latter qualities may be to a people when contending with enemies to whom their physical force bears some proportion, it is on the careful cultivation of the former that the members of a new sect must depend for their only chance of success; and thus the spirit and the maxims of Christianity required an implicit conformity of disposition in those who professed the religion, not only for their own excellency, but for the power which such a conformity would give to whatever means were employed for the diffusion of the faith.* "Put up again thy sword into his place: for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword," was the exhortation of the Saviour; intimating, that it was not by the boldness which gives success to other enterprises that his cause was to be advocated, but by an imitation of his own meekness and resignation. How well these directions were followed in numerous instances, has been seen. The refusal to recognise any other God but one, was the sole cause why the persecuted Christians stood opposed to their rulers; they had no object in view by their labours but the instruction of their countrymen in the sublime truths of their faith; they had no interests, as the members of a state, separate from the rest of the citizens. The doctrines which they preached had a direct tenforce but that of reason and demonstration of the Spirit; that towards the persons of men it was always full of meekness, charity, compliance, toleration, condescension, and forbearance, restoring persons overtaken with an error in the spirit of meekness. Now things are best preserved by that which gives them their first being, and which agrees best with their temper and constitution; and it would be a mighty disparagement to so glorious an institution, that in its principle it should be merciful and humane, and in the propagation of it so inhuman; and it would be improbable and unreasonable, that the sword should be used in the persuasion of one proposition, and yet in the persuasion of the whole nothing like it. To do so may serve the end of a temporal Prince, but will never promote the honour of Christ's kingdom." (Liberty of Propheying.)

* It was a principle which generally obtained among Christians till the days of Constantine, and afterwards continued to be maintained by several fathers of the church, "that men were to be left to their freedom in matters of religion, and not to be compelled by outward punishments to the profession of it." Tertullian says, "This is the natural right of all men, to worship what they think fit. It is no business of religion to compel men to religion; for that," he says, "must be embraced willingly, and not by force. Consider," he says, "whether this do not add to your irreligion, to forbid the freedom of religion, and interdict the choice of a Deity, that I may not worship whom I will, but must be compelled to worship whom I would not." (Tertulli., ad. Scap., cap. ii.; Apolog., cap. xxiv.)

FORTITUDE AND FORBEARANCE OF THE CHURCH.

dency to make them satisfied and peaceable under whatever form of government they lived; and the precepts by which they professed to be guided were positive in enjoining the utmost forbearance and charity towards erring and unenlightened men. With such feelings, the early Christians could provoke neither jealousy nor fear on the part of their opponents; for they gave no signs of ambition, were too meek to engage in treasons, too pure in their morals to afford any dangerous example, and were too intently engaged on one subject to form any alliance with the disaffected, or the broachers of any other system. As the religion for which these single-hearted and heroic men suffered became more extensively known in the world, and, under the protection of the great and powerful, was rendered respectable in the eyes of those who had no conception of its real, internal excellence, a different race of Christians grew up; and the motives which induced men to bear the name became complicated and indirect. Interest and custom were thenceforward more frequently the parents of belief than either reason or openness of heart; and faith thus sitting so loosely on the conscience, it was found necessary to define what was to be believed with more exactness, and to remind the careless professor of his creed by appeals to his outward senses.* In the invention or support of a system which answered the purpose of defining matters of belief, so that they might be assented to, or understood, by those who were too indolent or too gross-minded to receive them unless so propounded, differences of sentiment would, it is easy to see, often arise, both among those who first produced the systems, and those by whom they were afterwards to be supported. The doctrines of Christianity being thus mixed with something human, and men being for the most part more ready to look with interest on what is human than on what is divine, a variety of new objects would demand their attention and reverence; and names unknown to their fathers in the faith would be adopted, and not unfrequently preferred, to the simple appellation of Christian. The chances of disagreement being multiplied, persecution also would see new opportunities for unsheathing her sword; and in the course of the struggles which ensued, the fierceness of the conflict was more owing to zeal for particular names than for the holiest of doctrines; a circumstance nowhere

* "The Epistles of the Arians," says Hilary, "what do they, but deprecate the liberty of faith, and ask for bonds and prisons, and tribunals, and all that is pernicious? whereas, the Almighty rather taught, than exacted, the knowledge of himself; and learning the authority of his commands by the works of his power, despised all compelled confessions of himself. If such force be used to compel your faith," he said to the Arians, "the episcopal doctrine would oppose it, and would say, God is the God of the whole world, and needs no compelled obedience, nor requires any such confession of Him; he is not to be deceived, but well pleased. God is to be sought with simplicity, learnt by confession, loved by charity, worshipped by fear, retained by probity of will: whence is it, therefore, that Priests are compelled by bands, and commanded by punishment, to fear God; that they are imprisoned, &c.? Therefore do ye labour and rule the commonwealth with salutary counsels," saith he to the Emperor, "that all under your government may enjoy the sweetest liberty; there is no other way to compose our troubles; let thy levity permit the people to hear them teaching whom they would hear, whom they think meet, whom they choose." (Hilar., Lib. ad Constant. August.)

8 2 apparent in the contest which the primitive Christians endured with Paganism.*

No eloquence can do justice to the fortitude of the faithful who suffered in Phrygia, Antioch, Pontus, and in the neighbouring places. Free leave was given to any to injure them, by beating them with clubs or rods, with thongs of leather, or with ropes. Some, having their hands tied behind them, were suspended on the rack, and every limb of their bodies stretched by some rude, but complicated, machinery. The tormentors rent their whole bodies with iron nails, which were applied, not only to the sides, as in the case of murderers, but also to the belly, legs, and cheeks; others were suspended by one hand to the portico, and underwent the most severe distention of all their joints; others were bound to pillars, face to face, their feet being raised above the ground, that their bonds, being elongated by the weight of their bodies, might be the closer drawn together: and this they endured almost a whole day without intermission. The Governor ordered them to be bound with the greatest severity, and, when they breathed their last, to be dragged on the ground. "No care," said he, "ought to be taken of these Christians: let all treat them as unworthy of the name of men." Some expired under their tortures; others, having been recovered by methods taken to heal them, and being reduced to the alternative of sacrificing or dying, cheerfully preferred the latter. For they knew what was written, "Whosoever sacrificeth to other gods, shall be destroyed;" and, "Thou shalt have none other gods but me." Such were the words of a martyr, a true lover of wisdom and of God, which, previous to the definitive sentence of his execution, he sent to the brethren of his church. One city in Phrygia,† being generally Christian, was besieged by armed men, and set on fire. The men, with their wives and children, were burnt to death, calling upon Christ, the God over all. All the inhabitants,‡ Magistrates and people, nobles and plebeians, professing Christianity, were ordered to sacrifice, and, for refusing, suffered in this manner.§

* Stebbing, History of the Christian Church, vol. i., p. 129. The excuse which the Heathens offered for their cruelty against the Christians, was, that they thus punished the Christians to revenge the injuries inflicted by their faith and doctrines upon their gods. This, the ancient father says, is a ridiculous and absurd mode of procedure: they ought rather to leave the sacrilegious and impious transgressors of their law, to the vengeance of their gods. "If your deities have any power," says Cyprian, "let them rise up and vindicate themselves, and by their majesty defend themselves: for what can they do for those who worship them, who are unable to defend themselves against the impugners of their authority, and even existence?" (Cypr. ad Demet., cap. xii.) "Is it so," saith Arnobius, "that the gods desire the protection of men? Are they not able, without your defence, to vindicate themselves, and repel the calumnies of us Christians?" (Arnob., lib. i.) "When the Heathens punish the sacrilegious," says Lactantius, "they distrust the power of their gods; for if they think they can do anything, why do they not leave them to execute their own vengeance on the offenders?" (Lactant., Div. Institut., lib. ii., cap. 4.)

† Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 11.

‡ Gibbon observes, that there was an important circumstance which has been noticed by Ruffinus, the Latin translator of Eusebius, that the gates were opened to permit them to depart if they pleased. The remark is worthy of his own malignity. Is it to be supposed that this permission was unconditional? Eusebius informs us, that it was expected from them all that they should sacrifice.

§ Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 11.

CRUELTIES IN PHRYGIA, ANTIOCH, &C.

One Adauctus, a Christian of the highest dignity, who held at that time an office of great importance, was honoured also with the crown of martyrdom. Some were slain by axes, as in Arabia; some by breaking the legs, as in Cappadocia; some, suspended by their feet with the head downward over a slow fire, were suffocated, as in Mesopotamia; some were mutilated and cut in pieces, as at Alexandria; some, to avoid falling into the hands of their enemies, committed suicide, by precipitating themselves from the tops of houses. Lamentable instances of impatience! But the reader will remember, that the decline had been very great from Christian purity: that so many should suffer like Christians in so dull a time, can scarcely be accounted for, but on the idea of the Lord's reviving his work, and ministering the Holy Spirit amidst their afflictions. We cannot commend the conduct of a lady of Antioch, or that of her two daughters, who, to avoid the licentious brutality of the soldiers, drowned themselves. Two others in the city of Antioch, persons of quality, and of great piety, died in a much more Christian manner, being thrown into the sea by the persecutors. As infidel writers have taken pains to depreciate the authenticity of these facts, it has been thought proper to give a just picture of them from Eusebius. In addition to what has been adduced from Lactantius, and ancient memorials, it may with justice be said, in favour of the credibility of the writer, whose character as a historian of veracity is before us, that he is large and circumstantial in scenes of which he was a spectator; succinct and general, where he had no opportunity of knowing the circumstances. Of the martyrs of Palestine, his own country, he has given us a copious narrative, a specimen of which has already been delivered, containing those whose martyrdom fell within the period of Diocletian's reign. The rest must be considered hereafter. Procopius* was the first of those martyrs who, being brought before the tribunal, and ordered to sacrifice to the gods, declared, that he knew only one God, to whom he ought to sacrifice in the manner which he has appointed. Being then ordered to make libations to the four Emperors, he repeated a verse of Homer, which by no means pleased the persecutors, as implying a censure of the present government. Upon this he was beheaded immediately. Whether the empire was benefited by the appointment of four Emperors instead of one, is a question of politics, which it certainly became not the martyr to enter upon, especially on that occasion. And it is the only instance of deviation into secular matters, which we remember to have seen in primitive Christians, as yet. It might be only a sally of imprudent vivacity; but even so, it was extremely ill-timed. Galerius, in whose dominions he said this, would probably hear of it; and this fiercest of all the persecutors needed not the addition of such an incentive, to inflame his wrath against the Christians.†

* Procopius, after his conversion, brake his images of silver and gold, and distributed the same to the poor; and after all kinds of torments, of racking, of carding, of tearing his flesh, of goring, stabbing, and firing, at length had his head smitten off. (Foxe, Acts and Monuments.)

† Milner, History of the Church, cent. iv., chap. i., vol. i., p. 482.

The continued separation of the Pastors from their respective flocks, was attended with a serious evil, independent of their personal sufferings: unhappily, it furnished occasion for a schism, which continued to exist for a long period in the Alexandrian church. Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis, taking advantage of the absence of Peter and the other Bishops, took upon himself to make regulations which no persons but the Bishops of the diocese had authority to do. Provision had been made for the spiritual wants of the Christians; but Meletius was determined to interfere, and even went so far as to ordain some persons for the ministry. An account of these proceedings soon reached the Bishops who were imprisoned at Alexandria; and the following, Hesychius, Pachymius, Theodorus, and Phileas, addressed a joint epistle to Meletius, expostulating with him on the irregularity of his conduct. This letter is still extant;* and we learn from it, that it was contrary to all custom for one Bishop to ordain in the diocese of another; and it also shows, that these Bishops looked up to Peter, as exercising over them a kind of metropolitan authority.† Meletius paid no attention to this remonstrance; but when the authors of it had closed their career by martyrdom, he went to Alexandria, and continued there the same irregular proceedings. Two persons supported him in his ambitious views: one of them was Isidorus, the other Arius,‡ who afterwards became so celebrated for his heretical tenets; and by the assistance of these men, Meletius was able to draw after him some of the Presbyters, who were left by Peter in charge of the Alexandrian church. Being now at the head of a party, he visited the confessors, who were in the prison or in the mines; and two of them received ordination from his hands.§ When Peter heard of this open infringement of his rights, he wrote from his place of concealment to his flock at Alexandria, telling them not to hold communion with Meletius, but to wait till he could return and investigate the affair. The time of his re-visiting Alexandria is uncertain; but since the persecution was continued in Egypt, and with still greater fury, for the four or five following years, it is most probable that he did not quit his concealment till after the death of Galerius in 311. There is evidence that Meletius himself was a sufferer in these scenes of cruelty. He was accused of having purchased his safety by consenting to sacrifice; but he probably lay for some time in prison before he took this step: and for the present his schismatical conduct was checked, though he found ample opportunity to resume it afterwards.||

* It was first published by Maffei; (Osservazioni Letterarie, vol. ii., p. 11—18;) and by Routh. (Relig. Sacr., vol. iii., p. 381. Oxon. 1815.)

† Epiphanius mentions Egypt, and the Thebaid, Libya, Ammonia, Marootis, and Pentapolis, being under the Bishop (or, as he was then called, the Archbishop) of Alexandria. (Herres. lxviii., cap. 1.)

I Socrat., Eccles. Hist., lib. i., cap. 15.

§ This is also confirmed by Sozom., lib. i., cap. 24. A very different origin of the Meletian schism is given by Epiphanius; (Herres. lxviii.;) but it is much safer to follow Athanasius, Socrates, and Sozomen. Pagi places the origin of this heresy in 301; ad Baron., Ann. 306, §. xxix.

II Burton, Lect. Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

VARIOUS MARTYRS IN ITALY.

At Cirta * in Numidia, Paul, the Bishop, ordered a Sub-Deacon to deliver up the treasures of the church to a Roman officer. The Holy Scriptures, and the moveables of this society of Christians, were surrendered by the perfidy or cowardice of those who ought to have protected them. But the Most High reserved some who were endowed with courage and zeal, at the hazard of their lives, to take care of the sacred writings, and baffle the intention of the persecutors, which, doubtless, was to destroy all records of Christianity among men. Felix of Tibiura,† in Africa, being asked to deliver up the Scriptures, answered, "I have them, but will not part with them." He was condemned to be beheaded. "I thank thee, O Lord," says this honest martyr, "that I have lived fifty-six years, have preserved the Gospel, and have preached faith and truth. O my Lord Jesus Christ, the God of heaven and earth, I bow my head to be sacrificed to thee, who livest to all eternity." It is not judged amiss to distinguish this man in the narrative. The preservation of civil liberty is valuable, and the names of men who have suffered for it with integrity are recorded with honour. But how much below the name of Felix of Tibiura should these be accounted! He is one of those heroes who have preserved to us the precious word of God itself. In Abitina, in Africa, forty-nine manfully perished through hunger and ill-treatment. In Sicily,‡ Euplius, a martyr, being asked, "Why do you keep the Scriptures, forbidden by the Emperors?" answered, "Because I am a Christian. Life eternal is in them. He that gives them up loses life eternal." Let his name be remembered with honour, together with that of Felix: he suffered also in the same cause, in company with various other martyrs in Italy.§

In the midst of the confusion which now prevailed throughout the empire, the eyes of all were turned toward Constantine, the elder son of Constantius. If not already recognised by the prophetic glance of devout hope as the first Christian Sovereign of Rome, he seemed placed by providential wisdom as the protector and head of the Christian interest. The enemies of Christianity were his; and if he were not, as yet, bound by the hereditary attachment of a son to the religion of his mother Helena, his father would bequeath him the wise example of wisdom and moderation.¶ The place of his birth, as well as the condition of his mother Helena, has been the subject, not only of literary, but of national, dispute. Notwithstanding the recent tradition which assigns for her father a British King, we are obliged to confess, says Gibbon, that Helena was the daughter of an innkeeper; but, at the same time, we may defend the legality of her marriage, against those who have represented her as the concubine ¶ of Constantius. The great Constantine was, most probably, born at Naissus, in Dacia; and it is not surprising, that in a family and

* Gesta apud Zenoph., in Routh, Relig. Sacra, vol. iv., p. 101. Oxon. 1815.

† Ruinart, Acta Sincera Martyr., p. 313.

‡ Ibid., p. 361.

§ Milner, History of the Church, vol. i., p. 488.

¶ Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 282.

¶ By insisting on the divorce of Helena, Diocletian acknowledged the validity of her marriage.

province distinguished only by the profession of arms, the youth should discover very little inclination to improve his mind by the acquisition of knowledge. He was about eighteen years of age when his father was promoted to the rank of Cæsar; but that fortunate event was attended with his mother's divorce; and the splendour of an imperial alliance reduced the son of Helena to a state of disgrace and humiliation.* Instead of following Constantius in the West, he remained in the service of Diocletian, signalized his valour in the wars of Egypt and Persia, and gradually rose to the honourable station of a Tribune of the first order. The figure of Constantine was tall and majestic; he was dexterous in all his exercises, intrepid in war, affable in peace; in his whole conduct, the active spirit of youth was tempered by habitual prudence; and while his mind was engrossed by ambition, he appeared cold and insensible to the allurements of pleasure.† Constantius became exceedingly ill, and wrote to Galerius requesting that his son Constantine might be sent to see him. He had made a similar proposal long before, but in vain: for Galerius meant nothing less than to grant it; on the contrary, he laid repeated snares for the life of that young man. He durst not use open violence, lest he should stir up civil wars against himself, and incur that which he most dreaded, the hate and resentment of the army. Under pretence of manly exercise and recreation, he made him combat with wild beasts; but this device was frustrated: for the power of God protected Constantine, and, in the very moment of jeopardy, rescued him from the hands of his pretended friend. At length, Galerius, when he could no longer avoid complying with the request of Constantius, one evening gave Constantine a warrant to depart, and commanded him to set out the following morning with the imperial despatches. Galerius meant to find either some pretext for detaining Constantine, or to forward instructions to Severus for arresting him on the road. Constantine discovered his object; and, therefore, after supper, when the Emperor was gone to rest, he hastened away, carried off from the principal stages all the horses maintained at the public expense, and escaped. Next day the Emperor, having purposely remained in his bed-chamber until noon, ordered Constantine to be called into his presence; but he learnt that the Prince had set out immediately after supper.‡ Outrageous with passion, he ordered horses to be made ready, that Constantine might be pursued, and dragged back; and hearing that all the horses had been carried off from the main road, he could scarcely refrain from tears.§ In the mean time Constantine,

* The tradition which raises Helena to the rank of King's daughter, was unknown to the contemporaries of Constantine, was invented in the darkness of monasteries, was embellished by Geoffrey of Monmouth, and the writers of the twelfth century, has been defended by our antiquarians of the last century, and is seriously related in the ponderous History of England, compiled by Mr. Carte. (Vol. i., p. 147, fol. Lond. 1747.) He transports, however, the kingdom of Coil, the imaginary father of Helena, from Essex, to the wall of Antoninus.

† Gibbon, Decline and Fall, &c., vol. ii., p. 188 8vo. edit.

‡ Zosimus tells a very foolish story, that Constantine caused all the post-horses which he had used to be hamstrung. Such a bloody execution, without preventing a pursuit, would have scattered suspicions, and might have stopped his journey. (Lib. ii., pp. 78, 79. 8vo. Oxon., 1679.)

§ Lactant., De Mort. Persec., cap. xxiv.; Euseb., De Vita Constant., lib. i., cap. xxi.

THE CHARACTER OF CONSTANTINE.

travelling with incredible rapidity, reached his father before he expired. He ended his life in the imperial palace of York, fifteen months after he had received the title of Augustus, and almost fourteen years and a half after he had been promoted to the rank of Cæsar.

The death of Constantius was succeeded by the elevation of Constantine. The ideas of succession and inheritance are so very familiar, that the generality of mankind consider them as founded, not only in reason, but in nature itself. Our imagination readily transfers the same principles from private property to public dominion; and whenever a virtuous father leaves behind him a son, whose merit seems to justify the esteem, or even the hopes, of the people, the joint influence of prejudice and of affection operates with irresistible weight. The flower of the Western armies had followed Constantius into Britain, and the national troops were reinforced by a numerous body of Alemanni, who obeyed the orders of Crocus, one of their hereditary Chieftains. The opinion of their own importance, and the assurance that Britain, Gaul, and Spain would acquiesce in their nomination, were diligently inculcated to the legions by the adherents of Constantine. The soldiers were asked, whether they could hesitate a moment between the honour of placing at their head the worthy son of their beloved Emperor, and the ignominy of tamely expecting the arrival of some obscure stranger, on whom it might please the Sovereign of Asia to bestow the armies and provinces of the West? It was insinuated to them, that gratitude and liberality held a distinguished place among the virtues of Constantine; nor did that Prince show himself to the troops, till they were prepared to salute him with the names of Augustus and Emperor. The throne was the object of his desire; and had he been less actuated by ambition, it was his only means of safety.* He was well acquainted with the character and sentiments of Galerius, and sufficiently apprized, that if he wished to live, he must determine to reign. The decent, and even obstinate, resistance which he offered to the soldiery, was in character with his general conduct; and he did not yield to the acclamations of the army, until he had provided the proper materials for a letter, which he immediately despatched to the Emperor of the East. Constantine informed him of the melancholy event of his father's death, modestly asserted his natural claim to the succession, and respectfully lamented, that the affectionate violence of his troops had not permitted him to solicit the imperial purple in the regular and constitutional manner. The first emotions of Galerius were those of surprise, disappointment, and rage; and, as he could seldom restrain his passions, he loudly threatened, that he would commit to the flames both the letter and the messenger. But his resentment insensibly subsided; and when he recollected the doubtful chance of war, when he had weighed the character and strength of his adversary, he consented to embrace the honourable accommodation which the prudence of Constantine had

* The panegyrist of Constantine, Eumenius, ventures to affirm, in the presence of Constantine, that he put spurs to his horse, and tried, but in vain, to escape from the hands of the soldiers. (Lib. vii., cap. 8. Vid. Delph. Class. Varior. Not., No. 122.)

T opened to him. Without either condemning or ratifying the choice of the British army, Galerius accepted the son of his deceased colleague, as the Sovereign of the provinces beyond the Alps; but he gave him only the title of Cæsar, and the fourth rank among the Roman Princes, whilst he conferred the vacant place of Augustus on his favourite Severus. The apparent harmony of the empire was still preserved; and Constantine, who already possessed the substance, expected without impatience an opportunity of obtaining the honours, of supreme power.* The children of Constantius, by his second marriage, were six in number, three of either sex; and their imperial descent might have solicited a preference over the meauer extraction of the son of Helena. But Constantine was in the thirty-second year of his age, in the full vigour both of mind and body, at the time when the eldest of his brothers could not possibly be more than thirteen years old. His claim of superior merit had been allowed and ratified by the dying Emperor. In his last moments, Constantius bequeathed to his eldest son the care of the safety, as well as greatness, of the family; conjuring him to assume both the authority and the sentiments of a father, with regard to the children of Theodora. Their liberal education, advantageous marriages, the secure dignity of their lives, and the first honours of the state with which they were invested, attest the fraternal affection of Constantine; and as those Princes possessed a mild and grateful disposition, they submitted without reluctance to the superiority of his genius and fortune.†

Galerius had bitterly provoked the inhabitants of Rome by a somewhat novel and vexatious mode of taxation, which, added to the long absence of the Sovereigns from the imperial city, filled the empire with indignation and discontent, and ultimately induced a rival to his throne to be encouraged and supported. The name of this aspirant was Maxentius, the son of the late Emperor Herculeus, who had also married the daughter of Galerius. His birth and alliance appeared to offer him the fairest promise of succeeding to the empire; but his vices and incapacity procured him the same exclusion from the dignity of Cæsar, which Constantine had deserved by a dangerous superiority of merit. The policy of Galerius preferred such associates as would never disgrace the choice, nor dispute the commands, of their benefactor. An obscure stranger was therefore raised to the throne of Italy; and the son of the late Emperor of the West was left to enjoy the luxury of a private fortune in a villa a few miles distant from the capital. The gloomy passions of his soul, shame, vexation, and rage, were inflamed by envy on the news of Constantine's success; but the hopes of Maxentius revived with the public discontent, and he was easily persuaded to unite his personal injury and pretensions with the cause of the Roman people. Two Praetorian Tribunæ, and a commissary of provisions, undertook the management of the conspiracy; and as every order of men was actuated by the same spirit, the immediate

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. ii., p. 191. 8vo. edit.

† Of the three sisters of Constantine, Constantia married the Emperor Licinius; Anastasia, the Cæsar Bassianus; and Eutropia, the Consul Nepotianus. The three brothers were, Dalmatius, Julius Constantius, and Annibalianus.

SEVERUS IS OVERCOME, AND SLAIN.

event was neither doubtful nor difficult. The Prefect of the city and a few Magistrates, who maintained their fidelity to Severus, were massacred by the guards; and Maxentius, invested with the imperial ornaments, was acknowledged by the applauding Senate and people, as the protector of the Roman freedom and dignity; but as soon as the standard of rebellion was erected at Rome, the old Emperor broke from the retirement where the authority of Diocletian had condemned him to pass a life of melancholy solitude, and concealed his returning ambition under the disguise of paternal tenderness.* At the request of his son and the Senate, he condescended to re-assume the purple.† His ancient dignity, his experience, and his fame in arms, added strength, as well as reputation, to the party of Maxentius.‡

Galerius now thought seriously of checking this formidable opponent, and the new Emperor Severus was ordered to march into Italy. He immediately hastened to Rome, in the full confidence that, by his unexpected celerity, he should easily suppress the tumult of an unwarlike populace commanded by a licentious and headstrong youth. In this, however, he was fatally mistaken. On his arrival before the gates of the city, he found them closed against him, the walls were filled with men and arms, an experienced General at the head of the rebels, and his own troops destitute of attachment or courage. A large body of Moors had deserted to the enemy, being allured by the promise of a larger donative. Anulinus, the Praetorian Prefect, declared himself in favour of Maxentius, and drew after him a considerable portion of the troops. The unfortunate Severus, destitute of counsel and of friends, fled to Ravenna, where for some time he might have been safe. Herculeus conducted the siege in person, and, soon finding that the position of the fugitive was almost impregnable, endeavoured by subtlety to overcome Severus. The emissaries of the father of Maxentius persuaded him, that a conspiracy was formed to betray the town, and prevailed upon him not to expose himself to the discretion of an irritated conqueror, but to accept the faith of an honourable capitulation. He was at first received with humanity, and treated with respect. Herculeus conducted the captive Emperor to Rome, and gave him the most solemn assurances that he had secured his life by the resignation of the purple. But Severus could obtain only an easy death, and an imperial funeral. When the sentence was signified to him, the manner of executing it was left to his own choice: he preferred the favourite mode of the ancients, that of opening his veins; and as soon as he expired, his body was carried to the sepulchre which had been constructed for the family of Gallienus.

* "Maxentius in the commencement pretended, by a species of accommodation and flattery towards the Romans, that he was of our faith. He therefore commanded his subjects to desist from persecuting the Christians, pretending to piety, with a view to appear much more mild and merciful than the former rulers. But he by no means proved to be in his actions such as he was expected." (Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 14.) This kindness was only assumed to serve a purpose.

† At present, Constantine stood rather aloof from the affairs of Italy and the East; and till the resumption of the purple by Herculeus, his active mind was chiefly employed in the consolidation of his own power in Gaul, and the repulse of the German barbarians, who threatened the frontiers of the Rhine. (Milman.)

‡ Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. ii., p. 196, 8vo., Milman's Edit.

T 2

News was ere long brought to Rome that Galerius, in order to revenge the death of Severus, was drawing towards that city, at the head of a powerful army collected from Illyricum and the East. Though the characters of Constantine and Maxentius had but little affinity with each other, their situation and interests were somewhat identified: prudence therefore dictated that they should unite their forces against the common enemy. With this object in view, Herculeus visited Gaul, accompanied by his daughter Fausta, whom he gave in marriage to Constantine as the pledge of the new alliance. In the mean time Galerius had marched to Rome, impatient to punish the inhabitants as well as Maxentius. But his soldiers dealt with Galerius as they had with Severus. He found every place hostile, fortified, and inaccessible. He made the first advances towards a reconciliation, and despatched two of his most considerable officers to tempt the Roman Princes by the offer of a conference, and the declaration of his paternal regard for Maxentius, who might obtain much more by his liberality than he could hope from the doubtful chance of war. The offers of Galerius were rejected with firmness; his perfidious friendship refused with contempt; and it was not long before he discovered, that, unless he provided for his safety by a timely retreat, he had some reason to apprehend the fate of Severus. During his flight, Maxentius hung on his rear; but he very prudently declined a general engagement with those brave and desperate veterans. His father had undertaken a second journey into Gaul, with the hope of persuading Constantine, who had assembled an army on the frontier, to join the pursuit, and to complete the victory. The actions of Constantine were guided by reason, and not by resentment. He persisted in the wise resolution of maintaining a balance of power in the divided empire, and he no longer hated Galerius when that aspiring Prince had ceased to be an object of terror.*

On their return, Herculeus shared the government of Rome with his son. In this, however, they could not agree; and perceiving that Maxentius was the favourite with the army, he resolved to visit Galerius in Illyria. Diocletian was also there at the same time; and while there, Galerius made Licinius Emperor in the room of Severus. At this Maxentius was terribly enraged, and, without waiting for the consent of Galerius, took the same title to himself. About the same time another Emperor appeared in Africa. Maxentius wished to extend his authority in that country; but meeting with opposition at Carthage, and from Alexander, who commanded the Praetorian guards, he laid a plan for destroying him. Alexander, having discovered it, assumed the purple himself, and was able to retain his dignity for more than three years. One of his first acts was to persecute the Christians, and they continued more or less in a state of suffering during the whole of that time. We also learn from the events of this period, that the Egyptian church was not partaking of the peace which was enjoyed by the subjects of Constantine. Egypt was considered to belong to the eastern division of the empire, and was therefore subject to Maximinus. That monster appears to have been again in Palestine during

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. ii., p. 203, Milman's Edit., 8vo.

ANTONY THE MONK.

part of this year, (307,) and when he was absent, his orders were executed to the utmost of his wishes by Urbanus, and subsequently by Firmilianus, who was Governor of the province, and the work of torture was kept up during the whole period at Cæsaræ.* The Martyrologies speak of a Governor of Egypt, named Mennas, who was a Christian; and Hermogenes, who was sent to supersede him, is said to have been also converted. Maximinus then went in person to Alexandria, and had both these persons tortured to death; but though there is reason to think that Maximinus was at Alexandria during this persecution, the story of the two Christian Governors is not to be received implicitly. There is, however, no doubt that it was this Emperor who ordered the persons that were sent to the mines to have their right eyes forced out, and their left feet dislocated.† These and similar mutilations became henceforth a favourite punishment; and, in addition to the pain and lasting inconvenience which they caused, they were intended also as a mark of disgrace; since persons who were thus disfigured were considered to be incapable of the rights of citizens. Another tradition, which is perhaps not authentic, concerns a Governor of the Thebaid, named Arianus,‡ who is said to have been a Christian, and to have suffered for his religion. The zeal which was displayed at this trying time by Antony the Monk, may be received with more certainty. The life of this extraordinary man has been written by Athanasius, who may be called his contemporary, though much younger in age; and though the account contains some marvellous anecdotes, which may excite our suspicions, the outline of his history must at least be true. Antony was one of those persons who were at this time living by themselves, or in small fraternities, in the deserts of Egypt; and when he saw the Christians going in crowds to Alexandria to be tortured, he followed them thither, that he might encourage and comfort them under their sufferings. He visited them constantly in the prisons or in the mines, and was not afraid of personally encountering the Magistrates. He seemed indeed to be courting martyrdom; but, though he continued a long time in Alexandria, his wish was not gratified, and he lived to return to his solitary life.§ Alban Butler

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

† Compare Euseb., de Mart. Palest., cap. viii.; Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. xxxvi. The effects of this cruelty were witnessed many years after. Paphnutius, an Egyptian Bishop, attended the Council of Nice, who had been maimed in this way. (Ruffinus, Eccles. Hist., lib. x., cap. iv., fol., 1479; Theodoret., Eccles. Hist., lib. i., cap. vii.) Paul, Bishop of Neocæsaræ, was also at the Council of Nice. (Theodoret., Eccles. Hist., lib. i., cap. vii.) Maximus, Bishop of Jerusalem, is also mentioned. (Theodoret., Eccles. Hist., lib. ii., cap. 26.) Also Potamon, Bishop of Heracles. (Epiphan., Hæres., lib. lxviii., 7.)

‡ Forum etiam qui in Thebaide passit sunt, perillustres habentur Leonides, Ascla, alique complures sub Ariano Præside, qui et ipse victus potenti Christi virtute, dans manus, et Christianus effectus, pro fide quoque nobile certamen subit. Verum et in Philemone Corale miro quodammodo Christi virtus effubit. Nam Apollonius lector tormenta expavescens, ne fidem omnino negaret, quatuor Philemoni dedit aureos, ut se Apollonium inutato habitu fingeret, ac coram Præside una cum aliis immolaret: at mente divinitus illustratus, martyrumque accensus exemplo, qui alienam gerebat personam ut negaret, propriam representans se vere in Christum credere constante voce professus, at tormentis exagitatus, iterum atque iterum id ipsum affirmans, insigni meruit corona martyrii decorari, enjus exemplo Apollonius roboratus, forti animo idem certamen obiit. Extant horum Acta fusius scripta. (Annales Ecclesiast. Baronii, cum Critice Pagii. A.D. 310, sect. 24, tom. iii., Lucæ, fol., 1738.)

§ Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

abounds in the miraculous with regard to Antony; but his statements are thoroughly unworthy of notice.

Quirinus,* the Bishop of Siscla, underwent martyrdom at this time. Siscla was situated in upper Pannonia, a town now called Sisseg, in Croatia. This Prelate, having intelligence of the command of the Governor for his apprehension, left the town, in order to avoid the storm that was gathering: he was pursued and taken, and conveyed before Maximus the Governor, who asked him whither he was fleeing. The martyr answered, "I did not flee, but went away to obey the order of my Master. For it is written, 'When they persecute you in one city, flee to another.'" Maximus asked, "Who gave you that order?" Quirinus said, "Jesus Christ, who is the true God." "Know you not," said the Magistrate, "that the Emperors' orders would find you out anywhere? Nor can he whom you call the true God help or rescue you when you are fallen into their hands, as you now see to your cost." The martyr replied, "The God whom we adore is always with us wherever we are, and can always help us. He was with me when I was taken, and is now with me. It is He that strengthens me, and now answers you by my mouth." Maximus replied, "You talk much, and are guilty therefore of delay in executing the commands of the Sovereigns: read their edicts, and comply with their demands." The Bishop said, "I make no account of such injunctions: they are impious, contrary to the commandments of Almighty God, and would compel us who are his servants to offer sacrifice to imaginary gods. The God whom I serve is everywhere; He is in heaven, on earth, and in the sea. He is above all, and by Him all things subsist." Maximus said, "Old age has weakened your understanding, and you are deluded by idle tales. See! here is incense, offer it to the gods, or you will have many affronts to bear, and will suffer a cruel death." The Bishop replied, "That disgrace I account my glory; and death will procure for me eternal life. I respect only the altar of my God, on which I have often presented to Him a sacrifice of sweet odour." "I perceive," said Maximus, "that you are distracted, and that your madness will be the cause of your death. Sacrifice to the gods." "No," said Quirinus, "I do not sacrifice to devils." Maximus then ordered him to be beaten with clubs, and the sentence was executed with great cruelty. The Judge said to him, while under that torment, "Now confess the power of the gods whom the great Roman empire adores. Obey, and I will make you Priest of Jupiter." Quirinus replied, "I am now performing the true functions of a Priest, in offering myself a sacrifice to the living God. I feel not the blows which my body has received: they give me no torment. I am ready to suffer much greater tortures, that they who have been committed to my charge may be encouraged to follow me to eternal life." Having by this speech convinced the Judge that he was proof against all his attempts, he was ordered to prison, in the hope that the weight of his chain, and the other hardships of a jail, would accomplish the anti-

* Jerome makes honourable mention of Quirinus in his Chronicle. Prudentius calls him an eminent martyr; and Fortunatus ranks him among the most illustrious confessors of the church. See his Acts as recorded in Surius, Ruinart, and Prudentius.

MARTYRDOM OF QUIRINUS.

cipated change. The Magistrate of the place not having authority to put the martyr to death, after three days' imprisonment, he sent him to Amantius, Governor of the province called the First Pannonia. Prudentius terms him Galerius, Governor of Illyricum, under which Pannonia was comprised. The Bishop was carried in chains through all the towns that lie on the Danube, till, being brought before Amantius, then on his return from Scarabantia, the Governor ordered him to be conducted to Sabaria, whither he himself was going. On his arrival the Governor ordered him to be brought before him in the public theatre; and, having read the record of what had passed between him and Maximus, asked the martyr if he acknowledged the truth of its contents, and whether he persisted in his recognition of the Christian faith. Quirinus answered, "I have confessed the true God at Siscla: I have never adored any other. Him I carry in my heart, and no man on earth shall ever be able to separate me from him." Amantius endeavoured to overcome his resolution by large promises, and by the consideration of his old age; but finding him inflexible, he sentenced him to be thrown into the river with a millstone suspended to his neck; and his order was obeyed. But, to the great astonishment of the spectators, (who were assembled in crowds on the banks of the river to witness the execution,) the Bishop, instead of sinking, continued a long time on the surface of the water, exhorting the Christians to continue steadfast in the faith, and to dread neither torture nor death itself. But, perceiving that he did not sink, he feared that he might lose the martyr's crown, and therefore addressed the Saviour in the following or similar words:—"It is not wonderful for thee, O Almighty Jesus, to stop the course of rivers, as thou didst that of Jordan, nor to make men walk upon the water, as Peter did upon the sea by thy divine power. These people have had a sufficient proof in me of the effect of thy power. Grant me what now remains, and is to be preferred to all things, the happiness of dying for thee, Jesus Christ my God." * His petition was granted, and he expired.

The persecution still prevailed in Palestine. Five Christians of Egypt were arrested at Cæsarea; and being asked the usual questions, and having confessed themselves to be the followers of Christ, they acknowledged that they had been to Cilicia to visit their brethren, who were condemned to work in the mines for their religion, and that they were come to Cæsarea to pay the like duty to their afflicted brethren, who were in prison there for the same cause, after which they intended to return home. This declaration was of itself sufficient to convict them: they were put in irons as criminals caught in the fact, and carried before Firmilianus, the Governor of the place, to whom they repeated their confession, and were ordered to prison. The following day they

* The Acts of this martyr say, "That he with difficulty obtained by his prayers to be drowned." His body was found a little below the place, and laid in a chapel built on the bank. Soon after a great church was erected near the gate of Sabaria, leading to Scarabantia, in which his remains were laid. When, by the inroads of barbarians, the Pannonians were afterwards driven out of their country, the relics of this martyr were carried to Rome, and deposited in the catacombs of St. Sebastian; but removed in 1140 into the church of St. Mary, beyond the Tiber. Molanus shows that they are now kept in a monastery of Bavaria. The river in which Quirinus was drowned was called Sabarius, now Guntz. (Alban Butler, June 4th.)

were brought before the Governor, with Pamphilus, of whom we have already given the history; with other Christians. Firmilianus commenced with the five Egyptians, whose courage he assailed by a variety of torments; but finding them invincible, he proceeded to the usual interrogatories, as to whose religion and to what country they belonged. One of them replied for the whole company, and said, that their names were Elias, Jeremiah, Samuel, and David, and that Jerusalem was their country, evidently meaning the heavenly city, the true country of the faithful. Firmilian was surprised at the mention of Jerusalem, knowing that city to have been totally destroyed by Vespasian, and his son Titus; and the city which Hadrian had erected on its ruins, was called Ælia Capitolina. He asked where that city was to be found; and even went so far as to apply additional torture, to compel a further confession. Elias assured the Magistrate that he had told him the whole truth, and that it was inhabited only by the true servants of God. He maintained an undisturbed calmness amidst the most violent torments; and, transported with the views of the heavenly Jerusalem, he even pursued his allegory, and gave a glowing account of the riches and strength of that city, until the Governor was actually alarmed, and imagined that the Christians were concocting designs against the enemy, and fortifying themselves in Jerusalem. Perplexed with this thought, and finding that nothing more was to be elicited, he condemned him to lose his head. His countrymen underwent the same trials, and submitted to the same punishment.

In Gaul and Britain, where Constantine was personally present, tranquillity prevailed;* but in Egypt and Palestine the Christians groaned under the tyranny of Maximinus; and although Maxentius had usurped the imperial authority in Italy, he did not for some time molest the Christians. The see of Rome, which had for a season continued vacant, was filled up in 308 by the election of Marcellus. Such, at least, is the most probable calculation,† though others suppose Marcellus to have succeeded Marcellinus in the same year. If we may receive the epitaph as genuine, which is said to have been written upon Marcellus‡ by Damasus, one of his successors, he was

* Lactant., Institut. Divin., lib. i., cap. I; De Religione et Sapientia. De Morte Persecut., cap. xxiv.

† Baronil Annales Eccles., cum Critice Pagi, anno 306, sect. 25, tom. iii., Lucæ, 1738, fol.

‡ Upon the death of Marcellinus, the see remained vacant somewhat about three years and a half, when Marcellus was chosen in his room. Thus says the Pontifical of Bucherius, "where instead of seven years, which is a mistake of the transcribers, as is manifest from the Consulships marked there, we must read three. The similitude of the two names has misled some writers to confound Marcellinus with Marcellus; for Eusebius, as well as Jerome, only mention the former; and Theodoret, omitting both Marcellus and Eusebius, who succeeded him, names Melchiades as the immediate successor of Marcellinus; which has made Dr. Pearson doubt whether Marcellus was ever Bishop of Rome. But Marcellinus and Marcellus are evidently distinguished in the Pontifical of Bucherius, by the different times in which they governed, and the different Consuls under whom their government began and ended. They are, besides, distinguished both by Optatus Millevitanus and Augustine, who speak of Marcellus, not only as a Presbyter of the Church of Rome, but as Bishop of that see. To these testimonies I may add the epitaph of Marcellus by Damasus, supposing him to have been Bishop

PERSECUTION IN EGYPT.

particularly strict in requiring the lapsed to submit to a course of penitence. His measures are said to have given rise, not only to discontent and complaint, but even to tumults and bloodshed, which might confirm the notion of the Christians being at this time unmolested by their enemies; and thus, unhappily, they were able to give vent to their feelings of hostility towards each other. So true it is that seasons of peace, however short, have often been a cause of misery and scandal to the church. Maxentius was in possession of Rome, but so entirely engaged with his rival Emperors, that he had not time to pursue his own corrupt and barbarous inclinations, and conducted himself so tyrannically to all his subjects, that the Heathen were occupied in looking to themselves, without seeking to persecute the Christians.* The persecution was carried on as hotly as ever in Egypt. One hundred and thirty Christians had their eyes and feet treated as was usual at this period, and were afterwards sent to work in the mines. It seems to have required all the activity of Maximinus, and his insatiable love of cruelty, to have his orders executed by the provincial Magistrates. In spite of all his vigilance, the humanity of these men sometimes prevailed over their fear of offending the tyrant, and the Christians felt their chains becoming lighter upon them. Marcellus thought this a fitting opportunity to restore that discipline in the church, which the confusion of the times had disturbed. He failed, however, in his plans: the debates in the church ran high, and even raised disturbances in the city. Maxentius, who was a great enemy of the Christians, laid the blame of its worst consequences upon Marcellus, whom he first condemned to keep beasts in a stable, and then banished him as an incendiary, and a disturber of the public peace, when the hardships he suffered in his exile soon put an end to his life, and procured him the title of a martyr.

The cruelty of Maximinus was notorious. The Christians who were condemned to work in the mines of Palestine, had begun to enjoy more liberty, and the houses in which some of them lived were employed as churches. The Governor of the province, having observed the alteration in their condition, wrote to Maximinus concerning it; and an order was accordingly sent to the overseer of the mines, that these indulgences should cease. The plan adopted for annoying the Christians was, to disperse them in different places. Some were sent to Cyprus, some to Mount Libanus, others to various parts of Palestine, where they were all confined to hard labour. This, however, was not sufficient severity. Four victims were selected, who were, perhaps, of the most note among the number, and sent to the military commander of the district. Two of them, Peleus and Nilus, were Egyptian Bishops; the other two were Presbyters; and when they refused to abjure the faith, they were ordered to be burnt. There were others, who from their age or bodily infirmities had been unable to work in the mines, and had been allowed to live in a place of Rome. Damasus flourished about the year 366. Many things are said of Marcellus; but they are all founded either on his Acts, or the modern Pontificals, and, consequently, have little or no authority." (Bower, Hist. of the Popes, vol. i., p. 86.)

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

U by themselves; one of whom was Silvanus, the venerable Bishop of Gaza, who had been sent to the mines three years before, having first had his foot dislocated. Another, named John, had come with the prisoners from Egypt; and though he was already blind, the same cruelty had been inflicted upon his eyes as upon the rest. His blindness did not hinder him from knowing the Scriptures by heart. The whole number of these persons was thirty-nine; and since they could not bear the removal, and they were of no use as labourers, Maximinus commanded them all to be beheaded in one day.*

The words of our Saviour, in his incomparable sermon on the Mount, never received a more just illustration than in the person of Herculeus, who all along had been one of the most sanguinary and inveterate persecutors of the Christian name of which the church had to complain. "With what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again." When Herculeus had reluctantly abdicated the empire, the venal orators of the times applauded his philosophic moderation. When his ambition excited, or at least encouraged, a civil war, they returned thanks to his generous patriotism, and gently censured that love of ease and retirement which had withdrawn him from the public service. But it was impossible that minds like those of Herculeus and his son could long possess in harmony an undivided power. Maxentius considered himself as the legal Sovereign of Italy, elected by the Roman Senate and people; nor would he endure the control of his father, who arrogantly declared, that by his name and abilities the rash youth had been established on the throne. The cause was solemnly pleaded before the Praetorian guards; and those troops, who dreaded the severity of the old Emperor, espoused the party of Maxentius. The life and freedom of Herculeus were, however, respected, and he retired from Italy into Illyricum, affecting to lament his past conduct, and secretly contriving new mischiefs. But Galerius, who was well acquainted with his character, soon obliged him to leave his dominions; and the last refuge of the disappointed Herculeus was the court of his son-in-law Constantine. He was received with respect and filial tenderness by Fausta. That he might remove every suspicion, he resigned the imperial purple a second time, professing himself at length convinced of the vanity of greatness and ambition.† Had he persevered in this resolution, he might have ended his life with less dignity, indeed, than in his first retirement; yet, however, with comfort and reputation. But the near prospect of a throne brought back to his remembrance the state whence he was fallen; and he resolved, by a desperate effort, either to reign or to perish. An incursion of the Franks had summoned Constantine, with a part of his army, to the banks of the Rhine; the remainder of the troops were stationed in the southern provinces of Gaul, which lay exposed to the enterprises of the Italian Emperor; and a consider-

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

† Lactant., De Morte Persecut., cap. xxix. After the resignation of the purple, Constantine still continued to Herculeus the pomp and honours of the imperial dignity; and on all public occasions, gave the right-hand place to his father-in-law. (Eumenius, Panegyr., lib. vii., cap. 15; Delphim. Clam. cum Var. Not., No. 122.)

THE DEATH OF HERCULEUS.

able treasure was deposited in the city of Arles. Herculeus either craftily invented, or hastily credited, a vain report of the death of Constantine. Without hesitation he ascended the throne, seized the treasure, and, scattering it with his accustomed profusion among the soldiers, endeavoured to awaken in their minds the memory of his ancient dignity and exploits. Before he could establish his authority, or finish the negotiation which he appears to have entered into with his son Maxentius, the celerity of Constantine defeated all his hopes. On the first news of his perfidy and ingratitude, that Prince returned by rapid marches from the Rhone to the Saone, embarked on the last-mentioned river at Chalons; and, at Lyons trusting himself to the rapidity of the Rhine, arrived at the gates of Arles with a military force, which it was impossible for Herculeus to resist, and which scarcely permitted him to take refuge in the neighbouring city of Marseilles. The narrow neck of land which joined that place to the Continent was fortified against the besiegers; whilst the sea was open, either for the escape of Herculeus, or for the succours of Maxentius, if the latter should choose to disguise his invasion of Gaul under the honourable pretence of defending a distressed or, as he might allege, an injured father. Apprehensive of the fatal consequences of delay, Constantine gave orders for an immediate assault; but the scaling-ladders were found too short for the height of the walls, and Marseilles might have sustained as long a siege as it formerly did against the arms of Cæsar, if the garrison, conscious either of their fault or of their danger, had not purchased their pardon by delivering up the city and the person of Herculeus. A secret, but irrevocable, sentence of death was pronounced against the usurper: he obtained only the same favour which he had rendered to Severus; and it was published to the world, that, oppressed by the remorse of his repeated crimes, he strangled himself with his own hands.*

Maximinus continued to vex the church; and the martyrdoms which took place in the early part of the year 310 were chiefly at Tyre, many of which were witnessed by Eusebius. He was not unlikely to leave Cæsarea when his friend Pamphilus suffered; and since he was then engaged in finishing his defence of Origen, he might be able to complete the work at Tyre, where the last years of the life of that celebrated man were passed, and where Methodius, the earliest and most formidable assailant of Origen's character, had lately held the episcopal see. While Eusebius was at Tyre, he saw several Christians exposed to wild beasts in the amphitheatre; and he could hardly be mistaken, when he states expressly, that he saw these animals refuse to touch them, though every expedient was used to excite their fury.† Tyrannion, Bishop of Tyre, and Zenobius, a Presbyter of Sidon, who was also a Physician, were martyred in the course of this persecution; but they were taken from their own cities, and suffered at Antioch;‡ and at the time of Eusebius visiting the city, Paulinus was Bishop of Tyre, with whom he formed an intimacy, and dedicated to him his

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. ii., p. 206, edit. Milman, 8vo.

† Eusebius, Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 7.

‡ Ibid., cap. 13.

v 2 work on Ecclesiastical History. Eusebius also appears to have been in Egypt, where he witnessed some of the sufferings which he has described; * and it is most probable, that this journey was undertaken after the death of Pamphilus. Another author who wrote in defence of Christianity at this time, was Arnobius, a native of Sicca in Africa, and a teacher of rhetoric. Having been bred in Heathenism, he had been in the habit of decrying Christianity; and when he was afterwards convinced of its truth, he found a difficulty in being admitted to baptism. He accordingly wrote a work in seven books against the Heathen, which is still extant, and is a masterly exposure of the follies of Paganism. If the date of this work be rightly fixed to the year 310, the author, when he speaks of the persecution, may, perhaps, have alluded to what was done by the usurper Alexander, as well as to the earlier decrees of Diocletian and Herculeus; but since Lactantius was a pupil of Arnobius, and was himself a teacher of rhetoric at Nicomedia, at the commencement of the persecution, Arnobius was probably advanced in years at the time of his conversion. †

The state of the church assumed at this period a more tranquil aspect. In the commencement of 310, Marcellus, Bishop of Rome, who had been driven from the see by Maxentius, was succeeded by Eusebius, ‡ who held the office only for a few months; and was also followed by Melchiades. Dr. Burton says, that it seems probable that the Roman Christians were exposed to particular sufferings at this period. Maxentius could have felt no partiality towards them, except from political motives; but he had promised them a freedom from vexation at the beginning of his usurpation; and he does not appear to have behaved more tyrannically towards them, than he did to all his subjects. If Marcellus were banished from Rome by his orders, it is not proved that this act formed a part of any general persecution. An apostate from Christianity is said to have excited the displeasure of the tyrant against the Bishop; and he may, perhaps, have invented some accusation which was not connected with questions against religion. Maxentius had also promised to give back to the Christians their places of worship, which had been taken from them; but though he had written a letter to this effect, and his commander of the Praetorian guards had done the same, the business was not more advanced when Melchiades was elected, than it had been four years before. This Bishop sent these letters by some of his Deacons to the Prefect of the city, and claimed a fulfilment of the promise; but we are not informed whether his application succeeded. Melchiades was accused afterwards of having sent this message by a Deacon who had delivered up

* Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. viii., cap. 9.

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxix.

‡ Marcellus was succeeded by Eusebius, who governed seven months, according to the historian; but only four months and sixteen days, according to the Pontifical of Bucubrius. From an ancient epitaph on this Pope, we learn that he opposed with great vigour and zeal one Heraclius, pretending that those who had fallen during the persecution ought to be re-admitted to the communion of the church, without giving such satisfaction as was then required; and that heretofore great divisions occurred among the people. (Bower, Hist. of the Popes, vol. I, p. 86, 4to.)

DEATH OF GALERIUS.

some property of the church during the late persecution; but he denied the charge. Maxentius caused some relief to the Christians in another quarter, in 311, by sending an officer into Africa, who defeated and slew Alexander. The persecution had been revived in that country since 307; and though it perhaps did not extend far, the immediate presence of the usurper was likely to be a source of danger to the Christians. There is evidence that Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage, was exposed to considerable suffering. A Deacon named Felix had written a letter against the usurper, and, being afraid of the consequences, had taken refuge with Mensurius. The Bishop, having refused to give him up, was examined before a Magistrate, who acquitted him, and allowed him to return to Carthage; but he died before he reached the city, and Caecilianus was elected in his room. There was a party in the church of Carthage which had opposed Mensurius, and charged him with belonging to the traditores; but it appeared afterwards to be a calumny; and at the time of his examination, he had a list of several valuable articles belonging to his church, which he left to be given to his successor. The persecution in that country did not, in fact, entirely cease till the end of the following year, when Maxentius sent an order into Africa that the Christians should not be molested. There were, however, much more effectual steps taken to relieve the Christians in the eastern part of the empire. They had now had little or no intermission of their sufferings for eight years, since the issuing of the first edict by Diocletian and Galerius in 303.*

The most signal and unexpected triumph of Christianity was over the author of the persecution. While victory and success appeared to follow that party in the state, which, if they had not as yet openly espoused the cause of Christianity, had unquestionably its most ardent prayers in their favour; the enemies of the Christians were smitten with the direst calamities, and the Almighty appeared visibly to exact the most awful vengeance for their sufferings. Galerius himself was compelled, as it were, to implore mercy; not indeed in the attitude of penitence, but of profound humiliation at the foot of the Christian altar. In the eighteenth year of his reign, the persecutor lay expiring of a most loathsome malady. A deep and fetid ulcer preyed on the lower regions of his body, and ate them away into a mass of living corruption. "It is certainly singular," observes Mr. Milman, "that the disease, termed in Scripture 'caten of worms,' should have been the destiny of Herod, of Galerius, and of Philip II. of Spain.† Physicians were sought from all quarters; every oracle was consulted in vain; that of Apollo suggested a cure which aggravated the virulence of the disease. Not merely the chamber, the whole palace of Galerius is described as infected by the insupportable stench which issued from his wound; while the agonies which he suffered might have satiated

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

† "A complication of disorders brought him into a state from which it was manifest he could not recover; and being sensible that his end was approaching, he caused himself to be conveyed to Madrid to his own palace of the Escorial, where, in the midst of great suffering, he expired, September 13th, 1598." (Rose, Biog. Dict.)

the worst vengeance of his most unchristian enemy."* At length, being reminded that the disease was sent by God, he began to reflect upon the injury that he had done to the saints of the Most High; and from his dying bed he issued an edict, which—while it condescended to apologize for the past severities against the Christians, under the special plea of regard for the public welfare and the unity of the state, and while it expressed compassion for his deluded subjects, whom the Government was unwilling to leave in the forlorn condition of being absolutely without a religion—admitted to the fullest extent the total failure of the severe measures for the suppression of Christianity. It permitted the free and public exercise of the Christian religion. The concluding sentences of this edict were still more remarkable: they contained an earnest request to the Christians to intercede for the suffering Emperor in their supplications to their God. Whether this edict was dictated by wisdom, by remorse, or by superstitious terror; whether it was the act of a statesman, convinced by experience of the impolicy, or even the injustice, of his sanguinary acts; whether, in the agonies of his excruciating disease, his conscience was harassed by the thought of his tortured victims; or, having vainly solicited the assistance of his own deities, he would desperately endeavour to propitiate the favour, or at least allay the wrath, of the Christians' God; the whole Roman world was witness of the public and humiliating acknowledgment of defeat 'extorted from the dying Emperor. On the 13th of April this edict† was issued at Nicomedia in the name of himself, Constantine, and Licinius. Copies of the decree, and directions in accordance with it, were immediately sent to the different governments of Asia Minor, and Galerius expired shortly after its promulgation.

This edict accorded with the sentiments of Licinius and Constantine. Maximinus, the Caesar of the East, whose peculiar jurisdiction

* Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 286.

† A translation of this celebrated decree we subjoin:—"Among the other plans which we had conceived for the public profit and convenience, it was early our wish to reform all things according to the ancient laws and the national principles of the Romans; especially to devise means whereby the Christians, who have relinquished the opinions and usages of their parents, might be brought back to a right mind. For such a degree of arrogance and folly has (by some fancy) possessed them, that they will not follow the sanctions of their ancestors, which it is likely they also had before received from their parents; but they make laws for themselves, and observe them, just according to their own individual fancy and arbitrement, assembling large multitudes of people in divers places. Therefore, when we had published such an edict as should oblige them to return to the rites and ordinances of their ancestors, many of them were exposed to imminent dangers; and many, having been actually troubled, finally underwent death in various forms. But when many persisted in this madness, and we perceived they did neither exhibit a due worship to the celestial gods, nor yet to the God of the Christians; having respect to our humanity, and that continued usage by which we have been accustomed to exercise pardon towards all sorts of men, we have thought good most readily to extend our indulgence in this matter also; so that the Christians should again be tolerated, and that they should have licence to rebuild the houses wherein they used to assemble themselves, and that they may not in future be forced to do anything contrary to their principles. In another rescript we will signify to our Judges what it shall before them to observe. Wherefore, in gratitude for this our indulgence, they ought to supplicate their God both for our welfare and that of the commonwealth, as well as their own; that so both public affairs may everywhere be kept in a wholesome state, and they themselves may live securely in their own dwellings." (Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. i., p. 239, Rev., Seeley's edit.)

STATE OF THE CHURCH AT THIS PERIOD.

extended over Syria and Egypt, rendered but an imperfect and reluctant obedience to the decree of toleration. His jealousy was, no doubt, excited by the omission of his name in the preamble to the edict; and he seized this excuse to discountenance its promulgation in his provinces: nevertheless, for a time, he suppressed his profound and indomitable hostility to the Christian name. He permitted unwritten orders to go forth to the municipal Governors of the towns and to the Magistrates of the villages, to put an end to all violent proceedings. The zeal of Sabinus, the Praetorian Prefect of the East, supposing the milder sentiments of Galerius to be shared by Maximinus, seems to have outrun the intentions of the Cæsar.* A circular rescript appeared in his name, echoing the tone, though it did not go quite to the length, of the imperial edict. It proclaimed, "that it had been the anxious wish of the divinity of the most mighty Emperors to reduce the whole empire to pay an harmonious and united worship to the immortal gods. But their clemency had at length taken compassion on the obverse perversity of the Christians, and determined on desisting from their ineffectual attempts to force them to abandon their hereditary faith." The Magistrates were instructed to communicate the contents of this letter to each other. The Governors of the provinces, supposing at once that the letter of the Prefect contained the real sentiments of the Emperor, with merciful haste despatched orders to all persons in subordinate civil or military command; the Magistrates both of the towns and the villages acted also upon them with unhesitating obedience; and the Christians were released from the prisons and the mines. In a moment all was joy, wonder, and thanksgiving, where before there had been suffering and sorrow. Places of worship were immediately opened in the towns, and attended by crowds. The roads were filled with persons returning to their homes; and even the Heathen were led to think that God alone could have worked so sudden and so great a change. How transitory and fleeting this prospect was, will, ere long, be proved in the sequel.†

* Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 1; and Milman's History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 287.

† Eusebius gives a very graphic account of the state of the church at this period:—

"When these things had been executed, all on a sudden, like a flash of light blazing from dense darkness, in every city one could see congregations collected, assemblies thronged, and the accustomed meetings held in the same places. Every one of the Heathen was not a little astonished at these appearances; both amazed at the singular state of affairs, and exclaiming that the God of the Christians was the only great and true God. Those of our brethren who had faithfully and manfully passed through the conflict of persecution also obtained great privileges with all. And those who had deserted their faith, and had been shaken in their souls by the tempest, eagerly hastened to their remedy, supplicating and entreating the strong to give them the right hand of safety, and imploring God to be merciful unto them. Then, also, these noble wrestlers of religion, liberated from the hardships of labouring in the mines, were dismissed, and allowed to return to their own country. Joyous and cheerful they proceeded through every city, filled with an inexpressible pleasure and a confidence which language is inadequate to explain. Numerous bodies thus pursued their journey through the public highways and markets, celebrating the praises of God in songs and poems. And they who had a little before been driven in bonds under a most merciless punishment from their respective countries, you could now see regaining their homes and fire-hearths with bright and exhilarated countenances; so that even they who had before exclaimed against us, seeing the wonder beyond all expectation, congratulated us on these events."

The jealousy of Maximinus because of Licinius having his name affixed to the edict of Galerius overpowered all other feelings, and he hastened into Bithynia to secure to himself the countries which had been governed by Galerius. Licinius was also at the head of an army, and there was every prospect of a civil war. They watched each other on either side of the Bosphorus with ill-dissembled hostility; but the two Emperors finally came to terms without a battle. Maximinus retained Asia Minor and Bithynia, while Illyria and Thrace were allotted to Licinius. It is also highly probable that, during the temporary tranquillity of the church, Peter, the Bishop of Alexandria, quitted his place of concealment, where he had for several years been hidden, and returned to his see. He lost no time in inquiring into the conduct of Meletius; and a synod of Bishops was convened to try him for his irregular proceedings, as well as for the heavier charge of having sacrificed in the late persecution.* A sentence of deposition was passed against Meletius; but so far from complying with it, or taking any steps to justify himself, he carried to still greater length his schismatical principles, and treated the Prelate of Alexandria with personal insolence. From this time the Meletian schism was regularly organized, and Peter would have the mortification to find his authority rejected by some of his Clergy. Arius at present did not join the seceders. He ceased to give his support to Meletius; and the character of Peter appears in a favourable light, when we find that he not only forgave Arius, but ordained him Deacon.† The reconciliation, however, did not last long. The Bishop found himself obliged to issue a sentence of excommunication against all the Meletians, and he took the decided measure of not recognising their baptisms. "We are scarcely competent," says Dr. Burton, "to determine whether he were justified in the latter step; but it was likely to revive ancient dissensions, and among other persons who expressed their dissatisfaction, Arius again distinguished himself. Peter felt that he had gone far enough in attempting to conciliate; and Arius, who had so lately been admitted to officiate in the church, was now excluded from its communion. He continued in this state for some time; but the persecution, as we shall see, shortly revived; and the Bishop, if he had acted hastily, was called to answer for his conduct at a higher tribunal."‡

The slippery character of Maximinus the tyrant scarcely suffered the peaceful state of the church to continue unviolated six months;

(Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. i.) The cessation of the persecution showed at once its extent. The prison-doors were thrown open; the mines rendered up their condemned labourers; everywhere long trains of Christians were seen hastening to the ruins of their churches, and visiting the places sanctified by their former devotion. The public roads, the streets, and market-places of the towns were crowded with long processions, singing psalms of thanksgiving for their deliverance. Those who had maintained their faith under these severe trials passed triumphant in conscious, even if lowly, pride, amid the flattering congratulations of their brethren; those who had failed in the hour of affliction hastened to reunite themselves with their God, and to obtain readmission into the flourishing and reunited fold. (Milman.)

* Socrates, Eccles. Hist., lib. i., cap. 6.

† Sozomen, Hist. Eccles., lib. i., cap. 15.

‡ Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

REVIVAL OF THE PERSECUTION.

for whatever seemed to lead to its destruction, that did he sedulously foster and encourage. He deprived the Christians of all liberty to assemble in church-yards on any pretext whatsoever. He then sent certain miscreants to the Antiocheans, to solicit their suffrages against the faithful, especially by provoking him, as an act of favour shown to them, that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabit that country. Among these emissaries was one Theotecnus,* an enchanter by profession, and a most deadly enemy of the Christians. Foxe says, "He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credit with and accused to the Emperor; to which base end he also erected a certain idol of Jupiter to be worshipped by the enchanters and conjurers, and mingled the same worship with ceremonies full of deceivable witchcraft. Lastly, he caused the same idol to give this sound out of his mouth, that is, 'Jupiter commandeth the Christians to be banished out of the city, and suburbs of the same, as enemies unto him.' And the same sentence did the rest of the Governors of the provinces publish against them; and thus at length did the persecution begin to be kindled. Maximinus also appointed Priests in every city to offer sacrifice unto idols, and High Priests over these; and inveigled all those that were in high offices under him, that they should do all in their power against the Christians, and that they should with new-devised stratagems against them (as that would please him) put as many to death as by any means they might."† Another plan was to circulate calumnies concerning them. The old stories were revived of their religious meetings being full of indecency. One named Praefectus Castrorum,‡ whom the Romans call "Dux," residing at Damascus in Phoenicia, allured certain loose and abandoned women from the market-place, and their haunts of iniquity, and then, by threats of torture, compelled them to say in writing, that they were formerly Christians, and that they were acquainted with those wicked and licentious acts which the Christians were accustomed to practise amongst themselves at their assemblies on the Lord's day; and also any other tale which they might invent. The Praefectus Castrorum then made known to the Emperor their testimonies, as though they were veritable and correct, who forthwith commanded the same to be published throughout every city. Furthermore, they were accustomed to suspend, in some conspicuous and public place, the edicts of the Emperor against the members of the Christian church, graven on tables of brass. A deep and deliberate scheme was laid for the advancement of one party in the popular favour, and for the depression of the other. Measures were systematically taken to enfeeble the influence of Christianity, not by the authority of Government, but by poisoning the public mind, and infusing into it a settled

* Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. i., p. 241. Seeley's edition.

† Kuseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. iii., iv. Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. i., p. 241.

‡ Ἐτρατοπέδραχος, Kusebius, "the Lieutenant." The chief Magistrate in the Emperor's provinces exercised both the civil and military functions, (see Adams, Rom. Antiq.) and bore military titles. The Magistrates of Alexandria answered to our Sheriffs. It is evident, however, that the chief Magistrate of the province, or "Lieutenant," is here meant.

X and conscientious animosity. A work was forged, called, "The Acts of Pilate," which gave a false and disgraceful account of the life of Jesus; and pains were taken that children at school should learn their lessons from such books as this.* New regulations were made concerning the heathen Priests; and not only were they established in every city and town, but each province had its own High Priest, who was taken from the persons of highest rank, was ordered to appear dressed in white, and was attended in public by a guard of soldiers.† The imitation of the Christians was evident in all this; and the Priests were not only ordered to perform sacrifices daily, but they were to prevent the Christians from building churches, and to compel them to attend the sacrifices. Maximinus wished to have it believed that he was only complying with the petitions of his subjects in again repressing Christianity. This was done not only by the people of Antioch, but of Nicomedia and Tyre, together with several other places; and not only were their petitions granted, but their letters, and the Emperor's answers to them, were engraved on brass, and exhibited in a conspicuous part of the city.‡ Maximinus had begun his former practice of burning out an eye, cutting off a hand, or maiming them in some other way; and he would evidently have gone greater lengths, if he had not been frightened by letters written to him by Constantine, and by hearing that a sister of that Emperor

* "Having forged certain Acts of Pilate, respecting our Saviour, full of every kind of blasphemy against Christ, these, with the consent of the Emperor, they sent through the whole of the empire subject to him, commanding at the same time by ordinances in every town and city, and the adjacent districts, to publish these to all persons, and to give them to the Schoolmasters to hand to their pupils, to study and commit to memory, as exercises for declamation." (Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 5.) The original "Acts of Pilate" were a relation alleged to have been sent by Pilate to the Emperor Tiberius, concerning Jesus Christ, his death, resurrection, ascension, and the crimes of which he was convicted before him. It was a custom among the Romans that the Proconsuls and Governors of provinces should draw up acts or memoirs of what happened in the course of their government, and send them to the Emperor and Senate. The Acts of Pilate were sent by him to Tiberius, who reported them to the Senate; but they were rejected, it is said, by them, because not immediately addressed to that assembly. (Tertull. Apol., cap. 5, 20, 21.) The genuine Acts, if they ever existed, are now lost, and those that remain are manifestly spurious. (See Fabric., Cod. Apoc. Test., p. 298, Ap. 972.) Pearson, Mosheim, and Lardner are inclined to think that considerable credit is due to the account given by Justin Martyr and Tertullian of these Acts. Dupin and some others consider the whole matter very doubtful. Lardner discusses the subject with his usual impartiality. (Lardner, Works, 4to., ed. iii., pp. 599-606.)

† Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 14; lib. ix., cap. 4. Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. xxxvi.

‡ Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 2, 7, 9. "A regular system of government, also, was instituted for the heathen priesthood, closely copied from that of the Christian republic. The sedulous care of the followers of Jesus in instilling into the minds of the young the knowledge and the love of the Gospel, was imitated under the direction of the advisers of Maximinus, in diligently impressing upon the youthful mind all that might prejudice it against Christianity. A work entitled, 'The Acts of Pilate,' the forgery of some enemy of our faith, and full of impious blasphemy against Christ, was circulated through the East; and schoolmasters were commanded to use it as one of their class-books. Rescripts also were engraved on tables of brass," (Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 7.) "and placed in every city, by which Priests and Magistrates were empowered to inflict the most cruel and ignominious punishments on the refractory Christians. These rescripts continued in force throughout the dominions of Maximinus till after his defeat by Licinius, when, under the influence of rage and despair, he directed his fury against his former advisers, and issued an edict of toleration in favour of the Christians." (Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. ix., cap. 10.)

MAXIMINUS, A BITTER PERSECUTOR OF THE CHURCH.

was about to be married to Licinius.* This made him act more secretly. He again opened a communication with Maxentius, that Constantine might find employment nearer home; and though he did not put Christians openly to death, he frequently caused them to be drowned. He also took care that all the meat which was served at his table should have passed through the hands of the Priest, so that whoever tasted it would be considered as party to a sacrifice; and he had thus the gratification of annoying the Christians who were likely to be invited to his table.† The faithful now found themselves exposed to great peril: the dogs of war against Christianity were let slip by the brutal and hypocritical Maximinus, and the church once more was clothed in sackcloth. The sufferings of the Christians in other parts of the empire were extremely great: Eusebius says, "that they felt them more severely than those of the nine preceding years."‡ It is highly probable that Hierocles§ was still the Governor of Egypt, who had shown, from the first, such determined opposition to the Christians. The Governor of the Thebaid at this time was Calcianus, who was another favourite of the tyrant, and whose hands were imbrued in the blood of several martyrs.|| Many other Egyptian Bishops suffered.

The Emperor, in his public rescript, in answer to the address from the city of Tyre, had, as it were, placed the issue of this contest on an appeal to heaven. The gods of Paganism were asserted to be the benefactors of the human race: through their influence the soil had yielded its annual increase; the genial air had not been parched by fatal droughts; the sea had neither been agitated with tempests, nor swept by hurricanes; the earth, instead of being rocked by volcanic convulsions, had been the peaceful and fertile mother of its abundant fruits. Their own neighbourhood spoke the manifest favour of these benignant deities, in its rich fields, waving with harvests, its flowery and luxurious meadows, and in the mild and genial temperature of the air. A city so blessed by its tutelary gods, in prudence, as well as in justice, would expel those traitorous citizens whose impiety endan-

* Lactant., De Morte Persecut., cap. xxxvii.

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx. The Emperor persisted in his cruel course; and is said to have condescended to an ingenious artifice to afflict the tender consciences of some persons of the higher orders who escaped less painful penalties. His banquets were served with victims previously slain in sacrifice; and his Christian guests were thus unconsciously betrayed into a crime, which the authority of St. Paul had not yet convinced the more scrupulous believers to be a matter of perfect indifference. (Milman.)

‡ Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. ix., cap. 6.

§ The circle of writers who opposed the Gospel is closed by Hierocles, the Governor of Bithynia, and afterwards of Alexandria, who chose for his attack on Christianity the season when persecution against the Christians was in full operation; a time which a man of tender feelings and noble sentiments would have been the last to choose. It was also peculiarly unbecoming in Hierocles to set himself up as a teacher of the Christians; for he was himself the founder of the persecution, and bore a principal share in it. And yet he lays pretences to an impartial love of truth, and kindly feelings towards the faithful; for he entitles his work, "A truth-loving Discourse, addressed to the Christians." (1) He brought forward again much which had been said by Celsus and Porphyry, and allowed himself to indulge in the most shameless falsehoods about the history of Christ. (Neander.)

|| Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. ix., cap. ult.; Epiphan. Hæres., lib. lxviii., cap. 1.

x 2 gered these blessings, and would wisely purify its walls from the infection of their heaven-despising worshippers. Now, all this rhapsodic language reads well in poetry and in fiction; but how speedily did Maximinus behold the fine prospects of his own creation covered with a dark and portentous cloud! He experienced a truth-stirring reverse. Peace and prosperity by no means ensued upon the depression of the Christian name. Notwithstanding the embellishment of the heathen temples, the restoration of the polytheistic ceremonial in more than ordinary pomp, and the nomination of the noblest citizens to the pontifical offices, every kind of calamity, tyranny, war, pestilence, and famine, depopulated the Asiatic provinces.* Foxe, however, asserts, that although the Emperor's answer to the inhabitants of Tyre boasted of prosperity and plenty during the time of the persecution of the Christians, there suddenly befell unseasonable famine, drought, and pestilence in the country; and if we take into consideration the war with the Armenians, all was found to be untrue, respecting which he had so loudly boasted. During this famine and pestilence the inhabitants were greatly decreased: one measure of wheat was sold for two thousand five hundred pieces of money termed "Attic drachms."† By reason of this scarcity, a great number of persons died in the cities, but many more in the country and villages; so that part of the husbandmen, and other inhabitants of the country, perished on account of the famine and the pestilence.‡ Many there were who, producing their most valuable treasures, were glad to give them for any kind of sustenance, no matter how small in quantity. Others, disposing of their possessions, were soon reduced to a state of poverty and want. Some, eating grass and devouring unwholesome herbs, were glad to satiate their appetite with such food as tended not only to injure, but to poison and destroy. A number of reputable women, and of good family, in the various cities, having been reduced to extreme misery and pauperism, were constrained to come forth and crave from the passengers in the

* Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 293.

† Eusebi, Hist. Eccles., lib. ix., cap. 8. "The two thousand five hundred Attic drachms would amount to about £36. The medimnas, or measure, contained six modii, or a little more than six pecks. Four Attic drachms were equal to about half-a-crown." But in this statement Eusebius is evidently mistaken: a measure of wheat at two thousand five hundred attics (drachms) would amount to nearly £80.

‡ "Throughout the dominions of Maximin the summer rains did not fall, a sudden famine desolated the whole East, corn rose to an unprecedented price. Some large villages were entirely depopulated, many opulent families were reduced to beggary, and persons in a decent station sold their children as slaves. The rapacity of the Emperor aggravated the general misery. The granaries of individuals were seized, and their stores closed up by the imperial seal. The flocks and herds were driven away, to be offered in unavailing sacrifices to the gods. The court of the Emperor, in the meantime, insulted the general suffering by its excessive luxury; his foreign and barbarian troops lived in a kind of free quarters, in wasteful plenty, and plundered on all sides with perfect impunity. The scanty and unwholesome food produced its usual effect, a pestilential malady. Carbuncles broke out all over the bodies of those who were seized with the disorder; but particularly attacked the eyes, so that multitudes became helplessly and incurably blind. The houses of the wealthy, which were secure against the famine, seemed particularly marked out by the pestilence. The hearts of all classes were hardened by the extent of the calamity. The most opulent, despairing of diminishing the vast mass of misery, or of relieving the swarms of beggars who filled every town and city, gave up the fruitless endeavour." (Milman.)

DREADFUL STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

market-place the hard-earned but reluctant aid of charity. Others pined and withered like spectres; without breath, reeling and staggering, and, from utter inability to stand upright, fell down in the middle of the streets, and then, lying at their full length with their faces downward, craved a morsel of bread; others, at the last gasp, ready to give up the ghost, and not able to utter any other words, dolefully exclaimed that they were very hungry! Of the more opulent there were many who, being weary with the number of beggars and positive dependants on their bounty, after they had bestowed largely upon them, became themselves callous and hard-hearted, fearing lest they should fall into a similar state themselves. On this account, the market-places, streets, lanes, and alleys were full of dead and naked bodies, which lay cast out and unburied, to the pitiful and grievous sight of those who beheld them. Many were actually eaten of dogs: hence many forthwith commenced slaughtering those animals, lest, becoming rabid, they should fall upon and kill them. In like manner, the pestilence pervading every house, and seizing upon the inhabitants of every rank and age, committed dreadful devastation, especially amongst those who had escaped the famine. Hence the wealthy Governors of provinces, Presidents, and an innumerable company of Magistrates, being more ready, on account of the plenty they enjoyed, to take the infection, were quickly despatched. Thus the miserable multitude being destroyed by famine and pestilence, every place was full of mourning, weeping and wailing were heard in every corner, and, as it was with Egypt in ancient time when visited with a similar plague, "there was not a house where there was not one dead." So that death, by means of famine and pestilence, in a short time broke up and consumed whole households; two or three corpses were conveyed together from the same domicile to the place of interment at one funeral. This was the awful recompence which followed hard upon the vain boastings of Maximinus, which he published in every town and city throughout the empire against the church of Christ. "Vengeance belongeth unto me, I will repay, saith the Lord."*

In the meanwhile it was evident to all, how diligent and charitable the Christians were to the afflicted in their wretched extremity. They only, in this time of general calamity, showed compassion; being engaged daily in waiting upon the sick, and in burying the dead, who by the Heathen would have been utterly forsaken. Many Chris-

* The edicts which followed the celebrated letter addressed to the inhabitants of Tyre, had scarcely reached their destination, when the reverse of the pleasing picture which he drew began to be exhibited. While multitudes were dying, or reduced to the extreme of suffering by famine and disease, the difference between the Christians and the Heathen was very striking. The former were incessant in attending upon the sick, and supplying the wants of the necessitous; and the result, as on similar occasions, was favourable to the spreading of the Gospel. The absence of the evils of war, which was another topic urged by Maximinus, was totally at variance with facts. Eusebius states, that the whole country was in a state of hostility during all the ten years of the persecution. (Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., lib. viii., cap. 15.) Travelling by land or water was attended with the greatest danger; and it could hardly have been otherwise, when so many rival Emperors were intriguing against each other. But Maximinus was himself the falsifier of his own words. Early in 312, he marched against the Armenians, and the gods were so far from showing their approbation of his conduct, that he was defeated in person. (Burton.)

tians gathered multitudes together, who were in danger of famine, and distributed quantities of bread among them; and thus they gave occasion to all men to glorify the Christians' God, and to acknowledge them alone to be the true worshippers of the Most High, as their works evidently showed. "Whilst these things," says Eusebius, "were being done, God, the great and celestial defender of his church, who exhibited his indignation and anger against men by these calamities, on account of the excesses committed against us, restored the benign and smiling brightness of his providence towards us, so that, by a most wonderful concurrence of events, the light of his peace again began to shine upon us, as from the midst of the densest darkness; showing plainly to all, that God himself had been the ruler of our affairs at all times; who sometimes, indeed, chastens and visits his people, by various trials, from time to time; but, after he has sufficiently chastened, again exhibits his mercy and kindness to those who trust in him." * The Christians in Armenia, if we may believe later, and in some respects suspicious, accounts,† had suffered severely in the earlier years of the persecution. Athenogenes, Bishop of Sebaste, was memorable among the martyrs;‡ and, at this time, the fame of a Bishop named Gregory was widely spread. He had received his consecration from Leontius, another celebrated Bishop of Cæsarea, in Cappadocia; and it seems to have been the custom for all his successors to do the same.§ Gregory is said to have converted Tiridates, the King of Armenia, to Christianity; and Arsaces, who reigned after him, was likewise a Christian. It was probably the first of these Sovereigns who provoked the hostility of Maximinus. No cause of war is assigned,|| except the attempts made by the tyrant to force the Armenian Christians to sacrifice; and the result of the campaign was unfavourable to the Romans. Maximinus was perhaps diverted from continuing this war, by the necessity of watching the operations of his colleagues in Europe.¶

In the midst of the great calamity to which allusion has been made, not the least scourge of pagan East was the pagan Emperor himself. Christian writers may have exaggerated—they can scarcely have invented—the vices of Maximinus. His licentiousness violated alike the honour of noble and plebeian families. The eunuchs, the purveyors for his passions, traversed the provinces, marked out those who were distinguished by fatal beauty, and conducted these extraordinary perquisitions with the most insolent indignity: where milder measures would not prevail, force was used. Nor was tyranny content with the gratification of its own licence: noble virgins, after having been dishonoured by the Emperor, were granted in marriage

* Euseb., Hist. Eccles., lib. ix., cap. 8.

† See Annales Baronii ad Ann., 311, No. xx. Sozomen speaks of Armenia having embraced Christianity long before the time of Constantine. Eccles. Hist., lib. ii., cap. 8.

|| He was probably the person mentioned by Basil, de Spir. Sancto, lib. xxix., cap. lxxiii., p. 62. Cave supposes that he flourished A.D. 196.

§ Niconis de Armen. Relig., Biblioth. Patr., Ed. 1677, tom. xxv., p. 328.

|| Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 8.

¶ Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH.

to his slaves: even those of the highest rank were consigned to the loathsome embraces of a barbarian husband. Valeria, the widow of Galerius, and the daughter of Diocletian, was first insulted by proposals of marriage from Maximinus, whose wife was still living; and then compelled to wander through the eastern provinces in the humblest disguise, till at length she perished at Thessalonica, by the still more unjustifiable sentence of Licinius. It must not be forgotten, that the war with Armenia was undertaken in a spirit of persecution. This early Christian kingdom was attached, in all the zeal of recent proselytism, to the new religion. That part which acknowledged the Roman sway was commanded to abandon Christianity, and the legions of Rome were employed in forcing the reluctant kingdom to obedience.*

Though Maxentius had caused Alexander to be killed in the preceding year, and nominally obtained possession of Africa, he did not celebrate his triumph for this victory till 312. He then sent an order to stop the persecution of the Christians; and such a measure was perhaps politic, when hostilities had begun between himself and Constantine, and the latter was contemplating an entrance into Italy with an army. We have already mentioned, that Mensurius, Bishop of Carthage, died before the end of the persecution, and that his place was filled up by Cæcilianus. This appointment led to a most unfortunate schism in the church of Carthage, which lasted for a very long period.† Two other Presbyters, named Botrus and Celeusius, had wished to fill the vacant see; and, with a view to this, they had caused the election to be made at a meeting of only the neighbouring Bishops, without any notice being sent to the Bishops of Numidia. The result was contrary to their expectation; for the choice fell unanimously upon Cæcilianus, who was consecrated Bishop of Carthage by Felix, Bishop of the neighbouring city of Aptemgis. The list of articles belonging to the church, which had been made by Mensurius, when he was summoned before the Magistrate, was now delivered to Cæcilianus, who sent to demand them from the persons with whom they were deposited. These persons did not wish to give them up; and they found the rejected candidates for the bishopric, as well as other members of the church, who had previously opposed Mensurius, willing to join them in a schism against the authority of Cæcilianus. They were also supported by a lady named Lucilla, who was offended with the Bishop for something which he had done to her while he was a Deacon, and who was able to further their schemes by command of a large sum of money. One of the principal leaders of this faction was Donatus, Bishop of Casæ Nigræ, in Numidia, who gave name to the schism of the Donatists, which had its origin in the manner which has been described.‡

* Milman, Hist. of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 294.

† The facts which are mentioned connected with the origin of Donatism, will be found in Optatus, cont. Parmen., lib. i.; August. Collat. Gesta apud Zenophilum; Routh, Reliq. Sacra, vol. iv., p. 320. Oxon, 1846.

‡ Donatists were ancient schismatics in Africa, so denominated from their leader Donatus. They had their origin about the year 312, when, in the room of Mensurius, who died in that year on his return to Rome, Cæcilianus was elected Bishop of Car-

One of the first acts of the Donatists was to denounce the election of Cæcilianus, as invalid, to Secundus,* Bishop of Nisibis, on the ground that the Numidian Bishops had not been present, and that the Bishop had not been consecrated by Secundus, the Primate of Numidia. We are thus particular in noticing the rise and progress of Donatism, as having been the cause of Christians persecuting Christians, which, ere long, cast an awful blot on the Christian name and profession, and flooded the church herself with the blood of her noblest children. This act of denouncement brought Secundus and nearly seventy other Bishops to Carthage, who avoided holding communion with Cæcilianus, and summoned him to attend a meeting, thage, and consecrated, without the concurrence of the Numidian Bishops, by those of Africa alone, whom the people refused to acknowledge, and to whom they opposed Majorinus, who accordingly was ordained by Donatus, Bishop of Case Nigræ. They were condemned in a Council held at Rome, two years after their separation; and afterwards in another at Arles, the year following; and again at Milan, before Constantine the Great, in 316, who deprived them of their churches, and sent their seditious Bishops into banishment, and punished some of them with death. Their cause was espoused by another Donatus, called "the Great," the principal Bishop of that sect, who, with numbers of his followers, was exiled by order of Constans. Many of them were punished with great severity. However, after the accession of Julian to the throne, in 362, they were permitted to return, and restored to their former liberty. Gratian published several edicts against them, and, in 377, deprived them of their churches, and prohibited all their assemblies. But, notwithstanding the severities they suffered, it appears that they had a considerable number of churches towards the close of this century; but at this time they began to decline, on account of a schism among themselves, occasioned by the election of two Bishops in the room of Parmenian, the successor of Donatus. One party elected Primian, and were called "Primianists;" and another, Maximian, and were called "Maximianists." Their decline was also precipitated by the zealous opposition of Augustine, and by the violent measures which were pursued against them by order of the Emperor Honorius, at the solicitation of two Councils held at Carthage,—the one in 404, and the other in 411. Many of them were fined, their Bishops banished, and some put to death. This sect revived and multiplied under the protection of the Vandals, who invaded Africa in 427, and took possession of this province; but it sunk again under new severities, when their empire was overturned, in 534. Nevertheless, they remained in a separate body till the close of this century, when Gregory, the Roman Pontiff, used various methods for suppressing them. His zeal succeeded, and there are few traces to be found of the Donatists after this period. They were distinguished by other appellations; as, "Circumcelliones, Montenses," or Mountaineers; "Campetes," or "Rupetes," &c. They held three Councils; that of Cita in Numidia, and two at Carthage. The Donatists, it is said, held that baptism conferred out of the church—that is, out of their sect—was null; and, accordingly, they re-baptized those who joined their party from other churches; they also re-ordained their Ministers. Donatus seems likewise to have embraced the doctrines of the Arians; though Augustine affirms that the Donatists, in this point, kept clear of the errors of their leader. (Henderson.)

* Mensurius had abstracted the Scriptures from the church, and substituted for them writings of no value. Secundus was at this time Bishop of Nisibis, in Numidia, and Primate of that district which joined the see of Carthage. Mensurius informed Secundus of his evasion of the imperial decree. Secundus, in reply to his letter, declared that he ought to have submitted to any extremity of suffering, rather than have acted in this manner; and he boasts of his own superior fortitude and resolution. The result, however, proved that his boasting was premature; for he became a traditor himself, and was absolved for his offence by the Bishops who met in A.D. 305, or 306, in the Council of Cirta. At that Council many Bishops were found guilty of the same crime; and they mutually confessed and pardoned and absolved each other. They did not acknowledge their ordination to be void. The heads of the subsequently formed Donatist party were present; none of whom, after their mutual accusations, and mutual absolutions, affirmed that they had ceased to be Bishops of the church of Christ. Immediately after their accepting pardon from each other, they ordained Sylvanus to be Bishop of Cirta, and separated. The Acts of the Council are to be found in the third book of Augustine against Cresconius. (Rev. George Townsend.)

DIVISIVE PROCEEDINGS AT CARTHAGE.

where his case should be investigated. Cæcilianus declined attending; and the Council, as it styled itself, proceeded to annul his election. They brought two charges against him. The first was, that he had been consecrated by traditores; that is, by Bishops who had delivered up something belonging to the church during the persecution: the second was, that, while he was a Deacon, he had hindered relief being conveyed to the Christians who were in prison. The first of these charges was the more extraordinary, because it was notorious that Secundus, and the other Bishops who attended the Council of Cirta, in 305, (many of whom were now present at Carthage,) had confessed themselves traditores. Cæcilianus offered to be consecrated again, in the presence of these Bishops, if it could be proved that his former consecration was invalid; and it was shown to be the custom for the Bishop of Carthage to be consecrated by a Bishop of one of the nearest sees, and not by a Bishop of Numidia, in the same manner as the Bishop of Rome was consecrated by the Bishop of Ostia.* The Council took no notice of these arguments and proposals, but proceeded, in defiance of all precedent, and to the destruction of ecclesiastical discipline, to elect another Bishop for the see of Carthage. Their choice fell upon Majorinus, who stood upon the interest of Lucilla,† and received his consecration from Silvanus, Bishop of Cirta, who, from being one of the traditores, was not competent to assist in such a ceremony. From this time the Donatiats, as they were afterwards called, continued for several years to elect a Bishop of their own; although Cæcilianus and his successors were recognised by the general, or, in other words, the Catholic, Church, as the legitimate Bishops of Carthage.

Throughout the whole of the West, and in that part of the Eastern empire which was under Licinius, the favourable sentiments of Constantine towards those of the Christian faith, the indifference of Maxentius, and the edict of Galerius, preserved in a considerable

* The ordination of a Bishop by three Bishops was the common rule and practice of the Church: yet this was not simply and absolutely necessary to the essence of ordination; for the Church many times admitted the ordination of Bishops, who had been consecrated by one or two Bishops only. Siderius, Bishop of Palæbisca, was ordained by one Bishop; yet Athanasius not only allowed his ordination, and confirmed it, but, finding him to be a useful man, he afterwards advanced him, as Synesius says, to the metropolitical see of Ptolemais. Paulinus, Bishop of Antioch, ordained Evagrius, his successor, without any other Bishop to assist him, which though it was done against the canon, yet Theodoret assures us that both the Bishops of Rome and Alexandria owned Evagrius as a true Bishop, and never in the least degree questioned the validity of his ordination. (Bingham. Antiquities, book ii., chap. xi., sect. 16.)

† There was at Carthage a Christian lady, named Lucilla, who was reproved by Cæcilianus for superstition, in retaining and kissing, before she proceeded to the eucharist, the bones of a certain person whom she called a martyr. Lucilla was indignant at the reproof, and her anger appeared as one cause of the subsequent commotion. "Ante eucharistiae usum osea alicujus martyris, si modo martyris, deosculari solebat." Mr. Butler does not condemn Lucilla for kissing the bones, but for doing so when he had not been acknowledged to have been a martyr by the Pastors of the Church. To prevent abuses and superstition, it was always, he says, a necessary law in the Church, that without the Bishops' approbation no private persons should be allowed to pay to relics the honour due to martyrs. This might prevent superstition when it was independent of the priestcraft; but how must it have been increased, when sanctioned by priestcraft! The plant might not grow in the open air; it would, indeed, soon have perished there; it must only grow in the hot-house of the Bishops' approbation.

Y degree the Christians from open and direct persecution. The cruelties, extortions, and brutalities of Maxentius, made every Roman his enemy; but his powerful army might long have secured him from the resentment of his degraded subjects, had he not recklessly provoked Constantine to war. Neither should it be forgotten that Maximinus had for some time been carrying on a secret correspondence with Maxentius, and urging him to hostilities with Constantine. That Prince was not rash in engaging in a contest which could not but be dangerous to him; but all attempts at negotiating failing, and Maxentius plainly indicating his purpose of making himself sole Monarch of the West, self-defence forced Constantine into active measures of hostility. Though Constantine might view the conduct of Maxentius with abhorrence, and the situation of the Romans with compassion, we have little reason to imagine that he would have taken up arms to punish the one, or to relieve the other, had not the grasping ambition of the tyrant compelled him to make his descent into Italy. After the death of Herculeus, his titles, according to the established custom, had been erased, and his statues thrown down with ignominy. His son, who had deserted and persecuted him when alive, affected to display the most pious regard for his memory, and gave orders that a similar treatment should be immediately inflicted on all the statues that had been erected in Italy and Africa to the honour of Constantine.* That prudent Prince, who sincerely wished to decline a war, with the difficulty and importance of which he was fully acquainted, at first dissembled the insult, and sought for redress by the milder expedients of negotiation, till he was convinced that the hostile and ambitious designs of the Italian Emperor could only be met by some fearful struggle. He had already prepared a very considerable force to invade the Gallic provinces on the side of Rhæția; and though he could not expect any assistance from Licinius, he was flattered with the hope that the legions of Illyricum, allured by his presents and promises, would desert the standard of that Prince, and unanimously declare themselves his soldiers and subjects. Constantine no longer hesitated. He had deliberated with caution: he acted with vigour. He gave a private audience to the ambassadors, who, in the name of the Senate and the people, conjured him to deliver Rome from a detested tyrant; and, without regarding the timid remonstrances of his council, he

* In the commencement of the war with Maxentius, Constantine appears to have been at a loss to what god he should trust himself and his affairs. He at length determined to honour that one God only whom his father had worshipped, and to show no reverence to the ancient Roman deities. The grounds on which he came to this decision were, namely, the good fortune of his father who had adhered to this worship, and the ill fortune and deplorable end of Diocletian, Galerius, Herculeus, and other Emperors who had worshipped the pagan deities; and, according to Eusebius, (De Vita Const., lib. i., cap. 28,) he knew so little of the God of his father, that he prayed he might be able to know him. He was a Deist of the lowest class, who considered the God of his father as a limited being, though more benevolent and powerful than any of the Greek and Roman deities. This is manifest from his regulations in favour of the Christians, and from his laws tolerating the pagan haruspices. (Codex Theod., lib. ix., tit. 16, leg. 1, 2; also, lib. xvi., tit. 10, leg. 1; compare Zosimus, lib. ii., p. 10, Ed. Oxon., 1679, 8ro.; see also Mosheim, Comment. de Rebus Christ.) It is, however, certain, that in the first years after his victory over Maxentius, he had very incorrect ideas of Christ and of the Christian religion.

CONSTANTINE PREPARES TO MEET MAXENTIUS.

resolved to prevent the enemy, and to carry the war into the heart of Italy.

The enterprise, says the historian Gibbon, was as full of danger as of glory; and the unsuccessful event of two former invasions was sufficient to inspire the most serious apprehensions. The veteran troops who revered the name of Herculeus, had embraced in both those wars the party of his son, and were now restrained by a sense of honour, as well as of interest, from entertaining an idea of a second desertion. Maxentius, who considered the Praetorian guards as the firmest defence of his throne, had increased them to their ancient establishment; and they composed, including the rest of the Italians who were enlisted into his service, a formidable body of fourscore thousand men. Forty thousand Moors and Carthaginians had been raised since the reduction of Africa. Even Sicily furnished its proportion of troops; and the armies of Maxentius amounted to one hundred and seventy thousand foot, and eighteen thousand horse. The wealth of Italy supplied the expenses of the war; and the adjacent provinces were exhausted, to form immense magazines of corn and every other kind of provisions. The whole force of Constantine consisted of ninety thousand foot, and eight thousand horse;* and as the defence of the Rhine required an extraordinary attention during the absence of the Emperor, it was not in his power to employ above half his troops in the Italian expedition, unless he sacrificed the public safety to his private quarrel. At the head of forty thousand soldiers, he marched to encounter an enemy whose numbers were nearly five times superior to his own. But the armies of Rome, placed at a secure distance from danger, were enervated by indulgence and luxury. Habituated to the baths and theatres of Rome, they took the field with reluctance, and were chiefly composed of veterans who had almost forgotten, or of new levies who had never acquired, the use of arms and the practice of war. The hardy legions of Gaul had long defended the frontiers of the empire against the barbarians of the North;† and in the performance of that laborious service, their valour was exercised, and their discipline confirmed. There appeared the same difference between the leaders, as between the armies. Caprice or flattery had tempted Maxentius with the hopes of conquest; but these aspiring hopes soon gave way to the habits of pleasure and the consciousness of his inexperience. The intrepid mind of Constantine had been trained from his earliest youth to war, to action, and to military command.

* Zosimus (lib. ii., p. 86) has given us this curious account of the forces on both sides. He makes no mention of any naval armaments, though we are assured, (Panegyric. Vet., lib. ix., cap. 25,) that the war was carried on by sea, as well as by land; and that the fleet of Constantine took possession of Sardinia, Corsica, and the ports of Italy.

† While therefore he regarded the entire world as one immense body, and perceived that the head of it all, the royal city of the Roman empire, was bowed down by the weight of a tyrannous oppression; at first he left the task of liberation to those who governed the other divisions of the empire, as being his superiors in point of age. But when none of these proved able to afford relief, and those who had attempted it had experienced a disastrous termination of their enterprise, he said that life was without enjoyment to him as long as he saw the imperial city thus afflicted, and prepared himself for the effectual suppression of the tyranny. (Kuseb., De Vita Const., lib. i., cap. 26.)

y 2

The enemy of Maxentius was all activity and vigour, and he crossed the Alps with forty thousand men. In the age of Constantine, the peasants of the mountains were a different race of people from what they were in the day of Hannibal: they were comparatively civilized and obedient subjects; the country was plentifully stocked with provisions, and the stupendous highways which the Romans had carried over the Alps opened several communications between Gaul and Italy. Constantine followed the road of the Cottian Alps, or, as it is now called, of Mount Cenis, and led his troops with such active diligence, that he descended into the plain of Piedmont before his enemy knew that he had left Gaul; a celerity of which there had been no example since the times of Severus, or even of Julius Cæsar. The city of Susa,* however, which is situated at the foot of Mount Cenis, was surrounded with walls, and provided with a garrison sufficiently numerous to check the progress of an invader; but the impatience of Constantine's troops disdained the tedious forms of a siege. The same day that they appeared before Susa, they applied fire to the gates, and ladders to the walls, and, mounting to the assault amidst a shower of stones and arrows, they entered the place sword in hand, and cut in pieces the greater part of the garrison. The flames were extinguished by the care of Constantine, and the remains of Susa preserved from total destruction. About forty miles from thence, a more severe contest awaited him. A numerous army of Italians was assembled under the Lieutenants of Maxentius, in the plains of Turin. Its principal strength consisted in a species of heavy cavalry, which the Romans, since the decline of their discipline, had borrowed from the nations of the East. The horses, as well as the men, were clothed in complete armour, the joints of which were artfully adapted to the motions of their bodies. The aspect of this cavalry was formidable, their weight almost irresistible; and, as on this occasion their Generals had drawn them up in a compact column or wedge, with a sharp point, and with spreading flanks, they flattered themselves that they should easily break and trample down the army of Constantine. They might perhaps have succeeded in their design, had not their experienced adversary embraced the same method of defence, which in similar circumstances had been practised by Aurelian. The skilful evolutions of Constantine divided and baffled this massive column of cavalry. The troops of Maxentius fled in confusion towards Turin; and as the gates of the city were shut against them, very few escaped the sword of the victorious pursuers. By this important service, Turin deserved to experience the clemency and even favour of the conqueror. He made his entry into the imperial palace of Milan, and almost all the cities of Italy between the Alps and the Po, not only acknowledged the power, but embraced with zeal the party, of Constantine. †

* Susa is a province of the Sardinian states, in Piedmont, consisting of a broad valley interspersed with steep rocks. It has an area of seven hundred square miles, with sixty-five thousand inhabitants. The town Susa possesses a very strong fort. It is near a triumphal arch to the honour of Augustus Cæsar.

† Zosimus, as well as Eusebius, hasten from the passage of the Alps to the decisive action near Rome. We must apply to the two Panegyrics for the intermediate actions of Constantine.

THE ENGAGEMENT AT VERONA.

From Milan to Rome, continues Gibbon, the Æmilian and Firmilian highways offered an easy march of about four hundred miles; but though Constantine was impatient to encounter the tyrant, he prudently directed his operations against another army of Italians, who, by their strength and position, might either oppose his progress, or, in case of a misfortune, might intercept his retreat. Ruricius Pompeianus, a General distinguished by his valour and ability, had under his command the city of Verona, and all the troops that were stationed in the province of Venetia. As soon as he was informed that Constantine was advancing towards him, he detached a large body of cavalry, which was defeated in an engagement near Brescia, and pursued by the Gallic legions as far as the gates of Verona. The necessity, the importance, and the difficulties of the siege of Verona, immediately presented themselves to the sagacious mind of Constantine.* The city was accessible only by a narrow peninsula towards the west, as the other three sides were surrounded by the Adige, a rapid river, which covered the province of Venetia, from whence the besieged derived an inexhaustible supply of men and provisions. It was not without great difficulty, and after several fruitless attempts, that Constantine found means to pass the river at some distance above the city, and in a place where the torrent was less violent. He then encompassed Verona with strong lines, pushed his attacks with prudent vigour, and repelled a desperate sally of Pompeianus. That intrepid General, when he had used every means of defence that the strength of the place or that of the garrison could afford, secretly escaped from Verona, anxious not for his own but for the public safety. With indefatigable diligence he soon collected an army sufficient either to meet Constantine in the field, or to attack him if he obstinately remained within his lines. The Emperor, attentive to the motions, and informed of the approach, of so formidable an enemy, left a part of his legions to continue the operations of the siege, whilst, at the head of those troops on whose valour and fidelity he more particularly depended, he advanced in person to engage the General of Maxentius. The army of Gaul was drawn up in two lines, according to the usual practice of war; but their experienced leader, perceiving that the number of the Italians far exceeded his own, suddenly changed his disposition, and, reducing the second, extended the front of his first line to a just proportion with that of the enemy. Such evolutions, which only veteran troops can execute without confusion in a moment of danger, commonly prove decisive; but as this engagement began towards the close of the day, and was contested with great obstinacy during the whole night, there was less room for the conduct of the Generals than for the courage of the soldiers. The return of light displayed the victory of Constantine, and a field of carnage covered with many thousands of the vanquished Italians. Their General, Pompeianus, was found

* The Marquis Maffei has examined the siege and battle of Verona with that degree of attention and accuracy which was due to a memorable action that happened in his native country. The fortifications of that city, constructed by Gallienus, were less extensive than the modern walls, and the amphitheatre was not included within their circumference. (See Verona Illustrata, part 1., pp. 142-150.)

among the slain: Verona immediately surrendered at discretion, and the garrison became prisoners of war.* When the officers of the victorious army congratulated their master on this important success, they ventured to add some respectful complaints, of such a nature, however, as the most jealous Monarchs will listen to without displeasure. They represented to Constantine that, not content with all the duties of a commander, he had exposed his own person with an excess of valour which almost degenerated into rashness; and they conjured him for the future to pay more regard to the preservation of a life, in which the safety of Rome and of the empire was involved.

While these important movements were taking place, and Constantine had taken possession of the important city of Verona, the Sovereign of Italy appeared insensible to the dangers and calamity of a civil war which raged in the heart of his dominions, and pleasure was still the only business of Maxentius. Concealing, or at least attempting to conceal, from the public knowledge the misfortunes of his arms, he indulged himself in a vain confidence, which deferred the remedies of the approaching evil, without deferring the evil itself. The rapid progress of Constantine did not awaken him from this fatal security: he flattered himself, that his well-known liberality, and the majesty of the Roman name, which had already delivered him from two invasions, would dissipate with the same facility the rebellious army of Gaul. The officers of experience and ability, who had served under the banners of Herculeus, were at length compelled to inform his effeminate son of the imminent danger to which he was reduced: and, with a freedom that at once surprised and convinced him, to urge the necessity of preventing his ruin, by a vigorous exertion of his remaining power. The resources of Maxentius, both of men and money, were still considerable.† The Praetorian guards felt how strongly their own interest and safety were connected with his cause; and a third army was soon collected, more numerous than those which had been lost in the battles of Turin and Verona. It was far from the intention of the Emperor to lead his troops in person. A stranger to the exercises of war, he trembled at the apprehension of so dangerous a contest; and, as fear is commonly superstitious, he listened with melancholy attention to the rumours of omens and presages which seemed to menace his life and empire. Shame at length supplied the place of courage, and forced him to take the field. He was unable to sustain the contempt of the Roman people. The circus resounded with their indignant clamours, and they tumultuously besieged the gates of the palace, reproaching the pusillanimity of their indolent Sovereign, and celebrating the heroic spirit of Constantine. Before Maxentius left Rome he consulted the Sibylline books. The guardians of these sacred oracles were as well versed in

* They wanted chains for so great a multitude of captives, and the whole council was at a loss; but the sagacious conqueror, it is said, imagined the expedient of converting into fetters the swords of the vanquished!

† Nevertheless, if there be any truth in the scarcity mentioned by Eusebius, that "the inhabitants of Rome were reduced to the most extreme penury and want of necessary food, a scarcity such as our contemporaries do not remember ever before to have existed at Rome," the imperial granaries must have been open only to the soldiers.

DEFEAT AND FALL OF MAXENTIUS.

the arts of this world, as they were ignorant of the secrets of fate; and they returned him a very prudent answer,* which might adapt itself to the event, and secure their reputation, whatever should be the chance of arms. Constantine always apprehended that the tyrant would consult the dictates of fear,† and perhaps of prudence; and that, instead of risking his last hopes in a general engagement, he would shut himself up within the walls of Rome. His ample magazines secured him against the danger of famine; and as the situation of Constantine admitted not of delay, he might have been reduced to the sad necessity of destroying with fire and the sword the imperial city, the noblest reward of his victory, and the deliverance of which had been the motive of the civil war. It was with equal surprise and pleasure, that on his arrival at a place called Saxa Rubra,‡ about

* "The answers given by the heathen oracles were frequently very delusive, and capable of a contrary interpretation; and the most celebrated of them concealed their meaning in such ambiguous terms, that they required another oracle to explain them. Of this ambiguity several authentic instances are recorded. Thus, when Cræsus consulted the oracle at Delphi, relative to his intended war against the Persians, he was told that he would destroy a great empire. This he naturally interpreted of his overcoming the Persians, though the oracle was so framed as to admit of an opposite meaning. Cræsus made war against the Persians, and was ruined; and the oracle continued to maintain its credit. The answer given to Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, many ages after, was of yet more doubtful interpretation, being conceived in terms so ambiguous, that it might either be interpreted thus: 'I say, that thou, son of Æacus, canst conquer the Romans. Thou shalt go, thou shalt return, never shalt thou perish in war;' or thus: 'I say that the Romans can conquer thee, son of Æacus. Thou shalt go, thou shalt never return, thou shalt perish in war.' Pyrrhus understood the oracle in the former sense; he waged an unsuccessful war with the Romans, and was overcome; yet still the juggling oracle saved its credit. Another remarkable instance of the ambiguity of the pretended Prophets occurs in I Kings xxii. 5, 6. Jehoshaphat, King of Judah, and Abab, King of Israel, having united their forces against the Syrians, in order to recover Ramoth-Gilead; the latter Monarch 'gathered the false Prophets together, about four hundred men, and said unto them, Shall I go against Ramoth-Gilead to battle, or shall I forbear? And they said, Go up, for the Lord shall deliver it into the hands of the King.' It is to be observed, that the word 'it' is not in the original, and that the reply of the pseudo-Prophets is so artfully constructed, that it might be interpreted either for or against the expedition; as thus,—'The Lord will deliver' (it) Ramoth-Gilead 'into the King's hand' (Abab's); or, 'The Lord will deliver' (Israel) 'into the King's hand,' that is, into the hands of the King of Syria. Relying upon this ambiguous oracle, the Monarchs of Judah and Israel engaged the Syrians, and were utterly discomfited." (Horne, Introduction, vol. I., p. 276, ninth edit.)

† Maxentius, understanding of the coming of Constantine, and trusting more to his derilish art of magic than to the good-will of his subjects, which he little deserved, durst not show himself out of the city, nor encounter with him in the open field, but with privy garrisons laid wait for him by the way in sundry straits, as he should come; with whom Constantine had divers skirmishes, and by the power of the Lord did ever vanquish them, and put them to flight. (Euseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. ix., cap. 9; De Vita Constant., lib. i., cap. 26, 37.) Notwithstanding, Constantine yet was in no great comfort, but in care and dread in his mind, (approaching now near unto Rome,) for the magical charms and sorceries of Maxentius, wherewith he had vanquished before Severus, sent by Galerius against him, which made Constantine the more afraid. (Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. I., p. 243, Seeley's 8vo. edit.) "The crowning-point of the tyrant's wickedness," says Eusebina, (De Vita Const., lib. i., cap. 36,) "was his having recourse to sorcery; sometimes, for magic purposes, opening women with child; at other times searching into the bowels of new-born infants. He slew lions also, and practised certain horrid arts for evoking demons, and averting the approaching war, hoping by these means to make himself secure of victory."

‡ Saxa Rubra was in the neighbourhood of the Cremers, a trifling rivulet, memorable by the valour and glorious death of the three hundred Fabii. The post which Maxentius had taken, with the Tiber in his rear, is very clearly described by the two Panegyrists, lib. x., cap. 28; lib. ix., cap. 16.

nine miles from Rome, he discovered the army of Maxentius prepared to give him battle. Their long front filled a very spacious plain, and their deep array reached to the banks of the Tiber, which covered their rear, and forbade their retreat. We are informed, and we may believe, that Constantine disposed his troops with consummate skill; and that he chose for himself the post of honour and of danger. Distinguished by the splendour of his arms, he charged in person the cavalry of his rival; and his irresistible attack determined the event of the day. The cavalry of Maxentius was principally composed either of unwieldy cuirassiers, or of light Moors and Numidians. They yielded to the vigour of the Gallic horse, which possessed more activity than the one, more firmness than the other. The defeat of the two wings left the infantry without any protection on its flanks, and the undisciplined Italians fled without reluctance from the standard of a tyrant whom they had always hated, and whom they no longer feared. The Praetorians, conscious that their offences were beyond the reach of mercy, were animated by revenge and despair. Notwithstanding their repeated efforts, those brave veterans were unable to recover the victory: they obtained, however, an honourable death; and it was observed, that their bodies covered the same ground which had been occupied by their ranks. The confusion then became general; and the dismayed troops of Maxentius, pursued by an implacable enemy, rushed by thousands into the deep and rapid stream of the Tiber. The Emperor himself attempted to escape back into the city over the Milvian bridge; but the crowds which pressed together through that narrow passage forced him into the river, where he was immediately drowned by the weight of his armour.* His body, which had sunk

* A rumour prevailed, that Maxentius, who had not taken any precaution for his own retreat, had contrived a very artful snare to destroy the army of the pursuers; but that the wooden bridge, which was to have been loosened on the approach of Constantine, unluckily broke down under the weight of the flying Italians. Maxentius, "being constrained by force to issue out of the city, sendeth all his power to join with him in the field beyond the river Tiber; where Maxentius craftily breaking down the bridge called 'Pons Milvius,' caused another deceitful bridge to be made of boats and wherries being joined together, and covered over with boards and planks, in the manner of a bridge, thinking therewith to take Constantine as in a trap. But herein came to pass that which in the seventh Psalm is written, 'He made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he made; his mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violent dealing shall come down upon his own pate:' which here in this Maxentius was rightly verified; for after the two hosts did meet, he, being not able to sustain the force of Constantine fighting under the cross of Christ against him, was put to such a flight, and driven to such an exigence, that, in retiring back upon the same bridge which he did lay for Constantine, (for haste, thinking to reach the city,) he was overturned by the fall of his horse into the bottom of the flood, and there, with the weight of his armour, be, and a great part of his beaten men, were drowned; representing unto us the like examples of Pharaoh and his host drowned in the Red Sea, who not unaptly seemeth to bear a prophetic figuration of this Maxentius. For as the children of Israel were in long thraldom and persecution in Egypt under tyrants there, till the drowning of this Pharaoh their last persecutor, so was this Maxentius the last persecutor in the Roman monarchy of the Christians; whom this Constantine, fighting under the cross of Christ, did vanquish, and set the Christians at liberty, who before had been persecuted now three hundred years in Rome. Wherefore, as the Israelites with their Moses, at the drowning of Pharaoh, sang gloriously unto the Lord, who miraculously had cast down the horse and horsemen into the sea, so, no less rejoicing and exceeding gladness was here, to see the glorious hand of the Lord Christ fighting with his people, and vanquishing his enemies and persecutors." (Foxe, Acts, &c., vol. i., p. 249, 8vo. edit.)

THE CAREER OF CONSTANTINE.

very deep into the mud, was found with some difficulty the next day. The sight of his head, when it was exposed to the eyes of the people, convinced them of their deliverance, and admonished them to receive, with acclamations of loyalty and gratitude, the fortunate Constantine, who thus achieved by his valour and ability the most splendid enterprise of his life. In the use of victory, Constantine neither deserved the praise of clemency, nor incurred the censure of immoderate rigour. He inflicted the same treatment to which a defeat would have exposed his own person and family,—put to death the two sons of the tyrant, and carefully extirpated his whole race. The most distinguished adherents of Maxentius must have expected to share his fate, as they had shared his prosperity and his crimes; but when the Roman people loudly demanded a greater number of victims, the conqueror resisted, with firmness and humanity, those servile clamours, which were dictated by flattery as well as by resentment. Informers were punished and discouraged; the innocent who had suffered under the late tyranny were recalled from exile, and restored to their estates; and a general act of oblivion quieted the minds, and settled the property, of the people, both in Italy and Africa.

We have been the more prolix in describing this contest, because it was attended with so many advantages towards the Christian faith: it put an end, in a considerable degree, to the shedding of human blood, and obtained much liberty and life to the posterity of many generations. Prior to the expedition of Constantine against Maxentius, we have no proof that he had, ex animo, embraced Christianity. For many years previous to his conquest of Rome, he had not abjured Paganism. He obtained a certain victory over the Franks, but condemned the prisoners to the unjust and cruel death of contending with wild beasts in the theatre of Treves. The prisoners met the beasts, and permitted themselves to be torn in pieces without a tear. The virtue of the savage seems to be ever the same,—firmness in bearing pain, and defying his enemies to derive satisfaction from the least exhibition of weakness. The same characteristic marked the North-American warriors at the first discovery of the continent. Christianity softened its converts at a subsequent period; but the native cruelty of Constantine seems never to have been entirely eradicated. Religion frequently ameliorates, without wholly subduing the power of inward evil. We pass by his marriage with Fausts, the daughter of Herculeus; his reception of him in 308; and the defeat of his treachery when he endeavoured to corrupt his troops in 309; the romantic story of the father imploring his daughter to consent to the murder of her husband; her discovering the plot to Constantine, and the unjustifiable fatal blow upon the person of an unconscious slave; with the reproaching of the confronted murderer by his intended victim. We pass by, also, the sacrificing to Apollo, 310, at the station near the Rhine; his embellishing Treves, where he resided; his wars against the barbarians, and the reputation attendant upon his success; the invitations of the citizens of Rome to deliver them from Maxentius, his more oppressive coadjutor in the empire; together with the rapturous manner in which he was welcomed at Autun. These events

Z have nothing to do with the question of persecution: they prove only his authority and influence in the empire. They contrast most strongly with the rapacity, cruelty, and vileness of the other Emperors. He was virtuous, just, and gentle, despite all his faults, when compared with them; and the time had arrived when his thoughtful and reflecting mind was at length brought to some decision, though not perfect and complete, on the preference of Christianity to Paganism; and he resolved to place himself, if not at the head, as a powerful auxiliary to the support, of the Christian party. The Heathen believed that great temporal success was a proof of the favour of the gods. He had received much prosperity up to this period of his life. He may have attributed his felicity, not to fortune, not to chance, probably not to Apollo, nor the now long exploded Olympus. He might remember the arguments which he must certainly have heard in favour of Christianity. The reflections which arose in his mind appeared to be his own. The Creator of the human mind acts upon the human mind, sometimes, as in the case of the Prophets of old, by an impression more than natural; sometimes by continuing and impressing the trains of thought which present themselves by relative suggestion. He thus acts with the mind by the laws of mind; but whenever a thought so arises, and remains upon the consciousness, the memory, and the conscience, that permanent change of motive, and lasting benefit, are results which justify us in saying, that the Holy Spirit of God is present with that mind. This I believe to have been the case when Constantine forsook the worship of Apollo, to whom he had offered in the preceding year; and resolving to become, to the best of his imperfect knowledge, a Christian, he commanded the figure of the cross to supersede the eagle; and in the following year directed that the soldiers should wear the same emblem on their shields and arms. He told Eusebius that his own temporal success had demonstrated to him, that there was one God and a Providence; though he did not add that Christianity is only that manner in which the providence of God has made provision for the spiritual happiness and improvement of the spirit of man. It is possible that these reflections might occur to Constantine. It certainly appears to have been for his temporal interest that he should now become decided in the moral grounds of his opposition to Maxentius, and prove to the empire, that the war was not a war of ambition, but of virtue against vice, happiness against misery, and of a pure and holy religion against the consecrated impurities and blood-stained altars of the desecrated temples of Juno, Mars, and Venus.*

We have now to ask, What is the conclusion at which we may arrive respecting the cross, which Constantine informed Eusebius he saw on his way from Gaul to Italy to meet Maxentius? Eusebius attributes the conversion of Constantine, to the sort of reasoning on God and providence which we have mentioned; and that his conclusion, after these contemplations, was, to worship the God in whom his father had believed, as the one God; and that, when he was

* Townsend, Ecclesiastical and Civil History, philosophically considered, vol. i., p. 222. London, 1847.

THE VISION OF THE CROSS.

praying to this God, then the celebrated vision was seen. He saw in the afternoon, in the sky, over the sun, after he had prayed to God for assistance in the approaching contest, a shining, an illuminated cross, with the inscription, "BY THIS CONQUER." He related the fact to Eusebius, and swore to its truth, while many of the soldiers were yet living. The next night he had a vision to the same effect, and he then ordered the cross to supersede the eagle, and to be engraven on the shields and arms. What are we to think of the story? is the question. Those who wish to know if it were a solar halo, should become acquainted with a certain treatise of Fabricius,* to which we refer our readers, in the margin. In the meantime, let us not hastily dismiss the subject as being a relic of superstition, and utterly unworthy a thought, and thus enlarge the ground for future discussion to the incredulous and the sceptic. Whatever some individuals may think of the reality of the miracle, it must not be set aside as an invention of a later age, nor as a story which cannot be traced to any authentic witness. It is related by Eusebius,† a contemporary historian, who tells us that he had it from Constantine himself, under the sanction of an oath. It was shortly before the decisive battle that the preternatural communication took place.‡ The father of Constantine, as we have already observed, had decidedly favoured the Christians, though there was no evidence of his having embraced their religion. He appears to have seen through the absurdity of polytheism, and to have learnt from the Christians to worship one God. This was certainly the case with Constantine for some time before his conversion; § and according to the relation which he gave to Eusebius a long time after, he had been praying to this one spiritual Being, and asking him to reveal himself; when, about the middle of the day, and in the presence of the whole army, he saw the figure of a cross, traced in light, and placed above the orb of the sun, with these words near it, "Hac vince." The Emperor and his army, as might be supposed, were astounded at this vision; and in the following night Jesus Christ appeared to Constantine with the same figure of the cross, and told him to make a copy of what he had seen, and use it in combat with the enemy. From this time the imperial standards bore a device || which was composed of the first two letters of the name of Christ in Greek, which were so placed as to resemble a cross.¶

* The treatise of Fabricius, De Cruce quam vidit Constantinus Magnus, is found in his Bibliotheca Graeca. He gives many engraved representations of the form in which it might have appeared. It is well known that this incident has been warmly contested, and that the truth of the narrative has led to much discussion. It would occupy too much space were we to attempt to enumerate even the writings to which the controversy has given origin. A good synopsis of the subject may be seen in Walsh's Hist. Novi Test., p. 1564.

† Kuseb., De Vita Constant., lib. i., cap. 28.

I The time is fixed by Lactantius, (De Mort. Persecut., cap. 44,) who is not contradicted by Eusebius, though the latter has been quoted as placing the event earlier. The testimony of Artemius (Apud Metaphrast., d. 20 Octob.) agrees with Lactantius. Others have laid the scene in France.

§ Kuseb., De Vita Constant., lib. i., cap. 17, 28.

|| The device seems to have been of this kind. He is not said to have seen the sign, or form, of a real cross, but the Greek letter X intersected perpendicularly by the letter P.

¶ Burton, Lect. Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

z 2

Such is the celebrated story of the appearance of the cross to Constantine; and what we have stated above will show, that if there were nothing miraculous, Constantine was either deceived, or was himself a deceiver. If we adopt the former hypothesis, the Christians in his army may have been the guilty persons; and modern experiments have been brought to show, that the effect might be produced by an optical illusion. Whether the Christians in the fourth century were likely to be masters of this secret, so as to practise it upon the whole army, or whether they would have hazarded the experiment, when a failure would have been fatal to their cause, might furnish matter for rational inquiry; but the notion of an optical illusion might also be maintained by our supposing the spectators to have witnessed a natural phenomenon, which is not very uncommon in the heavens. If we adopt the second hypothesis, the whole story was probably an invention of Constantine. He could not have leagued with the Christians to produce the delusion, because this would imply that he was already converted to their religion, whereas all history is opposed to such a notion: we should therefore conclude, that the cross in the heavens was never really seen, but that Constantine imposed upon the credulity of Eusebius. The latter informs us, that the Emperor gave him the account a long time after the event; but this, perhaps, does not invalidate the testimony. Length of time might cause a person to forget what he had seen, but it could hardly cause him to fancy that he had seen what never really occurred.* If it be said that the Emperor waited till the persons who were with him at the time were likely to be dead, it might be replied, that in that case he would not have added that the whole army witnessed the phenomenon. Constantine was in his thirty-eighth year when the cross is said to have appeared to him; and there must have been in his army many persons younger than himself, who were alive when Eusebius published this account; but there is no evidence of any of them having contradicted the facts which are stated.† We do not see that the writer of history is called upon to give his opinion in a case like the present; but after impartially reviewing all the evidence, we should be inclined to say thus much, that if Constantine had told Eusebius that the cross had been seen only by himself, we should not have ventured to admit the truth of his narration; but when he asserted that the same sight had been witnessed by the whole army, it is difficult to believe that he wilfully invented a falsehood which was so certain to be detected.‡

But, to be more particular: Dr. Jortin gives three opposite opinions: that it was either a miracle, a pious fraud, or a solar halo.

* This notion is maintained at some length by Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, vol. vi., p. 8, where the reader may find all the authorities concerning this story. For modern writers who have discussed it, see Mosheim, de Rebus ante Const., Sec. III., sect. vii., p. 978.

† The Acts of Artemius are extant, (Apud Metaphrast., d. 20 Octobris,) who was deprived of his appointment by Julian the Apostate; and he speaks of the cross having been seen by himself, and by many persons who were still serving in the army. But the authority of this document may be doubted. Lactantius mentions the vision in the night, but not the appearance of the cross. (De Mort. Persecut., cap. xliv. See Phot. Cod., 256.)

‡ Burton, Lect. Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

THE VISION OF THE CROSS.

Those who wish to learn whether or no it were a solar halo, may study Fabricius.* Those who imagine it was a pious fraud, will doubtless draw their arguments from certain inconsistencies in the future life of Constantine. Those who think it was a miracle, will do well to remember, that there are four very decided objections to this supposition. First, a miracle was not necessary. Christianity was doing its predicted work: it had conquered, and was conquering. The conviction was increasing, that the empire must take refuge in a better religion, at least, than that of Paganism, which consecrated vileness and murder, and changed the rulers of the earth into demons. It cannot be imagined that a miracle should be wrought to allay those anxieties of a wise man, which, with Constantine, were only the sources of that caution and prudence by which he commanded or deserved success. Such a miracle would destroy its own object.† There is no evidence that the event took place at all. Constantine alone saw it. No man of his officers is mentioned as a spectator. No voice was heard, as at the miraculous appearances in the New Testament. He might have believed he saw it; and if he had uttered an exclamation of surprise, or pointed with his hands, many of the courtiers would have remarked whatever their imperial master affirmed he saw. The cloud would be like a camel or a whale, if the Prince thought it resembled either. Another reason against its being regarded as miraculous is, that the incident may be easily explained by interpreting the expression, an inscription, saying, "In this overcome," in a wider sense; as if the appearance of the cross seemed to have the meaning.‡ The last reason is, that it is contrary to the

* On the night of the dream before the decisive battle between Constantine and Maxentius, he saw the vision which commanded him to place the labarum on the shields and arms of the soldiers; not on the night of the day on which he first saw the labarum itself. "Horia diei meridianis, sole in occasum vergente, crucis tropaeum, in coelo ex luce confiatum, soli superpositum, ipsis oculis se vidisse, affirmavit, cum hujus modi inscriptione, HAC VINCE." (Euseb., Vit. Constant., lib. 1., cap. 28, edit. folio, Reding, p. 515.) This is repeated from Eusebius by Sozomen, lib. 1., cap. 3. Other early ecclesiastical histories contain the same story; as, for example, Philostorg., lib. 1., cap. 6; Niceph., lib. vii., cap. 29; lib. viii., cap. 3. The sentence will bear (Jortis, Remarks on Eccles. Hist.) this meaning: He saw, that is, believed he saw, a cross over the sun; and it appeared to him when he was thinking of the approaching battle: "Fear not; believe in the cross, and thou shalt conquer." The whole difficulty is in the words γραφην λεγουσαν, a speaking writing, or an inscription appearing to speak. If γραφη may be used, as is supposed, to denote a picture, the difficulty is removed. (See Euseb., De Vita Constant, ed. Reding.)

† Lactantius mentions only the dream; and the same is true of Sozomen, lib. 1., cap. 3, and Rufinus in his translation of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius; and likewise of the author of the Chronicon Orientale, p. 57. Indeed the appeal of Eusebius to the solemn attestation of the Emperor, (De Vita Const., lib. 1., cap. 28,) and the statement of Gelasius Cyzicenus, (Acta Concilii Niemi, lib. 1., cap. 4, in Harduin's Concilia, tom. 1., p. 351,) that the whole story was accounted fabulous by the Pagans, confirm the supposition that it was a mere dream. For the appeal of Eusebius would have been unnecessary, and the denial of its reality by the Pagans would have been impossible, if the whole army of Constantine had been eye-witnesses of the event.

‡ Eusebius alone, among the writers of that age, gives us any account of the vision of the cross, though Lactantius and others speak of the dream in which Constantine was directed to use the sign of the cross. Eusebius's account is as follows:—"He conceived that he ought to worship only the God of his father. He therefore called upon this God in prayer, entreating and beseeching him to manifest to him who he was, and to extend his right arm on the present occasion. While he was thus praying with earnest entreaty, a most singular divine manifestation appeared: which, perhaps, analogy of the appearances mentioned in the Old and New Testament. These were, the flame from heaven manifesting the presence of God, with a voice speaking from the excellent glory. When our Lord appeared, he was seen as the God of the Patriarchs, surrounded with the glory in which, before his incarnation, he had been accustomed to appear. He was thus seen by Stephen at his martyrdom, and by Paul at his conversion. The last time that he appeared was to John, in the isle of Patmos; and there is something very wonderful and awful, that he who had reposed on his bosom at the supper, he who had been his own familiar friend, he upon whom the full powers of the pentecostal inspiration rested, should fall at his feet as dead! No had another declared it, would not easily be credited: but the victorious Emperor himself having related it to us who write this, when we had, a long time afterwards, the privilege of knowing and conversing with him, and having confirmed it with an oath,— who can hesitate to believe the account? and especially as the subsequent time, or the event which followed, affords evidence of its truth. He said, that about the middle hours of the day, as the sun began to verge towards its setting, he saw in the heavens, with his own eyes, the sun surmounted with the trophy of a cross, which was composed of light, and had a legend annexed, saying, 'By this conquer.' And amazement seized him and the whole army at the sight, and the beholders wondered, as they accompanied him in the march. And he said he was at a loss what to make of this spectre; and as he pondered and reflected upon it long, night came upon him by surprise. After this, as he slept, the Christ of God appeared to him, together with the sign before seen in the heavens, and bade him make a representation of the sign that appeared in the heavens, and to use that as a protection against the onsets of his enemies. And as soon as it was day, he arose, related the wonder to his friends, and then, assembling the workers in gold and precious stones, he seated himself in the midst of them, and, describing the appearance of the sign, he bade them imitate it in gold and precious stones. This we were once so fortunate as to set our eyes upon." Eusebius then goes into a long description of this sacred standard, which was called the "labarum." Its shaft was a very long spear, overlaid with gold. On its top was a crown composed of gold and precious stones, and containing the sacred symbol, namely, the Greek letter X, intersected with the letter P. Just under this crown was a likeness of the Emperor in gold; and below that, a cross piece of wood, from which hung a square flag, of purple cloth, embroidered and covered with precious stones. Now, if this narrative be all true, and if two connected miracles were actually wrought, as here stated, how happens it, that no writer of that age, except Eusebius, says one word about the luminous cross in the heavens? How came it that Eusebius himself said nothing about it in his Ecclesiastical History, which was written twelve years after the event, and about the same length of time before the Life of Constantine? Why does he rely solely on the testimony of the Emperor, and not even intimate that he ever heard of it from others; whereas, if true, many thousands must have been eye-witnesses of the fact? What mean his suggestions, that some may question the truth of the story; and his caution not to state anything as a matter of public notoriety, but to confine himself simply to the Emperor's private representation to himself? Again, if the miracle of the luminous cross was a reality, has not God himself sanctioned the use of the cross, as the appointed symbol of our religion? so that there is no superstition in the use of it; but the Catholics are correct, and the Protestants in an error on this subject. If God intended to enlighten Constantine's dark mind, and show him the truth of Christianity, would he probably use for this purpose the enigma of a luminous cross, in preference to his inspired word, or a direct and special revelation? Was there no tendency to encourage a superstitious veneration for the sign of the cross in such a miracle? And can it be believed, that Jesus Christ actually appeared to the Emperor in a vision, directing him to make an artificial cross, and to rely upon that as his defence in the day of battle? But how came the whole story of the luminous cross to be unknown to the Christian world for more than twenty-five years, and then to transpire only through a private conversation between Eusebius and Constantine? Is it not supposable, that Eusebius may have misunderstood the account the Emperor gave him, of a singular halo about the sun which he saw, and of an affecting dream which he had the night after, and which induced him to make the labarum, and use it as his standard? Such are the arguments against this hypothesis. (Soames, Mosheim.)

DOUBTS RESPECTING ITS MIRACULOUS CHARACTER.

vision of this nature could be expected by Constantine. No new appearances, other than those already vouchsafed, could be anticipated; and many other reasons also could be adduced to lead us to infer, that the manifestation to Constantine was not miraculous. What then is likely to have been the origin of the Labarum? It was probably an imagination, or a spectral illusion,* similar to that which Colonel Gardiner† is reported to have beheld, when that religious

* "Although it is not probable that we shall ever be able to understand the actual manner in which a person of sound mind beholds spectral apparitions in the broad light of day, yet we may arrive at such a degree of knowledge on the subject, as to satisfy rational curiosity, and to strip the phenomena of every attribute of the marvellous. Even the vision of natural objects presents to us insurmountable difficulties, if we seek to understand the precise part which the mind performs in perceiving them; but the philosopher considers that he has given a satisfactory explanation of vision, when he demonstrates, that distinct pictures of external objects are painted on the retina, and that this membrane communicates with the brain by means of nerves of the same substance as itself, and of which it is merely an expansion. Here we reach the gulf which human intelligence cannot pass; and if the presumptuous mind of man shall dare to extend its speculations further, it will do it only to evince its incapacity and mortify its pride. In his admirable work on this subject, Dr. Hibbert has shown, that spectral apparitions are nothing more than ideas, or the recollected images of the mind, which, in certain states of bodily indisposition, have been rendered more vivid than actual impressions, or, to use other words, that the pictures in the 'mind's eye' are more vivid than the pictures in the body's eye. This principle has been placed by Dr. Hibbert beyond the reach of doubt; but I propose to go much farther, and to show 'the mind's eye' is actually the body's eye, and that the retina is the common tablet on which both classes of impressions are painted, and by means of which they receive their visual existence, according to the same optical laws. Nor is this true merely in the case of spectral illusions: it holds good of all ideas recalled by the memory, or created by the imagination, and may be regarded as a fundamental law in the science of pneumatology. It would be out of place in a work like this, to adduce the experimental evidence on which it rests, or even to explain the manner in which the experiments themselves must be conducted; but I may state in general, that the spectres conjured up by the memory or the fancy, have always 'a local habitation,' and that they appear in front of the eye, and partake in its movements, exactly like the impressions of luminous objects, after the objects themselves are withdrawn. In the healthy state of the mind and body, the relative intensity of these two classes of impressions on the retina, is nicely adjusted. The mental pictures are transient and comparatively feeble, and in ordinary temperaments are never capable of disturbing or effacing the direct images of visible objects. The affairs of life could not be carried on, if the memory were to intrude bright representations of the past into the domestic scene, or scatter them over the external landscape. The two opposite impressions, indeed, could not co-exist: the same nervous fibre which is carrying from the brain to the retina the figures of memory, could not at the same instant be carrying back the impressions of external objects from the retina to the brain. The mind cannot perform two distinct functions at the same instant, and the direction of its attention to one of the two classes of impressions necessarily produces the extinction of the other; but so rapid is the exercise of mental power, that the alternate appearance and disappearance of the two contending impressions, are no more recognised than the successive observations of external objects during the twinkling of the eyelids. If we look, for example, at the façade of St. Paul's, and, without changing our position, call to mind the celebrated view of Mont Blanc from Lyons, the picture of the cathedral, though actually impressed upon the retina, is momentarily lost sight of by the mind, exactly like an object seen by indirect vision; and during the instant the recollected image of the mountain, towering over the subjacent range, is distinctly seen, but in a tone of subdued colouring, and indistinct outline. When the purpose of its recall is answered, it quickly disappears, and the picture of the cathedral again resumes the ascendancy." (Brewster, Letters on Natural Magic.)

† "He thought he saw an unusual blaze of light fall on the book while he was reading, which he at first imagined might happen by some accident in the candle. But, lifting up his eyes, he apprehended, to his extreme amazement, that there was before him, as it were suspended in the air, a visible representation of the Lord Jesus Christ upon the cross, surrounded on all sides with a glory; and was impressed as if a voice had come to him to this effect, (for he was not confident as to the very words,) 'O sinner, did I suffer this for thee, and are these the returns?' But whether this were impression on his mind was made, which lasted through life. The most minute circumstance, which is overruled to permanent and spiritual good, may be called miraculous, in the sense of its being unusual and attended with a blessing. But whatever may have been the real history of the appearance of the cross to Constantine, he obtained the victory over the last pagan enemy but one, that still remained to oppose the soldiers of the cross. The final battle with Maxentius was fought nine miles from Rome, in the year 312. Maxentius had been a persecutor both of Pagans and of Christians: the joy, therefore, of the people at his defeat was excessively great. Italy dedicated to Constantine a crown and buckler of gold. Africa established Priests for the worship of his family. The Roman Senate erected a statue of gold in his honour, and the Basilica, and the triumphal arch that still bears his name.* The language of the inscription on the arch, though not Christian, was not so entirely pagan as before: it did not speak of the gods of Olympus, but declared, that by the Divinity Constantine had been enabled to deliver them. Now also was the golden moment when the cross was first raised before the people of Rome, by the ruler of Rome. A statue was erected to him in the public square: the Emperor placed a cross in the hand, with an inscription, declaring that it was by the cross alone he had delivered the city from tyrants, and restored the Senate to its splendour. From the external demonstrations of joy, he proceeded to give them the greatest sources of satisfaction. He disbanded the Prestorian guards. Though he punished some of the adherents of his enemy, he restored others to their forfeited estates, and spared their lives. He discouraged the laws against informers. He restored power to the Senate, and filled its ranks with the best citizens of the empire. He diminished the taxes; he relieved the poor; he embellished the city; he restored many ruined towns to opulence and grandeur, and repaired, to the utmost of his power, the effects of tyranny and war. He was desirous to be regarded as the father of his people, and to be a blessing to his too long oppressed and harassed empire.† an audible voice, or only a strong impression on his mind equally striking, he did not seem very confident; though, to the best of my recollection," says Dr. Doddridge, "he rather judged it to be the former. Struck with such an amazing phenomenon as this, there remained scarcely any life in him, so that he sank down in the arm-chair in which he sat, and continued, he knew not how long, insensible; (which was one circumstance that made me several times take the liberty to suggest, that he might possibly be all this while asleep;) but however that were, he quickly after opened his eyes, and saw nothing more than usual." (Some remarkable Passages in the Life of the Honourable Colonel James Gardiner, who was slain at the Battle of Preston-Pans. By Philip Doddridge, D.D. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1747.)

* As it was not possible to find in the capital of the empire a sculptor who was capable of adorning that public monument, the arch of Trajan, without any respect either for his memory, or for the rules of propriety, was stripped of its most elegant figures. The difference of times and persons, of actions and characters, was totally disregarded. The Parthian captives appear prostrate at the feet of a Prince who never carried his arms beyond the Kuphrates; and curious antiquarians can still discover the head of Trajan on the trophies of Constantine. The new ornaments which it was necessary to introduce between the vacancies of ancient sculpture, are executed in the rudest and most unskilful manner. (Gibbon.)

† Townsend, Ecclesiastical and Civil History philosophically considered, vol. i., p. 227. London, 1847.

HIS FIRST EDICT IN FAVOUR OF CHRISTIANITY.

Constantine continued in the metropolis about three months, and made himself so popular with the inhabitants, that the Senate passed a decree for placing his name before that of the other Emperors, though Maximinus had taken that honour to himself. Before Constantine marched into Italy, he had secured the friendship, or at least the neutrality, of Licinius, the Illyrican Emperor. He had promised his sister Constantia in marriage to that Prince; but the celebration of the nuptials was deferred till after the conclusion of the war, which threatened both Monarchs; and the interview of the two Emperors at Milan, which was appointed for that purpose, appeared to cement the union of their families and interests. The first edict which Constantine published in favour of the Christians is not extant.* He proceeded to give the sanction of the religious and civil supremacy of the Roman law and magistracy, to the long persecuted Christianity. We should imagine that Constantine thought, that the highest ecclesiastical authority, as well as the highest civil authority, should be united in one person, as they had formerly been in the patriarchal families; of which the government of one person, both as Priest and King, in the monarchies and empires that followed, was the representative and successor. The Emperor forthwith assumed the pontificate. Maximinus and Licinius were his partners in the other divisions of the empire. The former continued an uncompromising enemy to Christianity. Constantine, in conjunction with Licinius, who at present did not oppose him, published at Rome the first edict in favour of freedom of religious worship. It is supposed, however, that it was not expressed in such unreserved language as the edict which followed. Maximinus received the decree with deep, though suppressed, indignation; and he yielded like the bulrush to that which he could not withstand. He published a similar rescript through his division of the empire. He permitted arguments and persuasions only to be used to recover Christians to Paganiam. He prohibited all persons from molesting them, and granted liberty of reasoning and of conscience to all.† His withholding from them the permission, which Constantine had granted, of assembling publicly for worship and building churches, rendered them still jealous of his sincerity. Maximinus (and this was a great advance towards the total overthrow of persecution) permitted only that they should not be personally injured for their Christianity.

The war which threatened Constantine and Licinius at Milan, and led them to postpone the contemplated festivities, was an inroad of the Franks which summoned Constantine to the Rhine, and also the hostile approach of Maximinus, the Sovereign of Asia, which demanded the immediate presence of Licinius. Maximinus had been the secret ally of Maxentius, and, without being discouraged by his fate, he resolved to try the fortune of a civil war. He moved out of Syria towards the frontiers of Bithynia in the depth of winter. The season was severe and tempestuous; great numbers of men as well as

* "Quæ autem edictis pro Christianis ipso imperii ingressu Romæ vel aliis in provincia promulgaverit, non extant." (Baronii Annal., A.D. 312, sect. lxxxviii.)

† This was in the year 313. (See Knæb., Hist. Koeles., lib. x., cap. 5; and the Notes of Valesius upon the Epistle.)

2 A horses perished in the snow; and as the roads were broken up by incessant rains, he was obliged to leave behind him a considerable part of the heavy baggage, which was unable to follow the rapidity of his forced marches. By this extraordinary effort of diligence, he arrived, with a harassed but formidable army, on the banks of the Thracian Bosphorus, before the Lieutenants of Licinius were apprized of his hostile intentions. Byzantium surrendered to the power of Maximinus after a siege of eleven days. He was detained some time under the walls of Heraclea; and he had no sooner taken possession of that city, than he was alarmed by the intelligence, that Licinius had pitched his camp at the distance of only eighteen miles. After a fruitless negotiation, in which the two Princes attempted to seduce the fidelity of each other's adherents, they had recourse to arms. The Emperor of the East commanded a disciplined and veteran army of above seventy thousand men; and Licinius, who had collected about thirty thousand Illyrians, was at first appalled by the superiority of numbers. His military skill, and the firmness of his troops, restored the day, and obtained a decisive victory.* The incredible speed which Maximinus exerted in his flight, is much more celebrated than his prowess in the battle. Twenty-four hours afterwards he was seen, pale, trembling, and without his imperial ornaments, at Nicomedia, one hundred and sixty miles from the place of his defeat. He survived his misfortune only three or four months; and his death, which happened at Tarsus, was variously ascribed to despair, to poison, and to the divine justice. The provinces of the East, delivered from the terrors of civil war, cheerfully acknowledged the authority of Licinius.†

It is, however, much to be regretted, that the cruelties which attach themselves to the name of Maximinus were not suffered to end with his death. It is perhaps true, that he had put many unworthy persons into places of importance; and it was not to be expected that the Governors of cities or provinces, who had seconded the tyrant in all his enormities, should now be continued in office; but the Christian will wish that their lives had been spared. Such, however, of old was not the policy of the conqueror. Many favourites of Maximinus were put to death. The vanquished Emperor had left behind him two children, a boy of about eight, and a girl of about seven, years old. Their inoffensive age might have excited compassion; but the compassion of Licinius was a very feeble resource; nor did it restrain him from extinguishing the name and memory of his adversary. His wife, perhaps, deserved her fate; at least it was a just retribution, when she was drowned in the same stream in which several Christian females had been thrown by her orders.‡ The death of Severianus

* Zosimus mentions the defeat and death of Maximinus as ordinary events; but Lactantius expatiates on them, (De Mort. Persecut., cap. xiv., ad cap. l.,) ascribing them to the miraculous interference of Heaven.

† Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. ii., p. 232, 8vo. edit., London.

‡ Before the destruction of the children of Maximinus, "their mother had been thrown into the Orontes, in which river she herself had frequently commanded chaste women to be drowned. So by the unerring and just judgment of God, all the impious received according to the deeds that they had done." (Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. l.)

CRUELTIES OF LICINIUS.

will admit of no less excuse, as it was dictated neither by revenge nor policy. The conqueror had never received any injury from the father of that unhappy youth; and the short and obscure reign of Severus, in a distant part of the empire, was already forgotten. But the execution of Candidianus was an act of the blackest cruelty and ingratitude. He was the natural son of Galerius, the friend and benefactor of Licinius. The prudent father had deemed him too young to sustain the weight of a diadem; but he hoped that, under the protection of the Princes who were indebted to his favour for the imperial purple, Candidianus might pass a secure and honourable life. He was now advancing towards the twentieth year of his age; and the royalty of his birth, though unsupported either by merit or ambition, was sufficient to exasperate the jealous mind of Licinius. To these innocent and illustrious victims of his tyranny, we must add the wife and daughter of the Emperor Diocletian. When that Prince conferred on Galerius the title of Cæsar, he had given him in marriage his daughter Valeria, whose melancholy adventures might furnish a very singular subject for tragedy. She had fulfilled, and even surpassed, the duties of a wife. As she had not any children herself, she condescended to adopt the illegitimate son of her husband, and invariably displayed towards the unhappy Candidianus the tenderness and anxiety of a real mother. After the death of Galerius, her ample possessions provoked, and her personal attractions excited, the desires of his successor Maximinus.* He had a wife still alive; but divorce was permitted by the Roman law, and the fierce passion of the adulterous persecutor demanded an immediate gratification. The answer of Valeria was such as became the daughter and widow of Emperors; but it was tempered by the prudence which her defenceless condition compelled her to observe. She represented to the persons whom Maximinus had employed on this occasion, "that even if honour could permit a woman of her character and dignity to entertain a thought of second nuptials, decency at least must forbid her to listen

* "That which distinguished his character, and in which he transcended all former Emperors, was his desire of debauching women. What else can I call it but a blind and headstrong passion? Yet such epithets feebly express my indignation in reciting his enormities. The magnitude of the guilt overpowers my tongue, and makes it unequal to its office. Eunuchs and panders made search everywhere; and no sooner was any comely face discovered, than husbands and parents were obliged to withdraw. Matrons of quality and virgins were deprived of their garments, and all their limbs were inspected, lest any part should be unworthy of the bed of the Emperor. Whenever a woman resisted, death by drowning was inflicted upon her; as if, under the reign of this adulterer, chastity had been treason. Some men there were who, beholding the violation of wives whom, for virtue and fidelity, they affectionately loved, could not endure their anguish of mind, and so killed themselves. While this monster ruled, it was singular deformity alone which could shield the honour of any female from his savage desires. At length he introduced a custom prohibiting marriage, unless with the imperial permission; and he made this an instrument to serve the purposes of his lawfulness. After having debauched free-born maidens, he gave them for wives to his slaves. His courtiers also imitated the example of the Emperor, and violated with impunity the beds of their dependants. For who was there to punish such offences? As for the daughters of men of middle rank, any who were inclined took them by force. Ladies of quality, who could not be taken in this manner, were petitioned for, and obtained from the Emperor by way of free gift: nor could a father oppose this; for the imperial warrant having been once signed, he had no alternative but to die, or to receive some barbarian as his son-in-law." (Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. xxxviii.)

2 A 2 to his addresses at a time when the ashes of her husband and his benefactor were still warm, and while the sorrows of her mind were still expressed by her mourning garments. She ventured to declare, that she could place very little confidence in the professions of a man whose cruel inconstancy was capable of repudiating a faithful and affectionate wife." On this repulse the professed attachment of Maximinus was converted into fury; and as witnesses and Judges were always at his disposal, it was easy for him to cover his fury with an appearance of legal proceedings, and to assault the reputation as well as the happiness of Valeria. Her estates were confiscated; her eunuchs and domestics devoted to the most inhuman tortures; and several innocent and respectable matrons, who were honoured with her friendship, suffered death, on a false accusation of adultery. The Empress herself, together with her mother Prisca, was condemned to exile; and as they were ignominiously hurried from place to place, before they were confined to a sequestered village in the deserts of Syria, they exposed their shame and distress to the provinces of the East, which, during thirty years, had respected their august dignity. Diocletian made several ineffectual efforts to alleviate the misfortunes of his daughter; and, as the last return that he expected for the imperial purple, which he had conferred upon Maximinus, he entreated that Valeria might be permitted to share his retirement of Salona, and to close the eyes of her afflicted father.* He entreated; but as he could no longer threaten, his prayers were received with coldness and disdain; and the pride of the tyrant was gratified, in treating Diocletian as a suppliant, and his daughter as a criminal. The death of Maximinus seemed to assure the Empresses of a favourable alteration in their fortune. The public disorders relaxed the vigilance of their guard, and they easily found means to escape from the place of their exile, and to repair, though with some precaution, and in disguise, to the court of Licinius. His behaviour in the first days of his reign, and the honourable reception which he gave to young Candidianus, inspired Valeria with a secret satisfaction, both on her own account, and on that of her adopted son. But these grateful prospects were soon succeeded by horror and astonishment; and the bloody executions which stained the palace of Nicomedia sufficiently convinced her, that the throne of Maximinus was filled by a tyrant more inhuman than himself. Valeria consulted her safety by a hasty flight, and, still accompanied by her mother Prisca, they wandered about fifteen months through the provinces, concealed in the disguise of plebeian habits. They were at length discovered at Thessalonica; and, as the sentence of their death was already pronounced, they were immediately beheaded, and their bodies thrown into the sea. The people gazed on the melancholy spectacle; but their grief and indig-

* Diocletian despatched messengers to Maximinus, requesting that his daughter might be sent to him. He could not prevail. Again and again he entreated; yet she was not sent. At length he employed a relation of his, a military man, high in power and authority, to implore the tyrant by the remembrance of past favours. This messenger, equally unsuccessful in his negotiation as the others, reported to Diocletian that his prayers were vain. (Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. xli.)

THE EDICT OF MILAN.

nation were suppressed by the terrors of a military guard.* Licinius himself, when he was at Antioch, put Theotecnus to the torture, and several persons who had assisted him in imposing upon the people by some miraculous image of Jupiter. They were all put to death; as was Picentius, who had been several times Consul, and the confidential adviser of Maximinus; and Colcianus, who was a great persecutor of the Christians in Egypt.†

While Licinius was executing severe vengeance upon those whom he thought his enemies, Constantine was engaged on subjects which were suited to a Christian Emperor. Between the publication of the decree at Rome in 312, and the month of March, 313, the marriage of Licinius with the sister of the Emperor took place, and also the death of Diocletian,‡ who, though he had long been powerless in his gardens at Salona, might possibly have been restored to the throne as the ancient enemy and persecutor of the Christian faith, which confirmed Constantine in the empire. Probably it was the necessity of caution, and adherence to a prudent polity, which combined with all his efforts in the promotion of Christianity, that led him to hesitate so long before he published what has been termed, "the glorious Magna Charta of religious freedom at Milan." This, however, he accomplished in conjunction with Licinius, of whom it is difficult to say whether he were a Christian or a Pagan.§ In this celebrated decree,|| he gives to the Christians entire, absolute, unlimited freedom to exercise their public worship. He cancels all the restrictions of former edicts upon their present liberty. He commands the restoration of their churches, and promises that he will defray the expense of their re-conveyance, and all other charges. It did more than all this: it conferred free and absolute permission to all, without exception, by whatever name they might be called, to follow any religion, or any form of worship, according to their will, (the word conscience does not occur in the decree,) and to practise the rites of their chosen religion without any molestation or interruption from the magistracy or the Emperors. Two reasons have been assigned for this indulgence. One is the promotion of the peace and happiness of the empire; and Christians have always prayed for the peace of the city wherein they dwell. The other is, the hope of pleasing the Deity, whatever his power may be, to whose worshippers the freedom of religion is thus granted. The practices of the Heathen in their temples were necessarily suppressed

* Gibbon, Decline and Fall, vol. 1., p. 238, Milman's edit., 8vo.

† Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

1 That Diocletian died in the year 313, and not in 316, as had been supposed by many, is established by Pagl. (Baronii Eccles. Annal., A.D. 316, sect. iii.)

§ It has been controverted whether Licinius ever was a Christian. Cardinal Nole takes the negative, Pagl and Basnage take the affirmative. The truth of the case seems to have been, that he pretended for some time to be a Christian, but never was so; and that finding the Christians to be much more attached to Constantine than to himself, he threw off the mask. (See Basnag., Annal. ii., p. 447; Baronii Annales Eccles. Pagl, A.D. 318, sect. ix.)

|| The edict of Milan is given by Lactantius in the treatise De Mortibus Persecutorum, cap. xlviii. A corrected translation of it may also be found in Foxe's Acts and Monuments, vol. 1., p. 250. Seeley's edit.

some years after, in spite of this edict, in consequence of their scandalous immorality; and the sternest lover of civil and religious liberty would justify the overthrow of the public abominations, and the cruel sacrifices which still resisted the influence of our holier faith.*

Constantine now addressed himself to subjects which were far more suited to the employment of an Emperor, who threw his protecting shield over the Christian name; a line of procedure which must have appeared very strange to those who had watched the usual routine of heathen politics. Africa, as well as Italy, had now fallen naturally under the government of Constantine; and while he was at Milan in the spring of the present year, 313, he wrote to Anulinus, the Proconsul of Africa, impressing upon him the importance of executing the edict which had lately been published. This ordered the restitution of houses or gardens, or any public property, which belonged to the Christians; and the Proconsul was to see that this was done without delay.† At the same time it was settled, that the African Clergy (including those of Numidia and Mauritania) should receive a sum of money from the public treasury.‡ It does not appear that the payment was to be annual, nor is any reason assigned for the favour being granted to Africa; but the Christians in that country had suffered during the usurpation of Alexander, and may therefore have been in a worse condition than their brethren in Italy. Constantine had also written to Ursus, who was the chief Minister of finance for Africa, ordering him to pay a certain sum to Cæcilianus, the Bishop of Carthage; and the Emperor's attention to these affairs is further shown by his writing in person to Cæcilianus. The Bishop was to receive the money, and to distribute it according to a list which was made out for that purpose; and if the sum were not sufficient, he was authorized to draw for more upon the Emperor's private Treasurer. The payment of this money appears to have been made to the African Clergy only; but another letter, which was written shortly after to Anulinus, concerned most probably the whole body of the Clergy. The Proconsul was instructed to announce to the Bishop of Carthage, that all persons engaged in the sacred ministry were to be excused from the burden of any public office.§ This letter was written from Milan in the month of March or April, when Constantine was on the point of setting out for Gaul; and Anulinus lost no time in communicating its contents to Cæcilianus. He seems to have been aware of the schism in the church of Carthage, and coupled his communication with an exhortation to unity; but, unfortunately, it was of little avail. The seeds of the Donatist schism were taking deep root, threatening the church with confusion and even bloodshed. Within a few days, a meeting was held of the persons who supported Majorinus; and they agreed to petition the Proconsul, that the

* Townsend, Civil and Eccles. Hist., &c., vol. i., p. 229.

† Ruseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. x., cap. 5.

‡ Ibid., cap. 6.

§ Ibid., cap. 7.

COUNCIL AT CARTHAGE.

immunity granted by Constantine to all the Clergy might be extended to themselves. The Emperor had expressly named the Clergy of the Catholic Church, over which Cæcilianus presided; but the Donatists attached another meaning to the Catholic Church,* and sent two papers to the Proconsul; one of which contained a series of charges against Cæcilianus, and the other was an address to the Emperor, requesting him to send some Bishops out of Gaul, who might settle the dispute between the two parties.† Constantine was anxious to put an end to the schism. Accordingly he summoned a Council, composed of Prelates of both parties, and others, in order that all might have the benefit of a full and impartial decision. Donatus, without any hesitation, conducted the part of the schismatics. The Council was held in the palace of the Empress Fausta; the Bishop of Rome, Miltiades,‡ or Melchiades, presided at the head of nineteen Bishops. Cæcilianus was present with his accusers. Donatus was convicted of having caused a schism at Carthage, at a time when Cæcilianus was Deacon only; of having re-baptized several persons, and of having given imposition of hands a second time in the case of certain Bishops who had relapsed in the persecutions. Donatus, finding the proof of these things established against himself, quitted the assembly, and did not again appear; upon which the other accusers of Cæcilianus dropped their charge against him.

In the second session, the charge brought against Cæcilianus was examined into, and proved to be utterly groundless. The decision of the Council of Carthage in 311 (at which seventy Numidian Bishops assembled; Tigesius had deposed Cæcilianus, and elected Majorinus in his stead) was declared to be invalid, since Cæcilianus had been condemned in his absence, not having been able to attend through fear of violence. In the third session Cæcilianus was declared to be innocent, and his consecration was approved. Donatus was proved to be the author of all the mischief. The Bishops who had condemned Cæcilianus, and those who had come to Rome to accuse him, were, nevertheless, not separated from the Roman communion, since nothing had been established against them. The Council further ruled, that those Bishops who had been consecrated by Majorinus, should be permitted to retain their sees; and, moreover, that in places where there were two Bishops, one consecrated by Majorinus and the other by Cæcilianus, the Bishop of longest standing should retain the see, and the other be appointed to some other bishopric. "This," as Fleury observes, "is a singular instance of the exercise of a dispensing power, moderating the rigour of the law for the sake of peace."§ This sentence was decisive; and the Donatists have from that time been always considered as schismatics.

* Burton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.

† Augustin., Opera, tom. ii., fol. 1679, epist. lxxxviii., 1, p. 213; epist. xciii., 13, p. 236; epist. cxxx., 4, p. 381. Brevic. Collat. diol iii., cap. 7, 12.

‡ Bower, History of the Popes, vol. i., p. 87, et seq. 4to. London, 1750.

§ Labbe, Concilia, tom. i., p. 1401, fol. 1671. See also, "A Manual of Councils of the Holy Catholic Church, comprising the substance of the most remarkable and important Canons, alphabetically arranged. By the Rev. Edward H. Landon, M.A." 8vo. p. 518. London, 1846.

Cæcilianus did not immediately return to Carthage, but remained some time at Brescia. In the meanwhile two Bishops were sent to Carthage by the Council, who, after carefully weighing the evidence upon the spot, decided in favour of Cæcilianus, and held communion with the Clergy of his party. The Bishop then returned to his city, where he found Donatus had already arrived before him; and although a definitive sentence had been passed, the schism was carried on as openly as before. A still further trial was furnished to Cæcilianus, when Constantine wrote to the Proconsul, and ordered him to examine the charges which had been brought against Felix,* Bishop of Aptungis. This was the only shadow which remained of any grounds for questioning the ordination of Cæcilianus; and, after an impartial examination, it was proved, that Felix had never delivered up the books of the church, and that there was no impediment to his administering ordination. There is reason to think that many of the Clergy, after this sentence, were reconciled with Cæcilianus, though others continued their opposition, and appealed again to Constantine. This led to a still more numerous Council being assembled in the following year.

Peace did not come upon Israel as was expected. Licinius, instigated by a jealousy of the most fatal character, was driven to a procedure which ultimately terminated in civil war, and in the loss of his own life. Notwithstanding the proofs which he had had of the divine interposition in favour of the Gospel, during his contest with Maximinus, the force of old prejudices imbibed under Galerius operated at length, in conjunction with the natural depravity of the human heart, to induce him to renew the persecution. He passed a law which enjoined that men should not appear in company with women in the houses of prayer, and forbade women to attend the sacred schools of virtue, or to receive instruction from the Bishops.† He prohibited Christian Synods in his dominions, expelled believers from his court, and ordered the women to furnish themselves with separate teachers for their own sex. He dismissed from his army those who refused to sacrifice, and forbade any supplies to be afforded them in their necessities. He proceeded still further. He murdered Bishops and destroyed churches. At Amasia, in Pontus, his cruelty was particularly distinguished. He used enchantments; and thus the powers of darkness made a feeble attempt to recover by his means the ground that was lost.‡ Foxe declares, that "the flattering officers that were under him, thinking by this means to please him, slew, and made [put] out of the way, many Bishops, and without any cause put them to death, as though they had been homicides, and heinous offenders; and such rigorousness used they towards some of them,

* Optat. de Schism. Donat., lib. i., cap. 27. See also Gesta Purgationis Felicis, apud Routh. Reliq. Sacra, vol. iv., p. 287, 8vo., Oxonii, 1846.

† "These regulations being received with general ridicule, be devised other means for effecting the ruin of the churches. He ordered that the usual congregation of the people should be held in the open country, outside the gates; alleging that the open air without the city was far more suitable for a multitude than the houses of prayer within the walls." (Kuseb., De Vita Constant., lib. i., cap. 53.)

‡ Milner, History of the Church, vol. i., p. 509.

CONTINUED SEVERITIES OF LICINIUS.

that they cut their bodies into gobbets* and small pieces, in the manner of a butcher, and after that threw them into the sea to feed fishes.† What shall we speak of the exiles and confiscations of good and virtuous men? for he took by violence every man's substance, and cared not by what means he came by it; but threatened them with death, unless they would forego the same. He banished those who had committed no evil at all. He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour should be made [put] out of the way; neither yet herewith content, he gave their daughters that were unmarried to varlets and wicked ones. Licinius himself, though on account of age he was impotent, shamefully attempted to vitiate many women, men's wives, and maids. Which cruel outrages of his caused many godly men of their own accord to forsake their houses; and it was also seen, that the woods, fields, desert places and mountains, were fain to be the habitations and resting-places of the poor and miserable Christians."‡ Among those who suffered during this transitory outbreak, was one Theodore, who was first hanged upon the cross, was tormented with bodkins thrust into his person, and ultimately beheaded; also an individual of the same name who was martyred at Amassea, and another was crucified at Perga; Basileus, the Bishop of Amassea, Nicholas, the Prelate of Myra, and Gregory of Armenia, and afterwards Paul of Neocæssares, who, by the commandment of Licinius, had both his hands disabled by a searing iron. In a word, Licinius appeared resolved to extend as far as possible this persecution throughout Christendom; which would have been the case, had not the providence of God appeared in behalf of his suffering church.

Licinius could not proceed far in this line of conduct without coming into collision with Constantine.§ Enough already had been achieved by the former to cause not only shyness but positive distrust, inasmuch as the edict of Milan had been so flagrantly violated; but the perfidy of Licinius justifies the most unfavourable suspicions; and by the faint light which history reflects on the transaction, we may discover a foul conspiracy which was fomented and encouraged by the machinations of Licinius against the authority of his colleague. Constantine had lately given his sister Anastasia in marriage to Bassianus, a man of considerable family and fortune, and had elevated his new kinsman to the rank of Cæsar, and Africa was designed for his department in the empire. But the performance of the promised

* Gobbet, a small piece; as much as may be swallowed at a mouthful.

† Kuseb., Eccles. Hist., lib. x., cap. 8.

‡ Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vol. i., p. 255, 8vo. edit.

§ After several unsuccessful battles, he was obliged to throw himself upon the mercy of the victor, who, nevertheless, ordered him to be strangled, in the year 325. After his last victory over Licinius, Constantine reigned sole Emperor till his death; and by policy, enactments, regulations, and munificence, endeavoured as much as possible to obliterate gradually the ancient superstitions, and to establish Christian worship throughout the Roman empire. He had undoubtedly learned from the wars and the machinations of Licinius, that neither himself, nor the Roman empire, could remain secure while the ancient superstition continued prevalent; and, therefore, from this time onward, he openly opposed the pagan deities and their worship, as prejudicial to the interests of the state. (Mosheim, Instit. Eccles. Hist., edited by Soames.)

2 B favour was either attended with so much delay, or accompanied with so many unequal conditions, that the fidelity of Bassianus was alienated rather than secured by the honourable distinction which he had obtained. His nomination had been ratified by the consent of Licinius; and that artful Prince, by the means of his emissaries, soon contrived to enter into a secret and dangerous correspondence with the new Cæsar, to irritate his discontent, and to urge him to the rash enterprise of extorting by violence what he might in vain solicit from the justice of Constantine. But the vigilant Emperor discovered the conspiracy before it was ripe for execution; and, after solemnly renouncing the alliance of Bassianus, despoiled him of the purple, and inflicted upon him due punishment for his treason and ingratitude. The haughty refusal of Licinius, when he was required to deliver up the criminals who had taken refuge in his dominions, confirmed the suspicions already entertained of his perfidy; and the indignities offered on the frontiers of Italy to the statues of Constantine became the signal of discord between the two Princes.* The first battle was fought near Cibalis, and the contest, which had lasted from the dawn of day to a late hour in the evening, was decided by a vigorous and effective charge made by Constantine, which brought the victory to the standard of the Emperor. The plain of Mardia, in Thrace, was the theatre of a second battle, no less obstinate and bloody than the former; and the victory was once more decided by the superior abilities and prowess of Constantine. The loss of these two battles, and of his bravest veterans, reduced the fierce spirit of Licinius to sue for peace. The ambassador Mistrianus was admitted to the audience of Constantine; and the result of the whole was, that the tranquillity of the Roman world was restored, and the temporary reconciliation of Constantine and Licinius effected, embittered as it confessedly was by resentment and jealousy, by the remembrance of recent injuries, and by the apprehension of future dangers: they maintained, however, above eight years the tranquillity of the Roman world; nevertheless, at the termination of that period a civil war between Constantine and Licinius again commenced, and after a series of important engagements, the vigilance of the conqueror achieved great success. The decisive engagement was fought on the

* Licinius being vanquished in 314, he was quiet for about nine years. But in the year 324, this restless man again attacked Constantine, being urged on both by his own inclination and by the instigation of the pagan Priests. That he might secure to himself a victory, he attached the Pagans to his cause, by severely oppressing the Christians, and cruelly putting not a few of their Bishops to death. Even Julian, than whom no one was more prejudiced against Constantine, could not but pronounce Licinius an infamous tyrant, who was sunk in vices and crimes. See Julian's Cæsares, p. 222, ed. Spanheim. I would here observe, what appears to have been overlooked hitherto, that Aurelius Victor mentions this persecution by Licinius in his book, De Cæsaribus, cap. xli., p. 435, ed. Arntzenii; where he says, "Licinio ne insontium quidem ac nobilium philosophorum servili more cruciatus adhibiti modum fecere." The philosophers whom Licinius is here said to have tortured, were, doubtless, Christians; whom many, from their slight acquaintance with our religion, have mistaken for a sect of philosophers. The commentators on Aurelius have left this passage untouched; which is apt to be the case with those who are intent only on the enlargement of grammatical knowledge derived from ancient writers. (Mosheim, Institutes of Eccles. Hist., edited by Soames.)

COMPLETE DEFEAT AND DEATH OF LICINIUS.

heights of Chrysopolis, or, as it is now called, Scutari.* The troops of Licinius, though they were lately raised, ill-armed, and worse disciplined, made head against their conquerors with fruitless, but desperate, valour, till a total defeat, and a slaughter of five-and-twenty thousand men, irretrievably determined the fate of their leader. He retired to Nicomedia, rather with the view of gaining some time for negotiation, than with the hope of any effectual defence. Constantia, his wife, and the sister of Constantine, interceded with her brother in favour of her husband, and obtained, from his policy rather than from his compassion, a solemn promise, confirmed by an oath, that after the sacrifice of Martinianus, and the resignation of the purple, Licinius himself should be permitted to pass the remainder of his life in peace and affluence. The behaviour of Constantia, and her relation to the contending parties, naturally recalls the remembrance of that matron who was the sister of Augustus, and the wife of Antony. But the temper of mankind was altered, and it was no longer esteemed infamous for a Roman to survive his honour and independence. Licinius solicited and accepted the pardon of his offences, laid himself and his purple at the feet of his lord and master, was raised from the ground with insulting pity, was admitted the same day to the imperial banquet, and soon afterwards was sent away to Thessalonica, which had been chosen for the place of his confinement, which was soon terminated by death; and it is doubtful whether a tumult of the soldiers, or a decree of the Senate, was suggested as the motive for his execution. According to the rules of tyranny, he was accused of forming a conspiracy, and of holding a treasonable correspondence with the barbarians.† The memory of Licinius was branded with infamy, his statues were thrown down, and by a hasty edict, of such mischievous tendency that it was almost immediately corrected, all his laws, and all the judicial proceedings of his reign, were at once abolished. By this victory of Constantine,

* Licinius put the truth or falsehood of the Gospel on the event of war. It was an unwarranted appeal; but God answered him in his own way. He lost in the issue both his empire and his life. It is remarkable, that one of Constantine's soldiers, who parted with the banner of the cross to save his life, lost it, while he who, in his room, supported and upheld the banner was preserved. (Milner, History of the Church, cont. iv., cap. 2; Eusebi., De Vita Constant., lib. ii., cap. 9.)

† "Contra religionem sacramenti Thessalonicem privatus occlusus est." (Entropil Roman. Hist., lib. ii., cap. 6; and his evidence is confirmed by Jerome, as well as by Zosimus, lib. ii., p. 102.) The Valestan writer is the only one who mentions the soldiers, and it is Zosimus alone who calls in the assistance of the Senate. Eusebius gives this transaction the go-by; but Sozomen, a century afterwards, ventures to assert the treasonable practices of Licinius. "He was deeply incensed against the Christians on account of his disagreement with Constantine, and thought to wound him by their sufferings; and besides, he suspected that they earnestly desired that Constantine alone should enjoy the sovereign rule." In addition to all this, we may mention that, when on the eve of another war with Constantine, Licinius, in order to prepare his mind for the event of the contest, had recourse to sacrifices and oracles; and that, deceived by promises of power, he returned to the religion of the Greeks. The Greeks themselves, too, relate that about this period he consulted the oracle of Apollo Didymus, at Miletus, concerning the result of the war, and received an answer from the demon, couched in the following words of Homer:—

"O old man, much do the youths distress thee, warring with thee!

Thy strength has become enfeebled, but thy old age shall be hard."

(Sozomen, Eccles. Hist, lib. i., cap. 7.)

2 B 2 the Roman world was again united under the authority of one Emperor, thirty-seven years after Diocletian had divided his power and provinces with his associate Herculeus.*

With the death of Maximinus expired, confessedly, the last hope of Paganism to maintain itself by the authority of the Government. Though Licinius was only accidentally connected with the Christian party, and afterwards allied himself for a short time to the pagan interest, at this juncture his enemies were those of Christianity, and his cruel triumph annihilated at once the adherents of Maximinus and those of the old religion. The new hierarchy fell at once: the chief Magistrates of almost all the cities were executed; for even where they were not invested in the pontifical offices, it was under their authority that Paganism had renewed its more imposing form, and it sank with them into the common ruin. The arts by which Theotecnus of Antioch, the chief adviser of Maximinus, had imposed upon the populace of that city by mysterious wonders, were detected, and exposed to public contempt, and the author put to death. Tyre, which recommended itself to Maximinus by the most violent hostility to the Christian name, was constrained to witness the re-construction of the fallen church in far more than its original grandeur. Eusebius, afterwards the Bishop of Cæsarea, and the historian of the church, pronounced an inaugural discourse on its re-consecration. His description of the building is curious in itself, as the model of an Eastern church, and illustrates the power and opulence of the Christian party in a city which had taken the lead on the side of Paganism. Nor would the Christian orator venture greatly to exaggerate the splendour of a building which stood in the midst of, and provoked, as it were, a comparison with, temples of high antiquity and unquestioned magnificence.†

The Christian church was built on the old site; for, though a more convenient and imposing space might have been found, the piety of the Christians clung with reverence to a spot consecrated by the most holy associations; and their pride, perhaps, was gratified in restoring to more than its former grandeur the edifice which had been destroyed by pagan malice. The whole site was environed with a wall; a lofty propylæon, which faced the rising sun, commanded the attention of the passing Pagan, who could not but contrast the present splendour with the recent solitude of the place; and afforded an imposing glimpse of the magnificence within. The intermediate space between the propylæon and the church was laid out in a cloister, with four colonnades, enclosed with a palisade of wood. The centre square was open to the sun and air; and two fountains sparkled in the midst, and reminded the worshipper, by their emblematic purity, of the necessity of sanctification. The uninitiate proceeded no further than the cloister, but might behold at this modest distance the mysteries of the sanctuary. Several other vestibules, or propylæa, intervened between the cloister and the main building. The three gates of the church fronted the east; of which

* Gilbon, Decline and Fall, &c., vol. ii., p. 258. Milman edit. 8vo.

† Milman, History of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 298.

REBUILDING OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH AT TYRE.

the central was the loftiest, and most costly, "like a Queen between her attendants." It was adorned with plates of brass, and richly-sculptured reliefs. Two colonnades, or aisles, ran along the main building, above which were windows, which lighted the edifice; other structures, for the use of the Ministers, adjoined. Unfortunately the pompous eloquence of Eusebius would not condescend to the vulgar details of measurements, and dwells only in vague terms of wonder at the spaciousness, the heaven-soaring loftiness, the splendour of the interior. The roof was of beams from the cedars of Lebanon, the floor inlaid with marble. In the centre rose the altar, which had already obtained the name of the place of sacrifice: it was guarded from the approach of the profane by a trellis of the most slender and graceful workmanship. Lofty seats were prepared for the higher orders, and benches for those of lower rank were arranged with regularity throughout the building. Tyre, no doubt, did not stand alone in this splendid restoration of her Christian worship; and Christianity, even before its final triumph under Constantine, before the restoration of their endowments, and the munificent imperial gifts, possessed sufficient wealth at least to commence these costly undertakings.*

The account which we have just recorded of the consecration of the church of Tyre, cannot fail to lead us to tremble for the welfare of the church in that city. Milner, the historian, very properly remarks, "that neither in Constantine, nor in his favourite Bishops, nor in the general appearance of the church, can we see much of the spirit of godliness." Pompous apparatus, augmented superstitions, and unmeaning forms of piety, much show and little substance, appear. This is the impression which the account given by Eusebius leaves on the mind. If we look at the external appearance of Christianity, nothing can be more splendid. An Emperor, full of zeal for the propagation of the only divine religion, by edicts restores to the church everything of which it had been deprived, indemnifies those who had suffered, honours the Pastors exceedingly, recommends to Governors of provinces to promote the Gospel;† and though he will neither oblige them, nor any others, to profess it, yet he forbids them to make use of the sacrifices commonly made by Prefects; he erects churches exceedingly sumptuous and ornamental, with distinctions of the parts, corresponding, in some measure, to those in Solomon's temple; discovers with much zeal the sepulchre of Christ at Jerusalem, real or pretended, and honours it with a most expensive sacred edifice. His mother Helena fills the whole Roman world with her munificent acts in support of religion; and, after erecting churches, and travelling from place to place to evidence her zeal, dies before her son, aged eighty years. Nor is the Christian cause neglected even out of the bounds of the Roman empire. Constantine‡ zealously pleads, in a letter to Sapor, King of Persia, for the Christians of his dominions; he destroys idol-temples, prohibits impious

* Milman, Hist. of Christianity, vol. ii., p. 300.

† Eusebius, De Vita Constant., lib. ii., cap. 20, 21, 44, 45, 56; lib. iii., cap. 25.

‡ Ibid., lib. iv., cap. 9.

pagan rites, puts an end to the savage fights of gladiators, stands up with respectful silence to hear the sermon of Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea, the historian; furnishes him with the volumes of the Scriptures for the use of the churches, orders the observance of the festivals of the martyrs, has prayer and reading of the Scripture at his court, dedicates churches with great solemnity, makes Christian orations himself, one of which of a considerable length is preserved by the historian, his favourite Bishop; directs the sacred observation of the Lord's day, to which he adds that of Friday also, the day of Christ's crucifixion; and teaches the soldiers of his army to pray by a short form made for their use.†

It may seem invidious to throw any shade on this picture; but though the abolition of lewd, impious, and inhuman customs must have been of great advantage to society, and though the benefits of Christianity, compared with Paganism, to the world, appear very strong by these means; yet all this, if sound principles be wanting, is but form and shadow. As it was difficult to clear Origen of depreciating the divinity of Christ, so it is still more difficult to exculpate Eusebius, with whom he was a favourite author. Not to anticipate what will more properly pass under examination hereafter, there seems to have been, both in Eusebius and some of his friends, and probably in the Emperor himself, a disposition, of which they perhaps were not conscious, to lessen the honours of the Son of God. In his oration at the dedication of the church at Tyre, he distinguishes between the first and the second cause, and seems very careful to give the supreme title exclusively to the Father. His sermons breathe little of Christianity. He largely assigns various causes for the coming of Christ into the world; and though among these he gives some place to the work of redemption and sacrifice for sin, he speaks of them slightly, and as it were by the by. Milner observes in one place of his writings, that he speaks in a very subordinate manner of the Holy Ghost, though it must be confessed, he is so rhetorical and indistinct in his theological discourses, that it is difficult to extract any determinate propositions from his writings. It was to be expected, that great defectiveness of doctrine would not fail to influence practice. External piety flourished, monastic societies, in particular places, were also growing; but faith, love, heavenly-mindedness, appear very rare: yet, among the poor and obscure Christians, we hope, there was far more godliness than could be seen at courts, and among Bishops and persons of eminence. The doctrine of real conversion was very much lost, or external baptism was placed in its stead; and the true doctrine of justification by faith, and the practical flight to a crucified Saviour for troubled consciences, were scarcely to be seen. There was much outward religion; but this could not make men saints in heart and life. The worst part of the character of Constantine is, that as he grew older, he became more culpable, oppressive in his own family, oppressive to the government, oppressive by Eastern superfluous magnificence; and the facts dis-

* Euseb., De Vita Constant., lib. iv., cap. 25, 33, 36.

† Ibid., cap. 18—20.

REMARKS ON THE DEATH OF PERSECUTORS.

played in his history will show how little true humility and charity were known in the Christian world, while superstition and self-righteousness were making vigorous shoots, and the real Gospel of Christ was hidden from men who professed it.*

The longest and severest persecution which the Christians had ever sustained, was now happily concluded. It had lasted ten years in the East, with a few occasional interruptions, while it had scarcely been felt in Europe beyond the first two years. The difference seems to be attributable to nothing but the will of the Emperors. We are not to assume that the Christians were more numerous in the West, or that they were more generally unpopular in the East. In Italy and Africa, while they were governed by Constantius and Constantine, the persecution was scarcely felt; but it raged almost incessantly in Asia and Egypt, which were subject to Galerius and Maximinus; and these persecutors, where are they? How great the working of the divine power! We have seen many Emperors who conspired at one time against the Lord and his anointed, having the world under their subjection. If the power of man could have extirpated the name of Christ, what could they do more than what they did accomplish? If any policy or device could have answered their purpose, what was wanting? If torments or pains of death could have assisted, what cruelty could be invented which was not actually put into execution? Nevertheless, these persecutors were swept from the earth by the bosom of destruction, and the church of Christ still exists founded upon the rock. "To his everlasting mercy," says Lactantius, "ought we to render thanks, that, having at length looked upon the earth, he deigned to collect again and to restore his flock, partly laid waste by ravening wolves, and partly scattered abroad; and to extirpate those noxious wild beasts who had trodden down its pastures, and destroyed its resting-places. Where now are the surnames of Jovi and Herculei, once so glorious and renowned amongst the nations, surnames insolently assumed at first by Diocletian and Herculeus, and afterwards transferred to their successors? The Lord has blotted them out, and erased them from the earth. Let us, therefore, with exultation, celebrate the triumphs of God, and oftentimes with praises make mention of his victory; let us in our prayers, by night and by day, beseech him to confirm for ever that peace, which, after a warfare of ten years, he has bestowed on his own; let us implore the Lord, that it would please him propitiously and mercifully to continue his pity towards his servants, to protect them from the machinations and assaults of the devil, and to guard the churches in perpetual felicity."†

Mischief of a different kind arose out of the long interval of peace which followed the Decian persecution. We have mentioned the remark of Eusebius, that the Clergy and their flocks had become exceedingly corrupt. This may account for so many persons lapsing in the time of trial. Others, perhaps, had been instructed very imperfectly in the doctrines of the Gospel; and though they no longer

* Milner, History of the Church, cent. iv., chap. 2, vol. i., p. 512

† Lactant., De Mort. Persecut., cap. iii.

worshipped idols, they were Christians in little else than in name. The fiery trial of ten years would naturally purify the church from these corrupt or useless members; and if we were to fix upon any time since the days of the Apostles, when the lives of Christians were likely to win the hearts of the Heathen, it would probably be the time when the death of Maximinus placed the whole empire at the disposal of Constantine. The good intention of the Emperor toward the Christian faith, was undoubtedly a most favourable circumstance; but it was the consequence, as well as the cause, of the wide extension of the Gospel. The example set by the court would, of course, be generally followed, and especially by the higher orders; but Constantine found his subjects almost prepared for the change which was now made; and the establishment of Christianity, as the national religion, could not have been long delayed.*

* Barton, Lect. on Eccles. Hist., lect. xxx.