19 3854 AM

3854 AM, 4564 JP, 150 BC

3593. Alexander Balas assembled a large army with the soldiers which revolted from King Demetrius in Syria and the auxiliaries of Attalus, Ariarathes, Jonathan and especially of Ptolemy Philometor. He fought with Demetrius and the left wing of Demetrius’ army routed the enemy. They pursued them so hard that they had also the plunder of their camp. The right wing, in which Demetrius himself fought, was forced to give ground. Even though many of his troops fled, Demetrius behaved himself very valiantly and killed some of his enemies and chasing others of them who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge. He was caught in a slough that was deep and impassable. He could not escape because his horse kept falling as he went. The enemy surrounded him and shot him with arrows. However, he fought very gallantly on foot, until he fell down dead from the many wounds he had. / APC 1Ma 10:48-50 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 5. Justin. l. 35. c. 1. Appian. Syriac. p. 131.) Demetrius died after he had reigned in Syria for 12 years. When the rest of the kings conspired against him, he lost his life and his kingdom together. (Polybius l. 3. p. 165.) Porphyrius who knew well Demetrius (in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 228.) Eusebius and Severus Sulpicius agree that he ruled 12 years. However, Josephus says he ruled for only 11.

3594. After Demetrius’ death, who was survived by his two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus and a little before the Achaic war, a comet the size of the sun appeared. At first its orb was fiery and ruddy and cast a clear light that brightened up the night. After, it began to lessen in size and its brightness vanished, it finally disappeared. (Senec. Natural. Quast. l. 7. c. 15.)

3595. After Alexander with the special help of Ptolemy Philometor (as Appian stated) had killed Demetrius and taken his kingdom, he sent ambassadors to Ptolemy to arrange a marriage between him and his daughter. Ptolemy readily agreed and immediately left Egypt for Ptolemais with his daughter Cleopatra. She was a woman born to ruin the kingdom of Syria. This marriage happened in the 162nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks at the end of the year. /APC 1Ma 10:51-58

3596. Jonathan was invited by Alexander to this wedding. He presented those two kings and also their friends with gold, silver and many other gifts. He hoped to ingratiate himself to them. At the same time, some wicked men came from the land of Israel to accuse Jonathan. Alexander did not listen to them and commanded that Jonathan should be clothed in purple and that he should sit next to him. He also ordered the piers of his realm to attend him into the middle of Ptolemais. A proclamation was made forbidding anyone to speak against him or to molest him in any way. Thereupon his accusers vanished out of his sight. The king also showed him a great deal of honour by promoting him among those that were reputed his most intimate friends. He made him the general of his forces in Judea and shared the dominion with him in his own court. So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy. /APC 1Ma 10:59-61

3597. Onias, son of the high priest, Onias the 3rd one by that name lived as a renegade with Ptolemy Philometor at Alexandria. He saw there was no hope of recovering the high priesthood of Jerusalem since it was transferred to the family of the Hermoneans. He aspired to make a name for all posterity. He petitioned King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra, who was both his wife and sister, while he was engaged in the war in various countries. He noted that in Coelosyria, Phoenice and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt and in various other places that the Jews had their temples. This was the cause of all that strife which was so common with them. Therefore, Onias requested that he might have permission to purify an old ruined temple that was not yet consecrated to any god which he had found standing near the citadel of Bubastis in the plain. He also wanted to build another temple in the same place to the Almighty God, patterned exactly like the one at Jerusalem in size and shape. Then the Jews who lived in Egypt might keep their assemblies there. This would be a good means of preserving unity among themselves and preparing them to serve the king when required to. For, the prophet Isaiah had foretold that there should be in the latter days, an altar erected to the Lord God in Egypt. He also prophesied many other things concerning that place. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 3.)

3598. It should be noted that when Onias did not plan to build a new temple when he came first to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt but rather after he had served them well in the Egyptian and Syrian wars. Josephus in his second book against Appian (p. 1064.) states that Philometor and Cleopatra, committed their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage and appointed Onias and Dositheus (both Jews) over the whole army. Again, in that prophecy of Isaiah, which Onias wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition concerned the spiritual kingdom of our Lord Christ, is found in Isaiah 19:18-19:

"In that day shall there be five cities in the land of Egypt, speaking the language of Canaan, and sworn to the Lord of Hosts, one shall be called a city of destruction.’’

3599. In that day shall there be an altar to the Lord in the middle of the land of Egypt and a pillar to the Lord at its border. Here for srxt ry[ "city of Jerusalem", is similar srxt ry[ where it says, "the city of the sun" where the only difference is that the [ is pointed differently. This is how Simachus interpreted it and Jerome has rendered it:

"One of them shall be called the city of the sun.’’

3600. The Chaldee Paraphrase puts them together:

"The city of the sun which shall be destroyed.’’

3601. This may be the reason why Scaliger guesses that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract to build the temple.

3602. When Onias was given a plot in the Heliopolitan district about 23 miles from Memphis, he built a temple there. It was not so large or so costly as the one at Jerusalem. The towers were similar and made of large stones and rose to the height of 90 feet. The altar was a copy of the one at Jerusalem and furnished with the same utensils except for the candlestick. He made no candlestick but a golden lamp instead. It sparkled as it were with a beam of light. He hung it on a chain of gold. He surrounded the temple with a wall of brick in which were made gates of stone. The king gave a grant of a large proportion of land and revenue that the priests might be supplied with necessaries for the worship of God. Onias also found some Jews, who lived in the same area that he did, that were priests and Levites. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 14. & Belli. l. 1 c. 7.) He used them in his temple. (Joseph. Belli. l. 7. c. 37. cf. Antiq. l. 13. c. 6. & in the Meshna, tract. Minhoth c. 13. Sect. 10.) The priests who ministered in Onias’ temple were accounted little better than the priests of the high places, who were not permitted, (as appears from 2 Kings 23:9) to offer burnt offerings on the altar of the Lord at Jerusalem but to eat only unleavened bread like the unclean priests among their brethren.

3603. At Alexandria there arose a dispute between the Jews and the Samaritans concerning their holy rites. One contended that the temple at Jerusalem was the only lawful temple and ordained by Moses while the other party contended for Gerizim. Both sides appealed to Ptolemy Philometor and his friends for the hearing and decision of the matter. They wanted the losers to be executed. Sabbeus and Theodosius pleaded for the Samaritans and Andronicus the son of Messalamus for the Jews. They took their oaths by God and the king that they would use no arguments but such as they found in the law. They asked the king that he would put to death whoever lost. The king with many of his friends at the council heard the whole debate. Finally they were persuaded by Andronicus’ arguments and determined that the temple in Jerusalem was that which was built by Moses’ directions. Sabbeus and Theodosius were sentenced to death as was agreed. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 3.)

3604. At the same time Aristobulus, a Jew, being a peripatetic philosopher, became famous at Philometor’s court in Egypt. He wrote a commentary on Moses and dedicated it to the king. In its preface there is a famous passage that is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus (l. 1.) Stromato and by Eusebius in Perparat. Evangel. (l. 13. c. 7.) In this book (l. 8. c. 3.) of the same work, he copies large sections from this book of Aristobulus.

3855 AM, 4565 JP, 149 BC

3605. In this year the 3rd Carthaginian war started. Mithridates Euergenes, who was the first of the kings of Pontus and a confederate with the people of Rome, brought a number of ships against the Carthaginians. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.) Both the consuls were sent to manage this war. Manilius managed the army and Marcius Censorinus was admiral of the fleet. They were told secretly not to stop the war until Carthage was demolished. (Livy l. 49. Appian. in Libyc. p. 42.)

3606. Andronicus or the false Philip, secretly escaped from Rome. He levied an army and captured all Macedonia and the royal ensigns. This was either with the consent of the inhabitants or by force of arms in the 3rd year of the 157th olympiad. He also thought of invading Thessaly and adding it to his domains. However, through the instigation of the Roman delegates, it was defended with the help of the Achaians. (Livy l. 49. & 50 Vellei Patercul. l. 1. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scalig. p. 229.)

3607. When Prusias Venator, the king of Bithynia, knew that his son Nicomedes was in some favour at Rome, he ordered him to go to the senate. He wanted the arrears of the money which was owed to Attalus to be cancelled. He also sent an ambassador, Menas, to be his assistant who was secretly ordered to murder Nicomedes if he failed to get his request. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 173.) This would give the kingdom to his younger sons who he had by a second wife. (Justin. l. 34. c. 4.) One who was named after his father, had no teeth in his upper jaw but instead it was one bone that grew out so evenly that it did not disfigured him or cause him any problems when chewing. (Livy l. 50. Valer. Maxim. l. 1. c. ult. Pliny l. 7. c. 16.)

3608. Prusias set out his ambassador Menas with some large ships and 2000 soldiers and Attalus sent Andronicus as an ambassador to oppose the request. He made it clearly appear that the fine which was laid upon Prusias was far less than the booty he had obtained by pillaging the country. Menas saw there was little hope of obtaining his request of getting Prusias’ fine removed and also knew in what high esteem Nicomedes was held in Rome. He did not know what to do. He dared not kill Nicomedes nor return to Bithynia. In this state of indecision, he remained at Rome. Nicomedes called him to a meeting which he found not too disagreeable. They conspired against Prusias and drew Andronicus into their confederacy who was to persuade Attalus to help to establish Nicomedes in Bithynia. They all met together at Bernice, a little town in Epirus and at night time went aboard a ship. They wanted to determine what was the best way to accomplish this business. After the discussion, they departed their way the same night. In the morning, Nicomedes came ashore in his purple robe and with his crown on his head, like a king. Andronicus met him a little later and greeted him as a king. Andronicus was attended by 100 soldiers. Menas pretended not to know that Nicomedes was in the company until then. Menas ran about the 2000 soldiers he had brought with him and exhorted them to side with the one who should seem most deserving. He intimated that Prusias was now an old man and Nicomedes was in his youth. The Bithynians were weary of Prusias and desirous of his son. The best of the Romans liked this youth extremely well. Andronicus who was now captain of his guard, had promised assistance from Attalus, a neighbouring king of a large kingdom. He was also a bitter enemy to Prusias. He reminded them of Prusias’ cruelty and antics by which he was hated by everybody. As soon as Menas saw in these soldiers the dislike for his villainies, he took them all to Nicomedes. He was the second after Andronicus that greeted him as king and brought 2000 soldiers with him as a guard. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 173,174.)

3609. Attalus was very eager to accept the youth and sent orders to Prusias to turn over to his son some cities to dwell in and fields for provision. Prusias answered that he would soon give him Attalus’ whole kingdom for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia. When he had said this, he sent some delegates away to Rome to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus and cite them both to a trial. (Apian. in Libyc. p. 174.)

3610. Nicomedes was encouraged by Phaellon or rather Phaennis, Epirus’ seer who predicted success and by the instigation of Attalus. He waged war with his father Prusias. (Zosim. Histor. l. 2.) As soon as he and Attalus with their forces came into Bithynia, the Bithynians began to revolt. Thereupon Prusias dared not trust himself with anyone of his own subjects. He hoped that the Romans would relieve him. He waited for this and secured himself in a citadel at Nicaea. He had gotten from Dirgylles a Thracian, his father-in-law, 500 Thracians, whom he appointed to be his bodyguard. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 174.) 3856a AM, 4565 JP, 149 BC

3611. The praetor of Rome did not conduct the ambassadors from Prusias to the senate as soon as they arrived. He hoped to do Attalus a courtesy. After he had ushered them into the senate and was ordered to choose some ambassadors who might settle the war, he selected three. One had been wounded in the head with a large stone and was badly disfigured from the scars. A second one was lame on his feet,and the third was a fool. Cato Censorinus, who died at 85 soon after, said in jest that the Romans sent an embassy who had neither head, feet nor heart. (Livy l. 50, Plutarch. in Catone majore.)

3612. When the ambassadors came into Bithynia, they ordered both sides to lay down their arms. Nicomedes and Attalus indicated they would submit to the authority of the senate.

However, Bithynians, who were instigated and previously told by Nicomedes and Attalus what they should do, said obstinately that they could no longer endure Prusias’ tyranny especially since they had showed to him by this present engagement how much they disliked his government. Since the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their grievances to the senate, the ambassadors returned home again and accomplished nothing. Prusias gave up expecting help from the Romans and had not sought help elsewhere because he believed the Romans would help him. He crossed over to Nicomedia and planned to fortify that place and from there to prevent the enemy from getting in. However, the townsmen deserted their king and opened the gates to the enemy. Thereupon Prusias fled to Jupiter’s temple and trusted he would be protected by the religion and respect due to that place. In spite of this, Nicomedes sent some of his party who killed him there. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 174, 175.) Diodorus Siculus stated that Prusias fled for his own security to the altar of Jupiter and was slain by his son Nicomedes by his own hand. (in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244.) Strabo states he was slain by Attalus. (l. 13. p. 624.) Livy says he was killed by his son with the help of Attalus. (l. 50.) Zonaras from Dion. says he was killed by his own subjects. For Polybius reports that he was so hated by the Bythynians (in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 174. & Suidas in pdts) that they all rose up against him in such numbers and with such violence as if their plan had been not only to revolt from him but mainly to avenge themselves of him for the notable injustices of his government.

3613. Andriscus, or the false Philip, in Macedonia, fought with Juventius the Roman praetor who was sent with a legion against him. He won the battle and slew Juventius and killed most of the Roman army. From there he invaded Thessaly and wasted most of the country and took the Thracians into an alliance. (Livy l. 50. Flor. Histor. l. 2. c. 14. Entrop. l. 4. Zonar. ex. Dione, Oros. l. 4. c. 22.) With these successes, he started to commit acts of cruelty and tyrannical deeds. There was not a wealthy person whom he did not put to death on false accusation. He did not spare his most intimate friends and killed many of them. He was naturally of a fierce and bloody disposition. In his common actions, proud and haughty and at last deeply engaged in covetousness and all manner of vice. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 342.) 3856 AM, 4566 JP, 148 BC

3614. Alexander Bala in Syria gave himself over entirely to riotous living and luxury. His friend Ammonius managed the affairs of the kingdom. He killed all the king’s friends, Laodice the queen who was the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes and Antigonus who was the son of Demetrius. (Livy l. 50. Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 4. Athenaus, l. 5. c. 10.)

3615. In the 165th year of the Greeks, Demetrius the oldest son of Demetrius Soter was now in his prime. He heard of Alexander’s degenerate life style and luxury to whom came those vast incomes which he scarcely dreamed of and perks of the kingdom. All the while he stayed like a prisoner in his own palace among a company of courtesans. He raised a large force of mercenary soldiers from Lasthenes a Cretian who sailed from Crete to Cilicia with the army. Alexander was so terrified by this news that he hurried away from Phenice to Antioch to settle things before Demetrius arrived. The government of Antioch was committed to Hieraces and Diodotus, who is the same with Tryphon. /APC 1Ma 11:39 1Ma 10:67-68 (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 4, Justin. l. 35. c. 2. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 346.)

3616. Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria who was surnamed Daus by Josephus, joined Demetrius whom he made general of his forces which he sent against those Jews which remained loyal to Alexander. When Apollonius had raised a large army, many defected from Alexander to Demetrius from fear. He camped at Jamnia and sent to Jonathan, the Jew’s general and high priest, a boastful challenge to meet him if he dared and fight in the plain. This inflamed Jonathan so much that he immediately marched from Jerusalem with 10,000 men. His brother Simon met him to help him. They camped before Joppa but Apollonius’ soldiers who were garrisoned there, shut them out. Thereupon they laid siege and began their batteries against the place. This so dismayed the citizens, that they immediately opened their gates and surrendered city. /APC 1Ma 10:69-76

3617. As soon as Apollonius heard of the loss of Joppa, he marched to Azotus with 3000 cavalry and his 8000 infantry according to Josephus. He placed in ambush 1000 cavalry who were to attack Jonathan’s rearguard, as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay. Then Apollonius would charge the enemy’s vanguard so that the Jews were to be attacked at both ends. As soon as Jonathan passed the place, he saw the ambush coming to surround his camp. He commanded his men to stand still and deflect the enemies arrows with their shields. The cavalry had worn themselves out and exhausted their arrows because they had attacked from the morning until night. Then Simon lead up his forces against the enemies foot soldiers and defeated and routed them. The enemy cavalry fled to Azotus and entered into Bethdagon, their idol temple, for their safety. However, Jonathan burned Azotus and the surrounding cities and took much spoil. He burned Dagon’s temple to the ground and all that fled there died in the flames. Nearly 8000 men were killed by the sword and by the fire. Jonathan left there and camped before Askelon where the men of the city treated him very nobly. After this victory Jonathan returned as a conqueror to Jerusalem with his army loaded with much booty and spoil. When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathan’s successes, he continued to show his respects to him and sent him a golden buckler which was usually given only to those of the royal blood. He also gave Accaron with its territories (a city of the Philistines) to him and his heirs for ever. /APC 1Ma 10:77-89

3618. After the Carthaginians had defeated Piso the consul, at Hippo, they sent their ambassadors to Macedonia to Andriscus, the alleged son of Persius. They urged him to persist courageously in his war against the Romans and promised that he would never lack money nor shipping from Carthage. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 67.)

3619. Q. Caecilius Metellus, the Roman praetor, not the consul as Florus has it and also the Latin interpreter of Pausanias’ Achaicks, was sent against Andriscus with a large army and came into Macedonia. There he persuaded the commissioners, who the senate had sent to receive information of the affairs in Asia, that before they went there, they would go to the commanders of the Achaians and order them to stop the war they were fighting with the Lacedemonians. They sent to Damocritus and the Achaians the message they received from Metellus. The Achaians were just about to attack the Lacedomians. When they saw they had no affect on the Achaians, they went on to Asia. (Pausan. in Achaicis, p. 218.)

3620. When Metellus entered Macedonia, Attalus brought his fleet to help him. He kept Andriscus away from the sea coast. Andriscus brought up his army a little beyond Pydna.

Although his cavalry had defeated the enemy yet he retreated back for fear of the Roman foot soldiers. He divided his army into two brigades. One of them he sent into Thessaly to waste that country and the other he kept to himself. Metellus put little stock in the enemy forces and marched towards them. When he had beaten Andriscus’ troops, Andriscus fled into Tracia. After he had levied a new army, he fought with Metellus but was defeated. He fled to Byzes, a petty king of Thrace who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus. Alexander who pretended to be the son of Persius, gathered an army and seized part of the country beside the Nestus River. Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania. (Strabo. l. 1. 13. p. 624. Vellei. Patersuli l. 1. Flor. l. 2. c. 14. Zonar. ex Dione.) The false Philip was utterly defeated by the loss of 25,000 of his soldiers. He was taken prisoner and Macedonia was recovered by the Romans. (Eutrep. l. 43.) This happened when Spurius Pollumius and Lucius Piso were consuls, (Jul. Obsequens, de prodigin.) in the 4th year of the 157th olympiad at the close of the year. (Polphyr. in Crac. Euseb. Scalig, p. 229.) 3857 AM, 4567 JP, 147 BC

3621. P. Cornelius Scipio, the consul, fought a naval battle at Carthage. His fleet had his own ships with 5 ships from the Sidenses which Mithridates, the king of Pontus had sent to him. (Appian. Libyc. p. 75,76.)

3622. The Aradians planned the ruin of the Maratheans in Phoenicia. They sent secretly to Ammonius, who at that time was viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala and offered him 300 talents to turn over Marathum to them. Thereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans. He was to pretend he was there on business but the true intent was to seize Marathumand to give him to the Aradians. The Marathians knew the king favoured the Aradians more than themselves. They denied the king’s soldiers entrance into their city. From their most aged citizens, they selected 10 of the most famous among them and sent them as suppliants to the island of Aradus. They took along some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in their city and hoped by this to appease the fury of the Aradians. The Aradians were highly provoked and ignored their humble speeches. They disregarded all reverence to the gods and broke the images and trampled them most shamefully under their feet. When the ambassadors were stoned by the people, some senators who interposed themselves, had much trouble to move them safely to prison. The ambassadors complained and pleaded the privileges of suppliants and of the sacred gods. The rights of ambassadors were not to be violated but they were massacred by a company of impudent young fellows. The authors of this villany came immediately after into the assembly. They had taken the signet rings from those Maratheans whom they had killed. They counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the ambassadors names. They said that the Aradians would quickly send them some supplies. The Maratheans were completely deceived and let the Aradian forces into their city since they thought they came to help them. (??) Thereupon the Aradians seized all the ships belonging to private men, lest perchance someone might reveal their plot to the Maratheans. In spite of all this, a certain sailor and a friend to the Amratheans, pitied their sad condition. He usually sailed in the neighbouring sea. He took his ship and by night boldly crossed that one mile strait and told the Maratheans how that the Aradians planned to attack them. When the Aradians knew that their plot was revealed, they stopped sending letters to them. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 349, 350.) They openly attacked Marathum and captured the city. They demolished it and shared its territory among themselves. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 753.) 3858a AM, 4567 JP, 147 BC

3623. A 4th observation of the autumnal equinox was made by Hipparchus at midnight, in the 32nd year of the third Calippic period, on the 3rd day of the Egyptian Additionals (at the beginning of September 27th) in the 178th year from the death of Alexander. The 177th year was ending and the 178th was starting in 2 days. (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.) 3858b AM, 4568 JP, 146 BC

3624. In the same year of the same Calippic Period, the 178th year from the death of Alexander, on the 27th day of the Egyptian month Mechir, (March 24th) in the morning, Hipparchus wrote that he observed the vernal equinox. (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)

3625. When Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius were consuls, Carthage was demolished. (Vellei. Paterc. l. 1.) On this occasion, Scipio, considered the turning of human affairs and feared lest the same fate should happen sometime to Rome. He said this:

"The day shall come when sacred Troy shall fall, And Priam with his stock sink therewithal.’’

3626. He told this to his teacher Polybius, who was then present, and had inserted this passage in his history. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 82.)

3627. L. Mummius the consul, who was sent from the senate to make an end of the Achaic war, came to the camp with a small company. He had given orders to Metellus who was in charge of the Achaic war as soon as he had finished the Macedonian war. He was to march with his forces in Macedonia and stay at the isthmus until he had drawn up his whole body which consisted of 3500 cavalry and 23,000 foot soldiers. (??) In this army were some archers from Crete. Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus from Pergamos which lies above Caicus. The consul defeated Diaeus at the isthmus who was the last Achaian praetor and the prime instigator of these Achaian disorders. On the 3rd day after the fight, he entered Corinth with his trumpets sounding. After he had taken the spoils of the city, he levelled it to the ground. (Livy l. 52. Vellei. Ptercul, l. 1. Justin, l. 34. c. 2. Florus, l. 2. c. 16. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 221. Oros. l. 5. c. 3.) This occurred in the 3rd year of the 158th, (for so it is in Pliny, and not the 156th) olympiad and according to Varro’s calculations, the 608th year since Rome was built. (Pliny l. 34. c. 2.)

3628. When Polybius came from Africa to help his country, he saw some pictures of the most exquisite artists lying on the ground at Corinth and the soldiers were playing at dice on them. He mentions two in his history. One was of Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira had sent him. The other was a picture of Bacchus drawn by Aristides the Theban. Some think it was Aristides who coined the proverb, ouden pbz t lionuoon, "This is nothing to Bacchus". This was Aristides’ picture of Bacchus. (Strabo. l. 8. p. 381.) When L. Mummius knew that King Attalus had bought this picture of Bacchus from among the spoils that were about to be shipped away, for 6000 sestercies or 102 talents (Pliny l. 7. c. 38. & l. 35. c. 10.) he marvelled at the high price paid. He suspected that there might be some rare virtue of which he did not know about. He revoked the sale in spite of Attalus’ protests and placed the picture in Ceres’ temple at Rome. (Pliny l. 35. c. 4.) He knew so little of the value of such things that when he had culled out some exquisite pieces and statues of the best artists to be carried into Italy, he told those that had the charge of them if they lost any of them on the way they should make new ones for them. (Vellei. Patercul. l. 1.) Any hangings and other ornaments that seemed admirable, were sent to Rome. Others of less value were given to Philopaemen and shipped to Pergamos. (Pausanias in Achaic. p. 221.)

3629. Ptolemy Philometor assembled a large naval and land forces and left Egypt for Syria under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son-in-law. His real reason was to annex the kingdom of Syria, of which Alexander was deprived, to his own dominions. When all the cities had received him peaceably according to Alexander’s orders, Ptolemy placed a garrison of soldiers in every one of them and pretended this to be in Alexander’s interest. /APC 1Ma 11:1-3

3630. As soon as Ptolemy came to Azotus, they showed him the temple of Dagon, which was recently burned and the ruins of Azotus and its surrounding lands. He was shown the heaps of the dead bodies of those that were killed in the war and were burned by Jonathan’s command, for they had laid them in heaps on the way that he was to pass. Although they had made an envious account of whatever Jonathan had done to deliberately malign him, the king said nothing. Jonathan met the king at Joppa with great pomp and was very courteously received by him. From there they went together as far as the Eleutherus River where Jonathan took his leave of the king and returned to Jerusalem. /APC 1Ma 11:4-7

3631. Ptolemy had taken all the cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleucia on the coast that is located at the mouth of the Orontes River. He thought Alexander had plotted an ambush against him. At Ptolemais, Ammonius had laid an ambush to trap him. When Ptolemy demanded that justice might be done for him on Ammonius for this act, Alexander would not surrender Ammonius. Thereupon he took away his daughter, Cleopatra from Alexander and gave her in marriage to Demetrius Soter and promised to restore him to his father’s kingdom. /APC 1Ma 11:8 1Ma 11:12 (cf. Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 8 & Livy l. 52.)

3632. The men of Antioch deserted Alexander because of Ammonius from whom they had received much abuse. Ammonius thought to make an escape dressed as a woman and was attacked and slain. Ptolemy went into Antioch and was greeted by the people. He crowned himself with two diadems, the one of Asia, (or Syria) the other of Egypt. He told them that he, for his part, was contented with his own dominion of Egypt and persuaded the men of Antioch to receive Demetrius. He said that he had a far greater resentment of their present condition than of the recent exasperations and disputes which had happened between them and his father, Seleucus. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 8. cf. /APC 1Ma 11:13) So the men of Antioch gave their loyalty to the son in recompence to the actions they had taken against his father. The old soldiers of his father loved Demetrius and followed him. (Justin. l. 35. c. 2.)

3633. Alexander was at this time in Cilicia /APC 1Ma 11:14 where he consulted the oracle of Apollo and he said he received this answer. It said that he should beware of that place which had a rare sight, a thing having two shapes. This was generally thought to refer to Abas, a city in Arabia where Alexander was killed not long after. In this city, there was a certain woman called Herais, the daughter of Diophantus a Macedonian and she had Arabian woman for her mother. She married Samiades who changed her sex and became a man and assumed her father’s name of Diophantus. (Diod. Sic. fin. l. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.) 3859a AM, 4568 JP, 146 BC

3634. In the morning, Hipparchus observed the 5th the autumnal equinox in the 33rd year of the third Calippic period, on the 4th day of the Egyptian Additionals. (September 27) (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)

3635. When Alexander had gathered a powerful army, he invaded Syria and wasted all the territories of Antioch. He pillaged and burned wherever he went. Ptolemy with his son-in-law Demetrius, marched towards him and defeated his forces in a battle near the Oenopara River. Alexander escaped from the battle with 500 of his soldiers and quickly headed towards Abas, a city of Arabia. He wanted to see Zabdiel, /APC 1Ma 11:17 an important person of Arabia. Josephus calls him Zabel and Diodorus Siculus, Diocles. The commanders of Alexander’s party, who were with Heliades, treacherously killed Alexander. They had arranged this previously with Demetrius, to whom they had sent an embassy to look after their own interests. In the last battle it happened that Ptolemy’s horse was scared with the braying of an elephant and threw him to the ground. When he was down, the enemy attacked him and wounded him seriously in the head. They would have killed him except his bodyguard saved him. In spite of that, he lay 4 whole days so senseless that he could neither speak nor understand what others spoke to him. Zabdiel, the Arabian cut off Alexander’s head and presented it to Ptolemy. About the 5th day, he had some relief from the pain of his wounds and returned to his senses. He was encouraged by a pleasing story of the death of Alexander and the sight of Alexander’s head. The 3rd day after, Ptolemy died while his wounds were being dressed and the physicians were endeavouring to set his bones. /APC 1Ma 11:14-18 (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 194. Diod. Sic. fin. l. 32. Livy l. 52. Strabo, l. 16. p. 751. Joseph. l. 13. c. 8.)

3636. Josephus said Alexander ruled 5 years after the death of Demetrius Soter, (l. 13. c. 8.) from which we suppose about 5 months are to be deducted. Based on the authority of the

Maccabean writer, the death of this man appears to happen at the same time as Philometor’s. After Alexander’s death, Demetrius, son of Demetrius Soter, controlled the government of Syria in the 167th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. /APC 1Ma 12:19 Since he had defeated one who was not descended from their family, he received the same surname Nicator or "the conquorer", as the first Seleucus of that kingly line. (Appian. Syriac. p. 131.)

3637. As soon as Ptolemy Philometor was dead, the soldiers whom he had placed in the forts and cities for the security of Syria, were all killed by the other soldiers in the same garrisons by the instigation of Demetrius. /APC 1Ma 11:18 Demetrius treated the rest of Ptolemy’s soldiers very unkindly and forgot the help which Ptolemy had given him and his alliance by marriage with Cleopatra. Those soldiers hated his ingratitude and they all retreated to Alexandria and left only the elephants under his control. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 8.) 3859b AM, 4569 JP, 145 BC

3638. In Egypt, Cleopatra, the wife and sister of Philometor who had just died, negotiated with the nobles of the realm and tried hard to get the kingdom given to her son. (Josephus l. 3. Contra Appian. p. 1064, Justin l. 38. c. 8.) However, Ptolemy the younger brother of Philometor, surnamed Euergetes the second along with Phiscon, who reigned at Cyrene, was sent for from there to oppose her in her plans. Onias, who recently built the temple in the Helopolitan jurisdiction, took up the war for Cleopatra and marched with a small army of Jews to the city Alexandria. This happened when Thermus was a junior ambassador there for the Romans, according to Appion the grammarian, in his book against the Jews. (Josephus l. 13. c. 8.)

3639. Physcon ended the quarrel and forced Cleopatra, who was his older sister and wife to their own brother, to marry him. (Valer. Maxim. l. 9. c. 1.) And as soon as he entered Alexandria, he commanded all those that favoured the young child to be killed. He also killed the young child as he was in his mother’s arms on the wedding day in the midst of their feasting and religious solemnities. So he went up to his sister’s bed besmeared with the gore of her own son. Neither was his behaviour any milder to his countrymen, who invited him to the kingdom and helped him secure the throne. He gave the foreign soldiers permission to kill at pleasure and many were killed everywhere. (Justin. l. 38. c. 8.) He executed many of them with the most cruel tortures based on false charges of treason. He banished others and confiscated their estates based on false charges he had made up and forged. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 350.)

3640. When Jonathan had assembled those who were in Judea, he prepared many engines and besieged the tower at Jerusalem. Demetrius Nicator was told this by some ungodly persons who hated their own country. Thereupon, the king was incensed and wrote to Jonathan to break off the siege and quickly meet him at Ptolemais so they could have a conference about the matter. Jonathan did not break off his seige but did go to the king. He was accompanied by the elders and the priests and took along with them some presents by which they soon pacified the king’s wrath. Jonathan made so good an apology for himself that the king dismissed the informers and confirmed the high priesthood on him and counted him as one of his best friends. Moreover, Jonathan promised to give to the king 300 talents and procured from him a release for all Judea and the 3 countries annexed to it. /APC 1Ma 10:30 That is Apherma, Lydda, and Ramath. They did not have to pay tithes and tribute that was formerly paid to the kings. The king sent letters about this to Lasthenes, who with the Cretian’s auxiliaries had brought Demetrius to the kingdom and whom he styled cousin and father. /APC 1Ma 11:20-37

3641. When Demetrius saw that there was now peace throughout the kingdom and no opposition made against him, he disbanded his old native soldiers and continued in arms only those bands of foreigners whom he had levied in Crete and the other islands. This turned the hearts of his father’s soldiers against him /APC 1Ma 11:38 who constantly received their salaries from the previous kings in times of peace so that by this they might be more ready and more cheerful to serve them in all dangers and emergencies. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 8.)

3642. Diodotus, one of Alexander Balas’ commanders, who later was made king and assumed the name of Tryphon, noticed the alienation of the soldiers from Demetrius. He was born at the citadel of Sceoan in the Apamian’s country and raised at Apamia. /APC 1Ma 11:39 (Strabo l, 16. p. 752. Livy l. 52 & 55. Josephus l. 13. c. 9. Appian. Syriac. p. 132.) Tryphon went to Elmalchuel the Arabian, who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus, the son of Alexander Balas and told him all Demetrius Nicator had done and the differences between him and the soldiers. He urged him very much to give him the young child and he would undertake to establish him in his father’s kingdom. The Arabians were opposed to this and he stayed there many days. /APC 1Ma 11:39-40

3643. In the meantime Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of harm, executed anyone that appeared to oppose him using unusual kinds of death. Lasthenes, who was a wicked and rash fellow and appointed over the whole kingdom, corrupted Demetrius by his flattery and put him up to all kinds of villany. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Vales. p. 346.) 3860a AM, 4569 JP, 145 BC

3644. Jonathan sent ambassadors to Demetrius and asked him to remove his garrison soldiers from the tower of Jerusalem and all other forts because they continued to attack the Israelites. Demetrius replied that he would grant Jonathan his request and would also make him and his nation glorious when he had convenient time. For the present, he desired Jonathan to send him some soldiers to help him against his own soldiers who had revolted from him. Jonathan quickly satisfied his request and sent to him in Antioch 3000 strong men for whom the king was thankful. /APC 1Ma 11:41-44

3645. Demetrius was well supplied with foreign forces in whom he placed greater confidence than in his own. He commanded them to disarm the citizens of Antioch. However the people of Antioch refused to surrender their arms and assembled into the middle of the city and began to attack him in the palace. The Jews hastened to his relief and dispersed themselves within the city. They killed on that day nearly 100,000 men, burned the city and took much booty. Thereupon the citizens laid down their arms and made peace with the king. The Jews received much honour for this service from the king and the kingdom. They returned richly loaded down with spoils to Jerusalem. /APC 1Ma 11:45-52 (cf. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 346.)

3646. After the destruction of most of Antioch by the fire, the execution of many for sedition and confiscation of estates into the king’s treasury, many of the citizens were forced to escape. From fear and hatred of Demetrius, they wandered about Syria and used every opportunity to avenge themselves on Demetrius. In the meantime, Demetrius, whose actions had made him odious to all men, continued in his massacres, banishments and confiscations. He far surpassed his father in cruelty. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 349.) Moreover, he lied to Jonathan. In spite of his flattery, he was alienated from him and afflicted him very grievously. /APC 1Ma 11:53 He threatened also to wage war with him unless he would pay all those tributes which the country of the Jews paid his predecessors. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 9.) 3860b AM, 4570 JP, 144 BC

3647. Finally, Diodotus, who is Tryphon, returned to Syria from Arabia with the young Antiochus who was the son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy

Philometor. He set the crown on his head and proclaimed him to be the rightful heir of the kingdom and surnaming him Theos or Divine. He returned with a large force many of which were discharged by Demetrius. He attacked and defeated Demetrius in a plain and forced him to flee to Seleucia. Diodotus seized his elephants and took Antioch. /APC 1Ma 11:54-56 (cf. Livy, l. 52. Joseph. l. 13. c. 9. & 12. about the beginning & Appian. in Syriac. p. 132.)

3648. Then Antiochus or rather Diodotus in his name, sent letters and ambassadors to Jonathan and confirmed the high priesthood to him and granted him the 4 territories. (Perhaps Ptolemais was added to the 3) (See note on 3859b AM <<3449>>) /APC 1Ma 10:30 1Ma 10:39 He was honoured as one of the king’s friends. He sent him also chargers of gold to be served in and gave him permission to drink in vessels of gold, to be clothed in purple and to wear the golden buckle. Moreover, he appointed his brother Simon general of all the king’s forces, from the land of Tyre to the borders of Egypt. /APC 1Ma 11:57-59 Jonathan was very glad for the favours and honours Antiochus had so bountifully bestowed on him and sent his ambassadors to Antiochus and his guardian Tryphon. He promised that he would be their friend and associate and join in arms against the common enemy, Demetrius. He complained about Demetrius’ ingratitude in that he had repaid his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd actions and injustices. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 9.)

3649. Since all Syria now began to dislike kings, Diodotus used Coracesium, a citadel in Cilicia, as his headquarters. He had the Cilicians join him in piracy at sea. (Strabo. l. 14. p. 688.)

3650. Demetrius stayed at Laodicea and spent his time idly in revelling and luxury. He did not change his wicked ways and was none the wiser for his recent calamities. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 353.)

3651. At this time Ptolemy Euergetes the second or Physcon was made king at the palace at Memphis, according to the solemn rites of the Egyptians. Queen Cleopatra, who was both sister and wife to him and his brother Philometor, bore him a son. He was so exceeding joyful by this that he named him Memphites because he was born while his father was observing the holy solemnities at Memphis. However, during the celebration of his son’s birth, he did not refrain from his cruel practices but set orders to execute some of the Cyrenians. They were the ones who first brought him into Egypt. They had been too free and sharp in reproving him for his courtesan, Irene, the prostitute. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 354.)

3652. When Jonathan had received permission from Antiochus to wage war against Demetrius’ captains, he assembled his soldiers from Syria, Phoenicia and other places. He quickly crossed all the cities located beyond the Jordan River. With all his Syrian auxiliaries, he marched to Askelon where the citizens went out to meet him very honourably. He left there for Gaza and he was denied entrance and the citizens shut their gates against him. Thereupon Jonathan besieged the city and plundered and burned its outskirts. These actions forced them to sue for peace. It was granted when they gave hostages whom Jonathan sent to Jerusalem. Jonathan then marched through the country as far as Damascus. /APC 1Ma 11:60-62 (Josephus, l. 13. c. 9.)

3653. The princes of Demetrius came to Cades, a city of Galilee, and planned to draw Jonathan off from attacking Syria to help the Galilaeans. Jonathan marched against them and left his brother Simon behind him in Judea. He vigorously assaulted Bethsura for many days and after a long siege, forced them to surrender. He threw out Demetrius’ soldiers and put in a garrison there instead. /APC 1Ma 11:63-66 1Ma 14:7 1Ma 14:33 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 9.)

3654. Jonathan and his army camped by the Lake of Gennesaret. Early in the morning they came to the plain of Asor where Demetrius’ forces attacked him. They had placed an ambush among the mountains. As soon as the ambush showed itself, the Jews feared they might be trapped and all killed. They all fled and left Jonathan in great danger. Only Mattathias, the son of Absalom and Judas the son of Calphi, the two chief commanders of the army remained with him with a band of 50 very brave men. First, Jonathan begged for God’s help. Then he and the men charged the enemy and defeated them. When those that had deserted Jonathan saw that the enemy was fleeing, they returned again into the field and pursued the enemy to their own camp as far as Cades. About 3000 of the enemy were killed that day. Jonathan returned to Jerusalem. / APC 1Ma 11:67-74 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 9.)

3655. Jonathan saw that things were now going well and sent Numerius, son of Antiochus and Antipater, son of Jason, as ambassadors to Rome, to confirm and renew the alliance and association which was formerly started with Judas Maccabeus. /APC 1Ma 12:1 1Ma 12:16 He ordered them that on their return home from Rome, they should visit the Lacedemonians and to remind them of the alliance and ancient league made with the high priest Onias the 3rd. He sent a letter for the same purpose wherein the people of Judea among other things, said they continually remembered them as their own brethren when they made their holy sacrifices and devotions. / APC 1Ma 12:2 1Ma 12:5-18 (Josephus, l. 13. c.9.)

3656. Jonathan got word that Demetrius’ commanders had returned with a far larger army than they had before to fight against him. He left Jerusalem and marched against them in the country of Amathis that is located in the farthest borders of Canaan. When he camped within 6 miles of the enemy, he sent out his scouts to spy on the enemy’s position and fortifications. Jonathan, had learned by some prisoners whom the scouts had brought back that the enemy planned a surprise attack on them. He ordered his soldiers to stand with their arms all night in a position to receive the enemy attack. He placed his guards throughout the camp. When the enemy heard that Jonathan was drawn up in battle array and was prepared for their attack, they began to be afraid. Thereupon, they stole away secretly by night and left campfires throughout the camp to deceive the Jews. In the morning Jonathan pursued them but was unable to overtake them for they had already crossed the Eleutherus River. Therefore, Jonathan went into Arabia against the Zabadeans or Nabatiaus, as Josephus has it and killed them and took their spoil. From there he went to Damascus and travelled through the whole country hunting and chasing the followers of Demetrius. His brother Simon was not idle either. He made an expedition as far as Askelon and the adjacent garrison. From there he went to Joppa and captured it. He put his garrison of soldiers in it to hold it. There was a rumour that the citizens planned to turn that garrison over to Demetrius’ party. /APC 1Ma 12:24-34 (Josephus l. 53. c. 9.)

3657. The ambassadors of the Jews were brought into the senate where they renewed their amity and league with the Romans. They gave them letters for the governors of their various allies that they should conduct them safely to Judea. /APC 1Ma 12:3-4 On their return home, the Lacedemonians treated them very civilly and gave them the public decree concerning the renewing of their amity and preserving friendship between them. A copy of this is found on another occasion in /APC 1Ma 14:22-23:

"Numenius son of Antiochus and Antipater son of Jason, the Jews ambassadors came to us to renew the friendship that was between us. It pleased the people to receive the men honourably and to enter a copy of their embassy among the public records so that the people of the Lacedemonians might have a memorial of this.’’

3658. As soon as Jonathan came back to Jerusalem, he assembled the elders of the people and consulted with them about the building of forts in some convenient places of Judea. He also wanted the wall around Jerusalem built up and an high and strong wall made between the fort of Sion and the city to prevent any one from carrying provisions from the city to the fort. They began their repairs and they brought their new work to join with the remains of the old wall towards the east, by the brook Kidron. They repaired the place which was called Chaphenatha. Simon went into other places of Judea and built Adida in Sephela or the plain and made it strong with gates and bars. /APC 1Ma 12:35-38 3861 AM, 4571 JP, 143 BC

3659. In the 169th year of the account of the contracts, in the reign of Demetrius, the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine wrote to the Jews in Egypt about the keeping of the feast of tabernacles in the month Chisleu. /APC 2Ma 1:7-9 This was the feast of the Maccabee’s dedication which was observed according to the prescript of the Mosaic feast of tabernacles in the month Tisri. (See note on 3840a AM <<3429,3430>>)

3660. When Tryphon had planned to kill Antiochus, he feared that Jonathan would come to the defence of the young king. He marched with his forces to Bethsane, which the Gentiles call Scythopolis, and hoped to surprise him. When Jonathan heard of his coming, he marched toward him with 40,000 good men. This so disheartened Tryphon that he did not lay hands on him but treated him very nobly and recommended him to all his friends. He gave Jonathan many presents and ordered his soldiers guard Jonathan as they did for him. After the meeting, he persuaded Jonathan to dismiss his army and go along with him to Ptolemais with a few selected men. He promised to turn it over to him along with the other garrisons and forces he had in the area. Jonathan believed him and sent 2000 of his soldiers to Galilee and the rest to Judea. He kept 1000 for himself. As soon as he entered Ptolemais, Tryphon commanded the gates to be shut. Jonathan was captured and all that came with him were killed. Tryphon was not satisfied with the massacre of those 1000 but sent his army and some cavalry into Galilee to attack the 2000 men that Jonathan had sent there. However, as soon as they heard of what happened at Ptolemais, they prepared for battle. Tryphon’s soldiers knew they were dealing with desperate men and retreated back again. So Jonathan’s soldiers came safely into Judea and all Israel lamented that loss of their country men with a great lamentation. /APC 1Ma 12:39-52

3661. After this, Tryphon raised a large army to attack Judea and to destroy it. Thereupon, when Simon saw how discouraged the people were, he went up to Jerusalem. He assembled the people and offered to help them. So they chose him as general in the place of Judas and Jonathan, his brothers. He gathered all the men of war, quickly completed the walls of Jerusalem and fortified it on every side. He spent large sums of money from his own purse and armed all the men of war of his own country and paid them. /APC 1Ma 12:52-53 1Ma 13:1-10 1Ma 14:31-32

3662. In addition, Simon sent Jonathan the son of Absalom, with a sufficient army to Joppa. He drove out the inhabitants and occupied and fortified the place. He used this as his sea port. /APC 1Ma 13:11 1Ma 14:5 1Ma 14:34 From this Strabo also has noted that the Jews used this harbour. (l. 16. p. 759.)

3663. Tryphon left Ptolemais with his army against Judea and took Jonathan along with him as his prisoner. Simon was camped in Adida opposite the plain. Tryphon saw that the Jews were prepared for battle. He pretended that he kept Jonathan prisoner for a ransom of 100 talents of silver. When this was paid, he promised to release Jonathan provided that he sent two of his sons as hostages for security from Jonathan’s attempting to revenge his imprisonment after he was freed. As soon as Simon sent both the money and his brother’s sons to him, Tryphon broke his word. /APC 1Ma 13:12-19

3664. When Tryphon marched against Judea, he went toward the way which leads to Adoram or Doran, which is a city of Idumea, as Josephus has it. However, Simon’s army followed him wherever he went. Those that were in the fort Sion at Jerusalem sent to Tryphon some agents, asking very earnestly to hurry as fast as he could through the desert and to supply them with food. Tryphon was all ready with his cavalry for the expedition. However, there happened to be such a large snowfall that night that he could not possibly get to them. Thereupon he altered his journey and marched into the country of Gilead. As soon as he came near Bascama or Bascha, he killed Jonathan. After he was buried, Tryphon retreated back into Syria. /APC 1Ma 13:20-24 (Joseph. l. 13, c. 11.) Jonathan lived 17 years and 7 months after the death of his brother Judas Maceabeus. He was the high priest for 9 years and a month or two.

3665. Simon sent to carry away the bones of his brother Jonathan and buried them at Modin, the city of their ancestors. All Israel lamented for him for many days. Simon built a monument over the sepulchre of his father and his brothers. It was very high and made of polished white stone. He built 7 pyramids all in a row, in memory of his father, mother, and his 4 brothers. He added to these a porch of large stone pillars on which he had engraved the picture of arms and ships. They were conspicuous to all that sailed by that way. /APC 1Ma 13:25-30 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 11.) Josephus says this rare sepulchre at Modin lasted to his time as does Eusebius Caesariensis, in his little book pzei pw popikw onomatwn

3666. The Romans and the Lacedemonians were very deeply grieved by the death of Jonathan. As soon as they knew through Simon’s ambassadors that he was made the high priest in place of his brother, then they wrote to him in tables of brass concerning the renewing of the amity and league which they had formerly made with Judas and Jonathan, his brothers. /APC 1Ma 14:16-17 The Romans considered the Jews, their allies, friends and brethren and went out to meet Simon’s ambassadors in an honourable entourage. (/APC 1Ma 14:40) The inscription of the letters which the Lacedemonians returned by the ambassadors, to which they also annexed a copy of their reply sent previously to Jonathan, was this:

"The Magistrates and cities of the Lacedemonians to Simon the high priest and the elders and to the rest of the people of the Jews our brethren, greetings.’’ (/APC 1Ma 14:20 1Ma 14:24)

3667. The letters from the Romans and the Lacedemonians were read before the congregation at Jerusalem. (/APC 1Ma 14:19)

3668. Antiochus, Theos or the Divine, the son of Alexander Bala was murdered by his guardian, Diodotus or Tryphon. He bribed the Chyrurgions to kill him and to say that he died of a fit while they were cutting him. Tryphon began with his own country and seized first Apamia, Larissa, the Casians, Megara, Apollonia and the other neighbouring cities. From there he went on to invade the other part of Syria. He put the crown royal on his own head and made a great desolation in the country. /APC 1Ma 13:31-32 (Livy, l. 55. Strabo, l. 16. p. 752. and Justin, l. 36. c. 1.)

3669. When Tryphon had made himself king, he hurried to have his kingdom confirmed by the decree of the Roman senate. To accomplish this, he sent with his ambassadors to the Romans, a golden medal of victory that weighed 10,000 crowns. He did not doubt the success of his mission since he sent such a rich gift and since it carried the name of victory. His hopes were deluded by the subtilty of the senate. When they received the present, they ordered that instead of Tryphon’s name, the title of the princely youth who was killed by Trypon’s treachery, should by engraved on it. (Diod. Sicul. Legat. 31.) He was not dismayed by this and caused money to be minted of which some pieces still exist. It had this inscription: BACIAEWC TPQFWNOC & TPQFWNOC AQTOKPATOPOS BACIAEWC: "King Tryphon" and "Tryphon the Peasant King." After he had taken over the kingdom, he was bold enough to assume the title of king. He changed his old name from Diodotus to Tryphon. (Appian. Syriac. p. 132.)

3670. Sarpedon, general of Demetrius’ forces was defeated by Tryphon’s army to whom the inhabitants of Ptolemais were allied. He retired with his soldiers into the Mediterranean country. As the victorious forces of Tryphon were marching along the sea coast between Ptolemais and Tyre, they were suddenly hit by a giant wave from the sea which rose to an incredible height and rushed with a great force upon the land. Many drowned. Some were pulled out to sea by the retreating wave and others were left dead in hollow places. The retreating wave left a great number of fish with the dead bodies. When Sarpedon’s soldiers heard of this disaster, they quickly returned there and were very pleased to see the destruction of the enemy. They gathered up very many of the fishes and sacrificed them to Neptune, the deliverer before the gates of Ptolemais where the battle was fought. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 758. & Athenaus, l. 8. c. 2. from the History of Possidonius, the Stoick.)

3671. Simon, the Jew’s general and high priest, repaired the garrisons in Judea. He fortified them all around with high towers, great walls, gates and bars and supplied them all with provisions. His greatest care was to see that Bethsura would be well fortified, which was located in the confines of Judea and formerly had been the enemy’s armoury. He put a garrison of Jews there to secure it. /APC 1Ma 13:33 1Ma 14:7 1Ma 14:33

3672. Simon saw that all Tryphon did was plunder everything. He sent a crown of gold to King Demetrius Nicator and requested from him that he would release Judea from paying tribute. / APC 1Ma 13:34-37 1Ma 14:10-33

3673. Demetrius heard that Simon’s ambassadors were entertained very nobly by the Romans and that the Jews and the priests had passed a right of the government and high priesthood to Simon and his heirs. Demetrius also also confirmed the high priesthood to him and made him one of his friends. /APC 1Ma 14:38-41 He wrote a letter to him:

"King Demetrius to Simon the high priest and friend of the king and to the elders and country of the Jews, greetings:’’

3674. In this, he made a peace with them. He promised an amnesty for all past actions, a ratification of all former covenants that were made to Jonathan, /APC 1Ma 11:32-37 a grant of all the forts to them which they had built. He granted a release of tribute to all in general and of the custom taxes arising from commodities sold to those of Jerusalem. Thus was the yoke of the heathen taken off from Israel, in the 170th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. The people began to date their instruments and contracts:

"In the first year that Simon being the great high priest general, and leader of the Jews,’’ (/APC 1Ma 13:35-42 Joseph. l. 13. c. 11.)

3675. In those days Simon besieged the Gazeans, who rebelled after Jonathan died. He compelled them to a surrender after he had forced the tower with his battering engines. They humbly asked for his pity and he did not kill them but drove them out of the city. After he had cleared the houses of all their idols and other uncleannesses, he entered the city and praised God with hymns. He repopulated the city with those that worshipped the true God. He fortified it and built a house in it for himself. /APC 1Ma 13:43-48 3862a AM, 4571 JP, 143 BC

3676. Hipparchus observed the 6th autumnal equinox in the 36th year of the Calippic period, on the 4th day of the Egyptian Additionals (September 26th) at evening about sunset. (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)

3677. Alexandra, who was later the queen of the Jews, was born at this time, if she lived 73 years according to Josephus. (Antiq. l. 13. c. ult.) This is also found in the 33rd chapter of the Jewish History which is printed at the end of the Paris Bibles in many languages under the title of the second book of the Maccabees. In Arabic we find she was called, Salina, from Eusebius in his Chronicle, Epiphanius in the 29th heresy of the Nazarens, Jerome on Da 9:1-17 11:1-12 and Severus (Sulpitius, in Sacr. Histor. l. 2.). Eusebius seems to have taken it as was his practice, from Julius Africanus and he from Justus Tiberiensas or some other ancient writer of the affairs of the Jews.

3862b AM, 4572 JP, 142 BC

3678. When the garrison soldiers of the fort at Jerusalem surrendered after being deprived of all provision for two years of time. Simon expelled them all and cleared the fort of all the pollutions of the idols. He went into it on the 23rd day of the second month (Ijais) in the 171st year of the kingdom of the Greeks with branches of palms, harps, cymbals, vials, hymns and songs. He ordained this day as an holy day to commemorate the day they were freed from a wicked enemy who troubled them greatly when they went to the temple. Moreover, he made the fort stronger than it was and the temple mount over which it overlooked. This was for the greater security of the country and the city. He lived there with his troops. /APC 1Ma 13:49-53 1Ma 7:7 1Ma 7:36-37

3679. Simon knew that his son John, surnamed later Hyrcanus, was a very valiant man and appointed him captain of all his forces while Simon lived in Gazara /APC 1Ma 13:53 in the confines of Azotus, where the enemies formerly lived. Simon had dislodged them and repopulated the place with Jews. /APC 1Ma 14:7 1Ma 14:34 This was Gadara which Strabo says the Jews later made their own. (l. 16. p. 759.)

3680. Cleopatra, Ptolemy Philometor’s daughter and Demetrius Nicator had a son, Antiochus, surnamed later Grypus, from his hook nose. This event happened if he lived 45 years as Josephus states. (l. 13. c. 21.)

3681. Two hours before midnight, Hippachus observed an eclipse of the moon in Rhodes, in the 37th year of the third Calippic period, of Nabanassar’s 607, on the 20th day of the Egyptian Tyb (January 27th). (Ptol. l. 6. c. 5.)

3682. When Demetrius knew that most of his cities had revolted from him, he thought to remove this reproach by fighting against the Parthians. At that time, the Parthians were ruled by Mithridates, son of King Pampatius, called Arsaces or Arsacides. This was the common name of all the Parthian kings. He was not inferior to Arsaces, his great grandfather and the founder of the Parthian monarchy from whom that surname was passed to all his successors. By his prowess, Mithridates extended the Parthian empire from the east side as far as the Indus River and from the west as far as the Euphrates River. (Justin. l. 36. c. 1, 41. c. 5, 6. Oros. l. 5. c. 4.) Before we discuss Demetrius’ Parthian expedition, we shall show how Mithridates obtained his vast dominion.

3683. At that time when Mithridates began to reign over the Parthians, Eucratides became ruler of the Bactrians. They were both gallant men but good fortune was on the side of the Parthians. Under the rule of Mithridates, he led them to the highest pinnacle of sovereignty. The poor Bactrians were involved in wars which eventually led to the loss of their dominions and liberty. After the Sogdians, the Arachats, the Dranganites and the Indians, had well weakened them by their continual wars with them, the feeble Parthians attacked them and overcame them in this weakened state. (Justin. l. 41. c. 6.) Arsaces or Mithridates followed up on his victory as far as India and found no difficulty in subduing the country, where Porus of old had reigned and the other countries lying between the Hydaspes and Indus Rivers. (Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 358. Oros. l. 5. c. 4.) These Bactrians were the survivors of the Greeks, who had taken Bactriana from the kings of Syria, the successors of Seleucus Nicator. They also seized Ariana and India. They controlled Pattalena and all the sea coasts along with the kingdom of Tessariostus and of Sigartis. Apollodorus (against the common opinion indeed) affirms in his book of the Parthian Affairs, that they were masters of a greater part of India more than Alexander and his Macedonians were. He added moreover that Eucratides had in India under his own jurisdiction 1000 cities. (Stra. l. 11. p. 516. & l. 15. p. 686.) Eucratides was always at war, for he was engaged in many, and behaved himself with much prowess. When he was worn out with constant warfare, he was closely besieged by Demetrius, king of the Indians. Although he had not more than 3000 soldiers with him, he wasted an enemy army of 60,000 by his daily sallies against them. When he gained his freedom in the 5th month, he subdued all India under his command. On his journey homeward, he was killed by his own son, whom he had made viceroy in the kingdom: His son did not try to hide his actions but drove his chariot through the blood and commanded the dead body to be cast aside into some place or other and left unburied as if he had slain an enemy and not murdered his father. While these things were happening among the Bactrians, a war started between the Parthians and the Medes. The initial conflicts were indecisive but at last, the Parthians got the upper hand. Mithridates was strengthened by this victory and appointed Bacasis over Media while he marched into Hircania. As soon as he returned from there, he fought and defeated with the king of the Elymites and annexed that country to his other dominions. By his various conquests, he enlarged his dominion of the

Parthians from the mountain Gaucasus as far as the River Euphrates. (Justin. l. 41. c. 6.) After he had defeated Demetrius Nicator’s general, he invaded the city of Babylon and all its regions. (Oros. l. 5. c. 4.)

3684. The Greeks and Macedonians of the upper provinces did not like the insolence of those strangers, the Parthians. They often sent embassies to Demetrius Nicator and promised that if he would come to them, they would yield to him and join with him in fighting Arsaces the king of Persia and Media. Encouraged by this, Demetrius hurried to them. In the 172nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, he assembled all his forces and marched into Mesopotamia. He thought that he would soon have Babylon and Media and that with the help of the upper provinces he could easily expel Tryphon from Syria. When he arrived in those parts, he was quickly joined by the auxiliaries of the Persians, Elymites and Bactrians and defeated the Parthians many times. At last, he was out smarted by one of Arsaces’ nobles. On the pretence of concluding a peace, he was sent to capture Demetrius. He was surprised by an ambush and after he lost his whole army, he was captured alive. They led him through the streets of the city and showed him to the people who mocked him. Finally he was imprisoned under tight security. /APC 1Ma 14:1-3 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 9. fin. Justin. l. 36. c. 1. & l. 38. c. 9.) Gorgius Syacellus adds that he was kept in Troas and from that occasion was surnamed Siderites.

3685. Although Arsaces was in control of such a vast dominion, he did not succumb to luxury and pride, which was the usual practise of most princes. He acted with a great deal of clemency toward his subjects and valour against his enemies. When he had brought various countries under his command, he selected from each of them, the best institutions and laws and gave them to his Parthians. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Balesii, p. 361.) Demetrius who was sent away into Hireania was treated with respect too. Arsaces gave him his daughter for a wife and promised to restore to him the kingdom of Syria which Tryphon had taken from him. (Justin. l. 36. c. 1. & l. 38. c. 9.) However, Appian writes that Demetrius lived at Pharaates’ court, the brother and successor of Mithridates and married his sister Rhodoguna. (in Syriacus, p. 132.)

3686. In the 172nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks, on the 18th day of the 6th month Elul, about the end of the 3rd year of Simon’s high priesthood after the death of his brother Jonathan, a large assembly was held of the priests, the people and the rulers and elders of the country. A notice was published that said how well Simon had served the Jewish people and the right of sovereignty was granted to him and his posterity. He should be their governor and have control over those that managed the temple, over the governors in the country, over the commanders in the army and the captains of the garrisons. He also should have the charge of the holy things and should be obeyed by all men. All contracts in the country should be signed in his name. He should be clothed in purple and wear gold. It should not be lawful for any of the priests or the people to repeal any of these decrees or contradict anything he spoke or to hold any assembly in the country without his permission. No one should wear purple or use the golden buckle. Simon accepted this and was quite contented to execute the high priest’s office and to be general and commander of the Jews, the priests and the rest of the people. Then they commanded this writing to be put in tables of brass and to be hung on the pillars in the porches of the temple in a public place. A copy of this should be kept in the treasury of the temple so that Simon and his sons might have them. /APC 1Ma 14:26-49 3864 AM, 4574 JP, 140 BC

3687. The soldiers grew weary of Tryphon’s conduct and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius Nicator. At that time she was confined with her children in Seleucia. She sent to Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, her husband (who was a prisoner) and offered to marry him and give him the kingdom. She did this partly by the advice of her friends and partly because she feared lest some of the Seleucians would surrender the city to Tryphon. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 13. c. 12. <c. 7. 1:350>}) &&& Cleopatra 3 - wife of Demetrius Nicator, offers to marry and give the kingdom to Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, her imprionsed husband.

3688. Josephus (Antiq. l. 7. c 12. & l. 13. c. 16.) calls this Antiochus, son of Demetrius Soter, the pious, because of his religion. In Josephus, (l. 13. c. 12.) he calls him by his father’s surname, Soter. In Trogus, he is called Pompeius (in prolog. l. 39.) and in Eusebius (in his Chronicles.) Sidetes or Sedetes. This is either from his great love of hunting, which in Syriac is hryc, as Plutarch thinks or from the city Sidon from where (as Georgius Syncellus writes) he came to besiege Tryphon. Justin relates that at first he was brought up in Asia and by his father Demetrius Soter and entrusted with his older brother Demetrius Nicator to an host at Cnidos. (Justin, l. 35. c. 2. & 36. c. 1.) Appian writes, how that he was received at Rhodes and from the islands of the sea. He was told the news of his brother’s confinement and what happened after. (in Syriac. p. 132.) We read also in /APC 1Ma 15:1-2 that after he had assumed the title of king, he wrote letters to Simon the high priest and ruler and to the whole country of the Jews.

3689. In these letters, he complained much of the harsh treatment he received from his enemies and showed that he was now ready to avenge himself lest he seem to be a king in name only. He wanted to make Simon his friend and he confirmed to him all the immunities and privileges which other kings had granted. He added the right of coining money with his own stamp. Moreover, he decreed that Jerusalem should be exempted from being under the king’s jurisdiction and promised also that he would confer more and greater favours as soon as he was in possession of his kingdom. (/APC 1Ma 15:3-9) 3865 AM, 4575 JP, 139 BC

3690. Numenius, the son of Antiochus and some other ambassadors came to Rome from Simon the high priest and the people of the Jews about renewing their league and amity with the Romans. They brought with them a great shield of God of a thousand pounds weight. The present was well received and Lucius the consul gave them letters to the kings and to the provinces. They were prohibited from attempting anything which might prejudice the Jews or help any of their enemies. If at anytime any renegade Jews should flee from Judea and come into their parts, they should turn them over to Simon the high priest to be prosecuted according to the laws of their country. /APC 1Ma 14:1-49 1Ma 15:15 1Ma 15:21

3691. Lucius was that same L. Calputnius Piso, the colleague of L. Popilius Laenas, who was sent into Spain against the Numantines. Concerning his consulship, Valerius Maximus, (l. 1. c. 5.) said:

"P. Cornelius Hispalus the praetor for visitors, when Popilius Lanas and L. Calpurnius. were consuls, commanded by his edict all Chaldeans to depart from the city and Italy within 10 days whose profession was by their false interpretation of the influence of the stars, to cast, through their lies, mists on vain and foolish minds.’’

3692. Although Stephanus Pighsius (from Cassiodorus’ Fasti Consulares) instead of the name Lucius, has written Cneus which is against the authority of the received manuscripts.

3693. Five kings received these letters: Ptolemeus Euergetes 2nd or Physcon of Egypt, Demetrius Nicator of Syria (notwithstanding he was at this time, prisoner to the Parthians),

Attalus Philadelphus of Pergamenine Asia, Ariatathes of Cappadocia, and Arsaces or Mithridates of Parthia. 19 cities, countries, and islands received these letters also: Sampsama,

(or as in the Latin, Lampsacus), Sparta, Delos, Myndus, Sicyon, Caria, Samos, Pamphylia, Lycia, Halicarnassus, Rhodus, Phaselis, Cos, Sida, Aradus, Gortyna, Cnidus, Cyprus and Cyrene. /APC 1Ma 15:16 1Ma 15:22-23.

3694. In the 174th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Antiochus Sidetes returned to the land of his fathers, (/APC 1Ma 15:10) where he married Cleopatra, his brother’s wife. (Justin, l. 36. c. 1.) She was upset at Demetrius for marrying Rhodoguna, the daughter to the Parthian king. (Appian. Syriac. p. 132.) From this time, Antiochus reigned for 9 years. (Porphyr. & Euseb.)

3695. Tryphon had a very small following for almost all his forces had defected to Antiochus. After his soldiers deserted him, he hurried to get into Dora, which was a maritime city of

Phoenicia. Antiochus pursued him there and very tightly besieged the place so that no one could get in or out. He had an army of 120,000 foot soldiers with 8000 cavalry and a fleet. /APC 1Ma 15:10-14

3696. In the meanwhile, Numenius and his company came from Rome and brought with them letters to the kings and provinces and a copy of the same letters to Simon the high priest. (/APC 1Ma 15:15 1Ma 15:24)

3697. Simon sent 2000 choice men with silver and gold and many engines of war to Antiochus at the siege at Dora. He refused them all and broke whatever covenants he had previously made with him and made him his enemy. He sent Athenobius to demand of him the resignation of Gazara, Joppe and the fort in Jerusalem. He also wanted the tributes of those places beyond the borders of Judea which were possessed by him. In lieu of this, he demanded 500 talents of silver and in consideration of the harm he had done and the tributes of the cities, another 500 talents more. He threatened war unless all things were done according to his commands. (/APC 1Ma 15:25-31)

3698. Athenobius, a friend of the king’s, came to Jerusalem. As soon as he saw Simon’s glory, his tables set with gold and silver plate and other furniture of the house, he was astonished and told him the king’s message. Simon denied that they had seized any towns that belonged to others and only had recovered from the enemy by law of arms some towns of their own which were kept back from them. As for Joppe and Gazara, in spite of the fact that the people had been much prejudiced by the enemy, he offered 100 talents. Athenobius returned back in a rage to Antiochus and told him both what he had heard and seen. Neither was the king less passionate when he saw that his commands were not submitted to, nor his great threat of war heeded. (/ APC 1Ma 15:32-36) 3699. Meanwhile Tryphon sailed and escaped to Orthosias which is another maritime city of Phoenicia. (/APC 1Ma 15:37)

3700. Then Antiochus made Cendebaeus the governor of the sea coast and gave him foot soldiers and cavalry. He was to build Kidron (or as the Latin edition has it, Gedor as in Jos 15:58) and to wage war on the Jews. The king pursued Tryphon. (/APC 1Ma 15:38-39)

3701. Cendebaeus went as far as Jamnia and began to invade Judea. He took prisoners and killed others. When he had built Kidron (or Gedor) he stationed there some cavalry and some companies of foot soldiers who were to raid the highways of Judea as the king ordered him to do. (/APC 1Ma 15:40-41) 3866a AM, 4575 JP, 139 BC

3702. John Hyrcanus came from Gazara and told his father Simon, what wicked acts Cendebaeus had done. Simon was now old and committed the war to his 2 oldest sons, Judas and John. Thereupon, they selected from the country, 20,000 men of war and with some cavalry, they marched against Cendebaeus. They camped that night a Modin, their birth place. From there the next morning they engaged the enemy’s powerful army. However, there was a brook between them. John waded across first and the rest of the people quickly followed. He divided his forces so that the cavalry was in the middle of the foot soldiers and they mutually protected each other from the enemy attacks. Then they sounded their holy trumpets and Cendebaeus was routed and many of his army were killed. Some fled to his fort of Kidron which he recently built and others escaped to other places. Judas, John’s brother was wounded and could not give chase. However, John pursued them as far as the towers which were in the fields of Azotus. In the chase he killed about 2000 men. When he had burnt the towers to the ground, he lead back his army safely into Judea. /APC 1Ma 16:1-10 3866 AM, 4576 JP, 138 BC

3703. Finally, Tryphon retired to his own country men at Apamea. Frontinus said this happened to him there: (l. 2. Stratagem. c. 13.)

"All the way that he went, he scattered money on purpose to slow down Antiochus’ soldiers in their pursuit of him and so he escaped from their hands.’’

3704. Josephus said that Apamea was taken by assault and Tryphon killed in the 3rd year after Demetrius was taken prisoner by the Parthians. (l. 13. c. 12.) Appian wrote that he was at length taken by Antiochus and killed but not without much trouble. (Syriac. p. 132.) Strabo stated that he was besieged in a certain citadel and driven to such extremities that he killed himself. (l. 14. p. 668.) Georgius Syncellus wrote that when he was driven from Orthosias, he leaped into the fire and died.

3705. Hierax, was general for the war in Egypt because he was a very excellent soldier and very popular with the people. He was ambitious and controlled the kingdom of Ptolemy Physcon. He saw that Ptolemy had little money and the soldiers were ready to revolt to Galaestes for lack of pay. He put down the rebellion by personally paying the soldiers. The Egyptians publicly despised the king when they saw how childish he was in his talk, how impudent and prone to the vilest jests and how effeminate he was. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. H. Valesii, p. 361, 362.)

3706. In that part of Asia where Pergamos is, Attalus Philadelphus, brother to Eumenes, grew so restless through long idleness and peace that Philopoemen, one of his friends, influenced him in any direction he pleased. Likewise, the Romans to mock him, would often ask of those that sailed from Asia whether the king had any interest in Philopoemen, (Plutarch in l. whether the managing of a commonwealth ought to be entrusted to an old man) that he would not leave his kingdom to any of his own sons. However, in his lifetime, he gave the kingdom to his brother Eumenes’ son, whose guardian he was when he came of age. (Id. in Apophthegm. & in l. prifiladelfiad)

3707. After the death of Attalus the uncle, Attalus who was surnamed Philometor, son to Eumenes by Stratonica, daughter of Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians, held the kingdom of Pergamos for 5 years. (Strabo. l. 13. p. 624.)

3708. He no sooner became king but he marred the kingdom by killing his friends and going against his relatives. He pretended that at one time, his mother who was an old woman and at another time, Beronice his wife, had died by their enchantments. (Justin. l. 36. c. 4.) He was jealous of the best and most eminent of his father’s friends. Lest they should engage in some treasonable act against him, he planned to kill them all. To that end, he selected from his barbarous mercenary soldiers, the most bloody and covetous of them and placed them in various private rooms in the palace. When he called together to court those of his friends whom he held in greatest suspicion, he turned them over to these barbarians who killed them. He immediately after this, ordered them to do the same to their wives and children. His other friends had either command of the army or were appointed over cities. Some of them he killed by treachery and when he found others, he beheaded them with their whole families. By this cruelty, he became detestable to his own subjects and to his neighbouring countries. Thereupon all under his dominion were anxious for a new king. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 370.) 3867a AM, 4576 JP, 138 BC

3709. After this mad and furious fit was over, he put on a dirty garment let his hair and his beard grow as criminals use to do. He did not appear in public and would not show himself to the people. He did not entertain at home and seemed to be mad. He seemed to be haunted by the ghosts of those he had recently murdered. (Justin. l. 36. c. 4.) 3867c AM, 4577 JP, 137 BC

3710. When Attalus had resigned the government of the kingdom to his nephew, he took up gardening and growing herbs. He mixed good plants with poisonous ones. He made poisonous juices from these and sent them as rare presents to his friends. (Justin. l. 36. c. 4.) He planted hendoryenium which was used to make poisoned arrows. Also he studied to know the nature of their juices, seeds and fruits and to harvest them in their proper season. (Plutarch in Demetrio.) Varro, (de re restic. l. 1. c. 2.) Colomella, (l. 1. c. 1.) and Pliny (l. 18. c. 3.) state that he wrote some books about husbandry.

3711. Antiochus Sidertes attacked those cities which had revolted in the beginning of his brother’s reign. When he had conquered them, he added them to his own kingdom. (Justin. l. 36. c. 1.) 3868 AM, 4578 JP, 136 BC

3712. Ptolemy Euergetes the 2nd, or Phiscon killed many of those Alexandrians who had first called him to the kingdom. He banished a large number who in their youth were raised with his brother Philometor, with whom he had had some differences and were now come of age. He let his foreign soldiers kill as they pleased and all places were daily stained with blood. (Justin l. 38. c. 8. Athen. l. 4. c. 24. fin.) Moreover, he divorced Cleopatra herself, who was both his sister and wife. He first ravished her daughter, a virgin and then married her. These wicked deeds so appalled the people that for fear of death they left their country and went into exile. So many left that Ptolemy and his company were left alone in so large a city. When he saw that he was a king of empty houses rather than of men, he invited strangers by his edicts to live there. (Justin l. 38. c. 8.) By this, he repopulated the cities and islands with grammarians, philosophers, geometricians, musicians, school teachers, artists, physicians and may other artisans. By teaching their arts to get their living, they made many excellent men. It came to pass that the liberal arts and sciences were again restored in those parts. Its knowledge was interrupted and advancement had been hindered by the continual wars that happened in the times of Alexander’s successors, (Athen. l. 4. c. 24. fin.)

3713. P. Scipio Emiliathus, who after the destruction of Carthage was called Africanus, Spurius Mummius and L. Merellus were made ambassadors by the Roman senate to see in what condition the kingdoms and cities of their allies were in and to settle their differences. They took a thorough survey of Egypt, Syria, Asia and Greece. (Cicero. in Somnid Scipoinis, Strabo l. 14. p. 669. Justin l. 38. c. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm. Athen. l. 6. c. 18. & l. 12. c. 27.) Cicero in Lucullo wrote that Scipio was used in this famous embassy before he was made a censor but in Somnio Scipions, the same Cicero says that it was after he was censor and a little before his second consulship. Valerius Maximus states that this embassy was done after his two consulships and his two chief triumphs, the Carthaginian and Numantine. (l. 4, c. 3.) Polybius, who in a work described the Numantine war, (as appears from the l. 5. of Cicero, ad familiar. epist. 12,) mentions this embassy. This we gather from Athen. (l. 6. c. 8.) and from Suidas in the word Bapos, compared with Diod. Sic. Legat. 32. Polybius says that after he was part of that embassy, he was sent to settle the Numantine war. Given these 3 conflicting opinions, we thought it best to choose the middle one.

3714. On this embassy, Scipio, took a friend along with him. He was not Calus Lelius, as it is read in the corrupt copies of Aurelius Victor, (de viris illustribus c.58.) but Panaetius the philosopher. (Cicero in Lucullo, Plutarch in Apothgm. and in l. de Philosophando cum Principibus, from Posidonius’ History.) To whom Athen. (l. 12. c. 27,) incorrectly adds,

Posidonius the stoic. He lived long after him. Scipio had in his retinue only 5 servants according to Posidonius and Polybius (so that from them both Valerius Maximus who assigned 7 to him and Aurelius Victor, who allows 2, are to be corrected.) Of those one died in the journey. Scipio did not buy another servant but wrote home for another one to be sent from Rome to replace him. (Athen. l. 6. c. 8. & Plutarch in Apothegm.) As he passed through the countries of allies and strangers, they did not note so much his slaves as his various victories. Neither did they take note of the amount of weight in gold and silver he brought with him, but of the greatness of his reputation. (Valer. Maximus, l. 4. c. 3.) 3869a AM, 4578 JP, 136 BC

3715. Foreigners came to Alexandria on receiving Ptolemy Euergetes’ proclamation. The ambassadors from Rome also arrived there. (Justin l. 38. c. 8.) When Scipio came from the ship to land, he walked with his head covered with his cloak but the Alexandrians flocked about him and asked him to show himself for they wanted to see this great man. As soon as he uncovered himself, they shouted and made great acclamations. (Plutarch in Apothegm.)

3716. When the king came to meet the ambassadors, he seemed somewhat ridiculous to the Romans. He looked horrible, short in stature, swag belly and more like a beast than a man. This ugliness was made worse by the thin, transparent garment he wore as if to expose what modest men conceal. Justin from Trogus Pompeius, (l. 38. c. 8.) has described the man whom Athenaeus from the 7th book of Posidonius the Stoic, has represented to us in this way, (l. 12. c. 27.) as Natalis Comes has described him:

"His body by reason of his luxurious living was grown gross and foul and his belly so big that a man could hardly compass him with his arms. This forced him to wear a long garment with sleeves down to his ankles. He rarely walked on foot unless at this time in respect to Scipio:’’

3717. Scipio saw that the king, because of lack of exercise could barely keep pace with him without greatly straining himself. He whispered in Panethius’ ear:

"Now the Alexandrians have reaped some fruits from our travel here, who, in their civility to us, have seen their king walking.’’ (Plutarch in Apothegm.) 3718. From this we see how well Dalechampius, who translated Athenaeus, has rendered those words, "He never walked on foot, but leaned on his staff.’’

3719. The king entertained the delegates very well and showed them his palace and his treasury. Because they were virtuous, they were content with plain wholesome food and scorned that rich provisions as prejudicial both to the mind and body. Those things which the king esteemed as rarities and admirable, they only glanced their eyes on them and counted them as things of no value. They looked at things of real worth very carefully. They noted the location of the city and its industry and particularly at Pharos and what belonged to it. From there they sailed to Memphis and noticed the goodness of the country, the convenience of the Nile River, the number of the cities, the very large population and the fortifications of Egypt. They noted the wealth and goodness of the country, how well it was provided for in security and size. In brief, having sufficiently admired both the populousness of Egypt and the good locations of its cities, they thought that the kingdom of Egypt would easily grow into a vast empire if it were so fortunate as to have good leadership. After they had viewed Egypt well, they went to Cyprus and from there to Syria. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 32.)

3720. To Mithridates Euergetes king of Pontus was born that famous Mithridates, surnamed Dionysius or Bacchus and Eupator. Thereupon he called the city which he built Eupatoria.

(Appian. in Mithradat. p. 176. & 251.) He was both born and raised in the city Sinope and therefore held it always in high esteem and made it the capital of the whole kingdom. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 545.)

3721. In the same year that Mithridates was born, there appeared a great comet, (Justin. l. 37. c. 2.) This is the very same one which Seneca speaks of in (l. 7. c. 15. of his natural Questions.)

"In the time of Attalus’ reign, there appeared a comet at the first it was small. Later it elevated and spread itself and came as far as the equinoctial circle. Its extent covered that region of the heaven which we call the Milky Way.’’

3722. We allow (with Eutropis l. 6. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 5. who usually follow Livy) Mithridates 72 years of life. If we follow Appian, (p. 249.) and say that he lived only 68 years or 69 years then this comet had appeared after Attalus was dead and not in his reign.