25 3961a AM

3961a AM, 4670 JP, 44 BC

5143. The 9th (7th ides) of October, Antony came to Brundusium to meet four of five of the Macedonian legions that he thought to win to his side with money. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 23.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 552. 554.} {Dion, l, 45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.} These were granted to him by the senate and people of Rome to be used against the Getae. However, he transported them to Italy. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 543, 546, 558. fin.}

5144. Octavian also sent his friends with money to hire those soldiers for himself. {Dion, l, 45. p. 276. edit. Gracolatin. Hannoviensis.} He sent into Campania to secure for his side those soldiers that his father had sent into the colonies to war. First he drew to his side, the old soldiers of Galatia, then those of Casilinum, which lay on both sides of Capua. He gave each of them 500 denarii (which Appian and Dio, after the custom of the Greeks translate drachmas) He gathered together about 10,000 men but they were not well armed nor marshalled into companies. He marched with them under one ensign as a guard. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 16. epist. 8., Philippic 3.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 552. 553.} These troops were the first to be called the Evocati because when they had permission to retire from the army, they were again called to service. {Servius Galba ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 30.} {Dio, l. 45. p. 276., l. 55. p. 565.}

5145. In the meantime, the four legions of Macedonia accused Antony for his delay in revenging Caesar’s death on the murderers. Without any acclamations, they conducted him to the tribunal as if they would hear an account of this business before anything else. Antony took their silence poorly. He did not contain himself but upbraided them for their ingratitude because they did not acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy than into Parthia. Neither did they show any token of thankfulness. He also complained that they had not brought to him some disturbers of the peace that were sent from that wicked young man (for so he called Caesar) but that he would find them. He said he would march with the army to the province that was decreed to him by the senate even that fortunate Gaul. He said that he would give to everyone there 100 denarii or drachmas. This niggardliness of his promises was entertained with laughter. When he took this badly, he was deserted and the disorder increased. {Appian. l. 3. p. 554.} {Dion, l. 45. p. 276.} {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 16. epist. 8.}

5146. When Antony had demanded the rebels from the tribunes according to the discipline of war, he drew out every tenth man by lot. He did not punish them all but only some of them and thought to terrify them little by little. {Appian. l. 3. p. 554, 555.} Also in the house of his host on the bay of Brundusium, in the presence of his most covetous and cruel wife Fulvia, he put to death some centurions that were taken from the Martian legion. (Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5, 13.} {Dio, l. 45. p. 276.}

5147. When those of Caesar’s party who were sent to bribe them, saw that they were more provoked by this deed, they created libelous rumours among the army. They recalled to mind the memory of Caesar when considering this business and cruelty of Antony. They invited them to the liberality of the young man. Antony promised rewards to them that would tell him of them and punishments to those who did not expose the offenders. He took it rather poorly that none were discovered as if the army defended them. {Appian, l. 3. p. 555.}

5148. When Octavian Caesar came to hold office, he endeavoured to win the people to himself. Both M. Brutus and Caius Cassius gave up all hope of controlling the opinion of people and were afraid of Caesar. They sailed from Italy and landed at Athens where they were magnificently entertained. {Dio, l. 47. p. 238. 239.} Cornelius Nepos, in the life of Atticus, wrote that when Antony began to get the upper hand, they abandoned the government of those provinces that were assigned to them by the consuls and went into exile.

"and now both fearing the arms of Antony and now again to increase the envy they had against Antony they pretended as though they were afraid and protested by their edicts that they would willingly live in perpetual exile as long as the commonwealth was in peace. Neither would they give any occasion for a civil war.’’

5149. Velleius Paterculus stated that they went out of Italy. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.}

5150. When some went to Octavian’s side and some to Antony’s, the armies sided with the one that gave them the most. Brutus intended to leave Italy and though Lucania came by land to the sea at Elea. From there he sailed to Athens where he became a student to Theomnestas the academic and to Cratippus the peripatetic (the Mitylenian). Together with them they studied and he seemed to forget all business and to live in idleness. However, he prepared for the war. {Plutarch, in Brutus} Cicero {Cicero, in Philippic. 10.} stated that the navy of Cassius caught up to Brutus within a few days.

5151. Brutus and Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia and Syria as assigned before to Dolabella and Antony. As soon as this was known Dolabella hurried into Syria and visited Asia along the way, to gather money from there. {Appian, de Brutis civilibin, l. 3. p. 541} For Appian thought (as also does {Florus, l, 4, c. 7.}) that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar (before he was killed by them) to Brutus and Syria to Cassius. There were other letters, granting to them ,in the place of those that were later taken from them by the consuls. That is Cyrene and the isle of Crete. Some attribute both of these to Cassius and Bithynia to Brutus but that they were assigned these and gathered an army and money with an intent to invade Syria and Macedonia. {Appian. l. p. 527. 530, 531. 533. 536. 550, l. 4. p. 622.}

5152. However, Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius, as we gather from Cicero. The fourth day after his murder, Crete was decreed by the senate to Brutus and Africa to Cassius we have learned previously from Plutarch. Cicero stated of Brutus: {Cicero, in Philippic. 11.}

"Neither went he into his own province of Crete, but hurried into Macedonia which was another’s. Cassius obeyed the law of greed, when he went into Syria. This was another’s province indeed, if men would use written laws. But these were violated, so he used his own by the law of greed.’’

5153. Velleius Paterculus confirmed that both of them seized provinces without any decree from the senate or public authority. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} He also said both of them lived at Athens. Dio wrote {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} that they heard that Caesar had increased in strength. Crete and Bithynia which they were sent to, were neglected because they thought that these provinces would not be of much help. They planned to take Syria and Macedonia which did not belong to them. At that time, both of them had men and money.

5154. Dolabella made his journey through Achaia, Macedonia and Thrace and arrived too late into Asia. However, in Achaia he had foot soldiers and cavalry. He met Vetus Antestius, who had returned from Syria and had dismissed his army, (which he had mainly used against Caecilius Bassus.) He would rather suffer any danger than to seem to give any money to Dolabella either willingly or by compulsion. {Dio, l. 47, p. 433} {Brutus in l. Cicerronis ad Brutum, epist. 16.}

5155. On the 1ts (calends) of November, letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian. He asked his advice whether he had best come to Rome with those 4000 old soldiers, or should he keep them at Capua and keep Antony from there, or should he go to the three legions of Macedonia, which came by the way of the Adriatic Sea. Because they would not receive the bribes that Antony offered them, he thought he might win them to himself. {Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 8.} Octavian numbered the centuries at Capua. {Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 9.} He journeyed to Samnium and arrived at Cales and stayed at Theanum. There was a wonderful gathering of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome in large numbers. (??) {Cicero, ad attic., l. 16. epist. 8.}

5156. He went to the common people who had already been prepped for this purpose by Canutius the tribune of the people. He renewed the memory of his father in a long speech to them and the brave acts that he had done. He spoke also many things modestly of himself and accused Antony. He commended the soldiers that followed him because they were ready to help the city and that they had chosen him for that purpose. They should by this act signify this to so great a crowd. They were commended for the good equipment they had and for the large number of soldiers that followed Caesar. He went into Hetruria to get more soldiers. {Dio, l. 45. p. 276.}

5157. At this time Marcus Cicero dedicated his three famous books of offices {Cicero, de Officiis} to his son Marcus who had been a scholar for an whole year to Cratippus. (This was not at the first time he was sent there as Dio thinks. {Dio, l. 45. p. 277.} {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l. 16. epist. 11.}) Some of the son’s letters to Tiro still exist {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 16. epist. 21.} in which he tells of those who boarded with him:

"I have hired a place for Brutus close to me and as much as I can from my poverty, I sustain his needs. Moreover I intended to make my speech in Greek before Cassius but before Brutus, I will do my practising in Latin. My close friends and boarders are those that Cratippus brought with him from Mitylene, learned men and well approved by him.’’

5158. When Brutus was in financial need, he made friends with Cicero and with other young men that studied at Athens. He sent Herostratus into Macedonia to win the favour of those who were captains of the armies. When he had received news that some Roman ships laden with money sailed from Asia toward Athens and that the admiral was an honest man and his close friend, he went to meet him near the Carystos. He persuaded him to turn over the ships to him. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5159. On his birthday, Brutus made a large feast for the admiral. When they started the toasts, they drank to the a health of Brutus and the freedom of the people of Rome. Brutus took a large cup and spoke aloud this verse without any apparent reason. Latona’s stem and cruel fate To my success have put a date.

5160. This was taken as an ill omen of his defeat. When he went to fight his last battle at Philippi, he gave his soldiers these words of Apollo. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian. l. 4. p.

668.}

5161. After this, Anistius gave Brutus 500 myriads of the money he was carrying into Italy. {Plutarch, in Brutus} The Latin interpreter rendered it 20,000 sesterniums and Brutus himself acknowledged that sum that Vetus Antistius had promised of his own accord and gave him from his money. In a letter, Brutus commended him to Cicero since Antistius was going to Rome to request the praetorship. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 11.} We read in Cornelius Nepos {Nepos, Life of Atticus} that Pompey Atticus also sent a present of 900 sesterniums when Brutus was expelled and left Italy and in his absence, commanded that 300 should be given to him in Epirus.

5162. Cassius and Brutus, left one another in Piraeera. Cassius went into Syria to keep Dolabella {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} out and Brutus went into Macedonia {Plutarch, in Brutus} so that he could control Macedonia and Greece. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} Without any public authority, they seized the provinces and armies and pretended that where they were, there was the legitimate state. They received money from those who would give it to them which was sent by the treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond the seas. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.}

5163. Cassius got ahead of Dolabella and sailed into Asia to Trebonius, the proconsul. After the proconsul was bribed, he sided with Cassius and gave him many of those cavalry who were sent ahead by Dolabella into Syria. (P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he was the first to turn these over to Cassius.) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14.} A large number from Asia and Cilicia also joined him. Cassius compelled Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to join in an alliance with him. However, the Tarsenses did it against their will. They so favoured the first Caesar and for his sake Octavian, that instead of Tarsus, they called their city Juliopolus. {Dio, l. 47. p. 342.}

5164. Brutus received from Apuleius the forces he then had and in coined money, 16,000 talents which were collected from the payments and tributes of Asia that Apuleius (??) had received from Trebonius. Brutus went into Boeotia. {Appian. l. 4. p. 632.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} There he gathered soldiers of those from the battle of Pharsalus that he found wandering about Thessalia. Some of those that came with Dolabella from Italy, were either left there because of sickness or had run away from their regiments. He took from Cinna, 500 cavalry which he was taking to Dolabella into Asia. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} This was the occasion of what Cicero wrote about Brutus. {Cicero, Philippic 11th.}

"He raised new legions and welcomed the old ones. He took for himself, Dolabella’s cavalry before Dolabella murdered Trebonius. Brutus counted him an enemy by his own standards. For if it were not so, how could he take away the cavalry from the consul?’’

5165. Brutus was thus appointed, under the pretence of serving the state and of undertaking a war against Antony. He seized Greece where there were no soldiers at all. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} {Livy, l. 118.}

5166. From there he went to Demetrius who gave him a large supply of arms that were stockpiled by Julius Caesar’s orders for the Parthian war and were supposed to be turned over to Antony. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567.}

5167. Brutus went into Macedonia at the same time that Caius Antony, the consul’s brother, had recently arrived there and Q. Hortensius, the proconsul of Macedonia, was preparing to leave. This did not bother Brutus since Hortensius would soon join with him and Antony was forbidden (Caesar now ordered all at Rome) to meddle with anything that belonged to the chief magistrate and had no forces. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

5168. A muster was made in Macedonia by the great care and efforts of Q. Hortensius. The legion that L. Piso, the lieutenant of Antony, led, was turned over to Cicero’s son whom Brutus brought with him from Athens. The cavalry were led in two brigades into Syria. One brigade left him that led them into Thessalia, as it is said and went to Brutus. The other one, Cn. Domitius in Macedonia took away from the lieutenant of Syria. {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

5169. Brutus heard that Antony would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at Dyrrachium and Apollonia and wanted to prevent this. He quickly journeyed through rough ways and much snow. He outdistanced those who brought his provisions. As he came near to Dyrrachium because of the labour and cold, he was taken with a bulimia. This is a disease that affects those who are worn out going through the snow and the cold. When this was known, the soldiers left the guard and came running with food for him. Brutus behaved kindly to all for this courtesy when he was taken to the town. {Plutarch, in Brutus} Q. Vatinius, who commanded in Illyrium which was close by, came from there and had captured Dyrrachium previously. He was an adversary to Brutus throughout all the civil war. He was condemned by his soldiers, because of Brutus’ sickness. They went to Brutus and Vatinius opened the gates to him and turned over his army to him. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339.} {Cicero, Philippic. 10.} {Livy, l. 118.}

5170. When a short way was available for Dolabella to go into Syria, he invaded Asia which was another man’s province and was unprepared for war. He sent M. Octavian, a poor senator, with a legion and wasted the countries and attacked their cities. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.}

5171. Neither Pergamos nor Smyrna would receive him into their cities but they made available to him a market place outside the city in respect to his office as consul. When he in a passion had in vain attacked Smyrna, Trebonius the proconsul of Asia, who fortified the cities as a refuge for Brutus and Cassius, promised that he would let him into Ephesus. He ordered his soldiers to immediately follow the consul there. {Appian, l. 3. p. 542.}

5172. After this, there were friendly conferences with Trebonius. However, this was but false tokens of great kindness in pretended love. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} By this, Trebonius was deceived, so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies. He made provision for his soldiers and lived together with them without any fear. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5173. In Egypt, the young Ptolemy who was 15 years old, was poisoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra in the fourth year of his reign. This was the eighth year of his sister’s reign from the death of their father, Auletes. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.} {Porphyr. in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger. p. 226.}

5174. After Mark Antony, the consul, had returned from Brundusium to Rome, he ordered the senate to meet eight days (9th calends) before December. When they failed to meet on that day, he deferred it until 3 days before (4th calends) December and then ordered them to meet in the capitol. {Cicero, Philippic. 3.}

5175. In the meantime Antony’s Macedonian legions, rebelled as they were going into Cisalpine Gaul and condemned the lieutenant that commanded them. Many of them defected to Caesar. {Dio, l 45. p. 276.} All the Martian legion took away their colours and came to him and stayed at Asia. The fourth legion rebelled against L. Egnatuleius, the quaestor and their commander and defected to Caesar also. {Dio, l 45. p. 276.} {Cicero, Philippic. 3, 4, 5, 11, 13, Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 7.} {Livy, 117.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 6.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 556.} Caesar received them and gave them money as he had previously done and so drew many to his side. He also got all of Antony’s elephants by chance as they were being driven along. {Dio, l. 45. p. 276.}

5176. When Antony was going into the senate in the capitol on the appointed day to complain of Caesar’s actions, at the very entrance of the court he received news of the revolt of the legions. He was terrified and dared not speak a word in the senate concerning Caesar. He had planned to propose to the senate and one that had been consul brought a sentence written by which he would account Caesar as an enemy. {Cicero, Philippic. 3, 5, 13.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 556.} On the very same day at evening, the lots were cast for the provinces for the next year among the friends of Antony so that everyone would have a province which was most suitable to Antony. {Cicero, Philippic. 3.}

5177. He went to Alba to see if he could bring the soldiers of the Martian legion who were quartered there, to obey him again. When they shot at him from the walls, he sent 500 denarii for each man in the rest of the legions. With what forces he had around him, he marched in warlike array to Tibur and then to Ariminum in the entrance to Cisalpine Gaul. He had three Macedonian legions with him, (for the rest were now come) and one of the old soldiers with the auxiliaries that wanted to follow them in addition to the praetorians and young soldiers. {Appian, l. 3. p. 556.}

5178. Antony besieged Decimus Brutus in Mutina because he would not leave Cisalpine Gaul since it was his province. {Appian, l. 3. p. 556, 558.} Caesar Octavian sent help to him even though he was one of Caesar’s murderers. However politics makes strange bedfellows. {Dio, l. 45. p. 277.} Octavian had those two valiant legions of Macedonia that came to him and one of new soldiers and two other legions of veterans. They were not at full strength so he added the young soldiers into their ranks. When the army would have made him propraetor, he refused the honour they offered him. However, he hired the mercenaries by a gift and gave to every man of the two Macedonian legions (that fought before him) 500 denarii for each man. He promised 500,000 more to the conquerors if there should be any need of a battle. {Appian, l. 3. p. 557, 558.} Cicero referred to this: {Cicero, Philippic. 10.}

"The veterans who followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attacks of Antony. Later the Martian legion abated his fury and the fourth legion routed him.’’

5179. At Rome a senate was convened 12 days before January (13th calends) when neither of the consuls were present. Antony had sent Dolabella ahead into Macedonia while he besieged Murina. On this day, Cicero, {Cicero, Philippic, 3.} persuaded the senate that the things that Octavian had done against Antony should be confirmed and praises and rewards should be given to the rebels, the Martian legion, the fourth and to the veterans that had defected to Octavian. Also Cicero purposed that Decimus Brutus and all the rest (without taking any notice of the allocation of provinces which Antony had made by lots) should retain their provinces and turn them over to no one without a decree from the senate. The senate passed this decree. Cicero called the people together and told them what was done in the senate. {Cicero, Philippic, 3, 5, 6. init., Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 6., l. 12. epist. 22.} {Dio, l. 45. p. 277.} 3961b AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC

5180. On the first of January, when Hirtius and Pausa began their consulship, Cicero {Cicero, Philippic, 5.} made a speech to the senate and persuaded them to make war on Antony and that honours should be decreed to them that defended the state against him. The next day the senate gave Caesar Octavian an extraordinary command (as Cicero calls it, {Cicero, Philippic., 11}) with consular authority and lictors and the ensigns of a praetor. He and the consuls should go to the help of Decimus Brutus against Antony. Further, he should tell the quaestors and the former consuls that he should have authority to hold the consulship for ten years before the law was passed allowing this. The senate also honoured him with a gold statue of him on horseback. It was placed in the rostrum and had his age on the inscription. By the same decree, all the money that he had given to the soldiers, he was recompensed from the public treasury. (Although he did it as a private citizen yet it was for the service of the state.) The gift that he had promised to give to the two Macedonian legions after the victory should be given to them in the name of the state. Also those legions and the other soldiers that were hired by Caesar, should be exempt from military service as soon as the war was ended and have lands divided among them. {Cicero, Philippic. 5., ad Brutus epist. 14.} {Livy, l. 118.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 81.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 10.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 3. p. 359. 360.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 310.}

5181. The office of propraetor was granted by the senate to Caesar Octavian, which he would not accept and was formerly offered to him by the army. Also he should have the same power in managing the war as the consuls had. However, there was a secret order given to the consuls that they should take away from him the two Macedonian legions which were most fit to do service. For this was the intent of their plan. When Antony was defeated, Caesar weakened and all the side of Caesar removed, then Pompey’s side should be again restored to the government of the state. When Pansa, the consul, was on his deathbed, he told this to Octavian. {Appian, l. 3. p. 574. 575.}

5182. When Octavian found what things had been decreed, he accepted the honours with great joy. He was more overjoyed because the same day he had assumed the office of praetor, he made a sacrifice. In this the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double or folded inwards from the lowest fillets. This meant that within the year his command should be doubled. However, he was displeased that ambassadors were sent to Antony and that the consuls did not prosecute the war seriously under the excuse that it was winter. Thereupon he was compelled to spend all the winter at Forum Cornclis. {Dio, l. 46. p. 314.} {Julius Obsequens, de prodigiis} {Pliny, l. 11. c. 37.}

5183. Caius Trebonius was the first of all Caesar’s murderers that was punished. He governed Asia by a consular power and was killed at Smyrna by the treachery of Dolabella. Trebonius was most ungrateful for the honours Caesar gave him and was one that helped murder him. By sham, he was advanced to the height of the consular dignity. {Cicero, Philippic. 11. 12.} {Strabo, l. 14. p. 646.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Appian. l. 3. p. 542, 543, l. 4. p. 624.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 8.} Dolabella entered Smyrna at night and took the proconsul. After he had upbraided him in words, he turned the proconsul over to the banished man, Samiarius. After he had questioned him about the public money, he tortured him by imprisonment and scourgings and by the strappado. (A form of punishment or of torture to extort confession in which the victim’s hands were tied across his back and secured to a pulley. He was then hoisted from the ground and let down half way with a jerk.) After two days of this, he commanded him to be beheaded and his head to be carried on a spear. The rest of his body was to be dragged and torn and cast into the sea. Cicero’s account {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} is more accurate than that of Appian who stated that this murder was committed by the command of Dolabella when he entered into Asia and was now consul.

5184. Dio wrote that he cast his head before the statue of Caesar. Appian stated that it was ordered to be laid in the praetorian chair where Trebonius dispensed justice from. However, the soldiers and the drudges were angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy and because he detained Antony in a conversation before the doors of the court while Caesar was killed. The soldiers in various ways abused the other part of his body. They made a football of his head in a place that was paved with stones. They so marred the head that no sign of the face remained. Strabo affirmed that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by Dolabella.

5185. After Asia was seized by Dolabella, P. Lentulus, the extraordinary quaestor, quickly sent a large amount of money to Cassius to help him seize Syria. Lentulus went into the next province of Macedonia to Brutus and tried with his help to recover the province of Asia and its tributes. He stated this in two letters. One was sent publicly to the senate and the other privately to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14. & 15.} He told Cicero that he did not see his son because he had gone into the winter quarters with the cavalry.

5186. Dolabella carried on most cruelly in the province of Asia. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 3. 4. with those that were sent forth by the Germans} He took away the Roman tributes and taxed and vexed the Roman citizens. {P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} He burdened the cities with new exactions of tributes and hired a navy of the Lucians, Pamphilians, Cilicians by the means of L. Figulus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.}

5187. The Rhodians were concerned about the lands that they had on the continent, (as they said themselves.) They sent two embassies to Dolabella to protest his actions because they were against their laws, and the magistrates had forbidden it. (??) {P. Lentulus in Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} Brutus wrote that Dolabella was excluded by the Rhodians. (??) {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}

5188. Aulus Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, went to him after the death of Trebonius. {Cicero, Philippic, 11.} He sent Aulus to Egypt to Queen Cleopatra who favoured him for the acquaintance he had with the former Caesar. She sent four legions to him by Allienus. These were the remainder of the troops after the defeat of Pompey and Crassus. That is the number of those that remained with Cleopatra after Caesar left. She had a navy also ready to help him which could not yet sail because of the contrary winds. {Appian, l. 3. p. 576., l. 4. p. 623. 626., l. 5. p. 675.} 5189. Cicero made a speech about Bassus: {Cicero, Philippic 11.}

"as the valiant and victorious army of Q. Cacilius Bassus, a private citizen, but valiant and famous man had prevailed for sometime in Syria.’’

5190. Q. Marcius (not, as in Appian, Minutius) Crispus the proconsul, (as Cicero calls him, {Cicero, in Philippic 11th.}) solicited help from Statius Marcus who was in Bithynia. (He governed by the decree of Julius Caesar and the approval of the senate. Although Cimber tried to govern this province this year also, by the right of Antony’s lottery.) Marcus arrived with three regiments of his own and three from Murcus’ troops. He besieged the two regiments of Bassus (called by Strabo tanmata, by Appian tilh, for it is obvious from Cassius’ letters to Cicero, that they made only one legion. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 1, 12.}) Bassus so stoutly withstood the siege of the two Roman armies that he was not subdued until he obtained the conditions he wanted. Then he surrendered. {Strabo, l. 16. p. 752. fin.} When C. Cassius had come with his forces, he was called there by the consent of Murcus Marciusand the army, as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.} Bassus would not turn his army over to Murcus. Unless the soldiers had sent messengers to Cassius, Bassus held Apamea without his consent until it had been taken by assault, as Cassius himself wrote to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.}

5191. Cassius raised the siege before Apamea, Bassus and Murcus were reconciled. Cassius won over to his side those two troops that were besieged and six others that besieged them. Cassius assumed the ensigns of a general and commanded them by proconsular power. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 99.} {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 9., Antiq. l. 14. c. 18.} {Appian, ut supra} {Dio, l. 47., p. 344}

5192. From this time he assumed the title of proconsul, as appeared on the inscriptions of his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 42. epist. 11, 12.} Cicero, in his letters to him did not give him that title {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 42. epist. 7, 8, 9, 10.} because the senate had not yet given him that title. However, Appian thinks otherwise. {Appian, l. 3. p, 576. & l. 4. p. 623.}

5193. When Cassius had settled all these forces in his camp, there fell suddenly a mighty rain and torrents rushed through every part of the camp and greatly disorganised everything. Some thought this was an omen about his sudden rise to power and a little later, his sudden overthrow. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.}

5194. When Cassius was strengthened with these forces, he immediately subdued all the cities of Syria. He was able to subdue some of those cities by his prestige and position as the quaestor. {Dio, l. 47. p. 339. 343.} He went to the cities and took arms and soldiers and exacted very heavy taxes from them. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 18.} Livy wrote that he invaded Syria with three armies which were in that province. {Livy, l. 121} Velleius Paterculus stated that he brought them under his control with the legions in that country. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.}

5195. Marcus Brutus undertook an expedition against C. Antony, who kept Apollonia with seven cohorts. Brutus sent public letters to Rome concerning the things that he had done in Greece and Macedonia which were read in the senate by the consul Pausa. In a speech made by Cicero {Cicero, Philippic 10.} the senate passed a decree that Brutus should retain Macedonia, Illyricum, and all Greece, as proconsul. {Cicero, Philippic 10.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567., l. 4. p. 622. & 632.}

5196. The body of Trebonius was brought to Rome. When the senate saw how disgracefully is was treated, they declared Dolabella to be an enemy of the state. {Cicero, Philippic. 11.} {Livy, l. 119.} {Appian, l. 2. p. 566.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 8.} A day was appointed for those on his side to leave him otherwise they would be deemed enemies also. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5197. The next day the senate debated about the choice of a general to prosecute the war against Dolabella. L. Caesar thought that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the normal procedure. Others thought that the consuls should cast lots for Asia and Syria to determine who would fight against Dolabella. Cicero {Cicero, Philippic 11.} in a speech railed fiercely against Dolabella. (Previously, he was Cicero’s son-in-law, but shortly after he left Italy they had a great falling out.) Cicero persuaded the senators that this war should be committed to P. Cassius. Scaliger is not correct in his notes on Eusebius (at the number MDCCCLXXIII) about the decree of the senate concerning the command for Cassius. He thought Cicero’s opinion did not prevail and that Pansa, the consul, stoutly opposed it. However, Cicero himself is witness in his letters to Cassius about this {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 7.} and added the following about himself:

"I promised and also performed it that you had not expected nor should not expect our decrees except that you yourself should defend the commonwealth. Although as of yet we heard nothing, either where you were or what forces you had, yet my opinion was that all the auxiliaries and forces which were in those parts should be under your command. I was confident that the province of Asia should be recovered by you to the commonwealth.’’

5198. When it was not known at Rome that Cassius had control of Syria, the war against Dolabella was committed to the consuls if the present war against Antony should come to an end. The governors of the neighbouring countries were told not to help Dolabella. {Dio, l. 47. p. 433.} By the consul’s consent, the government of Asia was confirmed to P. Lentulus Spinther, who now governed them under the title of proquaester and propraetor. This may be seen in his letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius. (He did not know of their deaths at that time.)

5199. This decree against Dolabella was passed and letters were received from Antony to Hirtius, the consul and Caesar, the propraetor. These are given and refuted by Cicero. {Cicero, Philippic, 13.} Antony to Hirtius and Caesar.

"When I knew of the death of C. Trebonius, I rejoiced not so much as I grieved. Such a wicked person received due vengeance and thereby made recompence to the remains of that illustrious hero. The just wrath of heaven was shown so partly before the year’s end.’’

5200. (From this we deduce that Trebonius was killed shortly before the ides of March which followed immediately after the murder of Caesar.)

"or that now the wrath of the gods on the parricide is executed or impending, is a reason for joy. The fact that Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer and that the son of a parasite (Trebonius) should be held more dear to the people of Rome, than C. Caesar, the very father of our country, is no less to be lamented. Well Aulus Hirtius, it is an enigma that you, who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour and were left so well by him that you yourself must needs wonder to whom you owe whatever accomplishment you have done, would act so that as to procure Dolabella to be condemned, that that prisoner should be freed from the siege, and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerful. In the same manner do you handle these affairs as you did the former. You call the tents of Pompey, the senate, you accounted Cicero, general even when he was conquered, you fortified Macedonia with armies, committed Africa to Varus, who was twice taken, sent Cassius into Syria, allowed Caesar to enjoy the tribuneship, took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers, abolished the colonies of the veterans. You deduced by law and the decree of the senate and promised to restore to the Mussilienses what you had taken from them by the force of arms. You have forgotten that by the Hirtian Law, no one on Pompey’s side that lived should bear any office of dignity. You bribed Brutus with the money of Apuleia. You praised Patus and Menedrusus who were punished with the axe after a city was given to them and who were guests of Caesar. You neglected Theopompus who was destitute and forced to flee from Trebonius into Alexandria. You saw Serpius Galba surrounded in his camp by the same swordbearer. You have contracted either mine or the veteran soldiers to punish those who had killed Caesar. Before they were aware, you had brought them into danger of the quaestor or emperor or their own fellow soldiers. In summary what have you not approved or done? What could Pompey himself do if he were alive or his son if he could be at home? Last of all, you deny that a peace can be made unless I either send Brutus or furnish you with grain. What? Does this please those veterans who have all things entirely because you come with flattering and venomous gifts? You aid the besieged soldiers. I will let them go where they please, so they will deliver him to execution who deserves it. You say a peace was decreed in the senate and write that five consular delegates were appointed. It is difficult for me to believe that those who would have precipitated me when I brought in conditions of the highest equity and yet thinking to remit something of them too, will act in anything either moderately or fairly. It is scarce likely that those who condemned Dolabella for justice, as a crime, would spare us who are of the same opinion. Therefore rather consider whether it be better and more profitable to both sides to prosecute the death of Caesar or Trebonius. See whether it be more fair that we combine that so it may be more easy for us to revive the cause of Pompey that has been so often quashed or to agree lest we become a Ludibrium to our enemies, to whomever prevail, our quarrel will be again. A spectacle that fortune has avoided to see two armies of one body fight (Cicero being the fencer.) Cicero is so skilled in speaking that he will deceive you in the very same way in which Caesar’s gold is gloried. For my part, I am resolved neither to bear my own, nor my soldiers’ and friends’ disgrace. Nor will I forsake that side that Pompey hated, nor to allow the veterans to be moved from their colonies, nor to be drawn one by one to execution, nor to betray Plaucus, the partner in our counsels. If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, shall assist me with my right wits, I will live free. But if other fortune is allotted me, I foretell to you the joy of your own punishments. For if the side of Pompey which is now being conquered, is so insolent, what you shall experience what they will become conquerors. To close, the sum of my opinion is this. I could be content to endure the injuries to me and my side if they would but forget they were done, or were prepared together with us, to revenge Caesar’s death. I do not believe that any ambassadors will come. Where the war comes, and, when it comes, what it will require, I would joyfully know.’’

5201. When the ambassadors who were sent from the senate to Antony to make peace, they were unable to reach an agreement. The whole city of Rome (even those that did not go to the war) put on their soldier’s uniforms and made a general muster through all Italy. The armies of A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar, the propraetor, were sent against Antony. {Cicero, Philippic. 6, 10, 13.} {Livy, l. 118.} { Appian. l. 3. p. 567.} {Dio. l. 46. p. 311, 312.} From the start of this campaign against M. Antony, Eusebius and Cassiodorus derive the start of the government of Caesar Octavian. They assign for it, 56 years and 6 months.

5202. Caius Antony was defeated at a battle which was fought by the Byllis River, by Cicero’s son, a captain of Brutus. A little later his soldiers surrendered Antony and themselves to Brutus. For a long time, Brutus very honourably entertained Antony even so much that he did not take from him the ensigns of his office. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5203. M. Brutus received three legions from Illyricum from Vatinius whom by a decree of the senate, he succeeded in the province of Illyricum. Brutus also received one that he took from Antony in Macedonia and four others, which he had gathered. In all, he had eight legions and in them many of C. Caesar’s old veterans. Moreover, he had a large number ofcavalry, lightly armed men and archers. He praised the Macedonians and trained them after the Italian manner. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632. 633.}

5204. As Brutus was gathering soldiers and money, he had some good fortune in Thracia. Polemocratia, the wife of a certain king who was killed by his enemies, was afraid lest some harm should come to her son. She went to Brutus and commended her son to him and gave her husband’s treasure to him. He committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be raised until he had time to restore him to his father’s kingdom. In these treasures, he found a large quantity of gold and silver, which he coined. {Appian, l. 4. p. 613.}

5205. After C. Cassius had seized Syria, he travelled toward Judea because he heard that the soldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar were coming there. He won these troops and the Jews easily to his side. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} He surrounded Palestina Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions before he was aware of him. He forced Allienus to take his side since Allienus did not dare to oppose his eight legions with the four he had. Hence, Cassius controlled 12 legions in all. This was more than he hoped for.As well as, he had some Parthian cavalry who were archers. He was held in high esteem with the Parthians ever since the time that he was the quaestor for Crassus and they thought him to be wiser than Crassus. {Appian, l. 3. p. 576., l. 4. p. 623, 624.}

5206. As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought from Egypt, Cassius wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 11, 12.} This letter was dated on the 7th (nones) of March, from the camp at Tarichaea in Galilee. C. Casius Proconsul, sends hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero.

"If you are in good health, it is well. I indeed am in good health. Know that I am come into Syria to the generals, L. Murcus and Q. Crispus, both are valiant men and good citizens. As soon as they heard what things happened at Rome, they turned over their forces to me. They, together with me, govern the state with a constant resolution. Know also that the legion that Q. Cacilius Bassus had, came to me. Know also that the four legions that A. Allienus brought from Egypt, were turned over to me by him. I do not think that you need any encouragement to defend both us who are absent and the state, as much as lies in your power. I would have you know that there is not lacking for you and the senate strong help that you may defend the state with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things, L. Cartcius my close friend shall deal with you. Farewell. Date. the Nones of March, from the camp at Tarishea.’’

5207. After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassus, Crispus and the rest that would not serve under him. He did not harm them in any way. He left Statius Murcus with his office that he had originally and committed the charge of his navy to him. Thus Dio stated. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} Although it appears from Cassius’ own letters to Cicero that Crispus was firmly loyal to him. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 11, 12.}

5208. Cassius exacted 700 talents of silver from Judea (not of gold, as it is read in the 45th chapter of the Jewish Histories, as recorded in Arabic, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.) When Antipater saw his state was in trouble, he feared Cassius’ threats. Antipater appointed two of his sons to gather part of the money, Malichus, a Jew who was his enemy, to gather another part and some others to gather the rest. Herod brought first of all 100 talents from Galilee, which he governed, and was greatly favoured by Cassius. It was considered a good policy even then, to win the favour of the Romans at the expense of other men. Under the other governors, the cities were put up for sale along with their inhabitants. The four main cities were Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma. Cassius sold the common people of these cities into slavery. Cassius was also so greatly enraged so that he was about to put Malichus to death, but Hyrcanus sent 100 talents by Antipater and appeased his fury. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 9., Antiq. l. 14, c. 18.}

5209. Caesar Octavian finished the war against Antony that was committed to him, in three months. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 10.} The war was so well managed by him about Mutina that when as he was only twenty years old, Decimus Brutus was freed from the seige and Antony was forced to leave Italy by a dishonourable flight and without his baggage. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} Cicero described the battle in his writings. {Cicero, Philippics, 14} Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in the beginning of his letters to Cicero, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 30.} stated that the battle was fought 16 days before May (17th calends). So that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to start the time of Caesar Octavian. They reckon it to be 56 years, four months, and one day. This may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus and Clement Alexandria, {Clement, l. 10. Stromatum} if the errors of his printer are corrected who wrote 46 for 56.

5210. A. Hirtius, the consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was fought by Julius Caesar) died in the battle. The other consul Pansa died from his wounds a little later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 25.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} {Brutus, ibid. l. 11, epist. 9.} {Livy l. 119.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2, c. 61 &c} Tibullus assigns this date the birthday in a poem. {Tibullus, l. 3. Elegic 5.} Ovid in {Tristium, l. 4. Elegic 10.} wrote:

"When both the consuls fell with the same fate.’’

5211. Both the armies of the slain consuls obeyed Caesar. {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5212. The senate was very ungrateful to Caesar, who alone survived of the three generals. In a triumph that was decreed to Decimus Brutus, for being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, the senate made no special mention of Caesar and his army. {Livy, l. 119.} {Velleius, Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} The ambassadors who were freed, were sent to the army and were ordered to speak to the soldiers when Octavian was out of the way. The army was not so ungrateful as the senate was. When Caesar bore this wrong quietly, the soldiers said they would not obey any commands unless their general was present. Without a doubt, they would have taken the legions from Octavian which he had except that they were afraid publicly to decree this. They knew very well the loyalty and love the soldiers had toward Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 317, 318.}

5213. The Tarsenses, of their own accord, called Dolabella into Cilicia, as did those of Laodicea into Syria. (??) {Cassius Parmensis. ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 13.}

5214. When Dolabella was about to leave Asia, he sent five cohorts into Chersonesus. Brutus easily captured these because he had five legions, very good cavalry and numerous auxiliaries. {Cicero, ad Brutum, epist. 2. (dated 13 or 11 days before (12 or 14 calends) May)} Dolabella left Asia by land with two legions and Lucius Figulus followed him with the navy. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.}

5215. Four days before (5th calends) of May, the senate debated making war on them that were considered enemies of the state. Servilius, a tribune of the people, thought that Cassius should make war on Dolabella. Caesar agreed and decreed that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable and for the good of the state. Brutus should do what he thought was best for the state. Nothing was decreed about Cassius neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.} Cassius showed the reasons for the delay in his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.}

5216. Dolabella went into Cilicia and Tarsus freely yielded to him. He defeated some forces of Cassius that were in Egae. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5217. Cassius was then in Palestine {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.} from where he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the 7th (nones) of May from the camp. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.} He described the state of his affairs like this:

"I have all the armies that were in Syria. I made some delay, while I paid the soldiers those things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me.’’

5218. He then exhorted Cicero that he would defend the dignity of his soldiers and of the generals, Murcus and Crispus. He added:

"I have heard by letters that were written that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces. I will go into Cilicia. Whatever I shall do, I will do my best to give you speedy notice of it. I willingly wish that we may deserve health of the state and so we shall be happy.’’

5219. As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus plotted Antipater’s death. He thought that by his death, Hyrcanus’ government would be more secure. When Antipater found out about the plot, he went beyond Jordan and gathered an army from the inhabitants there and from the Arabians. Malichus was an astute politician and denied that he intended any treason and swore before Antipater and his sons that no such thing ever entered his mind. This was especially true since Phasaclus had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had the army at his command. So he was reconciled to Antipater. Murcus, the governor of Syria wanted to execute him but Antipater spared his life. Later Murcus found out that Malichus was going around to create a rebellion against Rome in Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 18.}

5220. When Cassius and Murcus had gathered an army, they made Herod governor of all Coelosyria. They gave him large forces of foot soldiers, cavalry, and naval ships. They promised him the kingdom of Judea after the war was ended that they had against Antony and the young Caesar. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 19.}

5221. Cassius made many tyrants in Syria. Marion also the tyrant of the Tyrians was left by Cassius and he ruled in Syria. Marion put out the garrisons that were there and captured three citadels in Galilee that were next to Syria. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 21.}

5222. A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius, the lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus and that his army was routed. This Greek letter about this matter was sent by Brutus to Cicero, sixteen days before (17th calends) June. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 6.} This turned out to be false.

5223. Dolabella left Asia and went through Cilicia into Syria. He was refused entry into Antioch by the garrison that defended the city. {Dio, l. 47. p. 433.} He tried many times to enter by force but was always repulsed with the loss of men. After he had lost about an hundred men, he left behind him many sick and he fled by night from Antioch toward Laodicea. That night almost all the soldiers that he had enrolled in Asia, left him. Some returned to Antioch and surrendered to those whom Callius had left there to control the city. Some went down the hill Amanus into Cilicia. Of these, thirty came into Pamphilia. They were told that Cassius, with all his forces, was only four day’s journey away just at the time when Dolabella was arriving there. {P. Lentulus, ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.}

5224. Dolabella had intelligence about Cassius’ forces, and he came to Laodicea, a city that was friendly to him. It was located on a peninsula and faced toward the continent. It was well fortified and had a good harbour facing the sea. It was very convenient for bringing in provisions and also very opportune for sailing out when and where they pleased. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.} He did not take this city by assault because the citizens truly surrendered themselves to him for the love they had to the former Caesar. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5225. At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus’ house, Malichus bribed the king’s butler and poisoned Antipater. He gathered a band of soldiers and seized the government of the city. Phasaelus and Herod were very angry and Malichus firmly denied all things. Herod planned to soon revenge his father’s death and to raise an army for that purpose. However,

Phasaclus thought it better to defeat Malichus by craft lest Herod should start a civil war. Phasaelus therefore accepted Malichus’ defence and pretended to believe him that Malichus was not involved in his father’s death. Malichus built a splendid monument for Antipater. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 19.}

5226. Meanwhile, Herod went to Samaria and found it in a desperate situation. He restored order and subdued the dissentions that were among the inhabitants. Not long after this when the feast of Pentecost was approaching, he came into the city of Jerusalem with soldiers. Malichus was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus did this under the pretence that among the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixed multitude of profane men. Herod discounted this excuse and entered the city by night. This greatly terrified Malichus. Thereupon, according to his hypocrisy he publicly bewailed with tears the death of Antipater as his great friend. Therefore it was thought good by Herod’s friends to take no notice of this hypocrisy but courteously again to entertain Malichus. Herod sent letters to Cassius notifying him of Antipater’s death. Cassius knew all too well what kind of man Malichus was and wrote back to Herod that he might revenge his father’s death. He secretly ordered the tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should help Herod in doing this. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 19, & 20.}

5227. In Gaul, three days before (4th calends) June, M. Lepidus allied himself with M. Antony. {Plancus ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 23.}

5228. When D. Lentulus, the proquestor of Asia and propraetor extraordinary, saw that Brutus was slow getting into Asia and that Dolabella had left Asia, he thought it best to return as soon as he could from Macedonia to his office. Then he would be able to collect the tribute that was owing and gather up the money that he had left there and send it to Rome. In the meanwhile, as he was sailing about the islands, it was told him that the navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, (or Lycia) and that the Rhodians had furnished him many ships and already were launched. Therefore he, with those ships that he had or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetor of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes. He relied on the decree of the senate by which Dolabella was counted as an enemy and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians. The Rhodians would not strengthen the proquestor’s with their ships. The soldiers were forbidden to come into the city or the port or Rhodes. They were prevented from getting any provisions or even fresh water. Even he had a difficult time getting into the city with his ship. When Lentulus was brought into their city and the elders, he could obtain nothing from them. He complained of this in public letters he sent to the senate and in the private ones he sent to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14, 15.}

5229. While Lentulus and Patiscus were detained at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the lieutenants of Dolabella found out about their coming and soon fled in a galley from the navy from Cilicia, (or Lycia.) They left their cargo ships which they had spent much time gathering. There were more than an hundred cargo ships and the smallest could carry 2000 tons. Dolabella had provided them for this purpose. If his hopes in Syria and Egypt were frustrated, then he might use these ships to transport all his soldiers and all his money and go directly into Italy. He would ally himself with the two Antonys that were relatives. Therefore Lentulus and Patiscus came there from Rhodes with the ships that they had. They captured all those cargo ships and restored them to their rightful owners. From there, they pursued the navy that fled as far as Sida, the remotest country of the province of Asia. They knew that some of Dolabella’s fleet had fled there and that the rest had sailed into Syria and Cyprus, (or Egypt.) These were scattered. When Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very large fleet that was prepared in Syria, he returned to his office. {P. Lentulus, ut supra.}

5230. However, Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis assembled a fleet from the sea coast of the province of Asia and from all the islands they could get ships from. They soon had sailers although the cities were very uncooperative. They pursued the fleet of Dolabella which Lucilius commanded. They encouraged them in the hope that Lucilius would surrender and they sailed as fast as they could. Finally, Lucilius came to Corycus in Pamphilia and burned the harbour and stayed there. Therefore they left Corycus and thought it best to go to Cassius’ camp. Another fleet that Tullius Cimber had assembled the previous year in Bithynia under the command of Turulius, the quaestor was following them and so they came to Cyprus. (??) {Cassius Parmensis ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 13.}

5231. Cicero received letters about the affairs of Dolabella and of his arrival into the city of Laodicea. There are extant two letters written to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12.} That is the fourteenth from P. Lentulus from Pamphylia on the 2nd (4th of nones) of June. This was not three days before June, (4th of calends) as appears from the following letter to the senate. It refers us to the one which was dated at Perga, and the thirteenth that was later sent from Cassius on the 13th (ides) of June from Cyprus. In the first letter, Cassius tells of the trouble that Dolabella was in after he entered Laodicea.

"I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither has he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius has.’’

5232. The other letter was from Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. He wrote that taunting letter to Octavian, as mentioned by Suetonius (Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 4.} and was not from Cassius Longinus, who then held the office of proconsul of Syria of whom he also mentioned at the end of this letter. From him we have a more accurate description of Dolabella’s camp:

"The Tarsenses are very bad allies and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad. Of their own accord they sent for Dolabella. He had gotten a number of Greek soldiers from both cities and made a kind of an army. He has placed his camp before the city of Laodicea and has broken down part of the wall. He has joined his camp to the town. Our Cassius with ten legions, twenty companies of auxiliaries and 4000 cavalry has his camp at Palium within twenty miles. He thinks he may defeat him without once striking a stroke for wheat is now selling for three tetradrachmas in Dolabella’s camp. Unless he has gotten some supplies by the ships of Laodicea, he must shortly perish from famine. He cannot supply himself because of the large navy which Cassius has under the command of Quintilius Rufus. Those ships that I, Turulius, and Patiscus have brought, will easily assist him.’’

5233. Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good estate. His navy had followed him quickly from Asia. (??) He went to the Aradians to receive from them money and shipping. He was surprised by a few soldiers and was in extreme danger. As he fled, he met the army of Cassius and was defeated. He retired to Laodicea. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}

5234. Cassius feared that Dolabella might escape from there and raised a rampart a quarter mile long across the isthmus. It was made with stones and materials brought from the villages that were outside the city and from the sepulchres. He sent messengers to request ships from Phoenicia, Lycia and Rhodes. They were slighted by all of them except the Sidonians. He engaged in a naval battle with Dolabella in which, after the loss of many ships on both sides, five together with all the sailors were taken by Dolabella. {Appian. l. 4. p. 624.}

5235. Again, Cassius sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands and to Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt and to Serapion who commanded her forces in Cyprus. The tyrants and Aradians and Serapion, without the queen’s advice, sent as many ships as they had. The queen excused herself and said that the Egyptians were troubled with famine and pestilence and so sent no ships at all. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.} Also the Rhodians denied they would help in anything toward the civil wars. They said that even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were only to transport him and they did not know if he used them for war or not. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}

5236. The Tarsenses tried to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesar’s murderers) from crossing the Taurus Mountains as he was hurrying to help Cassius. They through fear that Cimber had large forces with him, left the passes and made an agreement with him. Later when they knew the small size of his force, they refused him entrance into their city and did not supply him with provisions. Therefore Cimber thought it better to take his forces to Cassius than to assault Tarsus. He built a fort against them and returned into Syria. When the Tarsenses went there with soldiers they seized the citadel and attacked the city Adana. (It was close to them and they always had a controversy with it because they said they favoured Cassius’ side.) When Cassius knew of this, he sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.}

5237. After Cassius had repaired his fleet as best as he could and after Statius Murcus arrived with the navy he had assembled, he had two more naval battles with Dolabella. In the first, there were equal losses on both sides. In the second battle, he was more successful. On land he had finished his rampart. He brought the battery rams to the walls. Dolabella was prevented from getting supplies by land or sea. Lacking supplies, he soon made an attack but was driven back into the town. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 615.}

5238. Cassius was unable to bribe the night watch whom Marsus commanded. He bribed the day watch whom Quintius commanded so that while Marsus slept by day, Cassius got in by some of the smaller gates and the city was taken. Dolabella asked one of his guard to cut his throat and then escape. The guard cut Dolabella’s throat then cut his own. {Appian, l. 4. p. 465., l. 5. p.

673.} We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca that Dellias (or Q. Dellias, the historian):

"was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius to secure for his own safety if he should kill Dolabella.’’

5239. Thus Dolabella was forced to commit suicide by Cassius at Laodicea. {Livy. l. 121.} {Strabo. l. 16. p. 752.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Dio, l. 47, p. 345.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} Marsus also committed suicide {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.} as did M. Octavian, the lieutenant of Dolabella. Cassius afforded them a proper burial although they cast out Trebonius unburied. Those that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and immunity. He did not punish Laodicea any more than by imposing a sum of money on them. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.} Although Appian says that he plundered both the temples and treasury and exacted very large tribute from the rest. Also that he executed every noble man and so brought that city to a most miserable state. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625. 626.}

5240. Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella to take the military oath of loyalty to him. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.} Then he went to Tarsus. When he saw that the Tarsenses had already surrendered to Rufus, he fined them in all the private and public money and laid no other punishment on them. {Dio. l. 47. p. 345.} He imposed a most heavy tax on them of 1500 talents. Thereupon for lack of money when the soldiers violently tried to collect it, they were forced to sell all their public and sacred ornaments and broke down the sacred and the dedicated things. When this was not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were born free, first virgins and boys. Later they sold women and old men which fetched very little. Finally they sold the young men, many of whom killed themselves. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}

5241. After the capture of Laodicea, the governors came from every place and brought crowns and presents to Cassius. Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder of his father Antipater. However, Malichus suspected this and thought to make the Phoenicians about Tyre to revolt. Since his son was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steal him away privately into Judea. While Cassius was preparing for war against Antony, he would stir the Jews to revolt from the Romans and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the kingdom for himself. Herod was a shrewd politician and when he knew of this treachery, he invited both Malichus and Hyrcanus with their companions to supper. At that time he sent out one of his servants under the pretence to provide for the banquet. However, he sent him to the tribunes that they might kill Malichus. The tribunes remembered the orders of Cassius and went out and found him near the city on the shore. They ran him through and killed him. Hyrcanus was so astonished that he fainted. He had barely come to himself when he asked who killed Malichus. One of the tribunes said that it was done by the orders of Cassius. Then Hyrcanus replied:

"truly Cassius has preserved me and my country, by killing the one who was a traitor to both,’’

5242. In is uncertain whether he spoke from fear or if he approved of the action. {Josephus, Wars, c. 9., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20.}

5243. The day before July, M. Lepidus was decreed an enemy of the state because he entertained Antony. Also the rest that had revolted from the state were declared as enemies. The law was to come into effect before the first of September. (??) Thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius, the relative of Lepidus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 10.} He added:

"we had gallantly overcome all had not Lepidus entertained Antony after he was pillaged, disarmed and fleeing. Therefore Antony was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus. He raised war from a state that was in troubles but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet.’’

5244. In the same letter Cicero showed that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp, the 7th (nones) of March. Cassius stated he held Syria and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella. The news of the success of that expedition and of the defeat of Dolabella had not yet reached Rome. He had written to Caesar of his returning to favour as in like manner Brutus had done to the senate concerning the state of affairs. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} Brutus, in his letters sent to Caesar, persuaded him to resist Antony and to side with him. {Dio, l. 47. p. 340.} However, in his letters to Cicero, Brutus said something quite different for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar:

"that there was one thing desired and expected from him that he would let those citizens live in quiet whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of.’’

5245. In a rage, Brutus wrote back again to Cicero:

"What if he will not, shall we not be? It is better not to live, than to live by his means. I, by my loyalty do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavian must be intreated for the safety of one private citizen. I will not say for the deliverers of the whole world.’’ {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 16.}

5246. When the senate was informed of the affairs of Cassius, it confirmed the government of Syria on him, (which he then held) and committed the war against Dolabella to him, (which they knew to have been already ended.) {Dio, l. 47. p. 343, 344.} So all governments beyond the sea were committed to the care of Brutus and Cassius. A decree was issued that all the provinces and armies from the Ionian Sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two. The senate approved of all the things that they had done andpraised those armies that had surrendered to them. {Velleius Paterculus, l. c. 62.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567, 568.}

5247. Octavian saw that the actions of the senate were obviously to the advantage of Pompey’s side and to the detriment of Caesar’s. He thought it a disgrace that Decimus Brutus instead of himself, was chosen as general for the war against Antony. He concealed his discontent and he requested a triumph for the victory at Mutina. He was slighted by the senate as though he demanded greater things than were suitable for his age. He feared lest that if Antony should be utterly vanquished, he should be more slighted. He began to have some thoughts of siding with Antony according to the advice which Pansa gave him on his death bed. {Appian, l. 3. p. 568.} An agreement with Antony was made by M. Lepidus. {Livy, l. 119.} {Orosius, 6. c. 18.}

5248. Between these three therefore the alliance for controlling the government started. They started by sending letters among themselves and mentioned how they were treated. Antony warned Caesar, how formidable enemies, Pompey’s side were to him and to what an height they had come. Brutus and Cassius were extolled by Cicero. Antony told Caesar that he would join his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were commanders of 17 legions, if Caesar refused his alliance. He said moreover that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father than he the death of his friend. By the advice and entreaty of the armies, there was an alliance made between Antony and Caesar. The daughter-in-law of Antony was betrothed to Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.} She was Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, and was scarcely of marriageable age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}

5249. When the agreement was made with M. Antony, M. Lepidus, then Octavian sent 400 soldiers to Rome to demand the consulship for him in the name of the army. When the senate began to vacillate, Cornelius, a centurion, the leader of the men that brought the message, thrust his soldier’s coat behind him and showed the hilt of his sword. He boldly said before the senate:

"This shall do it, if you will not do it:’’

5250. The senate was compelled by Octavian’s soldiers. Octavian went toward Rome with them. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 582.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 319.}

5251. While he was on his journey, the praetors placed guards in various places of the city and seized Janiculum with a guard of soldiers they had already in the city and with two legions that had come from Africa. When Octavian entered the city, the praetors came down from Janiculum and surrendered themselves and their soldiers to him. The legions voluntarily gave their ensigns to him. {Appian, l. 3. p. 584, 585.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.} In the month of August, the legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed Octavian as it is in the decree of the senate. {Macrobius, Saturnal, l. 1. c. 12.}

5252. On the first day of the choosing of consuls, as Octavian was making an augury in the field of Mars, six vultures appeared to him. When he was selected as consul and spoke to the soldiers from the rostrum, six vultures (some say twelve) appeared again. This was what happened to Remulus in his auguries when he was about to build Rome. Based on this, he hoped that he would found the monarchy. {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 95.} {Appian, l. 3. p 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.} After he was chosen as consul, those with him fled to Quintus Pedius, his colleague. He gave Octavian his portion from the inheritance of Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 95.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.}

5253. Livy said that he was made consul when he was only 19 years old. {Livy, l. 119.} However, Suetonius more correctly wrote that he became the consul in the 20th year of his age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 16.} Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 7.} which also Plutarch confirms {Plutarch, in Octavian} in this writing from Brutus:

"his army being planted about the city, he received the consulship, being scarcely come to a man’s estate being but twenty years old, as he relates in his own commentaries.’’

5254. Velleius wrote: {Valleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.} "he was made consul, the day before he was twenty years old, nine days (10th calends) before October’’

5255. However, Velleius was mistaken in the day he became consul. For there lacked an whole month and five days before Octavian turned 20. He was not born in the month of September but he first obtained the consulship in August from whence the month Sextilus was called August as it is shown from Suetonius {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Dio, l. 50. p. 552.} and from the decree of the senate as recorded by Macrobius. {Macrobius, Saturnal. l. 1. c. 12.}

5256. Dio noted that on the 19th day of the month of August, he was made consul the first time and that he died the same day. {Dio, l. 56. p. 590.} From this observation in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 9.} arose:

"The same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the empire and the last of his life.’’

5257. His empire is not incorrectly started from this first consulship which he extorted from the senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 10.} and laid it down at his own pleasure. Octavian hypocritically thanked the senate and pretended that he accounted it a benefit that those things which he extorted by force as if they were offered to him of their own accord. The senators bragged that they had conferred these things on him of their own accord. Moreover, they gave to him whom they did not think worthy of the consulship, that after his consulship was over, whenever he commanded the army he would have precedence over the consuls. The consuls commanded the other armies to obey him whom they had threatened to punish because he had gathered forces by his own private authority. The senate assigned the legions of Brutus to Octavian to disgrace Brutus and for the repressing of whom the war against Antony was committed to him. In short the custody of the city was given to him and it was granted that he should have power even without any prescription from the law, to do whatever he wanted. {Dio, l. 46. p. 321.} He retained this power as long as he lived, for the next 56 years. There was good reason why Brutus warned Cicero about this: {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}

"I am afraid, lest your Caesar will think himself to have risen so high by your decrees that he will scarcely come down again if he is once made a consul.’’

5258. Octavian was not content with the former adoption made by the last will of Julius Caesar and had it confirmed by a decree of the people (which Antony had prevented the previous year) in a full assembly of their wards. He then assumed by public authority the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavian. {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 321. 322.}

5259. Octavian soon passed another law that he absolved Dolabella, (whose death was not yet known in Rome), who was declared an enemy by the senate and sentenced to die for the death of Caesar. {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} Octavian did this so that it might be thought that he did nothing by force but by law. Quintus Paedius, his colleague in the consulship, made the law called Paedia which decreed that all those who were involved in the murder of Caesar, would be banished and their goods confiscated. {Livy, l. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Suetonius, in Nero, c. 3.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 322.} He appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus and M. Agrippa to accuse C. Cassius. They were absent and were condemned without any hearing of their case. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} Capito, the eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the senatorial order, supported M. Agrippa against C. Cassius. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.}

5260. Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers also of Caesar and was absent, was also condemned. By the orders of M. Antony, in the house of a certain guest of his who was a noble man called Camelius, Decimus was killed by Capenus, a Burgundian, a year and an half after the death of Caesar. {Livy, l. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 64.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 588.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} Cicero said Decimus excelled in this kind of virtue: {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 21.} "he never was afraid nor ever disturbed’’

5261. However, Seneca stated {Seneca, epist. 82.} that he showed a cowardly fear when facing death. To encourage him, Helvius Blasio, a man who always loved him because they always were fellow soldiers, killed himself. Decimus witnessed this and was strengthened so he could endure his own death. {Dio, l. 46. p. 325.} Camelius sent the head of the dead Brutus to Antony. When he saw it, he gave it to his friends to bury. {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.}

5262. Trebonius was the next to die for the murder of Caesar. He was the closest friend with the murders and he thought it best to keep those things that he had received from Caesar even though he thought Caesar must die who gave those things to him. While Caesar was alive, Trebonius was the master of the cavalry and commanded the farther Gaul. He was also elected consul by Caesar in the following year after the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa and was also made governor of nearer Gaul. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. p. 64.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.}

5263. Also at the same time, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants because in his anger he had castrated some of them. {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} 3962a AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC

5264. When M. Brutus had appeased the army that was likely to rebel by the instigation of C. Antony at Apollonia along with C. Clodius, (??) Brutus went into the higher Macedonia with the largest and strongest part of his army and from there crossed into Asia. He wanted to take them as far away from Italy as possible so that he could better control the troops. In Asia, he received many auxiliaries including those from Dejotarus, a man that was now very old and who formerly had denied help to C. Cassius. {Dio. l. 47. p. 340, 341.}

5265. M. Antony and M. Lepidus left their lieutenants in Gaul and went to Caesar in Italy with the largest and best part of the army. {Dio, l. 46. p. 325.} When those three armies met at Bononia, an eagle sat on the tent of Caesar and drove off two crows that troubled her to the ground. All the army noted this and thought it portended that a time was coming when there would be a difference arise between the colleagues and that Caesar would get the victory over them both. {Dio. l. 47. p. 328.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 96.}

5266. These three had a three day private conference at the confluences around Bononia and Mutina in a certain little island that is made by the Lavinius River. They made peace among themselves and agreed that they should jointly govern the state’s affairs for five years. {Livy, 120.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 6.} {Plutarch, in Cicero, Antony} {Appian, l. 4. p. 589, 590.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 325, 326.}

5267. Here by a common decree they decided these things. Caesar would turn over the consulship to Ventidius for the rest of the year. A new office of the triumviri would be established to avoid all civil disorder. Lepidus along with Antony and Caesar would hold that office for five years with consular power. The triumviri would immediately be annual magistrates for the city for five years. The provinces should be so divided that Antony should have all Gaul as well as Togara on this side the Alps and Comata on the other side excluding the province of Narbon. Lepidus should have the command of Narbon together with Spain. Africa, along with Sardinia and Sicily should be Caesar’s share. Thus was the Roman Empire divided among the triumviri. They deferred the division of the provinces over which Brutus and Cassius commanded. Moreover it was agreed among them that they should put to death their enemies and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen consul in the place of Decimus Brutus. He would have the guard of Rome and all Italy and that Antony and Caesar would carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius. {Appian, l. 4. p. 590.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 326.}

5268. On the third day, the triumviri entered Rome, each separately with his praetorian cohort and one legion. When Publius Titius, the tribune of the people, called an assembly of the wards, he passed a law for the establishing of the new office. The triumviri were given consular power for five years to restore order to the state. {Appian, l. 4. p. 592, 593.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 328.}

5269. When the triumviri arrived, Cicero left the city and was assured which also come to pass that he could no more escape Antony than Brutus and Cassius could escape Caesar. {Livy with Seneca in a speech, Suasoria. 7.)

5270. M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antony and Caesar Octavian, four days before December (5th calends) began the triumvirate. This was to continue to the days before the month of January which was to be six years (or of the sixth year following.) This appears from the Collation Marble. {in inscription Gruteri, p. 198.} At that time, M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads. From that time, Suetonius {Suetonius, Octavian, c. 8.} and Eutropius, {Eutropius, l. 7.} derive the beginning of the government of Caesar Octavian. This was almost 12 years (less three months) before the victory at Actium from which they begin his monarchy.

5271. On the 7th (7th ides) of December when Caesar Octavian substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for the consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antony. The writer of the dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms from the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Cicero’s which is ascribed to C. Tacitus. This was the end of his life who was the first that in peace deserved the triumph and laurel of the tongue and was the father of eloquence and Latin learning. Julius Caesar had previously written about him that he had obtained a laurel far beyond all triumphs and by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman learning than of the empire. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 30.} These things are recorded about Cicero by these writers. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 66} {Seneca, in Suasoris oration 7} {Plutarch, in Cicero, fin.}

5272. Cleopatra brought no forces to Cassius although he demanded auxiliaries from her by threats. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.}

5273. While Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola conspired against Cassius (??) and in Macedonia Gellius’ brother, Marcus, sent some for this purpose to get Caius Antony. Therefore Caius Clodius who was left as Antony’s guard, killed him when he could no longer keep him safe. He did this on either his own authority or by the orders of Brutus. It is reported that Brutus had a great concern for the safety of C. Antony. After he knew of Brutus’ death, he took no more care of him. However, Antony did not punish Gellius although he was guilty of treason against him. He knew that Brutus always considered him among his closest friends and that Marcus Messala, his brother, was very nearly allied to Cassius. Therefore he let him alone. (??) {Dio, l. 49. p. 341.}

5274. As soon as Brutus knew of the acts of M. Antony and the death of Caius Antony, he feared lest there be some new rebellion arise in Macedonia. He hurried back into Europe. {Dio, l. 49. p. 341.} 5275. The triumviri at Rome decreed the construction of a temple to Isis and Serapis. {Dio, l. 49. p. 336.}

5276. When Octavian had resigned the consulship and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the triumviri created consul, P. Ventidius (Bassa) the praetor along with C. Curtinus. This may be shown from the inscription in Gruterus. {Gruterus, from the Collation marble, p. 297.} They gave the praetorship to one who was aedile and afterwards removed all the praetors from their office, five days before the office was to expire. They sent them into the provinces and appointed others in their places. {Dio, l. 49. p. 335.} This is what Paterculus referred to: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.}

"This year saw Ventidius, both as consul and praetor in that city, through which he was led in a triumph to Picencium among the captives.’’

5277. He was led in triumph. This is described in more detail by {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 9.} {A. Gellius, l. 15. c. 4.} {Pliny, l. 7. c. 43.} Maxiumus added that he got his living when he was a young man very humbly by providing mules and coaches for the magistrates that were to go into the provinces. Thereupon these verses were commonly written through all the streets: You augurs and auruspices draw near, We have an uncouth wonder happened here; He that rubbed mules doth Salve Consul hear.

5278. At the end of the year, those who were recently elected consuls held a triumph. L. Munatius Plancus triumphed for Gaul 3 days before January (4th calends.) M. Emilius Lepidus held a triumph for Spain, the day before of January. This appears from the Marble Records of Triumphs. {Gruter, in inscript, p. 297.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 67.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 607.} 3962b AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC

5279. In the fourth Julian year, a day was incorrectly added to February. Only three years had elapsed from the first February of the first Julian year until that time. This error continued until the 37th Julian year. They should have added a day at the end of every four years before the fifth year began. The priests added a day at the beginning of the fourth year and not after it was ended. So the year that was correctly ordered by Julius Caesar was disordered by their negligence. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Macrobius, Saturnal., c. 14. fin.}

5280. After M. Brutus had settled all things in Macedonia, he went back again into Asia. {Dio, l. 47. p. 341.} he took a large army there and arranged a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicum. He went by land and settled all the cities and heard the complaints of the governors. {Plutarch, in Brutus} He set Apuleius, who had fled to him from the proscription of the triumviri, over to Bithynia. {Appian, l. 4. p. 616.}

5281. The letters which Brutus wrote in a laconic style to those who were in Asia, are still extant. Aldus preserved them in Greek and Ranutius Florentius translated and recorded them in Latin. Plutarch relates three in his work on Brutus. {Plutarch, in Brutus} The first one is to the Pergamenian is seen at the beginning of the collection that was already published. Another one was to the Rhodians and we shall recite it. The third and shortest of all is inscribed in the published Greek copies to the Bithynians and in the Latin copy of Ranutius to the Galatians and in Plutarch to the Samians. It says this:

"Your council is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow. What do you think will be the end of these things?’’

5282. Cassius intended to go into Egypt when he heard that Cleopatra had sided with Caesar and Antony with her large navy. He thought that by this, he might punish her and prevent her from doing this. She was bothered with a famine and had almost no foreign help because of the sudden departure of Allienus with four Roman legions. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625., l. 5. p. 675.}

5283. He hoped that he would have a suitable occasion for this venture when Brutus recalled him to Syria by messenger after messenger. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625., l. 5. p. 675.} {Plutarch, in Brutus} He gave up on his Egyptian plans and he sent again his lightly armed cavalry with bribes to the king of the Parthians. He sent his lieutenants with them to request more help.

{Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}

5284. Cassius left his brother’s son in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry ahead of him to Cappadocia. They attacked Ariobarzanes by surprise and took away a great amount of money and other provisions. Cassius returned from Syria and took pity on the Tarsenses who were most miserably oppressed. He freed them from paying any tribute in the future. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626.} When his affairs were settled in Syria and Cilicia, he went to Asia to Brutus. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345. fin.}

5285. After Cassius left Syria, there was a sedition at Jerusalem. Faelix, who was left there (by Cassius) with soldiers, revenged Malichus’ death and attacked Phasaelus and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the governor of Damascus and he planned to help his brother but was prevented by illness. However, Phasaelus withstood Faelix’s attack and first forced him into the town and after agreeing on conditions, he allowed him to go out. Phasaelus was very angry with Hyrcanus who had received so many benefits from him and yet he favoured Faelix and allowed the brother of Malichus to seize some citadels. He held many and among the rest Masada was the strongest. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20.}

5286. Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident when they met at Smyrna and considered their forces that they had. When they left Italy, they were poor and without arms and like abject exiles. They did not have so much as one ship rigged, one soldier or one friendly town. In a short time, they met together with a fleet and were outfitted with cavalry and foot soldiers as well as money to pay them. They were ready to fight for the Roman empire. (Cassius desired to have the same honour as Brutus and to give him the like. Brutus commonly prevented him and came often to him because he was the older and his body the strongest.) (??) {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5287. Both of them planned the war against the triumviri. {Livy, l. 122.} Brutus wanted to go into Macedonia with their joint forces and to settle all in one large battle. The enemy had 40 legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. Cassius thought otherwise. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible and that they would lack provisions for so large a force. The best way was to quell those who favoured the enemy as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strongest at sea. Otherwise, while they were attacking the enemy, they would attack from behind. Cassius’ opinion prevailed. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626.} When they heard that the triumviri were busy about settling the affairs at Rome, they supposed they should have work enough. Sextus Pompey controlled the way against them in Sicily, that was so near. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5288. Moreover, at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the money of which Cassius had a large amount of. Brutus said that he had spent all that he had in preparing a fleet by which they might control the whole inland sea. However, Cassius’ friends were against Cassius giving Brutus any. They said it was unjust that what they had saved by frugality and gotten by hard work should be spent in bribing soldiers. In spite of this, Cassius gave a third of everything to him. So both of them went to their own work. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5289. They either went themselves or sent their lieutenants and drew to their side those who had opposed them. They got more men and money to fight the war. All those who lived in those parts and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came to side with them. Although Ariobarzanes and the Rhodians and Lycians did not oppose them, yet they refused Cassius’ and Brutus’ alliance. Brutus and Cassius suspected them of favouring the opposing side because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar. They feared lest in their absence, they should raise some stirs and incite the rest not to keep their promise. They determined first of all to attack them and hoped that by their superior forces they would easily convince them to side with them either willingly or through force. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5290. As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus and recaptured all the citadels that he had seized. Herod also recovered three citadels in Galilee that were seized by Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians. He allowed all the garrison soldiers of the tyrants to leave on conditions. He sent some of them home well rewarded and by this he won the affection of the city and hatred of the tyrant. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20. 21.}

5291. The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commended by the triumviri. They were given the hope that they would receive something for the losses they had sustained. Also Cleopatra obtained, in that she had sent help to Dolabella, that her son, Ptolemy, whom she said she had by Caesar and was therefore called Caesarion, should be called king of Egypt. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.}

5292. Brutus demanded men and money from the Lycians because Naucrates, an orator domanaiou had compelled the cities to revolt. They placed themselves on some hills to keep Brutus from passing through. First he sent his cavalry against them when they were eating and the cavalry killed 600 of them. Later he took some citadels and smaller towns and then he let them all go free without ransom so that he might win the favour of the country. However, they were obstinate and discontented for the losses they had received and despised his clemency and good will. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5293. Brutus defeated in a battle the common army of the whole country of the Lycians. He took over their camp also and entered it as they fled. Many cities surrendered to him. {Dio, l. 47, p. 347.}

5294. Then he besieged the most warlike of them and forced them to retire within the walls of Xanthum {Plutarch, in Brutus} They had levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials. They well fortified their city and drove the enemy from the fortifications. They made a ditch fifty feet deep and as broad so that when they stood on the bank they could use their javelins and arrows as if they had been divided by an unfordable river while Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch. Brutus covered his storm troopers with hurdles and divided his army into two to follow up the assault by night and by day. He brought his materials from a distance (as it is usually done when the business goes on well,) and still urged them on to hasten the work. They did whatever was to be done with great earnestness and labour. Therefore although at the first he thought, he could not overcome the strong resistance of the enemy for many months yet he finished his matter within a few days. He assaulted the besieged from a distance with engines and close to the gate with his cohorts. He continually rotated his men that were wearied or wounded with fresh men. Likewise the enemy held out manfully as long as the fortifications held but they lost heart and the town was battered with the engines. When Brutus knew what would happen, he ordered those who besieged the gate to retreat. The men of Xanthum thought this was done through negligence of the guard and sallied out by night with torches to burn the engines. However, the Roman cohorts hurried there as was prearranged and the enemy quickly fled back to the gate. Those who kept the gate had shut it lest the enemy should break in with them that fled. Hence there was a large slaughter of them that were shut out of the town. {Appian, l. 4. p. 633. 634.}

5295. A river ran past the city. As some tried to escape by swimming underwater but they were taken again by the nets which were let down into the river across the channel. The nets had bells which hung at the top of them which signalled when anyone was entangled. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5296. The men of Xanthum sallied out again about noon and drove back the guards and burnt all the engines. Since the gate was open for them to return, 2000 Romans rushed in together with the townsmen and others entered in a disorderly fashion. The portcullis (heavy iron grate) fell upon them, either by the action of the men of Xanthum or by the ropes breaking by which it was let down. Therefore all the Romans that had broken in, were either beaten down or shut in. They could not draw it up again without ropes. They were attacked from above by the men of Xanthum and they very barely got into the market place even though it was close by. The area around there was full of archers. Since the Romans had neither bows nor arrows, they fled into the temple of Sarpedon lest they be surrounded. In the meantime, the Romans that were outside, were very anxious for them that were trapped within. Brutus was running up and down and tried all things in all places to rescue them. They could not break open the portcullis and they had lost their ladders and wooden towers by the fire. However, some presently made ladders and other brought props to the walls and used them for ladders. Some fastened hooks to ropes and cast them up onto the walls. As often as any held, they climbed up by them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 634.}

5297. The Oenandeses, their neighbours and enemies, were at that time the allies of Brutus. They climbed up the steep rocks whom the Romans presently followed with great earnestness. Many fell down when they lost their footing. However, some got over the wall and opened a little gate. Before the gate was a fortification of sharp stakes set very thickly. By the help of these, the most daring got up. When their numbers increased, they went to break the gate open which had no bars to strengthen it. Others also tried to do the same on the other side since the Xanthians attacked those who had fled into the temple of Sarpedon. Those on both sides of the gate, broke it open. At sunset, with such furious noise they rushed in one company. They gave a loud shout as a sign to those that were trapped. {Appian, l. 4. p. 634, 635.}

5298. The Romans rushed into the city and set some houses on fire. The fire first terrified them who saw this being done. Those who were farther off thought that the city was taken. Therefore the neighbours, of their own accord, set their own houses on fire, but the most killed one another. {Dio, l. 4. p. 347.} They retired inside their own houses and they killed everyone who was dear to them. They willingly offered their throats to be cut. There was such a lamentable cry made at that time, that Brutus thought the soldiers were sacking the city which he had forbidden by public criers. When he was better informed, he pitied the generous disposition of these men who were born to liberty. He sent messengers and invited them to peace. They drove them back with their arrows. After they first killed all that belonged to them and laid them on funeral piles and set them on fire, then they cut their own throats. This how was Appian relates the story. {Appian, l. 4. p. 635.} However Plutarch relates it like this.

5299. Brutus was afraid least the city should be destroyed and ordered the soldiers to put out the fire and to help the city. However a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized the Lycians, which you may well compare to a desire of death. For both free men and slaves, both old and young, with women and children, assailed the enemy from the wall that came to quench the fire. The Xanthians themselves brought reeds and all combustible matter to set the city on fire. When they had done this, they used all the means they could to increase it. After all the city was ablaze, Brutus was grieved for this and went about the city to help it. He stretched out his hands to the Xanthians and intreated them to spare the city. No one obeyed him. Indeed they killed themselves by all manner of ways including men and women and even little children. With loud crys and howlings, they threw themselves into the fire and some headlong from the wall. Some offered their naked throats to the swords of their fathers and wanted them to kill them. After the city was thus consumed, there was one woman seen hanging by a rope who had her dead child hanging at her neck. She had a fiery torch with which she set her house on fire. The sight appeared so tragic that Brutus could not endure to behold it. When he was told of it, he started weeping and offered a reward to the soldiers, whoever had saved a Lycian. They reckoned but an hundred and fifty which would surrender alive. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5300. Appian wrote that Brutus saved some slaves. Of the freeborn, scarcely 150 women were saved and those did not have husbands to kill them. He added that Brutus saved all the temples he possibly could. {Appian, l. 4. p. 635.}

5301. From there Brutus went to Patara, a city which might seem to be the port for the Xanthinas where their ships were anchored. He ordered them that they should surrender to him or expect a similar destruction as the Xanthians had. However, the citizens would not surrender. The slaves had recently obtained their liberty and the freemen that were poor had recently had all their debts cancelled and resisted surrendering to Brutus. Therefore, Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken captive to them because they were related to each other. He thought that when they saw their miserable condition the Patarenses would have a change of heart. They were just as steadfast as before although he had granted as a gift to everyone, his kindred. Brutus permitted them the rest of the day for consultation and withdrew himself. However the next morning, he brought his forces there again. {Appian, l. 4. p. 635.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.} He set up a cage in a safe place under the wall and he sold the leaders of the Xanthians. He brought them out one by one, if by chance this might move the Patarenses. When they would not yield for all this after he had sold a few of them, he let the rest go free. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5302. When Brutus had taken captive the women of Patara, he let them also go free without any ransom. They told their husbands and fathers who were of the leaders that Brutus was a most modest and just man and they persuaded them that they should surrender to him. {Plutarch, in Brutus} When he entered the town, he did not kill or banish anyone. He ordered all the public gold and silver to be brought to him. He also took everyone’s own treasure and promised to punish those who would not cooperate and a reward to those that did. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.}

5303. A slave betrayed his master who had hidden some gold and told a centurion who was sent to collect the money. When they were all brought out, the master was silent. However to save her son, his mother followed and cried that she had hid the money. The servant replied without being asked that she lied and the master hid the money. After Brutus had commended the young man’s patience and the mother’s piety, he dismissed both of them with the gold. He hung the servant who against all equity, had betrayed his master. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.}

5304. At the same time, Lentulus was sent to Andtiaca, which was the port of the Myrenses. He broke the chain with which the mouth of the harbour was barred and went to the praetor of the Myrenses. When Brutus had dismissed the praetor, the Myrenses surrendered and paid the money imposed upon them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.} In the same manner, all the countries of the Lycians were subdued and sent ambassadors to Brutus. They promised they would send both men and money according to their ability. They found Brutus so bountiful and indulgent beyond all their expectations. For he sent home all the freeborn of the Xanthians and imposed upon the Lycians only 150 talents. He did violence to no one. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5305. After Brutus had conquered the Lycians, {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} he wrote some letters among which this one was said to be sent to the Rhodians:

"We have severely punished the Xanthians when they revolted from us. We punished everyone including their children and we destroyed the city with fire and sword. To the Patarenses who were faithful to us, we have released their tributes and granted them their freedom to live after their own laws. We have given them 50 talents toward the rebuilding of those things that were demolished. You have the freedom for yourselves to see whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians, or friends as the Patarenses.’’

5306. Plutarch recorded this letter more concisely:

"The Xanthians despised our bounty and have made their country the sepulchre of their desperation. The Patarenses who have submitted to me, have their liberty in governing their state. Therefore it is in your power either to choose the opinion of the Patarenses or the fortune of the Xanthians.’’

5307. The Rhodian noblemen feared to contend with the Romans but the common people held a high opinion of their abilities. They remembered the ancient victories that they had over other such men. {Appian, l. 4. p. 627.} They trusted so much to their skill in navigation that they first went to Cassius on the continent and showed to him the fetters that they had brought as if they would take many of their enemies alive. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5308. Cassius had to fight those who were skilful at sea. Therefore at Myndus, he exercised his fleet that he had rigged and furnished with soldiers. The Rhodians sent ambassadors to him who should intreat him that neither he would attack Rhodes who had always revenged the wrongs done to her neither break the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians. It stated clearly that neither people should make war on the other. They sent also Archelaus, an ambassador, to him who had formerly been his teacher at Rhodes for the Greek language. He asked this more humbly from him. Cassius replied that the league was first broken by the Rhodians and that he would punish them for it if they did not immediately surrender. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626, 627. 630.}

5309. This answer terrified the wiser citizens but the people were more stirred with the speeches of Alexander and Mnaseas and recalled how much larger a fleet that Mithridates had invaded Rhodes with and before him Demetrius. Both were two most powerful kings. Thereupon they appointed Alexander as Prytanis, which is a magistrate among them of very great power and made Mnaseas, the admiral. {Appian, l. 4. p. 627. 628.}

5310. Alexander and Mnaseas, the commanders of the Rhodians sailed to Myndus with 33 good ships. They hoped by this boldness to make Cassius afraid. Since they defeated Mithridates near this town, they hoped they would defeat Cassius also. After they had showed their skill in sailing, they went to Cnidus the first day. The next day Cassius’ soldiers loosed from shore and sailed out against them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 627, 630.}

5311. There was a fierce battle between them. The Rhodians with their nimble ships, sailed here and there, sometimes through the enemies ranks and sometimes around them. On the other side, the Romans trusted their large ships. As often as they laid hold on any ship that sailed too close with their iron hook, they prevailed as in a land battle. Cassius had the larger number of ships and the Rhodians could not play long with their enemies through their swiftness and usual tactics. Although they attacked them only from the front and then retreated, it did them little good. Their enemies still kept themselves close together. The attacks also of their armoured prows were ineffectual against the heavy ships of the Romans. On the other side, the Roman ships attacked those light ships with a direct attack until three Rhodian ships were taken with all the soldiers in them. Two were damaged and sunk, while the rest were badly damaged and fled to Rhodes. {Appian, l. 4. p. 630.}

5312. The Roman fleet successfully fought with the Rhodians at Myndus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 630.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.} Cassius watched the sea battle from a mountain. After the battle he immediately repaired his fleet and he went to Loryma, a citadel of the Rhodians on the other side of the continent. From there he conveyed over his land forces in cargo ships under the command of Fanius and Lentulus. Cassius, with 80 long ships, went to strike terror into the Rhodians. He trusted that his sea and land forces would abate the hostility of the enemy. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.}

5313. When they boldly met him again, Cassius defeated them with the help of Statius (Murcus). He overcame their skill by the size and number of his ships. When they lost two ships, the Rhodians were surrounded on every side. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}

5314. Immediately all the walls were filled with soldiers to repulse Fanius’ attack from the land. Cassius with his navy by sea, was prepared for an assault on the walls. Cassius thought that such a thing would happen and brought with him towers that were folded up which were set up there. Thus Rhodes, twice beaten at sea, was now attacked both by sea and land. They were unprepared for a double sustained attack. It appeared, that in a short time the enemy would overpower them or they would be starved out by famine. When the wiser of the Rhodians knew this, they held a secret conference with Fanius and Lentulus. Since Cassius had suddenly come into the middle of the city with his best soldiers, it was believed that some of the smaller gates were opened to him by citizens that secretly favoured him lest the city should be miserably destroyed. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.}

5315. Cassius replied to the Rhodians that called him king and lord that he was neither lord nor king but the killer and avenger of a lord and king. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} He sat under a spear for his tribunal because he would seem as if he had taken the city by force of arms. He ordered his army to be quiet and by his public criers, he threatened death to plunderers. He cited before him 50 Rhodian citizens, whom he ordered to be executed. The other 25 who did not appear, he ordered to be banished. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.}

5316. There he plundered the Rhodians of their ships and money. He took all the gold that belonged either to the temples or treasury. He even took away all things which were dedicated to the gods, except for the Chariot of the Sun. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 246.} He was not content with all that but he took from the owners whatever gold or silver they had. He proclaimed a punishment by a crier, to anyone who hid it and offered a reward to them that told of it. They would get a tenth part of it and the slaves would get their liberty. At the first some concealed their money and hoped that his threats would go no further than words. When they saw that rewards were given to discoverers, they desired that the time might be extended which he granted. Some dug up what they had hid in the earth and others took their money from wells. Some again brought more than they hid before. {Appian, l. 4. p. 631, 632.} He had extorted from the private men 8000 talents and publicly fined the city 500 talents more. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} He left the Rhodians with nothing but their lives. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18}

5317. Therefore, Cassius by a fierce and most prosperous war defeated Rhodes which was very important to him. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} He rejoiced at his quick defeat of it and the huge amount of money he had obtained. He left L. Varus at Rhodes with a garrison. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632.} After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had captured {Dio, l. 47. p. 346. fin.} and ordered ten years of tribute from all the provinces of Asia which he collected in full. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632.}

5318. Then it was told Cassius that Cleopatra was sailing toward Caesar and Antony with an large navy and many forces. She had always before followed that side for the love she had to the former Caesar. She far more eagerly did so now for the fear she had of Cassius. To prepare for her invasion, Cassius sent into Peloponesus, Murcus with one legion and some archers in 60 covered ships, to guard the sea lanes about the cape of Tenarus. Cleopatra avoided Cassius and Murcus and set sail toward the Ionian Sea. However her fleet was wrecked by a large storm off the coast of Africa. The waves brought signs of her shipwreck even into the country of Laconia. Cleopatra became sick and so returned home. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632, 636., l. 5. p. 675.} 5319. Among Brutus’ letters, there is one concerning the victories of him and Cassius that was sent to the Coans.

"Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius, a city rather bold than strong by her own strength. All Lycia is now at our command, partly conquered in war and partly for fear of suffering extremities. This choice was truly for their profit. They willingly chose that which they must have done in a little time later. Choose you therefore whether you had rather be forced to serve or rather be called our friends by receiving us.’’

5320. Brutus returned from Lycia into Ionium and he did many memorable deeds in honouring those who deserved well and in punishing others according to their acts. Among others, he tortured and killed Theodorus, the rhetorician who was wandering in Asia. He was instrumental (as he himself bragged) in the death of Pompey the Great. {Plutarch, in Brutus, Pompey}

5321. Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardis. When he was coming near there, Brutus went to meet him with his friends. All the soldiers were ready in their arms and greeted them both as generals. As often happens between two who have many troops and friends, that mutual suspicion and accusations arose between them. The first thing they did, they went alone into a private room and shut the doors to them and asked all men to leave. First they began to talk then to argue and accuse each other. Then friends were afraid what would be the outcome because Cassius and Brutus were all the more free and vehement in chiding one another and became very sharp in the arguments with each other. {Plutarch, in Brutus} All these suspicions, which each had thought against the other arose through false accusations and finally they wisely settled everything. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5322. M. Favonius was then there, (of whom Cicero makes mention of as a close friend to Brutus. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 15. epist. 11.}) He followed in the footsteps of M. Cato, who was a philosopher. However, he was not as reasonable and was governed by some passionate and mad motion. He considered it to be a lowly office to be a consul of Rome. With his cynical kind of harsh language, he alleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many. He then violently thrust away the porters who forbid him entrance and went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had their private conference. With a mimic voice, he pronounced those verses that Homer said Nestor used:

"But both obey me, for I your senior am.’’

5323. and those verses that follow this. This made Cassius laugh but Brutus kicked him out and called him:

"unlearned and adulterous dog’’

5324. After this difference was ended, Cassius made a supper and Brutus invited his friends there. As they were going to sit down, Favonius came in very trim. Brutus protested that he came uninvited and asked him to leave. However, he pushed himself in and placed himself at the upper end of the table between them. There was at the feast both mirth and good discourse. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5325. The next day, Brutus condemned in public judgement and with a note of infamy, L. Pellius, who had been praetor. Brutus had employed him before and he was now accused of bribery by the Sardians. Cassius was not innocent in this matter either. A few days earlier, Cassius, had only chastised privately two who were found guilty of the same fault and absolving them publicly and still made use of them. Thereupon Cassius accused Brutus for being too strict and just when at such a time he should behave more civilly and with humanity. Brutus admonished him again that he should remember the ides of March, on which they had killed Caesar, who had not so much vexed all men as a patron of those who did. {Dio, l. 47. p. 347.}

5326. Labienus the younger, the son of Titus Labienus, (Caesar’s lieutenant in Gaul) was sent by Cassius and Brutus to request aid from Orodes, the king of the Parthians. He stayed there a long time with them without any notice being taken of him. The king had no intention of helping them and dared not deny them. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.}

5327. Brutus ordered the whole fleet of the Lycians to sail for Abydus, while he marched there with his land forces. They were to wait for Cassius’ arrival from Ionium so that they might both go to Sestos together. {Appian, l. 4. p. 636.}

5328. When Cassius and Brutus were about to leave Asia for Europe and to transport their army to the opposite continent, Brutus had an horrible sight. In the dead of the night when the moon did not shine very bright and all the army was in silence, a black image of an huge and horrid body stood silently by Brutus. It was said to offer itself to Brutus, since his candle was almost out. Brutus boldly asked if he was a man or a god. The spirit replied, "O Brutus, I am thy evil genius, you shall see me again at Philippi." So as not to appear afraid,Brutus said, "Then I shall see you." {Florus, l. 4. c. 7.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 608.} {Plutarch, in Caesar, Brutus, fin.} Plutarch gave a more complete account in his work on Brutus. He added that the next morning Brutus told Cassius what he had seen and that Cassius expounded to him from the doctrine of the Epicureans what was to be thought about such sights.

3963a AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC

5329. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus (the brother of Hyrcanus) invaded Judea, with the help of Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, Fabius the governor of Damascus, whom he had made his friend through money, and Marion the tyrant of the Tyrians, who followed him because he hated Herod. Herod met Antigonus as he barely crossed the borders of the country and drove him from there after he defeated him in battle. Therefore Hyrcanus honoured Herod with crowns as soon as he returned to Jerusalem. He had already promised that Herod was considered one of the family of Hyrcanus for marrying Mariamme (in Syriac called ~yrs or Mary.) She was the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, (the brother of Hyrcanus) and Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 21., l. 15. c. 9. 11.}

5330. At the gulf Melanes, Cassius and Brutus numbered their army and found they had 80,000 foot soldiers. Brutus had 4000 of French and Lusitanian cavalry, 2000 cavalry from the Thracia, Illyria, Parthia and Thressalia. Cassius had 2000 cavalry from the Spanish and French and 4000 cavalry who were archers from Arabia, Media and Parthia. (Justin confirmed that the Parthians sent help there. {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.}) The kings who were allies and tetrarchs from Galatia brought 5000 cavalry in addition to foot soldiers. {Appian, l. 4. p. 640.}

5331. These met at Philippi in Macedonia with the army of the triumviri under M. Antony and Octavian Caesar. (The city was just as famous for Paul’s letter to it as for this battle) {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} Each side had the same number of legions. Brutus and Cassius had 20,000 cavalry and Antony and Caesar had 13,000. Cassius’ side refused to fight the enemy for many days and hoped to starve them for lack of provisions. They had abundant supplies from Asia which were brought to them by sea. Whereas the enemy troops were in need of supplies since they were in an enemies’ country. The merchants could get nothing from Egypt since there was a great famine there. Neither would Sextus Pompeius allow anything to be brought from Spain or Africa. Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus guarded the sea lanes to Italy. They knew that Macedonia and Thessalia, could not long sustain the enemy. Antony tried to hinder supplies from coming to the enemy behind them from Thasus. In ten day’s time, he made a private passage in a narrow marsh and erected many citadels with trenches on the far side. Later Cassius ran a trench from his camp to the sea through all the marches and made Antony’s works useless. {Appian, l. 4. p. 652. 653.}

5332. When the battle began (from which Caesar and Antony were said to have withdrawn themselves) the wing which Brutus commanded beat back the enemy and captured Caesar’s camp. However, the wing in which Cassius was, was routed and his camp was taken by Antony’s troops. {Florus, l. 4. c. 7.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.} {Plutarch, in Antony} Cassius lost 8000 of the servants that followed the camp whom Brutus called "Brigae." Masala Corrinus, who was then present in Brutus’ camp, and a little later surrendered to Caesar, said he thought twice as many if not more were killed. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.}

5333. After Cassius had lost his camp, he could not return there but went up to an hill near Philippi to better view what was going on and what he should do. {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.} He thought that the whole army was routed and killed himself {Livy, l. 124.} with the same sword he had killed Caesar. {Plutarch, Caesar, fin.} Although in another place, Plutarch along with other historians stated that his head was cut off by his freed man, Pindarus. After the defeat of Crassus in Parthia, Cassius had appointed him for that task. {Plutarch, in Brutus, AntonY} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 615.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 354.} From Maximus {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 8.} we read:

"Pindarus was recently freed by Cassius. When Cassius was defeated in the battle at Philippi, Pindarus spared him the insults of his enemies by cutting off his head by his own command. He hid his body so it could not be found. The gods, the revenger of so great a wickedness, had bound Cassius’ right hand with such weakness which was used in the murder of the father of his county. He came trembling to Pindarus’ knees, lest he should pay that punishment which he had deserved at the hand of the pious conqueror. Truly you, defied Julius, have exacted the revenge due to your heavenly wounds, by compelling that head which was wickedly against you to be made a suppliant to the help of a base man. Cassius was forced by the rage of his mind that he would not retain his life, nor dared end it by his own hand.’’

5334. Brutus gave the body of Cassius to his friends and had it privately buried at Thasus, lest the army, by the sight of his funeral, should be provoked to mourning and become dejected. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 354.} Cassius died the same day as he was born on. {Appian, l. 4. p. 655.} In the evening, his servant came to Antony, with Cassius’ soldier’s coat and his sword which he had recently taken from his body. When Antony saw these, he was greatly encouraged and set the army in battle array as soon as it was day. {Plutarch, in Brutus}

5335. On the same day that the army of Caesar was defeated in the battle at Philippi, the Marthian legion and other large forces, which were coming to Caesar by Domitius Culvinus from Italy, were defeated by Murcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea. {Plutarch, in Brutus} {Appian, p. 656, 657.} Brutus did not know of this victory for 20 days. During that time, the soldiers of Caesar and Antony were mired in the marshes of Philippi. They were bothered by autumn showers that happened after the battle and froze. {Plutarch, in Brutus} In that time many Germans fled to Brutus. Likewise Amyntas, the general of Dejotarus and Rhascipolis the Thracian, left Brutus’ side. When Brutus knew of this, he feared a larger revolt and he decided to gamble all on one battle. {Dio, l. 47. p. 355.}

5336. The night before the battle, it is reported that the ghost came again to Brutus in the same way as before. It spoke nothing and so vanished away. However, P. Volumnius made no mention of this. He was a man who studied wisdom and was in Brutus’ camp and wrote about other prodigies that happened. {Plutarch, Caesar fin., Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 668.}

5337. Antony was involved in the second battle as well as Caesar Octavian even though he was weak and sickly. Ovid wrote about the things that were done in this war of Philippi. {Ovid, Festi, l. 3.} Caesar’s first work or worthy action rather, Was, by just arms he did revenge his father.

5338. Ovid also wrote: {Ovid, Fasti, l. 5.} This the youth vowed, when first to arms he ran, Being the leader of them he then began. His stretched out hand to the soldiers while he shook, He, them confederated, thus bespoke.

5339. Brutus was defeated in the battle and fled to an hill by night. The next day he desired Strabo Aegeates, an Epirote, with whom he was friendly because they studied rhetoric together, that he would help him kill himself. He put his left arm over his head and held the point of the sword in his right hand. He directed it to his left breast where the heart beats and forced it through himself. So he died after being run through with only one thrust. {Livy, l. 124.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 70.} {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} {Appian, l. 4. p. 665, 666.}

5340. Thus this war ended the careers of Brutus and Cassius who were the murderers of Julius Caesar their emperor, by whom they were spared in the Pharsalian fight and later committed suicide. {Appian, l. 4. p. 667, 668.} They killed themselves using the same swords they used to kill Julius Caesar. {Dio, l. 48. init.} The liberty which they so much desired to see restored, they lost by the murder of Caesar. {Florus, l. 4. c. 7.} Although, in less than two years, they had gathered more than 20 legions, about 20,000 cavalry and more than 200 long ships. They had made great preparations and had extorted huge sums of money from men, whether they wanted to give it or not. They were often victors in the wars that they waged with many cities and with opposing countries. They had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates. Whomever they made war with, they drew them to their side and made use of their help who were faithful to them like kings and governors, and even of the Parthians, although they were enemies. {Appian, l. 4. p. 666, 667.}

5341. Antony stood by the body of Brutus and modestly upbraided him for the death of his brother Caius whom Brutus killed in Macedonia. However, Antony often said that he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius, (who was the proconsul of Macedonia) than to Brutus. He ordered Hortensius to be killed on Brutus’ (??) grave. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M. Antony} He cast upon Brutus’ body, his purple soldier’s coat of great price and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men. He later killed the man when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus, M. Antony} {Appian, l. 4. p. 668.} Octavian sent Brutus’ head to Rome that it might be placed under Caesar’s statue. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 13.} In the voyage from Byrrachium, a storm arose and it was cast into the sea. {Dio, l. 47. p. 356.}

5342. As many of the nobility who escaped to Thasus, sailed from there. Others surrendered themselves to the power and mercy of Messala, Corvinus and L. Bibulus. Others agreed for their security with the Antonians. Antony himself came into Thasus and they turned over to him whatever money, arms, provisions or other preparation that were left. {Appian, l. 4. p. 669.}

5343. L. Julius Mocilla, who had been praetor, along with his son and A. Torquates and others who suffered this defeat, went to Samothracia. Pomponius Atticus had placed Mocilla in charge of procuring all things from Epirus. (Cornelius Nepos, in Vita Attici.}

5344. After Brutus and Cassius had gone to the war, Cassius Parmensis was left in Asia with a fleet and an army, to raise money. After the death of Cassius, he hoped for better things from Brutus and chose 30 of the Rhodian ships. He planned to fill them with the sailors of the allies. He burnt the rest lest the city should rebel. After this, he sailed with his own and the Rhodian ships. However, Clodius was sent by Brutus, as soon as he saw the Rhodians were about to rebel. When Brutus was dead, Clodius withdrew the garrison of 3000 men and went with Parmenses. Torulus joined them with many other ships and the money which he had exacted from the Rhodians before their revolt. {Appian, l. 4. p. 671, 672.}

5345. Anyone who had some naval forces that were scattered throughout Asia, joined this fleet. They put on board as many legions of soldiers as they could possibly and enlisted for rowers, bondmen and slaves from the islanders of the ports they came to. Cicero the younger, and as many of the nobility who fled from Thasus, joined them also. In a short time, there was a large fleet with a large army of good commanders. {Appian, l. 4. p. 672.}

5346. They sailed in the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus and Cn. Aenobarbus, who commanded large forces. They took Lepidus with them with another band of soldiers who kept Crete with a garrison of Brutus’. When they left some stayed with Aenobarbus, making a faction of their own. (They controlled the Ionian Sea and did much harm to their enemies.) The rest went with Murcus and joined forces with Sextus Pompeius. When he joined his large fleet and the remains of Brutus’ army to him, he doubled Sextus’ forces. {Appian, l. 4. p. 672.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 72, 77.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 361, 368.}

5347. Caesar and Antony dismissed the soldiers that had served out their time, except for 8000 whom they intreated to serve longer under them. They divided these between them and took one of an hundred of them for their bodyguard. Of eleven legions and 14,000 cavalry which were left of Brutus’ army, Antony took six legions and 10,000 cavalry while Caesar took four legions and 4000 cavalry. {Appian, l. 4. p. 672. 673.} Moreover it was agreed that Caesar should give two legions of his own to go along with Antony and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy who were his soldiers under the command of Calenus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 673.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 358.}

5348. Caesar took this business upon himself so that he might repress Lepidus, the triumvir, if he should make any stir. He also wanted to carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius and divide the lands promised to the old soldiers who were retired. Octavian returned to Italy but on his way, he became sick so that those who were at Rome thought that he was dead. Antony stayed to go around the provinces beyond the sea, to subdue the enemies’ pride and to get money for the soldiers as they had promised them. {Livy, l. 125.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 74.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 672, 673.} {Dio, l. 48, p. 357, 358.} Since they had promised every soldier 5000 drachmas, they must be careful to pay it. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 47. p. 352.}

5349. Therefore, Antony with a large army went into Greece and at the first behaved kindly to the Greeks and was happy to be considered a friend of the Greeks and especially of the Athenians, on whose city he bestowed many gifts. {Plutarch, in Antony} 3963b AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC

5350. L. Censorinus was in Greece and went into Asia. {Plutarch, in Antony} There he went about and sent others to exact money from the cities and to sell their territories. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371.} Also kings much courted his favour and the king’s wives fought among themselves to offer him gifts and beauty and their service to him. Anaxenor, an harper, Xuthus, a musician, Metrodorus, a dancer, and all the Asian comics and actors went to Censorinus’ court where everything was very luxurious. Finally, Antony was ready to go to the Parthian war and he sent Dellius into Egypt to Cleopatra. He was the historian, as Plutarch later called him and whom Seneca {Seneca, 1 Suasoria} said left Cassius and went to Antony. Dellius ordered her to appear before Antony in Cilicia to answer for herself because she was said to have given much help to Cassius. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5351. Apulein, who was proscribed by the triumviri, was restored to his country when he turned over Bithynia to Antony. He was made governor of Bithynia by Brutus. {Appian, l. 4. p. 616.}

5352. In Bithynia, Antony met with embassies from all countries. The rulers of the Jews were there to accuse Phasaclus and Herod as though Hyrcanus reigned only as a puppet. In truth the two brothers had all the power. However, Antony highly honoured Herod who had come there to clear himself of these accusations. It so happened that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to Antony. Herod had arranged this by bribing Antony. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 22.}

5353. When Antony came to Ephesus, the women went before him dressed in the clothes of the Baccharae and men in the clothes of satyrs and Pans. All the city resounded with rushing after ivy garlands with instruments of music, flutes and pipes. They called him:

"Bacchus the bountiful and debonair.’’ {Plutarch, in Antony}

5354. He made a magnificent sacrifice to Diana, as to the protector of that place. He absolved the Cassiani when they petitioned him. They had fled into sanctuary there. He did not forgive Petronius, who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar and Quintus who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea. {Appian, l. 6. p. 683.}

5355. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus the high priest and of the Jews came there also. These were Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Joseph, the son of Mennaeus and Alexander, the son of Theodorus. They gave him a crown of gold and they requested from him the same thing the embassy did at Rome. They wanted freed those Jews whom Cassius had taken prisoners, contrary to the laws of war. They wanted him to send letters to the provinces to affect this. They also wanted their country which Cassius had taken from them, to be restored. Antony thought their requests were fair and granted them. He wrote letters for this purpose, to Hyrcanus and also to the Tyrians, Sidonians, Antiochians, and Aradians. These letters are recorded in Josephus. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 22.}

5356. The Greeks and other nationalities that lived in Asia Pergamena, were called to Ephesus. Antony told them what generous promises he had made to his 28 victorious legions some of which they had supplied. He had 150,000 men. When they had given to Cassius and Brutus, his enemies, ten years tribute in 2 years, he demanded that they should give him so much in one year. They complained that they were impoverished by their former enemies. At length they barely obtained the concession that they might pay nine years tribute in two years. {Appian, l. 5. p. 673. 674.}

5357. Antony took the estates of many noblemen and gave them to knaves and flatterers. Many begged the fortunes of some who were alive and they were given them. Some wanted and received the estates of those who had died. He gave the goods of a citizen of Magnesia to a cook who had prepared only one supper, (as it is reported) handsomely for him. Finally, when he had burdened the cities with another tribute, Hybreas who stirred up the affairs of Asia, was so bold to say:

"If you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year, you must be able also to make two summers and then to yield fruits to us twice.’’

5358. When Asia brought in 200,000 talents, Hybreas said:

"If you had not received them, demand them, but if you had not that which you had received, we are undone;’’

5359. He sharply rebuked Antony with this saying who naively believed his own servants and was ignorant of many things that were done. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5360. In like manner, other tributes were imposed by the orders of Antony on kings, governors and free cities, each according to their abilities {Appian, l. 5. p. 674.}

5361. As Antony was going about the provinces, Lucius, the brother of Cassius, and as many as had heard of his clemency at Ephesus, were afraid. They humbly came and presented themselves to him and Antony forgave them all except those who were guilty of Caesar’s murder. These he would not forgive. {Appian, l. 5. p. 674.}

5362. He released the Lycians and Xanthians from tribute and urged them to rebuild their city. He gave to Rhodes, the places of Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus. However, not long after, he took them from them because he said Rhodes was ruling too harshly over them. He also gave the citizens of Laodicea and Tarsus, liberty and freedom from tributes. To the Athenians that came to him, Antony gave first Tenos and then Aegina, Icos, Cea, Sciathus and Patepathus. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.}

5363. He journeyed though Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Coelosyria, Palestina, Ituraea and other provinces of the Syrians. He imposed very heavy tributes on them all. He settled all differences of kings and cities after his own pleasure. In particular, in Cappadocia, the matter of Sisenna and Ariarathes, was settled in favour of Sisenna who received the kingdom as a favour to his beautiful mother. However, in Syria he removed tyrants from various towns. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.} He committed the government of Cyprus, to Demetrius, the freed man of Julius Caesar. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5364. Antony promised the Tarsenses the command of the university and placed Boethus over the university. He was a poor poet and a bad citizen. However, Antony liked his poem which he wrote about his victory at Philippi. The Tarsenses mainly preferred him because he was able without notice to speak something concerning any subject. When the account of the expenses to be paid in the university were committed to his care, he was found to have stolen other things and also the oil. When he was being accused before Antony, he answered:

"As Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon, and Achilles, and also Ulysses, so have I thine, therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee,’’

5365. The accusers replied:

"Homer stole no oil from Agamemnon and Achilles, which because thou hast done, thou shalt be punished.’’

5366. Nevertheless Boethus, appeased his anger by some services and retained the government of the city until the death of Antony. {Strabo, l. 14. p. 674.}

5367. Cleopatra was brought to Cilicia to Antony by Dellius. She trusted in her beauty and deportment. {Plutarch. in Antony} {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 23.} {Appian, l. 5. p 673.} {Dio, l. 48. 371.} Her fabulous arrival is described by Plutarch more like a poet would than an historian. She came by a ship that was covered in gold, up the river Cydnus, which runs by the city Tarsus. It had purple sails all spread, and silver oars. They were accompanied by the music of flutes, pipes and harps. She rested in a beautiful dress under a canopy of cloth of gold like Venus is painted. Boys like cupids, stood here and there and fanned her. Her maidens in the clothes of Nereides and Graces, stood at the helms and others plied the oars. All the river banks were filled with most fragrant smells because of the abundance of perfumes. Men from both sides of the shore accompanied her from the river. Those who were in the city, came to see the sight so that Antony was left alone sitting in the forum on his tribunal. There was a general rumour that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus for the preservation of Asia. Antony sent certain men to invite her to supper. However she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her. So that he might at her arrival, show his gentleness and courtesy, he obeyed her and came.

5368. Antony accused Cleopatra that she did not side with Caesar in the last war. She objected that she had sent the four legions to Dolabella and how her fleet was wrecked by storms. She said how often Cassius had threatened her and she was forced to sent aid to him. Antony was overcome and began to fall in love with her like a young man although he was then forty years old. A long time ago, he had wantonly cast his eyes on her when she was but a girl and he was a young man who followed Gavinius to Alexandria. At that time he was in charge of the cavalry. Immediately Antony’s ancient diligence and ambition failed and all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra without respect either to human or divine law. {Appian, l. 5. p. 671, 675, 676.}

5369. By the request of Cleopatra, Antony sent murderers to Miletus to kill her sister Arsinoe, a priestess of Diana Leucophrine. {Appian, l. 5. p. 676.} However, Josephus says that she was at her prayers in the temple of Diana. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4.}

5370. Antony commanded the Tyrians to turn over to Cleopatra, Serapion, the governor of Cyprus, who had sent aid to Cassius and now came to beg his pardon, as well as the Aradians, another suppliant. When Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, was defeated by Julius Caesar in a naval fight on the Nile River and was never seen more, he had bragged to the Aradians that he was Ptolemy. He commanded also Megabezus, the priest of Diana of the Ephesians, to be brought before him because he had entertained Arsinoe as a queen. By the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra, Antony let him go. {Appian, l. 5. p. 676.}

5371. In the meantime, Fulvia, the wife of Antony in Italy, who was a woman in body only and more like a man, raised a large rebellion against Caesar Octavian. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 74.} This action dissolved their alliance and the state was involved in a full scale war between them. Caesar could not endure the insolence of his mother-in-law, (for he had rather seemed not to agree with her than with Antony.) He divorced her daughter Claudia whom he swore was still a virgin. {Dio, l. 48. p. 359, 360.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}

5372. Thereupon Caesar sent to Phoenicia to Antony, Cocceius and Cecinna as an embassy. When Cecinna’s task was finished, he returned to Caesar. However, Cocceius stayed with Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 706.}

5373. There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne, near Antioch in Syria to Antony who was now doting on the love of Cleopatra. They came to accuse Phasaelus and Herod and selected for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number. Messala undertook to defend the young men’s cause. Hyrcanus helped assist him, who had betrothed his daughter to Herod. After Antony heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus, which side he thought to be the best to govern a state. When he had answered on the young men’s behalf, Antony who loved them because he had been kindly entertained by their father, made them both tetrarchs. He left them the government of all Judea and wrote letters also to this purpose and put fifteen of their adversaries in prison. He would have put them to death, had not Herod interceded for them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 23.}

5374. A thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyre to Antony, who were already bribed by the brethren, and ordered the magistrates of that place that they should kill the ambassadors. They said the men were instigators of seditions and that they should help the tetrarchs. However, Herod and Hyrcanus came to them at that time outside the city on the sea shore and advised them earnestly to withdraw. They admonished them what danger would ensue if they followed this plan but they ignored this advice. Thereupon certain Jews and the inhabitants of that city, rose up against them and killed and wounded some. However, Hyrcanus helped the wounded to recover and had the dead buried. The rest fled home. When the people did nothing but rail against Herod, Antony, in his displeasure, killed those that he had in prison. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 23.}

5375. Cleopatra returned home and Antony sent cavalry to plunder Palmyra, a city located not far from the Euphrates River. This crime against them was done under the pretence that they might enrich the cavalry. They lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians and were merchants who carried from Persia, Indian and Arabian wares to the Romans. When the Palmyreni had an inkling of what was up, they carried their goods to the other side of the river and placed archers to keep them off. They excelled in archery. When the cavalry found the city empty, they returned without any plunder or bloodshed. Thereupon shortly after this the Parthian war started. Many tyrants from Syria, whom Antony had expelled, fled to the Parthians and asked them to seize Syria. {Appian, l. 5. p. 676, 677.} 3964a AM, 4673 JP, 41 BC

5376. When Antony had imposed heavy tributes on the people and had thus offended the city of Palmyra, he did not stay to settle the troubles of the province. He divided his army into winter quarters and he went into Egypt to Cleopatra {Appian, l. 5. p. 677.} and left Plancas in Asia and Saxa in Syria. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371.} This was Decidius Saxa whom Cicero mentioned in his book {Cicero, Philippic 13} as one of M. Antonys’ guard and Livy {Livy, l. 127.} stated he was his lieutenant in Syria.

5377. These actions caused seditions. The inhabitants of the island Aradus did not obey those who were sent to them to collect tribute and the islanders killed some of them. The Parthians previously were rebellious and now they made many more insurrections against the Romans. The Parthian forces were under the command of Labienus and Pacorus, the son of Orodes. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371} 5378. Eusebius wrote this about the Aradians: {Eusebius, Chronicles}

"Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the island Aradus because he too zealously exacted their tributes.’’

5379. Livy noted that Labienus {Livy, l. 127.} was of Pompey’s faction. Plutarch wrote: {Plutarch, in Antony}

"When the forces of the Parthians were prepared to attack, Labienus was made their general for the expedition of the Parthians. When the king’s general was about to attack Syria, Antony was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra.’’

5380. From this the compiler of the Parthian account {Parthian Story of Appian, p. 155, 156.} is to be corrected. He foolishly insinuates that Labienus was brought by the king’s captains to Alexandria. However, Dio explained both the origin and progress of this expedition like this:

5381. After the defeat of Philippi, Labienus thought that the conquerors would not pardon any of their opponents. He thought it better to live with barbarians than to die in his own country and therefore he stayed with the Parthians. As soon as he understood the carelessness and sloth of Antony and his love and journey into Egypt, he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans. The Roman armies were partially cut off, partially under strength and the rest disagreed among themselves. It looked like civil war would break out at any time. Therefore he persuaded the king, that while Caesar was detained in Italy because of Sextus Pompeius and Antony gave himself over to his love in Egypt, the king might subdue Syria and the countries around it. He promised him also that he would go as the general of this war so that he might provoke many countries to revolt from the Romans. They were offended with the Romans for the continual damages and tributes with which they afflicted them. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5382. When he had persuaded the king to make war, he received many forces from him along with his son, Pacorus. Labienus invaded Phoenicia and attacked Apamea and was repulsed from the wall. He took the garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary surrender to him. These consisted of the soldiers of Cassius and Brutus whom Antony had chosen for his army and had left to keep Syria since they knew the country well. Therefore, Labienus easily persuaded them to join his side since they already knew him. Everyone did except Saxa who commanded them. He was the brother of Decidius Saxa, the lieutenant of Antony, and his quaestor. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5383. Labienus defeated Saxa in a battle by the number and valour of his cavalry. He persuaded him as he fled by night from his camp. He had before shot notices into his camp to draw his soldiers to his side. Saxa greatly feared this and fled. Labienus overtook him and killed most of those who were with him. When Saxa had fled to Antioch, Labienus took Apamea which no longer resisted him because it was generally reported that Saxa was dead. He also took Antioch after Saxa deserted it. {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372.}

5384. M. Antony was splendidly entertained by Cleopatra and wintered in Egypt without his imperial ensigns. He did this either because he was in another person’s government and royal city or because he would solemnize the festival days in his winter quarters. He set aside all business for his country and he wore the Greek four cornered robe and the white Attic shoes called Phaecusium which the Athenian and Alexandrian priests used. When he went out, he went only to the temples or places of exercise or to the meetings of philosophers. He always kept company with the Greeks and courted Cleopatra, who was the main reason he came, as he himself said. {Appian, l. 5. p. 677.}

5385. Antony gave himself over to luxurious living with Cleopatra and the Egyptians. He whiled his time away even to his utter destruction. {Dio, l. 48. p. 373.} Plutarch describes at length the luxury of him and his son. He also stated those things concerning this business that Philotus, the Amphissian physician, told his grandfather Lamprias, who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies.

5386. Cleopatra was with him night and day. She played dice with him, drank with him, hunted with him and saw him exercising himself in his arms. She accompanied him by night through the streets as he was eavesdropping at the gates and windows of the citizens and talked to those who were inside. She walked with him as he was clad in the clothes of a serving maid for he often wore such clothes himself. Thereupon he returned home often well jeered and often well beaten. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5387. Antony detained the ambassadors that were sent to him from the Italian colonies either because it was winter or because he wanted to conceal his counsels. {Appian, l. 5. p. 701} In the meantime, Caesar Octavian besieged the consul L. Antony, Antony’s brother, at Perasium in Hetruria. {Appian, l. 5. p. 689.} 3964b AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC 5388. When Cn. Domitius Calvinus and Asinius Pollio being consuls, Perusia was taken by Octavian. {Dio, l. 48. p. 365.} 5389. Labienus followed Saxa as he fled into Cilicia and killed him there. {Dio, l. 48. p. 372.}

"Labienus went from Brutus’ camp to the Parthians and led an army of them into Syria. He killed the lieutenant of Antony, who had very badly oppressed the transmarine provinces.’’

5390. This is according to Paterculus. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 5.} Florus stated: {Florus, l.

4. c. 9.}

"Saxa (for thus it is to be read there; not Casca) the lieutenant, committed suicide so that he might not fall into his enemies’ hands.’’

5391. After Saxa was dead, Pacorus subdued all Syria except Tyre. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 5.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Livy, l. 127.} Here the Romans who were left along with friendly Syrians, had taken it before. They could not be persuaded or forced to yield because the Parthians had no fleet with them. {Dio, l. 48. p. 365.}

5392. In the second year {Josephus, l. 14. c. 23.} that is from the coming of Antony into Syria when Pacorus the king’s son and Barzipharnes, a ruler of the Parthians, had seized Lysia, Ptolemais, the son of Mennaeus, died. His successor in the kingdom of Lysia was his son Lysanias. (Dio said he was made king of the Ituraeans by Antony.) He became friends with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, a noble man, who could do much with him and reconciled them.

5393. At the beginning of the spring, Antony went against the Parthians. He came as far as Phoenicia and came to Tyre. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 701.} He sailed there as if he would bring help to the city. When he saw all the surrounding country was seized by the enemy, he left under the pretence of engaging in the war against Sextus Pompeius. On the contrary, he used the excuse of the Parthian war for the reason that he did not go sooner against Pompey. So it happened that he neither came to help his allies under pretence of Pompey neither helped Italy, under the pretence of the allies. {Dio, l. 48. p. 373.}

5394. As he was passing the continent and sailed by Cyprus and Rhodes to Asia, he heard of the news of the siege of Perusina. He accused his brother Lucius and his wife Fulvia but more especially Manius, who was his representative in Italy in his absence. He then sailed into Greece and met his mother Julia and his wife Fulvia who had fled from Italy. From there as he sailed into Italy, he took Sipus. {Dio, l. 48. p. 373.} {Appian, l. 5. p. 679, 701.}

5395. After Fulvia died at Sicyon, her husband Antony was persuaded by his mother Julia and L. Cocceius to make peace with Caesar. Antony recalled Sextus Pompeius (with whom he had already entered into a league,) into Sicily, as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon. He sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bithynia to govern there. {Appian, l. 5. p. 707. 708.} He knew that Marcellus, the husband of Octavia, the most beloved sister of Caesar, although by another mother, had recently died. To more firmly confirm a peace, Octavia was betrothed to Antony. He did not hide his involvement with Cleopatra but he denied that she was his wife. {Appian, l. 5. p. 709.} {Livy, l. 127.} {Plutarch, in Antony}

5396. They divided the Roman Empire between them. They made Codropolis, a town of Illyricum, (which seemed to be located within the northern most part of the Adriatic Gulf) to be the boundary of each one’s dominions. All the eastern countries, as well as the islands and provinces, both of Europe and Asia, even to the river Euphrates, were allocated to Antony. The western areas of Sardinia, Dalmatia, Spain, and Gaul were allocated to Caesar. The provinces of Africa had been given to Lepidus the triumviri from Caesar and Sextus Pompeius had seized Sicily. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 709.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 374.}

5397. The war against Pompeius was assigned to Caesar unless something else happened and Antony took on the Parthian war to revenge the wrong done to Crassus. Domitius Aenobarbus (although he was one of the murderers of Julius Caesar) was taken into a league by Caesar on the same condition that he was formerly by Antony. It was added to the league that it might be lawful for both the generals to muster the same number of legions from Italy. On these articles, the last league was made between Caesar and Antony. (Appian. l. 5. p. 709.)

5398. Caesar and Antony entered Rome and made a speech about the joy of the peace that was made between them. {Gruter, inscript. p. 197.} The citizens entertained them as in a triumph and clothed them in a triumphal robe. They had them see the plays and seated them in ivory chairs. {Dio. l. 48. p. 375.} The marriage between Antony and Octavia was solemnised who was quite pregnant. The law forbid any woman to marry until ten months after the death of her husband but the time was reduced by a decree of the senate. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 710.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 375. fin.} Antony put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining about Cleopatra and because he had been the cause of so many evils. {Appian, l. 5. p. 710.}

5399. Asinius Pollio, had a son born in his consulship, whom he called Salonius. He was named after the city of Salonae of Spalato in Dalmatia. Virgil wrote singing verses about the birth of Salonius Pollio from the Cumaean or Sibylline poems. He classified the ages of the world by metals and in the tenth and last age of the world, (in which Solar Apollo was to rule) he foretold that there all things would be restored and stated that this year the golden age (and with it the Virgin, Erigone or Aftraea, who had left the earth in the Iron Age) should return again. {Servius, in Virgil, Eclogue. 4.} In the description, the poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken about by the Jews, whom Cicero {Cicero, pro Flaccus} said that there were many Jews who lived at Rome around the Aurelian stairs. Otherwise Virgil had read this in the books of the prophets which were available in the Greek language.

5400. Pacorus, the king of Parthia’s son, captured Syria and went into Palestine and deposed Hyrcanus who was appointed by the Romans to govern that country. He put his brother, Aristobulus in his place. Thus Dio, {Dio, l. 48. p. 372, 373.} confuses Aristobulus, the father, with Antigonus the son, when as he later always calls this Antigonus, the king and not Aristobulus. {Dio, l. 48. p. 382. & l. 49. p. 405.} Josephus describes the matter in detail.

5401. Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, said that he would give the Parthians 1000 talents and 500 women, if they would give the kingdom from Hyrcanus to him and kill Herod and all his relatives. Although he did not do this, the Parthians marched with their army towards Judea to claim the kingdom for Antigonus. Pacorus, the king’s son went by sea and Barzapharnes by land. The Tyrians shut their gates against him but the Sidonians and those of Ptolemais opened their gates to him. He sent a squadron of cavalry under Pacorus, the king’s butler, into Judea ahead of him to see what was to be done and he ordered that they should help Antigonus.

5402. The Jews who lived at Mount Carmel, allied themselves with Antigonus and were ready with him to invade the enemies’ country. He began to get some hope that with their help he might subdue the country of Drynos. He encountered his enemies and chased them right up to Jerusalem.

5403. Antigonus’ side was greatly increased and they attacked the king’s house which Phasaelus and Herod defended. In the market place there was a fight between them and the enemies were overcome by the brethren and fled into the temple. They besieged them in the temple and they appointed 60 men to keep them and placed them in the adjoining houses. The people bore a grudge against the brethren and burnt them with fire. Herod was very angry and killed many of the people. Every hour, one laid wait for another, so that everyday some were murdered.

5404. When the day of Pentecost arrived, there were many thousands of men, as well armed as unarmed, gathered about the temple from all parts of the country. They seized the temple and the city, except the king’s house. Herod kept the king’s house with a few soldiers as his brother Phasaelus held out on the walls. Herod who was helped by his brother, attacked his enemies in the suburbs and forced many thousands to flee either into the city, the temple or the rampart which was near the city.

5405. In the meantime, Antigonus asked that Pacorus, the general of the Parthians might be admitted to conclude a peace between them. Pacorus was entertained by Phasaelus and Pacorus persuaded him that he should go as ambassador to Barzapharnes. He laid an ambush for Phasaelus which he suspected and did not go. Herod did not approve of this matter because of the perfidiousness of the barbarians. He advised rather that he would kill Pacorus and those that came with him. Therefore, Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their embassy and Pacorus left with Herod 200 horsemen and ten whom they call Elutheri and took with him the ambassadors.

5406. As soon as they were come into Galilee, the governors of those towns came out against them in arms. Barzapharnes welcomed them with a cheerful countenance and gave gifts to them but later made ambushes for them. Phasaelus was brought with his train to a place near the seaside, called Ecdippon. Ophellus, learned from Saramulla, the richest of all the Syrians, that there were ambushes set for Phasaelus and offered him a ship to escape. He was unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in jeopardy and expostulated with Barzapharnes concerning the wrongs done to the ambassadors. He swore that these things were not true and soon went to Pacorus.

5407. He was no sooner gone then Hyrcanus and Phasaclus were thrown in prison after protesting the perjury of the Parthians. An eunuch was also sent to Herod with orders to surprise him if he could get him out of the city. When Herod knew from others what had happened to his brother, he took with him what forces he had with him and put the women on horses, that is, his mother Cybele, his sister Salome, his wife Mariamme, and the mother of his wife Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus. With these his youngest brother Pheroras, their servants and the rest of the company, Herod fled by night into Idumaea unknown to his enemies.

5408. On the journey, his mother was almost killed when her coach overturned. Herod was so terrified, lest the enemy should overtake them while they stayed there that he thought to kill himself with his own sword. He was restrained by them that were about him and he went towards Masada, a most strongly fortified place, which was located in the country of Arabia, and Palestine. He took the shortest way possible. First the Parthians pursued him and then the Jews. When he was only 7.5 miles from Jerusalem he defeated both of them in a battle.

5409. After he came to Ressa, a village of Idumea, his brother Joseph came to him. He saw that they brought so large multitude with them plus mercenary soldiers that the citadel at Masada where they were planning to flee to, could not hold them. Herod dismissed most of them. He told 9000 to take care of themselves in Idumaea and gave them food. He selected the best men, and his nearest friends and he went into the citadel. He left the women with the rest of their companions there because there was plenty of grain, water and other provisions. He went to Petra, a city of Arabia.

5410. The next day after he fled from Jerusalem, the Parthians, plundered all the goods of the citizens of Jerusalem including the king’s house. Only the treasure of Hyrcanus, which was 300 talents, was untouched and a large part of Herod’s wealth that he providently had carried into Idumaea. The Parthians were not content with the plunder of the city but went out of the city and harassed the country also. They destroyed the rich city of Marissa.

5411. Antigonus, was brought back into his country, by the king of the Parthians and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus who were then prisoners. He was very much grieved that the women had escaped whom he had intended to turn over to the Parthians. Also the money that he had promised to give them was gone. He was afraid lest Hyrcanus, whom the Parthians held prisoner, should again by the favour of the people, be restored into his kingdom. He cut off his ears that so he might be rendered unfit for the priesthood. The law forbid anyone who lacked any member from being in the priesthood. Leviticus 21:17-21

5412. Phasaclus knew that he was appointed to be executed. Since he could not easily commit suicide because his hands were chained, he beat out his own brains against a stone. Before he was dead, he heard by a woman that his brother Herod had escaped. He greatly rejoiced that there was left one to revenge his death. Although Parthians missed the women whom they wanted the most, they settled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus. When they departed, they took Hyrcanus along with them as a prisoner into Parthia. {Josephus Wars, l. 1. c. 11., Antiq. l. 14. c. 24, 25.}

5413. At the same time Labienus took Cilicia and all the cities, except Stratonicea, located in the continent of Asia. (From fear of him, Plancus, the lieutenant of Antony in Asia, had fled to the island.) He took most without a fight but Melissa and Alabanda, he took by force. When those cities had entertained a garrison from Labienus, on a certain festival day, they killed the garrison and revolted. Therefore after Labienus had captured Alabanda, he executed the citizens. He destroyed Melissa after it was abandoned by its inhabitants. Although he besieged Stratonicea for a long time, yet could he not take the city. Finally, when he had gotten their money and robbed their temples, he called himself the Parthian emperor but for a different reason from the Romans. He gave himself that name after the name of the forces that he led against the Romans as if he had conquered them and not his fellow citizens. {Dio, l. 43. p. 373.}

5414. Hence the Parthians, conquered for themselves under pretence of auxiliaries for Labienus, their captain. They invaded from the Euphrates into Syria as far as Ionium and behaved more like thieves than enemies. {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriac, p. 120, in Parthic, p. 134, 156, Civil War, p. 709.} To stop this, Antony sent his lieutenant, M. Ventidius Bassus, into Asia. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, p. 156, & 709.}

5415. Ventidius came quickly to Labienus before he knew anything of it. Labienus was terrified by his sudden arrival and he was without his forces. He had none with him except some soldiers gathered from Asia and he did not have any Parthians. Hence he dared not meet him but fled. Ventidius followed him as he fled with his light harnessed soldiers and caught up with him at the Taurus Mountains and would not let him go any farther. {Dio, l. 48. p. 380, 381.}

5416. In that place they stayed quietly for many days in their camps opposite each other. Labienus waited for the Parthians and Ventidius expected his legions. In those days both wanted to hide. Ventidius feared the Parthian cavalry and stayed up high for there he had made his camp. The Parthians trusted their numbers and despised those whom they had defeated in past times. Before they joined with Labienus, they went early in the morning toward the hill. The Romans boldly came out to them and the Parthians intended to go even to the top of the hill. When they came up, the Romans ran toward them and without much work forced them into a disorderly retreat. The Romans killed some of the Parthians but the most were killed by their own side in their retreat when they saw that some were fleeing when some had just arrived at the hill. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5417. Ventidius followed the Parthians that fled into Cilicia to their camp. They did not go toward Labienus. Ventidius saw that Labienus still stood there. When Labienus had set his men in array, he saw that his men were astonished by the flight of the barbarians and he dared not fight. He intended to escape somewhere by night. When Ventidius found out about this from some fugitives from Labienus, he killed many of them as they left by setting ambushes. All the rest deserted Labienus and he fled. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5418. Labienus changed his attire and after he had hid in Cilicia for some time, he was sought out and taken by Demetrius who then governed Cyprus for Antony. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381.}

5419. When these things were done, Ventidius recovered and settled Cilicia. He sent ahead of him, Popedius Silo, with cavalry to the Amanus Mountain. It was located in the region of Cilicia and Syria. He went to take control of the passes. Silo was unable to capture a citadel that was there and also was in extreme danger from Pharnapates, the lieutenant of Pacorus, who held that pass. Silo had been utterly routed but Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting and so brought him help. He attacked the outnumbered Parthians suddenly and Pharnapates along with many others were killed. Ventidius recovered Syria without fighting after the Parthians had abandoned it. He only fought at Aradus. The Arabians feared the punishment for their bold attacks against Antony and did not surrender to Ventidius even though he attacked them for some time. {Dio, l. 48. p. 381, 382.}

5420. Herod did not know of his brother Phasaelus’ death and went to Malchus, the king of the Arabians (Nabateans) who was obliged to him for many favours Herod had done for him. He was willing to spend 300 talents to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy. For this reason, he took with him Phasaelus, his brother’s son, a child of seven years old, to leave him as a pledge with the Arabians. However, he was met by some who were sent from Malchus to him. They told him he should leave Malchus’ kingdom for so the Parthians had ordered. However, this was only a pretence he and his nobles agreed to so they could defraud Herod of the treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody. Herod was very discouraged and returned to a certain temple where he had left many of his followers. The next day when he came to Rhinocorura, he heard of his brother’s death. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5421. Malchus was sorry for his ingratitude and quickly sent after Herod. He could not overtake him for he was gone far on his way to Pelusium. The sailors who were to sail to Alexandria, denied him passage. Herod was honourably entertained by the magistrates of the place and brought to Cleopatra, the queen. She could not detain him because he was hurried to Rome although the sea was very stormy and the affairs in Italy at that time were in bad condition. It was not yet winter time, (as Salianus had observed Tormellus, 4014 AM, Numbers 26:1-65; Numbers 27:1-23.) I take that ceimwio ogto in Josephus concerning a storm at sea. Herod ignored the storms and sailed from Alexandria toward Pamphylia. He ran into a violent storm and had to throw most of his goods overboard and barely got to Rhodes. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5422. He was met at Rhodes by two of his best friends, Sappinas and Ptolemais. They found that the city had suffered much in the war against Cassius. He could not be restrained in even his present poverty but wanted to do something for Rhodes even above his ability. He had a frigate to be built. Then Herod embarked with his friends and he arrived at Brundusium in Italy. From there he went to Rome and told Antony those things which had happened to him and his family. He mentioned the storms dia comdto and recounted all the dangers and that he had retired to Antony, his only refuge in whom all his hope lay. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5423. The story stirred Antony and he recalled also his father’s friendship. He was especially moved by the promise of money if he made Herod king and his hatred of Antigonus who was a man of a turbulent spirit and an enemy to the Romans. This made him more inclined to Herod. Caesar was also moved. Antipater had been a fellow soldier with his father in Egypt and for other courtesies which Antipater had showed his father. To satisfy Antony whom he knew was well disposed to Herod, Caesar was willing to promote his endeavours. Thereupon, the senate was called. Messala and Atratinus brought out Herod. After they had praised him, they recalled the services and good will that both his father and he had done for the Romans. They accused Antigonus for previous crimes and for his recent sedition against the Romans. He had received the kingdom from the Parthians. When Antony had declared to the senate, how helpful it would be to the Parthian war that was still raging if Herod should be made king. Antigonus was declared an enemy and the kingly title was given to Herod by their general consent. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5424. After the senate was dismissed, Antony and Caesar went out and led Herod between them. They were accompanied by the consuls and other magistrates. They went up to the capitol to sacrifice there and to place the decree of the senate there. Antony feasted the new king on the first day of his reign. Hence Herod obtained the kingdom in the 185th Olympiad, (not 184th as it is in Josephus.) Domitius Calvinus 2nd and Asinius Pollio were consuls. Within seven days, Antony dismissed Herod from Italy who was honoured with this unexpected friendship. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.} 3965a AM, 4674 JP, 40 BC

5425. At the same time of Herod’s absence, Antigonus attacked his family in Masada. They had plenty of provisions but lacked water. For this reason, Herod’s brother, Joseph, planned with 200 of his friends to escape to the Arabians. He had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude that he had showed to Herod. However, it rained that night and he changed his mind for the cisterns were filled with water. They made a gallant sally out and killed many of Antigonus’ men, in the open field and in surprise attacks. {Josephus, l. 14. c. 25.}

5426. Ventidius easily recovered Palestine. Antigonus who was its king, was very afraid and Ventidius exacted huge sums of money from all men, especially from Antigonus, Antiochus (Commagenian) and Malchus the Nabatean. They had helped Pacorus. {Dio, l. 48. p. 382.} He came also into Palestine, under the pretence to help Joseph. His real purpose was to extort money from Antigonus. Therefore he camped near Jerusalem and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered, he left Silo there with some part of his forces. Antigonus was to obey Silo lest he should create some new troubles. He hoped the Parthians would come to his aid. (??) {Joseph. l. 14. c. 26.}

5427. There was in the company of Antony an Egyptian, an astrologer who told him that although his fortune was most splendid and great, it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar. Therefore he persuaded him to get as far away from that young man as he could, for your genius is afraid of his genius. When your genius is erect and high when alone, it becomes more remiss when Caesar draws near. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5428. After these things, Antony went to go to the Parthian war. He had all his acts, those past and future, confirmed by the senate. Again, he dismissed many of his commanders and settled all things as he wished. He made some kings by his own authority who would only pay a certain tribute. He made Herod, king both of the Idumeans and Samaritans, Darius (the son of Pharnaces and nephew of Mithridates) of Pontus, Amyntus of the Pisidians, Polemon of part of Cilicia and other kings in other countries. {Appian, l. 5. p. 715.} He committed the care of his family to Caesar and he left Italy and took Octavia with him into Greece. He had one son by her. {Plutarch, in Antony} He stayed there many days. {Dio, l. 48. p. 380.}

5429. Normally, Antony would winter his army around him. However, to get them accustomed to plunder and exercise, he sent them against the Parthieni, a country of Illyria which in previous times greatly troubled Brutus. He sent others against the Dardanians who also lived in Illyria and were in the habit of invading Macedonia. He ordered others to stay with him in Epirus that he might have them all around him. He planned to make Athens his winter quarters. He sent also Furnius into Africa, that he might lead the four legions of Sextius against the Parthians for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. When these things were done, he wintered at Athens with Octavia as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra. {Appian, l. 5. p. 715, 716.}

5430. As he wintered at Athens, he heard early reports about Ventidius’ good success. He learned that the Parthians were defeated and Ventidius had killed Labienus and Pharnapates or Phraates the chief general of king Herod or Orodes. For these victories, he made a feast for the Greeks and held games for the people of Athens. He was the main person in the games.

Therefore he left at home his imperial ensigns and went abroad with the rods that judges in such exercises used. He was clothed with coats and shoes called Phaecasia. He joined the young gamesters. When they had contended as long as he thought good, he ended the games. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5431. Antony was praised at Rome and processions were decreed in his name. Ventidius received no reward as decreed by the senate, because he was not a general but carried on the war under the authority of another. {Dio, l. 48. p. 382.} 5432. Castor received the countries of Attalus and Dejotarus after they had died. {Dio, l. 48. p. 277.}

5433. When Herod returned from Italy to Ptolemais, he gathered a number of mercenaries and those of his own country and hurried through Galilee against Antigonus. He was helped by Silo and Ventidius, to whom Dellius (for so his name is to be read, {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15., c. 2.} not Gellius) was sent from Antony with orders that they should help him get his kingdom. Ventidius was by chance detained for settling the uprisings in various cities that the Parthians had caused. Silo was in Judea but bribed with money from Antigonus. However, Herod’s forces increased daily and all of Galilee with few exceptions stood by Herod. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5434. As Herod was marching to Masada to help his family, Joppa would not let him pass. He must first take the city from the possession of the enemy because he would not leave behind him any fortification on his march to Jerusalem. Silo had taken Jerusalem and dislodged Antigonus’ army. When the Jews pursued him, Herod met them with a small band of men and saved Silo who fought very cowardly. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5435. After Joppa was taken, he hurried to Masada to deliver his family from the siege. His army was greatly increased and many of the country people joined with him. After he had freed his friends from Masada, he approached Jerusalem in spite of Antigonus who had made ambushes for him in all convenient places. The soldiers also of Silo followed him and many of the Jews were terrified by his power. When he had camped on the west side of the city, those that held the walls on that side shot at him with their arrows. Various men came out in troops and attacked their quarters. Herod commanded an herald to proclaim around the walls that he came for the public good and for the preservation of the city and that he would pardon all former wrongs. On the other side, Antigonus talked to Silo and the Romans. He told them that it was unjust to give the kingdom to Herod who was a private man and an Idumaean, that is, an half Jew. By custom, it ought to be given to the priests. When as Antigonus’ men, valiantly shot from the towers and had driven the enemy from the walls, he bribed secretly some Silo’s soldiers whom he knew. They were to demand more provisions and money to buy them with. Also they were to request to be withdrawn into more commodious winter quarters. Thereupon the army was troubled and was preparing to leave. Herod intreated the captains and soldiers of Silo’s army that they would not leave himnow. He was sent both by Caesar and Antony and all the rest of the senate. Soon he sent his soldiers into the country and removed any pretence for Silo to leave. They returned with an abundant supply of provisions that was more than anyone could hope for. He ordered his friends who lived around Samaria that they should bring to Jericho, grain, wine, oil, cattle and other necessaries so that for the future, there might be enough for the soldiers. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5436. When Antigonus knew this, he sent into the country troops to intercept those bringing supplies. However, Herod captured them with his ten cohorts, five were Romans and five were Jews. Herod intermixed some foreign soldiers and a few cavalry with them and went to Jericho. He found the city empty of the inhabitants. 500 had fled with their families to the tops of the hills. Herod captured these and let them go again. The Romans entered the city and plundered it. They found the houses full of all precious things. Herod left a garrison and returned and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries that had recently surrendered to him. These were Idumaea, Galilee and Samaria. Antigonus also obtained by bribing Silo that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda to please Antony. Thus the Romans lived in plenty and free from bearing arms. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.} 3965b AM, 4675 JP, 39 BC

5437. Herod was not idle. He sent his brother Joseph into Idumaea with 1000 foot soldiers and 400 cavalry. Herod went into Samaria, and there settled his mother and the rest of his family whom he had taken from Masada. He then marched into Galilee and surprised some places that were held by Antigonus’ garrisons. When he came to Sephorus in snowy weather, Antigonus’ men fled from there and Herod took great amounts of provisions. From there he sent a cavalry troop and three companies of foot soldiers against some thieves who lived in caves near the village of Arbella. He wanted to keep them in check. On the 40th day Herod came there with the whole army whom the enemy boldly met. They made his left wing begin to waver, until he arrived with the main body and helped them. He forced his enemy that was winning, to flee and his own men who were fleeing to stand. He was not content with this and he followed the chase as far as the Jordan River. By this he subdued all Galilee except those that inhabited the caves. He gave every soldier 150 drachmas and more to the captains. Then he dismissed them into their winter quarters. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5438. In the meantime, Silo came to him with his captains who had wintered with Antigonus, for he would not supply them any longer than one month. Antigonus had sent to the inhabitants around there and ordered them, to destroy all supplies in the country and to flee to the mountains. He did this so that the Romans might perish through famine. However, Herod committed the care of the provisions to his brother, Pheroras and ordered him to rebuild Alexandrium. In a short time Pheroras had furnished the soldiers with abundance of all necessaries and rebuilt Alexandrium again which was previously destroyed. About this time Antony stayed at Athens. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5439. When P. Ventidius heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria, he was afraid. The cities were not guarded and the armies still dispersed in their winter quarters. Therefore to stop Pacorus and buy time to get his own forces together, he went to Chaunaeus, a certain governor with whom he was well acquainted and he knew was friendly to the Parthians. Nevertheless he highly honoured him as if he had been his faithful friend and asked his advice in some affairs. He pretended to let him think he was in on his most secret plans. Hence he pretended as though he were afraid lest the Parthians not follow their usual crossing over the Euphrates River at Zeugma and use some lower part of the river. That area was a plain and better for the Parthian cavalry and the other place was hilly and favoured him. Then he persuaded Chaunaeus and by him deceived Pacorus. The Parthians took the longer march through the plain (through which Ventidius pretended he did not want them to go.) This gave Ventidius time to collect his forces. This is how Dio related the story. {Dio, l. 56. p. 403, 404.} Frontinus stated it happened this way. {Frontinus, Stratagem. l. 10. c. 1.} Ventidius, in the Parthian war against King Pacorus, knew that Pharneus who was a Cyrrhestian and pretended to be one of his allies, told the Parthians whatever was done in his camp. He used the perfidiousness of the barbarian to his own advantage. For those things that he most desired, he pretended as though he were afraid they should happen. Those he was most afraid of, he made as though he desired. He was really afraid lest the Parthians would cross the Euphrates River before that his legions could come to him which he had in Cappadocia on the other side of Taurus. He very carefully deceived the traitor that by his normal spying, he would persuade the Parthians that they should cross over with their army at Zeugma. Here the journey is shorter and the channel not so deep. If they came that way, he affirmed that he could make much use of the hills to evade the archers but he was very afraid if they should come by the plain.

5440. Antony spent the winter at Athens with great luxury and enjoying the pleasure of Octavia, as if he had been a different man. He returned to the old Roman virtues. Now the lictors were around the gates and the captains and his guards with him. He arranged all things to make men afraid of him. Ambassadors now had an audience who had waited a long time. Justice was administered, the ships were launched and all things were done quickly. {Appian, l. 5. p. 716.} Finally, he took a crown from the sacred olive tree and was ready to go to war. To satisfy a certain oracle, he carried with him a vessel filled from the Mountain Clapsydra. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5441. In Syria, Ventidius sent for Silo to go against the Parthians. He ordered him first to help Herod and then to bring Herod along with the rest of the auxiliaries of those provinces. However, Herod, had sent Silo to him and marched with his soldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves. Josephus gives more details about this. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 12, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5442. Herod made Ptolemais governor of the country but his government was disturbed when it was invaded by those who previously bothered that country. Ptolemais was killed. After this the invaders retired to the marshes and unaccessible places and robbed and invaded all that country. When Herod returned, he made them pay dearly for their thievery. Some of the rebellious persons were killed and others fled into fortified places. Herod conquered them and he punished them. He razed their strong holds and got rid of the leaders of these revolts. He fined the cities 100 talents. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 12, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5443. Pacorus arrived in Syria with numerous Parthian forces that went by the shorter route at Zeugma while he brought his army around by the plain. While the barbarians made a bridge between the wider banks, it was more unwieldy. It took 40 days to come with their army and the engines. Ventidius used this time to gather his forces which he received only three days before the Parthians came. Ventidius had allowed them to cross the river for he did not attack them in their crossing. He made them think that the Romans were effeminate and cowards. Ventidius pretended fear and did not attack them but suffered the insults of the Parthians for a long time. At last he sent some of the legions against them when they were in security and not watchful. On the first attack the Parthians were discomfited and routed. When Pacorus saw his men fleeing, he thought that all the legions had attacked them. Therefore he attacked Ventidius’ camp, with his main body, as though it had been left without anyone to defend it. It was located on an hill and when the Parthian cavalry attacked it, they were easily pushed down the precipice by a sudden sally that the Romans made. However, Ventidius did not lead out the rest of the legions from the camp again, until they were come within half a mile of him. Then he made so sudden assault when they were near him. Their arrows were no use against him because he was still too far away. By this plan, he quickly set upon the barbarians who were over confident. His slingers helped him very much and exceedingly afflicted the barbarians with their violent strokes from a distance. However the Parthians, of whom many were armed at all points, fought stoutly. Pacorus himself valiantly fought and was killed. A few courageously strove in vain for his body. Ventidius killed all the Parthian cavalry all along between the Orontes and Euphrates Rivers. He killed over 20,000 which was the most the Parthians had lost in any war. Those that tried to get home over the bridge were prevented by their enemies and were killed. Others fled into Commagena, to King Antiochus. Thus Ventidius again drove the Parthians within Media and Mesopotamia, but would not pursue them any farther for fear of the envy of Antony. {Livy, l. 128.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.} {Strabo, l. 16. p. 751.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 78.} {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.} {Gellius, l. 15. c. 4. ex Suetonius} {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Julius Frontonius, Stratagem, l. 1. c. 1, l. 2. c. 2} {Dio, l. 49. p. 404} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5444. The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 404} {Strabo, l. 16. p. 751.} Pacorus was killed on the same day of the year when fourteen years earlier, his father, Orodes, had killed Crassus by his captain Surena. {Dio. l. 49. p. 404.} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} This happened in the month of June. {Ovid, Fasti, l. 6.}

5445. Ventidius made an expedition against those who had revolted and subdued them. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Syrians loved Pacorus very much for his justice and clemency and never had any king like him. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} Therefore, when Syria was uncertain about the outcome of the war, Ventidius carried about Pacorus’ head to all the cities that had revolted. He easily restored order without any fighting. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 9.}

5446. Orodes had previously heard that Syria was wasted and Asia seized by the Parthians and he gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans. When he suddenly heard of his son’s death and the destruction of his army, he went mad for very grief. For many days, he spoke to no one nor ate anything. He was speechless so that he seemed to be stricken dumb. After many days, when grief had restored his voice, he did nothing but call to Pacorus to speak and stand beside him. Then again he would with many tears bewail the loss of him. (Justin. l. 42. c. 4.)

5447. At Rome, the senate decreed for this victory against the Parthians, processions and a triumph. As of yet, Ventidius had never triumphed because he was not a general and according to the laws, because it was his province. These things were decreed for Antony because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the defeat of Crassus by the destruction of Pacorus. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404, 405.}

5448. Ventidius led his army against Antiochus, the Commagenian, under the pretence that he had not given him his servants. He really wanted all of Antiochus’ treasure. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.}

5449. Ventidius attacked Antiochus and besieged him in Samosata. He promised to give Ventidius 1000 talents and that he would obey Antony. Ventidius ordered him to send ambassadors to Antony (for he was far from there) to demand peace from him. Only Antony could grant peace and Ventidius did not want to appear to have acted alone in this. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5450. Antony ordered Ventidius to send Machaeras to help Herod with two legions and 1000 cavalry. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.} Antony was happy but envious of both the victories Ventidius had over Labienus and Pacorus. Ventidius had good success all by himself. Although there were processions and a triumph decreed to him for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten, yet Antony removed him from his charge, (the government of Syria) and neither then nor later used his help any more. Thus wrote Dio. However, Plutarch wrote that Ventidius was honoured by Antony and that he was sent by Antony to the triumph.

5451. Machaeras at the instigation of Antigonus with the approval of Herod, acted like he had been bribed and went to Antigonus to look into his actions. Antigonus suspected him and did not allow him in but drove him from there with slings. Machaeras knew that Herod had given him good counsel and he was wrong for not following it. Therefore, he went to Emmaus and on his march, he killed all the Jews that he found whether they were friend or foe. He was angry at those things that had happened. Herod was grieved by his actions and went to Samaria and planned to go to Antony to say that he needed different men than those who did him more harm than his enemies. Herod would subdue Antigonus by himself. Machaeras caught up to him and begged him to stay or if he was determined to go on, at least that he would give him his brother Joseph so that they together could make war against Antigonus. After much intreaty, Herod was reconciled to Machaeras. He left Joseph, his brother, with the army and ordered him that in his absence he was to fight with Antigonus but take no unnecessary risks. Herod hurried to Antony, whom he found assaulting Samosata, a city near Euphrates, and brought with him auxiliaries of foot soldiers and cavalry. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5452. After Herod came to Antioch, he found many there who wanted to help Antony but dared not go because the barbarians were lying in wait along the way. Herod offered to escort them and so he came to Samosata to Antony. He had defeated the barbarians once or twice. Antony entertained Herod very honourably and was much praised for his valour. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27.}

5453. The siege of Samosata lasted for a long time and the besieged behaved valiantly for they despaired of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} Antony suspected that his soldiers were alienated from him because he had used Ventidius very poorly as Dio wrote. He privately mentioned some hope of peace so that he might depart with honour. When he could onlyreceive two hostages who were not noble men and they would not give him any money, he granted peace to Antiochus and was content with the 300 talents. Antiochus yielded to him that he might put to death Alexander who had formerly fled from him to the Romans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 405.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} 3966a AM, 4675 JP, 39 BC

5454. This war was thus concluded. Antony made C. Sosius, the governor of Syria and Cilicia with an army. {Dio, l. 48. p. 405.} {Josephus, l. 14. p. 27.} He had often very good success in fighting in Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5455. After the affairs in Syria were somewhat settled, Plutarch wrote that Antony returned to Athens. Josephus said that he went into Egypt. Dio said he intended to go to Italy. It seems that he may first have returned to Athens and from there to have passed into Italy after being called there by Caesar and then returned to Athens to have sailed to Egypt to spend the winter with Cleopatra. He was sent for by Caesar from Athens that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius. He came with a few men as far as Brundusium where he did not find Caesar on the appointed day. He was frightened by a certain prodigy and he went back again to Greece under the pretence of the urgency of the Parthian war. Caesar was not pleased that he did not wait for him. {Appian, l. 5. p. 717. 718.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 385.} Joseph forgot his brother Herod’s orders and while he was away he went toward Jericho with his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaecas. He wanted to harvest the enemies’ grain which was now ripe. He camped in the mountains. The Roman cohorts were mostly raw soldiers and unskilled in the art of military matters because most of them were taken from Syria. He was surrounded by the enemies in the midst of those places and lost six cohorts. He fought valiantly but was killed. Antigonus who had the dead bodies, was so enraged that he whipped the dead body of Joseph even though Pheroras, his brother, offered 50 talents to redeem it. After this Galilaeans revolted from their governors and drowned those that were of Herod’s side in the lake. In Idumea, also there were many seditions when Machaecas fortified Gitta. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5456. Caius Sosius was ordered by Antony to help Herod against Antigonus and sent with him two cohorts to Judea. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.} He subdued the Aradians who had endured a siege but now were worn out with famine and sickness. {Dio, l. 49. p. 405.}

5457. Herod found out at Daphne in the suburbs of Antioch about his brother’s death and the military defeat. Herod expected this because of some dreams that he had. Therefore he hurried and he came to the Libanus Mountain. He took with him 800 men from that place and led one cohort of the Romans with him and came to Ptolemais. From there by night, he went with the army and crossed Galilee. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5458. He met his enemies and defeated them and forced them into the castle from which they came from the day before. When Herod attacked at day break, he was forced to stop because of bad weather. He led his men into the adjoining villages. When another cohort arrived from Antony, those who held the fort were dismayed and forsook it at night. Herod hurried to Jericho, with an intent to revenge his brother’s death. When he arrived, he made a feast for the noblemen. After the feast was over and the guests dismissed, he retired to his lodging. The room where they ate was now empty and collapsed and no one was hurt. By this event, all thought Herod to be beloved of God who had so miraculously preserved him. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5459. The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountains to fight with him. They terrified the Romans with their arrows and stones. They chased Herod’s soldiers so that the king himself received a wound in his side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5460. Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria who desired to show off the size of his forces and fought against Machaecas. Herod had taken five towns and killed 2000 of the garrison soldiers. Then he set the towns on fire and he went against Pappus, who was camped at a village called Isanae. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5461. Many came to Herod from Jericho and Judea. When he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him, he fought and defeated them. He was so inflamed with a desire to revenge his brother’s death, he slew those who fled and followed them even into the village. The houses were filled with soldiers and some fled to the tops of the houses for safety. These were overcome and the houses thrown down. He found all other places filled with soldiers who were miserably crushed to death. The rest fled in companies and were very afraid. Immediately Herod went to Jerusalem and had not the bitterness of the winter hindered him he would have ended the war. Now Antigonus began to think of fleeing and to forsake the city. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5462. In the evening when Herod had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves, he was still sweating in his armour and went into a chamber accompanied with only one servant to wash himself. Inside some of his enemies who were armed, were hiding from fear. While he was naked and washed himself, one with a drawn sword hurried to escape through the doors and then another and likewise a third, all of them were armed. They were so astonished that they were glad to save themselves and did no harm to Herod. The next day, he cut off Papus’ head and sent it to his brother, Pherorus in revenge for his brother’s death whom he had killed. It was Pappus who with his own hand, had killed Joseph. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 14. c. 27.}

5463. At Rome, four days before (5th calends) of December, P. Ventidius for his victory at Taurus Mountains and over the Parthians, as we read in marble calendars of the triumphs. {Gruter, inscript. p. 297.} Ventidius Bassus was a man of lowly parentage and rose by the favour of Antony to such height of honour that he was made governor of the eastern provinces. He triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians, who himself was twice (if we may believe Massurius in Pliny) led in triumph with other captives. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 9.} {Pliny, l. 7. c. 43.} {Gellius, l. 15. c. 4. ex Suetonius} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 405} {Eutropius, l. 7.} See note for the end of the year 4671 JP. Spain was now controlled by Caesar Octavian after being subdued by Domitius Calvinus, the proconsul. The Spaniards began their computation of time from the first of January of this year as may be understood from others and also from Eulogius, the archbishop of Toledo, in his Memorial of the Saints.

5464. In the beginning of the spring, Antony arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum from Syria according to Dio, or from Athens according to Appian. He came to help Caesar against Sextus Pompeius. Caesar refused his help and Antony took this badly. However, he stayed in the same place since he had unwillingly spent so much on this navy and he needed Italian legions for the Parthian war. He thought to exchange his fleet for them. Although by the agreement, both of them had power to raise soldiers in Italy. However, this would be very difficult for him, since Italy by lot was allocated to Caesar. Therefore he sent Octavia (who accompanied him from Greece and who also was then with child and by whom Antony had had a second daughter) to her brother Caesar. He hoped she would make peace between them. She helped settle matters so that Antony should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently, 150 ships, (for which Plutarch wrote 100 war ships.) For these, Caesar promised that he would send to Antony from Italy duo tagmata (as it is in Plutarch) or 20,000 soldiers (as Appian has it.) Moreover besides the covenants, Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband, 20 small ships, as Plutarch stated or ten galleys of three tiers of oars (??) as Appian stated. Caesar again gave to Octavia, 1000 men for Antony’s guard and let Antony chose them. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 725, 726.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 390.} To strengthen the alliance, Caesar betrothed his daughter (Julia) to Antyllus the son of Antony and Antony betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia, to Domitius (Aenobarous) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar and had been proscribed. These things were only done for show and they had no intention of following through but did this for expediency’s sake. {Dio, l. 48. p. 390.}

5465. After the five years time of the triumvirate had expired, they extended their power for another five years and did not ask for the people’s consent. {Dio, l. 48. p. 390.} {Appian, l. 5. p. 726, 727.} Antony sent back Octavia to Italy out of fear of any danger in the Parthian war. He commended to Caesar, the children that he had both by her and Fulvia and he went into Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, l. 5. p. 727.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 390, 391.}

5466. Cleopatra built a new library in the same place where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesar’s time. the library was called the daughter of the former one as Epiphanius affirms in his book of measures and weights. From the 7th year of Ptolemais Philadelphus, in which we have shown at the year 4437 JP when the previous library was built, Epiphanius incorrectly calculated 249 years to this time which should end in the year 4686 JP which was one year after Cleopatra’s death. The main cause of his error is this. Epiphanius attributed 32 years to the reign of Cleopatra, instead of 22. If we deduct ten years from both, we make the time between the founding of the two libraries, 239 years. To this time belongs what Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony} wrote that it was objected to Antony by Calvinius:

"that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamos in which were 20,000 entire books or single volumes.’’

5467. Strabo spoke of katoikiatou pergamou, possessions, not of libraries that were then extant in his time {Strabo, l. 13. p. 624.} (as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries.)

5468. Herod in the beginning of the third year after he had been declared king at Rome, came with an army to Jerusalem and camped near the city. He soon moved nearer the place where he planned to first to assault the walls. He placed his tents before the temple and intended to assail them where Pompey had done in the past. Therefore he surrounded the place with three bulwarks and he erected his batteries with the help of many workmen. He brought materials from all places around there. He placed suitable men to oversee the works while he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage with Mariamme, the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus, who was formerly betrothed to him. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 27. fin.}

5469. After the marriage, Sosius came through Phoenicia after he had sent his army through the continent. He came there himself with many cavalry and foot soldiers. Herod also came from Samaria with a considerable army of 30,000 men. He had eleven legions of foot soldiers and 6000 cavalry in addition to the Syrian auxiliaries, (who were not included in the total.) He made their camp at the north wall of the city. Two generals were over the army, Herod and Sosius, who was sent by Antony to help Herod. Herod started this war to oust Antigonus who was an enemy of the people of Rome and so that he might be king in his place according to the decree of the senate. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5470. The Jews were gathered from the whole country and here besieged within the walls. They made valiant resistance and boasted much of the temple of the Lord and wished well to the people. They said that God would not forsake his people in their danger. They destroyed all the provisions which were outside the city, both for man and horse. They secretly stole supplies and made provisions very scarce for the besiegers. However, Herod provided well for this. He placed ambushes in suitable places and he prevented their thievery. He sent his soldiers to fetch provisions from afar so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all supplies. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5471. The large number of the workmen easily finished the three bulwarks. It was now summer and the work went on and he was not hindered by bad weather. He often battered the walls with his engines and attacked all parts of it. The besieged fought valiantly and used all their cunning to evade their enemies’ endeavours. They often sallied out and set fire to their works. Some of the works were finished and some were still in construction. They fought valiantly hand to hand with the Romans and were just as brave but not as well trained as the Romans were. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.} 3967a AM, 4676 JP, 38 BC

5472. The sabbatical year was now approaching and brought a famine to the Jews that were besieged. In spite of this, they built a new wall to replace the parts which were battered down by the engines. They countermined the enemies’ mines so that sometimes they fought hand to hand underground and using despair rather than courage they held out to the last. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.} Pollio, the Pharisee and Samias, his disciple, advised them to let Herod into the city. They said that because of their sins, it was inevitable that Herod would be their king. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 17., l. 15. c. 1.}

5473. They held out in the siege for five months for there was so large an army besieging them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.} Finally, 20 of Herod’s best soldiers got on the wall and were followed by the centurions of Sosius. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.}

5474. The first wall was taken on the 40th day and the second one on the 50th. Some galleries around the temple were burnt which Herod blamed Antigonus for so the people would hate him. The outer part of the temple was taken and then the lower city. The Jews fled into the inner part of the temple and the upper city. They feared that they should be hindered from offering the daily sacrifices to God and sent ambassadors to ask permission that those beasts only might be brought in. Herod granted this and hoped by this that they would not be obstinate and submit themselves. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.} 3967b AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC

5475. When Herod saw this was not going to happen and that the besieged obstinately fought to protect the government of Antigonus, Herod made a general assault and took the city {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 28.} on the first of January of the 4677 JP on the second day of the month Chisleu. According to the records of the eastern people of the civil year, this was the third in which the 28th day when the Jews kept a solemn fast, in memory of the holy roll that was burnt by Jehoiakim. See note on 3941a AM <<4045>>.

5476. The first of January, because of the incorrect intercalating done at that time at Rome was really the last day of December. This concluded the first five years of the triumviri and also the consulship of Claudius and Nortanus to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio. {Dio, l. 49. p. 405.} The next day, M. Vespsanius Agrippa and L. Cuminius Gallus entered their consulships at Rome. Josephus stated: {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

"This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus in the 185th Olympiad, (that is in the third year) the third month on a solemn fast day. It was as if the calamity that happened to the Jews twenty seven years earlier was about again to repeat itself at the same time, (for the city was taken by Herod on the same day.)’’

5477. But yet this interval of time exceeds the true account by one year unless you interpret metaeth kz, in the year after the twenty seventh, as in Mr 8:31. It is said that Christ shall rise again, meta ptirieth Chonok after three days which is more clearly explained Matthew 16:21 thpeith imira on the third day. In /APC 2Ma 14:1 moqrieth chirth after the time of three years. The interpreters explain it to be the third year. In the Catalogue of the Station, of Julius Africanus, 211th Olympiad the games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but mita xth dno, that is, in the second year of that Olympiad. {in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. p. 221.} Even in Josephus himself that {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 11.) stated dentef outj

5478. After the city was captured, it was filled with murdered bodies. The Romans were incensed that they had to continue the siege for so long and the Herodian Jews tried to eliminate the opposing faction. There were continual slaughters through the porches and houses. The reverence of the temple did not save the suppliants. They spared neither age nor sex, not even children. Although Herod begged and intreated them to stop, no one obeyed him but continued as if they had been mad and they showed their cruelty without respect of age. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

5479. Antigonus came down from the town and fell at Sosius’ feet. He did not show any pity because of his change of his fortune but insulted him and called him, Madam Antigona. He put him in prison and set keepers over him. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

5480. When a number of mercenaries rushed into the temple and even its inner sanctuary, Herod restrained them by entreaty, some by threats and some by force of arms. He thought his victory worse than if he had been defeated if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen were beheld by the profane people. He forbid any plundering in the city as much he was able to. Likewise he entreated Sosius and asked if the Romans would make him king of a wilderness since the city was so depopulated with repines and murders. He replied that the soldiers desired the plunder of the city because of the long siege they endured. Herod answered that he would reward every man from his own treasury and by this means he freed the city from any further trouble. He kept his promise and he generously gave gifts to the soldiers and in proportion to the commanders and royally to Sosius. So Sosius, offered a crown of gold to God and left Jerusalem. He took Antigonus with him prisoner to Antony. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}

5481. Herod made a distinction between the people of the city. He promoted those on his side and daily killed those on the opposing side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.) Among those whom he killed, were all those judges of the great sanhedrim who had accused him of some capital crime before he was king. He spared Pollio, the Pharisee, and his disciple. Samias and he highly honoured them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14, Antiq., l. 15. c. 17, l. 15. c. 1.}

5482. He gathered together all the royal ornaments and by collections and by taking away from rich men, he got a large amount of gold and silver which he gave to Antony and his soldiers. He put to death 45 of Antigonus’ chief noble men and set a watch at the doors that none of them might be carried out under pretence of being dead. All the gold or silver that was found, was all brought to Herod so that there was no end of these miseries. The covetousness of the needy conqueror consumed all their goods. Since it was a sabbatical year, the fields were not tilled for it was unlawful to sow them. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.}

5483. These miserable times were witnessed by Zacharias the priest, with his wife Elizabeth. Of the remains of David’s family, Heli and Joseph saw these things. It was also witnessed by Anna the prophetess, of the tribe of Asher and Simon the Just who received an answer from the Holy Spirit that he should not see death until he had seen the Lord’s Christ. Luke 2:26

5484. Antony took Antigonus and planned to keep him prisoner with him until his triumph. He saw that Herod was afraid, lest when Antigonus was brought to Rome by Antony, he would contend with him before the senate for his right to the kingdom. Antony heard that the country was ready to revolt from hatred to Herod and they favoured Antigonus. Antony received large sums of money from Herod, he cut off Antigonus’ head at Antioch. He gave him the vain hope of life right up to the end. After this was done, Herod was totally free from fear. The government of the Hasmonaeans was now ended. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult., l. 20. c. 8., Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5485. Two years and seven months elapsed from the beginning of the priesthood and government of Antigonus, to the taking of Jerusalem. From this also the third year of his reign of both Antigonus and Herod, Antigonus was killed by Antony. This is written in the 52nd chapter of the Jewish History which is written in Arabic and set forth in the Paris Bible of many languages. However, Josephus attributes to Antigonus, three years and three months. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 20. c. 8.) If this included the time up until his death, it would extend to August of this year. According to our account, from the beginning of the raise of Judas Maccabaeus until now, elapsed 126 years and two or three months. Josephus, agreed {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14 c. ult.} and wrote that the government of the Hasmonaeans ended and Antigonus was killed, mepi thrus was 125 years. This is calculated from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus to the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod when the siege of Jerusalem began.

5486. Other foreign writers have written concerning the taking of Jerusalem and the death of Antigonus. Livy {Livy, l. 128.} referred to this time in the epitome of which:

"The Jews are said to be subdued by the lieutenants of Antony.’’

5487. So said the old books, where in the language it is written:

"The ambassadors of the Jews were killed by Antony.’’

5488. We have this record of the death of Antigonus preserved by Josephus {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.} from the books of Strabo, the Cappadocian:

"Antony brought Antigonus, the Jew, to Antioch and had him beheaded. He was supposed to be the first among the Romans that put a king to death after this manner because he thought that the Jews could not tolerate Herod for their king if Antigonus was alive. No matter how Herod oppressed them, they would not recognise him as king because they held Antigonus in such high esteem. Therefore, it was thought fit to blot out his memory by some ignominious death and lessen the public hatred against Herod.’’

5489. Plutarch wrote: {Plutarch, in Antony}

"He bestowed tetrarchies of great countries on many private men and took away kingdoms from many such as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded. No king was ever killed in this way before.’’

5490. Dio also mentioned this history {Dio, l. 59. p. 405.} when writing about Sosius:

"He conquered Antigonus who had killed a garrison of the Romans which was with him. Sosius was defeated in battle at Jerusalem and forced to flee. The Jews, (a country of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred) did many wrongs to the Romans but suffered much more themselves. They were taken first by them who fought for the temple of their God and then rested on a Saturday. They observed on that day a festival with so much religion that those that were formerly taken with the temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged permission of Sosius to go and sacrifice in the temple as was their custom. Over these people, Antony made Herod king. Antony killed Antigonus after he had scourged him and tied him to a post, (which was never done to any king before by the Romans.)’’

5491. That is, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning this see First Excercitation of Causabon on Baronius, c. 7. This event happened when:

"Claudius and Norbanus were consuls.’’

5492. as Dio implied. It is true concerning Antigonus’ defeat and of the taking of Jerusalem but not concerning the death of Antigonus. He died when M. Agrippa and Caninius or Canidius Gallus were consuls the next year.

5493. Nothing of note was done by the Romans this year in Syria for Antony spent the whole year in going into and returning from Italy. Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antony passed that time and did no gallant actions lest he offend Antony. He hoped to curry Antony’s favour by doing nothing. {Dio, l. 49., p. 405, 406.} When Antony returned from Italy, he replaced him with Plancus as governor of Syria. He appointed C. Furnius, as his lieutenant in Asia. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749, 753.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372. l. 49. p. 402, 403.} 3968a AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC

5494. After Orodes, the king of the Parthians, had long mourned for his son, he had more problems. He had to select a successor from his 30 sons to replace Pacorus. Many of his concubines who bare him many sons, pestered the old man to make their son the new king. Finally, he selected the oldest, who was the worst of them all and made him king. {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} This was Phraates the 3rd called by Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony} Phraortes. Although he is called Phraates by the compiler of Appian’s Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word from Plutarch and by Plutarch himself in the end of his book. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Likewise Horace {Horace, Ode. 2. l. 2.} speaks of this time:

"Phraates restored to Cyrus’ throne.’’

5495. He received the kingdom by treachery and killed his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus. He did this because they excelled him in all virtue and in blood by the mother’s side. He also killed Orodes because he was angry by this. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} He poisoned him as he lay sick with the dropsy. Orodes was beginning to recover and Phraates stopped the slow poisoning and took a shorter route by strangling him. {Plutarch, in Crassus, fin.}

5496. After Phraates had killed his father, he killed all his brothers. When he saw that the nobility hated him for his wicked acts, he ordered that his son, who was now full grown, to be killed so that there would be no one else to make king. {Justin, l. 42., c. 5.}

5497. After this Phraates went about to kill the nobility and did many wicked things. Many of the chief men fled from him. They went where they could and some, like Moneses, who was a powerful noble man, fled to Antony. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} This happened when Agrippa and Gallus were consuls. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.}

5498. The rest of the winter, when Gellius and Nerva were consuls, P. Canidius Crassus was left as lieutenant by Antony. Around the region of Armenia, he led his army against the Iberians. He defeated their King Pharnabazus in battle and compelled him to join forces with him. He went into Albania with him and he likewise allied that country to him along with their king, Zoberes. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} He went as far as Caucasus Mountains with the conquered Armenians and the kings of the Iberians and Albanians. He made Antony’s name famous among the barbarous countries. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Strabo, l. 11. p. 501.}

5499. Antony was puffed up with these successes and trusted very much on Moneses and committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him. Antony promised him the kingdom of the Parthians and granted him the revenues of their cities that were subject to the Romans. He would receive this as long as the war lasted. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} Antony compared the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles and equally his own riches and magnificence to the kings of Persia. He gave him three cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5500. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive king Hyrcanus because of his noble descent. He took him from prison and allowed him to live in Babylon where many Jews lived. These Jews honoured him as the king and high priest. Also all those Jews who were in old time deported beyond the Euphrates River by the Assyrians (or

Babylonians) of whom there were many millions, honoured Hyrcanus. After he knew that Herod was made king, he began to hope for a favour from Herod whom he had saved when Herod was on trial for his life. Therefore he began to consult with the Jews, who from duty came to visit him concerning his journey. In spite of all their wise admonitions, he could not be persuaded from his desire of returning to his own country. The tetrarchy of Herod was added to his former country. Herod wanted to get his hands on Hyrcanus and wrote to him that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that land for this. Herod said that the Jews should not envy the joint power that he should enjoy with his son-in-law. Now the time was come, when Herod might repay him that had preserved him in the past. Herod also sent Saramala, his ambassador, to Phraates himself with large presents to soften him up so that Phraates would not prevent Herod from showing kindness to Hyrcanus. Herod had received Hyrcanus, who was sent by the Parthians, and honourably outfitted by the Jews for his expenses of his journey. Herod entertained him with all honour and gave him the upper seat in all assemblies and the most honourable place at all feasts. He called him father, and thus he lulled him on lest he should suspect any treachery. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2, 3.}

5501. Herod took care that none of the nobility should be created high priest. He sent to Babylon for a priest of lowly parentage, whom he was well acquainted with. He was of the family of the priests but descended from those Jews who were carried beyond the Euphrates River. This man’s name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and Herod gave him the high priesthood. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2, 3.}

5502. Mark Antony refused all honest and wholesome counsel and sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony} She no sooner arrived when she thought how she might get it into her possession. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.} She accused the Syrian noble men to Antony and persuaded him to put them to death so that she might more easily take over their estates. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}

5503. She accused Pausanias, the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) the king of Chalcis and Ituraea as favouring the Parthians and had Antony execute him. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 4.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} (In Dio, Parthian should be read for Pacorus) This was fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes. This is derived from Porphyrius, {Scaliger, Greek Eusebian., p. 226.} where the name of Lysimachus is incorrectly written for Lysanias.

5504. Antony made Amyntas, the secretary of Dejotarus, the prince of Galatia and added to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}

5505. Antony also made Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who was not descended from royalty. He deposed Ariarathes who descended from those Archelai who had waged war against the Romans and his mother was the harlot Glaphyra. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} From that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavian, {Martian, l. 11. epigra. 21.} it appears that Antony was involved with Glaphyra.

5506. Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus and mother-in-law of Herod, took it poorly that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was condemned because during his lifetime one from another place, usurped the high priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra through a certain musician and asked her to request the priesthood from Antony for her son. Cleopatra failed to do this. Dellius, a friend of Antony, who travelled into Judea on some occasions, persuaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antony. He said that once Antony saw them, he would not deny them anything. These were sent. Dellius also added that they seemed to be of divine rather than of the human race. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2.} Dellius was the historian who Plutarch mentioned and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common as attested to by Seneca who has related this in his first Swason Oration. Dio also implies the same and whom Antony used dishonestly. {Dio, l. 49. p. 15.}

5507. Antony did not think it proper to send for a lady who was married to Herod and wanted to avoid making Cleopatra jealous. He wrote to Alexandra that she should send her son to him under some honest pretence but he added she should not do it if this would be burdensome to her. When Herod found out about this, he did not think it safe that Aristobulus, a young man of sixteen years in the flower of his age, should be sent to Antony. He was the most powerful of all the Romans and also very much given to lust. Therefore he wrote back, that if the youth left the kingdom, the whole country would be up in arms. The Jews wanted to revolt and have a new king. Antony was satisfied with Herod’s reply. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2.}

5508. In the Sicilian war, Caesar Octavian and M. Lepidus defeated Sextus Pompeius. M. Lepidus became proud about the ability of his 20 legions and attributed the whole victory to himself. He was so bold as to oppose Caesar and to claim Sicily for himself. However, his army abandoned him and he was put out of the triumvirate. He was glad to beg for his life and goods from Caesar by whom he banished to Circeli. {Livy, l. 129.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 79, 80.} {Suetonius, in Octavian,. c. 16, & 54.} {Appian, l. 5.} {Dio, l. 49.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}

5509. Sextus Pompeius who had a fleet of 350 ships, now fled into Asia with only six or seven. {Florus, l. 4. c. 8.} Although Appian stated {Appian, l. 5. p. 741.} and Orosius, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} wrote that he had seventeen ships. He intended to flee to Antony because he had saved his mother from a similar danger. {Appian, l. 5. p.741.}

5510. He put his daughter, his friends, his money and all his best things into the ships that were left which were fastest. Pompeius sailed by night and no one pursued him because he left secretly and Caesar was continually engaged with troubles from Lepidus. {Dio, l. 49. p. 398.} In spite of this, after Pompeius had left Messana, he feared being followed and suspected the treachery of his companions. When he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the admiral’s ships usually carry and sailed by the coast of Italy. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} When he arrived at the cape of Lacinium, he robbed the temple of Juno of all its offerings. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.}

5511. From there he sailed to Corcyra and into Cephalenia. He received others who were cast in there by a storm. After he had called them together, he took off his soldier’s attire and told them that it would happen that if they all stayed together, they would not be able to be of sufficient help to each other nor could they remain hidden. If they dispersed, they might more easily flee. Therefore he advised everyone to shift for himself. Most followed his advise and went their various ways. He along with some who stayed with him, went to Lesbos and {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} stayed at Mitylene. His father had left him here before the Pharsalian battle and after the defeat he picked him up again. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.}

5512. The Parthians were troubled because of the defection of Moneses to Antony and Phraates was quite worried. He sent messengers to Moneses to ask for peace and persuaded him with large promises to return again. When this was known, Antony was angry. However, he did not kill Moneses whom as yet he had in his power. He thought if he did that none of the barbarians would ever trust him. He used politics against the enemy. He dismissed Moneses as if by his means he would make peace with the Parthians. He sent ambassadors with him to Phraates who were to make peace if the king would restore the ensigns and captives that were alive which the Parthians had taken in the defeat of Crassus. He thought he would catch the king unprepared for war by giving him reasons of hope of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.}

5513. In the meantime, Antony prepared for war. He came to the Euphrates River which he supposed was unguarded. When he found a strong garrison there, he changed his plan and intended soon to go into Armenia to make war with Artavasdes, king of the Greater Armenia, against the king of the Medes who was the other enemy of the Romans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}

5514. Artavasdes, the king of the Armenians, is called by Josephus, Artabazes the son of Tigranes. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} Orosius calls him, Artabanes {Orosius, l. 16. c. 19.} whom when Antony had taken him to be his counsellor, guide and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed Antony and later created problems for the Romans. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 524. & l. 16. p. 748.}

5515. Antony sent Cleopatra back into Egypt and he went through Arabia into Armenia. He had ordered that his own forces and the auxiliaries of the kings to meet him there. Among these were many friends and allies including Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with 6000 cavalry and 7000 foot solders. When the soldiers were mustered, the Romans and the allies of Italy had 60,000 foot soldiers and the ordinary cavalry of the Spaniards and Gauls 10,000. The auxiliaries from other countries numbered 30,000 cavalry and the light-harnessed soldiers. This is according to Plutarch. However, Velleius Paterculus said Antony had 13 legions. {Velleius, l. 2. c. 82.} Florus stated 16 {Florus, l. 4, c. 10.} Justin {Justin, l. 42. c. 5.} and Livy {Livy, l. 130} 18 legions and 16,000 cavalry.

5516. The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to the Euphrates River almost to Atrapatena (which the Araxes River divides from Armenia.) This was 1000 miles and almost twice as far as the correct way. The guide led them over mountains and byways. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 524.} Antony should have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia who were weary from the 1000 mile trek. Since spring was coming he should have invaded Media before the Parthians left their winter quarters. He could not tolerate any delay because he wanted to be back with Cleopatra. He thought more of returning quickly than of gaining a victory. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5517. Therefore when he knew that the king of Media was gone far from his country to bring help to the Parthians, he quickly marched with the best part of his cavalry and foot soldiers. He left part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus. He ordered them to follow him and hoped that on the first attack, he should conquer Media. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}

5518. Among the things left behind, were the battering engines which were carried in 300 carts. Among these was a ram 80 feet long. If any of the machines were damaged, they could not be repaired because of the scarcity of materials in those countries. The trees were too short and not strong enough. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5519. After Antony had crossed the Araxes River, he had problems and hardships on all sides. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} As soon as he came into Artapatena, he harassed that country, then he besieged the large city of Phraata. In it lived the wife of the king of the Medes with her children. When Antony realised his error in leaving his engines behind, he was forced to raise a mount near the city. This took a long time and was much work. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} This was the royal city of the Medes and was called by Dio, Praaspa and by Strabo, Vera, (unless I am mistaken in his {Strabo, l. 11. p. 523.}) from Adelphius, (if it is not Dellius the historian) who was with Antony in this expedition. He wrote about this and commanded part of the army. He said this city was 300 miles from the Araxes River.

5520. The Parthians and Medes knew that Antony wasted his time in attacking that city because it was so well fortified with walls and men. They suddenly attacked Statianus as he was tired from his journey and killed both him and all that were with him. Plutarch reckons they killed murious or 10,000 men. Velleius Paterculus said two legions were killed and they took all the baggage and engines of war. Polemo, the king of Pontus and an ally of the war was captured and let go when he paid a ransom. This was an easy victory for the barbarians to do because the king of Armenia was not at the battle who might have helped the Romans. He did not come but left Antony for his own kingdom. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.} { Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.} {Plutarch, in Antony}

5521. Although Antony hurried to help Statianus when he heard the first news, he came too late for he found nothing but dead men. He was terrified with this defeat. However, none of the barbarians opposed him and he thought that they left from fear of him and was encouraged. Soon after this, they fought and Antony routed them. His slingers, whom he had large numbers of, put them to flight. The slingers’ arrows went farther than the enemies’ arrows so the heavily armed cavalry were not safe from them. However, not many barbarians were killed because of the swiftness of their cavalry troops. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}

5522. Antony resumed the assault of Praaspa. He did little damage to the enemy and the garrison inside the city, strongly repelled their attacks. The enemy that was outside the city hindered them with hand to hand combat. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.} The Parthians who came to help the besieged, threatened the Romans most contemptuously. Antony was unwilling that his soldiers should loose any of their animosity. He took with him ten legions and three praetorian cohorts, and all his cavalry. They went foraging and hoped by this means that the enemy would attack him and so he could fight them. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5523. When he had gone a day’s journey, he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him to hinder his return. He ordered the signal for battle to be sounded. However, he packed up his tents as though he prepared not to fight but for his march. Thus he marched by the barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon. He ordered his cavalry that as soon as they were come together that the legions should attack the enemy and they should begin the charge. The Parthians were perplexed at the well ordered army of the Romans. They saw the soldiers passing by, keeping their ranks and shaking their arrows at them but not speaking a word. After the signal and a great shout was made, the cavalry began the attack. They resisted a little. Although immediately the Romans were so close to them, they were unable to use their arrows. Soon, the legions joined the battle with great shouting and the clattering of the armour. The Parthian cavalry were frightened and the Parthians fled before they came to hand to hand combat. Antony hoped that now he should overcome them or at least finish the greatest part of the war. He followed the chase very hard. After his foot soldiers had pursued them about six miles and his cavalry three times that distance, he counted the number of the slain and the prisoners. They found they had taken 30 and killed only 80. This greatly discouraged them for they thought it was very hard if being conquerors they should kill so few and if conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the baggage was taken. The next day as they were returning to their camp, they met at first a few of their enemies. More came and finally all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but were all fresh men. They reviled them and broke in upon them on every side so that they were barely able to return to their camp again. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5524. In Antony’s absence, the Medes who were at Praaspa, attacked the mount and terrified the defenders of it. Antony was so enraged that he decimated them who had forsaken the place and gave the rest of them barley instead of wheat. {Plutarch, in Antony}

5525. In the beginning, the foragers who were sent out by Antony brought enough provisions for the Romans. Later they had consumed all the near by supplies so that the soldiers themselves were forced to go foraging. It happened that if only a few were sent that they brought back nothing and often the foragers were killed. If many left then Praaspa was short of besiegers and the sallies of the barbarians killed many of the Romans and many engines were destroyed. From this it happened that Antony’s men who were besieging the city, ran as short of supplies as those inside the city. The townsmen looked for good times for sallies as well as the enemy on the outside. By their sudden incursions and quick retreats, they seriously troubled those who remained in the camp as often as they divided their forces. The foragers who went to the villages were never molested but they attacked them unexpectedly as they were scattered on their return to the camp. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}