2 Chronicles 9

It is agreed by all writers, that the trade carried on under Solomon was the same as that which is now in the hands of our East India merchants; yet there are great disputes among learned men, in what parts of the eastern world Ophir and Tarshish, the two places of resort mentioned in Scripture, lay. But we have no certain means of information; we have no account in Scripture of the situation of Ophir, or of the length of the voyage to it, only we are told that there were brought from it “gold, almuq trees, and precious stones,” therefore, any place in the Southern or Indian oceans which could furnish these may be supposed to be the Ophir of Scripture. This, however, should be remarked, that if the southern part of Arabia furnished the world in those times with the best gold, and in the greatest quantity, as many authors affirm, those who assert Ophir to have been there situated, seem to have the best reason for their conjecture. Dean Prideaux.—Ophir is the name of the famous gold region, also known as Uphaz, the El Dorado of biblical geography, so well known to fame, so imperfectly ascertained in fact. Its position has been variously assigned to the southern part of the Arabian Peninsula, the northwestern coast of India, the island of Ceylon, Malacca in the Malay Peninsula, and the eastern coast of Africa. On the whole, while the gold, and even, perhaps, the almuq-wood, may have been found in Arabia, as well as passed on therefrom in the way of commerce, the fact that the other objects mentioned were carried by the ships of Hiram and Solomon to Palestine does nothing to destroy the probability that the site of Ophir is to be placed on the sea-coast of that country, as they may have been brought there by sea, and embarked on board the ships, of which the chief freight consisted in its natural productions; nor does the statement that the “ships of Tarshish came once in three years” (verse 21) require us to believe that the voyage from Ezion-geber, Solomon’s port on the Red Sea, to India occupied all that time (1 K. 9 : 26 ; 10 : 22). Herodotus, indeed, tells us that the fleet of discovery sent by Necho from the Red Sea occupied two years in sailing round Africa, but that the crews tarried on their voyage long enough in each year to sow the land and reap the crop. It is not likely that the trading voyage of Solomon’s fleet, starting from nearly the same point, and bound to India, even if conducted on the most dilatory principle, could have occupied a whole year longer than the much longer one of Necho’s scientific expedition. We may therefore receive the statement of the Book of Kings in its simply natural sense—viz., that, without inquiring into the length of each voyage, the fleets made their voyage to Ophir once in three years; probably they sailed farther than to Ophir, perhaps even as far as India or Ceylon; but the voyage derived its title from the place which was its principal station, Ophir, on the southeastern coast of the Arabian peninsula. Wilson.

Tarshish, as appears from the Scriptural accounts and allusions, was an old, celebrated, opulent, cultivated, commercial city, which carried on trade in the Mediterranean and with the seaports of Syria, especially Tyre and Joppa, and that it most probably lay on the extreme west of that sea. Was there, then, in ancient times any city in these parts which corresponded with these clearly ascertained facts? There was. Such was Tartessus in Spain, said to have been a Phœnician colony, a fact which of itself would account for its intimate connection with Palestine and the Biblical narratives. As to the exact spot where Tartessis (so written originally) lay, authorities are not agreed, as the city had ceased to exist when geography began to receive attention; but it was not far from the Straits of Gibraltar, and near the mouth of the Guadalquivir, consequently at no great distance from the famous Granada of later days. The reader, however, must enlarge his notion beyond that of a mere city, which, how great so ever, would scarcely correspond with the ideas of magnitude, affluence, and power that the Scriptures suggest. The name, which is of Phœnician origin, seems to denote the district of Southwestern Spain, comprising the several colonies which Tyre planted in that country, and so being equivalent to what we might designate Phœnician Spain. We seem authorized by considerations, besides those which have been already elicited, in identifying the Hebrew Tarshish with the Spanish Tartessus, whatever may have been the extent of the neighboring country over which the latter held dominion, or possessed immediate influence. Among these considerations we mention, first, that the two names are similar, if they are not the same; a fact which would of itself seem to settle the question, in the absence of conflicting evidence and claims; second, Spain was one of the chief seats of Phœnician colonization; and if we unite therewith the northwest of Africa, we shall have some idea of the greatness of the power of Tyre in these parts, for Tyre is reported to have founded not fewer than three hundred cities on the western coast of Africa, and two hundred in Southwestern Spain (Strabo 2 : 82). Here, then, was found the chief object of the Phœnician sea trade. These countries were to Tyre what Peru was to Spain. Confining our remarks to Spain, we learn from Heeren that the Phœnician colonies on the European side of the sea were situated in the south of the present Andalusia. Here, with other important places, lay Tartessus, a name which is borne by a river, an island, a town, and a region. Heeren distinctly says that to Orientalists the word indicated the farthest west generally, comprising, of course, many places. In the commercial geography of the Phœnicians, he adds, the word obviously meant the entire of their colonial dependencies in Southern Spain. In the same general way we use the term West Indies; and thus arose the river, the town the district of Tartessus, since the country included them all. Third, it does much to confirm our view that all the articles reported in Jeremiah and Ezekiel to have been brought from Tarshish might have come from Southwestern Spain. Here there were mines of gold and silver, and Tartessus is expressly named as affording the latter mineral (Strabo, Diod. Sic.). Tin was brought by the Phœnicians from Britain into Spain, and thence carried to the Oriental markets. According to Diodorus Siculus, tin was procured in Spain also, as well as lead, according to Pliny. Pliny’s words are forcible: “Nearly all Spain abounds in the metals—lead, iron, copper, silver, gold.” We add one or two corroborations. Heeren translates Ezek. 27 : 25, “The ships of Tarshish,” etc., by “Spanish ships were the chief object of thy merchandise; thou (Tyre) wast a full city, and wast honored on the seas.” The Phœnicians were as eager in their quest of gold and gold countries as were the alchemists and the Europeans of the sixteenth century. The lust for gold urged them over the deserts of Arabia and the cliffs of the Red Sea as far as Yemen and Ethiopia; and the same passion carried them westwardly to the coasts of Spain and the pillars of Hercules. “Spain,” says Heeren, “was once the richest land in the world for silver; gold was found there in great abundance, and the baser metals as well. The silver mountains were in those parts which the Phœnicians comprised under the general name of Tartessus or Tarshish. The immeasurable affluence of precious metals which on their first arrival they found here, so astounded them, and the sight thereof so wrought on the imagination of the people, that fact called fable to its aid, and the story gained currency, that the first Phœnician colonists not only filled their ships with gold, but made thereof their various implements, anchors not excepted.” J. R. Beard.

Commercial Relations of Solomon with Tyre and the Phœnician People.

To his relations with Tyre the whole record testifies. These relations were definitely and intensely commercial—bread-stuffs in exchange for building materials and skilled labor; besides the co-operative trade which Solomon and Hiram carried on jointly through their commercial navies and seafaring men across the great Mediterranean with Northwestern Africa and Southwestern Europe—in Hebrew phrase, “with Tarshish” and “ships of Tarshish.” The imports of this trade were gold and silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks." Moreover, having built Ezion-geber on the eastern arm of the Red Sea for their port, they drove a very considerable trade with the southern coast region of Arabia and probably with India and Africa. The precise location of Ophir—the land of gold—is still an unsettled question, opinions being divided between Arabia and India, with much to be said for either theory. The products of this traffic were gold (principally), yet also “almug (or algum) trees and precious stones.” H. C.—The first branch of commerce into which this enterprising people either admitted the Jews as regular partners, or at least permitted them to share in its advantages, was the traffic of the Mediterranean. To every part of that sea the Phœnicians had pursued their discoveries; they had planted colonies, and worked the mines. This was the trade to Tarshish, so celebrated, that ships of Tarshish seem to have become the common name for large merchant vessels. Tarshish was probably a name as indefinite as the West Indies in early European navigation; properly speaking, it was the south of Spain, then rich in mines of gold and silver, the Peru of Tyrian adventure. Whether or not as early as the days of Solomon,—without doubt in the more flourishing period of Phœnicia; before the city on the mainland was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, and insular Tyre became the emporium—the Phœnician navies extended their voyages beyond the pillars of Hercules, where they founded Cadiz. Northward they sailed along the coast of France to the British isles: southward along the African shore; where the boundaries of their navigation are quite uncertain, yet probably extended to the Gold Coast. The second branch of commerce was the inland trade with Egypt. This was carried on entirely by the Jews. Egypt supplied horses in vast numbers. The third, and more important branch, was the maritime trade by the Red Sea. The conquests of David had already made the Jews masters of the eastern branch of this gulf. Solomon built or improved the towns and ports of Elath and Ezion-geber. Hence a fleet, manned by Tyrians, sailed for Ophir, their East Indies, as Tarshish was their West. They sailed along the eastern coast of Africa, in some part of which the real Ophir was probably situated. The whole maritime commerce, with Eastern Asia, the southern shores of the Arabian peninsula, the coasts of the Persian gulf, and without doubt some parts of India, entered, in the same manner, the Red Sea, and was brought to Elath and Ezion-geber. Yet even this line of commerce was scarcely more valuable than the inland trade of the Arabian peninsula. This was carried on by the caravans of the native tribes, who transported on camels the spices, the incense, the gold, the precious stones, the valuable woods, particularly the almug, thought to be the sandal—and all the other highly-prized productions of that country; perhaps also the foreign commodities which were transported across the Persian gulf, or which were landed, by less adventurous traders from the east, in the Arabian ports on that sea. Both these lines of commerce flowed directly into the dominions of Solomon. Another line of commerce was that of inland Asia, which crossed from Assyria and Babylonia to Tyre. In order to participate in this branch of traffic, Solomon subdued part of the Syrian tribes, and built two cities as stations between the Euphrates and the coast. These were Tadmor and Baalath, one the celebrated Palmyra, the other Baal-bee. Milman.

2. Chron. 9:13. Now the weight of gold that came to Solomon in one year**—666 talents, equal to £3,996,000. The sources whence this was derived are not mentioned; nor was it the full amount of his revenue; for this was “besides that he had of the merchantmen, and of the traffic of the spicemarchants, and of all the kings of Arabia, and of the governors of the country.” The great attention he gave to commerce was the means of enriching his royal exchequer. By the fortifications which he erected in various parts of his kingdom, and particularly at such places as Thapsacus, one of the passages of Euphrates, and at Tadmor, in the Syrian desert, he gave complete security to the caravan trade from the depredations of the Arab marauders; and it was reasonable that, in return for this protection, he should exact a certain toll or duty for the importation of foreign goods. A considerable revenue, too, would arise from the use of the store cities and khans he built; and it is not improbable that those cities were emporia, where the caravan merchants unloaded their bales of spices and other commodities, and sold them to the king’s factors, who, according to the modern practice in the East, retailed them in the Western markets at a profit. “The revenue derived from the tributary kings and from the governors of the country” must have consisted in the tribute which all inferior magistrates periodically bring to their sovereigns in the East, in the shape of presents of the produce of their respective provinces.

17-19. A great throne of ivory.** It seems to have been made not of solid ivory, but veneered. It was in the form of an arm-chair, with a carved back. The ascent to it was by six steps, on each of which stood lions, in place of a railing—while a lion, probably of gilt metal, stood at each side, which, we may suppose from the analogy of other Oriental thrones, supported a canopy. A golden footstool is mentioned as attached to this throne, whose magnificence is described as unrivalled. Jamieson. — We never read of ivory till about the time of Solomon, who, perhaps, brought elephants from India, or, at least, caused great quantities of ivory to be imported from thence. At this time it was as precious as gold: we must not suppose, therefore, that this throne of Solomon’s was entirely overlaid with gold, but only in particular places, that so the mixture of gold and ivory, which gave a lustre to each other, might make the throne look more beautiful. “There was not the like made in any kingdom” (verse 19), of course the sacred writer means in those days. In after ages, we read that the throne of the Parthian kings was of gold, encompassed with four golden pillars beset with precious stones, and that the Persian kings sat in judgment under a golden vine, the bunches of whose grapes were made of several sorts of precious stones. This serves to illustrate the splendor of eastern monarchs. Stackhouse.

19. And twelve lions stood.** An account is given by Sir Thomas Roe of a throne of the Mogul, much resembling this of Solomon: “He hath at Agra a most glorious throne within his palace, the ascent to which is by divers steps, covered with plates of silver; on the top of the ascent stand four lions, upon pedestals of marble, which lions are all of massy silver, in part gilt. These lions support a canopy of fine gold, under which the Mogul sits when he appears in his greatest state and glory.” Fragments to Calmet.

Summary of the Sources of Solomon’s Wealth.

The profound peace which the nation enjoyed as a fruit of David’s victories, stimulated the industry of all Israel. The tribes beyond the Jordan had become rich by the plunder of the Hagarenes, and had a wide district where their cattle might multiply to an indefinite extent. The agricultural tribes enjoyed a soil and climate in some parts eminently fruitful, and in all richly rewarding the toil of irrigation; so that, in the security of peace, nothing more was wanted to develop the resources of the nation than markets for its various produce. In food for men and cattle, in timber and fruit trees, in stone, and probably in the useful metals, the land supplied of itself all the first wants of its people in abundance. For exportation, it is distinctly stated, that wheat, barley, oil, and wine were in chief demand; to which we may conjecturally add, wool, hides, and other raw materials. The king undoubtedly had large districts and extensive herds of his own; but besides this, he received presents in kind from his own people and from the subject nations; and it was possible in this way to make demands upon them, without severe oppression, to an extent that is unbearable where taxes must be paid in gold or silver. He was himself at once monarch and merchant; and we may with much confidence infer, that no private merchant will be allowed to compete with a prince who has assumed the mercantile character. By his intimate commercial union with the Tyrians, he was put into the most favorable of all positions for disposing of his goods. That energetic nation, possessing so small a strip of territory, had much need of various raw produce for their own wants. Another large demand was made by them for the raw materials of manufactures, and for articles which they could with advantage sell again: and as they were able to furnish so many acceptable luxuries to the court of Solomon, a most active exchange soon commenced. Only second in importance to this, and superior in fame, was the commerce of the Red Sea, which could not have been successfully prosecuted without the aid of Tyrian enterprise and experience. The navigation to Sheba, and the districts beyond—whether of Eastern Arabia or of Africa—was highly lucrative, from the vast diversity of productions between the countries so exchanging; while, as it was a trade of monopoly, a very disproportionate share of the whole gain fell to the carriers of the merchandise. The Egyptians were the only nation who might have been rivals in the southern maritime traffic; but their religion and their exclusive principles did not favor sea-voyages; and there is some reason to think that at this early period they abstained from sending their own people abroad for commerce. The goods brought back from the south were chiefly gold, precious stones, spice, almuj or other scented woods, and ivory; all of which were probably so abundant in their native regions as to be parted with on easy terms; and, of course, were all admirably suited for re-exportation to Europe. The carrying trade, which was thus shared between Solomon and the Tyrians, was probably the most lucrative part of the southern and eastern commerce. How large a portion of it went on by caravans of camels, is wholly unknown; yet that this branch was considerable, is certain. From Egypt Solomon imported horses and chariots, which were sold again to the princes of Syria and of the Hittites; and were probably prized for the superior breed of the horses, and for the light, strong, and elegant structure of the chariots. Wine being abundant in Palestine, and wanting in Egypt, was no doubt a principal means of repayment. Moreover, Solomon’s fortifying of Tadmor (or Palmyra), and retention of Thapsacus on the Euphrates, show that he had an important interest in the direct land and river trade to Babylon; although we have no details on this subject. F. W. Newman.

We must not suffer our eyes to be so dazzled by the magnificence of Solomon’s commercial operations as to preclude ourselves from discerning the unsoundness of their principles, and the hollowness of the prosperity which they appeared to create. Although it may be, that no cause so directly contributes to the material prosperity of a nation as commerce—to insure that result, the commerce must be national, not regal. It must be the effect of the natural development of the nation’s resources, or of the direction given to its tastes and habits. It must be in the hands of the people, open to all who can command the needful capital, or possess the required commodities—and so diffusing by numerous channels throughout the land its enlivening influence. Without this, commerce can have no really beneficial existence, and although it may gild the head of the State, it can impart no quickening life to its frame. Solomon, with all his wisdom, did not discern this. Kit.

It has been well observed (by Ewald) that there was a moment in Israel’s history when it seemed possible that David might have laid the foundation of an empire like that of Rome, and another when Solomon might have led the way to a philosophy as sovereign as that of Greece. But it was an equally, if not more dangerous path on which to enter, and one even more opposed to the Divine purpose concerning Israel, when foreign trade, and with it foreign luxury, became the object of king and people. The danger was only too real, and the public display appeared in what the Queen of Sheba saw of Solomon’s court, in the magnificence of his throne, and in the sumptuousness of all his appointments. Two hundred large targets and three hundred smaller shields, all covered with beaten gold, hung around the house of the forest of Lebanon; all the king’s drinking vessels, and all the other appurtenances for State receptions were of pure gold; the merchants brought the spices of the East into the country; while traders, importers, and vassal chiefs swelled the immense revenue, which in one year rose to the almost incredible sum of 666 talents of gold, which at the lowest computation amounts to upward of two and a half millions of our money, or only one million less than that of the Persian kings. Add to this the number of Solomon’s chariots and horsemen, the general wealth of the country, and the importation of horses from Egypt, which made Palestine almost an emporium for chariots and horses; and it will not be difficult to perceive on what a giddy height king and people stood during the later years of Solomon’s reign. It was this scene of wealth and magnificence, unexampled even in the East, as well as the undisputed political influence and supremacy of the king, combined with the highest intellectual activity and civilization in the country, which so much astounded the Queen of Sheba on her visit to Solomon’s dominions. A. E.

From these and other details, summarized in these chapters of Solomon’s career, we get certain impressions which are only deepened as we reach the conclusion of that career. The first respects the just estimate of Solomon’s character and of the fruits of his life. Apart from his choice of wisdom in the comparison of other earthly gifts, and from his participation in occasional public worship, there is little indication of personal fellowship with God, or personal consecration to Him. So in the acts of his protracted reign, apart from his excellent work in the building of the Temple, there is no one of the manifold and notable products of his reign that seems to have been instigated by a higher consideration than personal or national glory. The burden of his sad strain in “The words of the Preacher,” and the prevalent tone of the Proverbs, strongly confirm this impression of Solomon’s character and life. Only in the faithful transcription of these wisest and deepest of practical truths, whose substance was inwrought into his experience and made clearer by a supernatural insight, only in this, his great work for God and man, do we find that which in some measure redeems an otherwise pre-eminently wasted though supremely gifted life. And this leads us to the second impression, perhaps the great lesson suggested by this life. It is the wonderful long-suffering and positive forbearance of God as shown in his dealing with Solomon. It is the same lesson disclosed in every previous life-history, but nowhere, perhaps, so signally as here. With Saul, God forbore only for a season, after his disobedience. With David’s transgressions he dealt at once and sorely. But for long years, and even to the end, He forebore with Solomon. With no other human soul did the promises of Jehovah seem to have such force in holding back His hand from merited chastisement. And the lesson is deeply impressive, as illustrating God’s tenderness of affection, His depth of patience, and His faithfulness to promise! B.

Solomon got much by his merchandise, and yet has directed us to a better trade, within reach of the poorest, having assured us, from his own experience of both, that the merchandise of Wisdom is better than the merchandise of silver, and the gain thereof than fine gold (Prov. 3 : 14). H.