Acts 25

H. Leo Boles Commentary On Acts 25 PAUL BEFORE FESTUSAct_25:1-12 1 Festus therefore, having come into the province,—Festus was made governor by the emperor, Nero, in A.D. 60, and died two years afterward. He was a better man than Felix and there is a strong contrast between the honesty and straightforwardness of Festus and the wickedness of Felix. It seems that he rested one day in Caesarea and then went to Jerusalem. “ After three days” means that he arrived in Caesarea one day, rested the next day, and the third day started for Jerusalem. This is the same language used of the resurrection of Christ, “ after three days,” which means “ on the third day.” 2-3 And the chief priests and the principal men—When Festus arrived in Jerusalem the chief priests and important men among the Jews informed Festus against Paul. It seems that they placed formal charges against Paul before the governor and asked him to send Paul to Jerusalem to be tried there. They placed charges against Paul and then asked for.themselves a favor; they had formed a plot to kill Paul on the way. These religious leaders, under the guise of seeking justice, were plotting to commit the greatest injustice to another. This plot was similar to the one that had been laid two years before. (Acts 23:12.) They intended to conceal themselves along the way and seize Paul from the Roman guard and put him to death. Festus did not know of their plot. 4 Howbeit Festus answered, that Paul was kept—Festus an¬swered the Jews that Paul was a prisoner in Caesarea, and that he would soon return to Caesarea. This spoiled the plot that the Jews had laid to kill Paul. Festus denied their request. Some think that Festus had either been informed of the enmity on the part of the Jews against Paul, or that he wished to keep free from any of the troubles that arose at Jerusalem. Festus was a wise and firm official. He refused to alter judicial arrangements on private requests, and assured the Jews that the case would be taken in regular order as Felix had left it. 5 Let them therefore, saith he,—Since Paul was a prisoner in Caesarea, and since Festus was ready to return to Caesarea, he advised that some of the important or prominent Jews would go with him and make their accusations against Paul in Caesarea. The men “ of power” among the Jews simply meant the members of the Sanhedrin. Luke changes from the indirect discourse in verse 4 to the direct in verse 5. Festus demanded that the charges against Paul should be supported by the leaders and representatives of the people, and not by a hired lawyer like Tertullus. 6 And when he had tarried among them—Festus remained in Jerusalem eight or ten days, and then went to Caesarea. Note again that “ he went down unto Caesarea.” This is true to the topoaphy of the country. He lost no time; the next day after his arrival in Caesarea he called for Paul to be brought before him. This would give a formal presentation of his case. Some of the prominent Jews had gone “ down” from Jerusalem to Caesarea as Festus had invited them. (See verse 5.) Festus “ sat on the judgment- seat.” The “ judgment-seat” was an elevated throne or seat, reached probably by a step; sometimes it was fixed in some open place and was movable; it was the symbol of authority of a Roman judge, and is frequently mentioned in the New Testament. (Matthew 27:19; John 19:13; Acts 18:12 Acts 18:16-17 Acts 25:6 Acts 25:10 Acts 25:17; Romans 14:10; 2 Corinthians 5:10.) 7 And when he was come, the Jews,—When Paul was brought before the judgment seat of Festus, the Jews who had come down from Jerusalem made many “ grievous charges” against him; however, they were unable to prove any of their charges. The enemies of Paul were as prompt in preferring charges against him as was Festus in speeding up the trial. When Paul came into court the Jews “ stood round about him” ; that is, they took their stand as witnesses and accusers around him. It seems that they had no lawyer at this time, but appeared in mass and made their charges. Nothing is said as to the nature of the charges further than that they made many “ grievous changes.” Perhaps they were no more grievous than the charges made by Tertullus two years before. It is very likely that their charges were a repetition and reiteration of the former charges. 8 while Paul said in his defence,—It is likely that Paul also repeated his defense, which he made before Felix, and in reply to the charges preferred by Tertullus. Paul sums up the charges that they made against him, and puts them in three classes: (1) those against the law of the Jews; (2) those against the temple; (3) and those against Roman law. Festus was interested only in offenses committed against Roman law. We would infer that since Paul’ s defense indicated three counts of the indictment the Jews had made these three classes of charges. As the Jews alleged that he had broken the law of Israel, which Rome recognized as the religion of the province, he was therefore subject to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin. They made this charge, perhaps, that they might get Festus to send Paul to Jerusalem; if he did so, they could carry out their plot to kill him. 9 But Festus, desiring to gain favor with the Jews,—This is the charge that was brought against Felix. (Acts 24:27.) For some cause Festus, like Felix, feared the Jews. Festus asked Paul if he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem and there appear before him. If Festus was unwilling to give Paul justice in Caesarea, where his regular court was held, what assurance did Paul have that he would get justice before him in Jerusalem? Festus would have less courage to give justice in Jerusalem, where he was surrounded with influential Jews, than he had in Caesarea. Paul knew this. It is probable that Festus would have turned Paul over to the Jews in Jerusalem had he gone there for his trial. Festus’ proposal was an informal statement that there was no case against Paul; that Paul had not committed any crime that Roman law could condemn. 10 But Paul said, I am standing before Caesar’ s judgment- seat,—Paul refused on just grounds to be taken to Jerusalem for trial. Paul’ s reply was emphatic and decisive. He had no hope of receiving justice from the Sanhedrin; he had no hope of receiving justice from Festus who feared the Jews. His only course was to appeal to Caesar. As a Roman citizen he had this right; no man or official could deny a Roman citizen of his right to appeal his case to the higher court. Festus had shown prejudice in favor of the Jews; this indicated that Paul would not receive justice in another trial before Festus.

Paul declared his innocence as to any violation of Jewish law or Roman authority. He fearlessly confronted Festus with the fact that Festus knew that he was innocent of the charges brought against him. 11 If then I am a wrong-doer,—In further declaring his innocence Paul expressed willingness to suffer even death if he were guilty of a crime that demanded the death sentence. On the other hand, if he were not guilty of the things of which he was accused, he demanded, as a Roman citizen, the right to appeal his case to Caesar. Paul was a Roman citizen, and even Festus could not send Paul to Jerusalem to be tried by the Sanhedrin. Originally, the Roman law allowed an appeal from the magistrate to the peo¬ple, but the emperor of Rome represented the people, and so the appeal to Caesar was the right of every Roman citizen. In his appeal to Caesar, Paul took his case out of the hands of Festus. Perhaps Paul’ s long desire to see Rome (Acts 19:21; Romans 15:22-28), and the promise of Jesus that he would see Rome (Acts 23:11), may have helped Paul in deciding to make this emphatic appeal to Caesar. 12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council,—Festus advised “ with the council.” “ Council” comes from the Greek “ sumboulion.” This word in the New Testament usually means “ counsel,” as in Matthew 12:14, but here alone as an assembly of counselors or “ council.” Here it means the chief officers and advisers of the procurator or governor. These local advisers were necessary and helped the judge or governor, as he needed their ex¬perience and advice. Such men were appointed in all provincial courts to advise the procurator on matters of Roman law; they formed his cabinet officers. After Festus had advised with his “ council,” he returned to his judgment seat and pronounced the formal announcement of an appeal: “ Thou hast appealed unto Caesar: unto Caesar shalt thou go.” The Roman Caesar at this time was the notorious and wicked Nero. Some think that Festus meant to say that Paul had not bettered his case by making the appeal. FESTUS AND AGRIPPA Acts 25:13-2713 Now when certain days were passed,—Each of the characters before whom Paul was brought had a memorable history. “ Agrippa,” as mentioned here, is King Herod Agrippa II; he was the son of Agrippa I who died so miserably at Caesarea. (Acts 12:21-23.) He was the great grandson of Herod the Great, and was the last of the famous Herodian princes, who played so distin¬guished a part in the story of Israel during the last fifty years of the existence of the Jews as a separate nation. Agrippa ruled over a very small portion of his father’ s territory; the remainder had been made into a Roman province of Judea. Agrippa II resided at Caesarea Philippi; he died at an advanced age, having survived the fall of Jerusalem many years; it is thought that he died in A.D. 99. Bernice was a sister of Agrippa II; she was a sister also of Dru- silla. Her beauty was famous. Her history reads like a terrible romance.

She married at an early age her uncle, Herod, king of Chalcis; she was left a widow while young and went to reside with her brother, Agrippa II. Polemo, king of Cilicia, adopted the Jewish religion and made Bernice his wife; however, she soon deserted him, and again returned to her brother, Agrippa II, with whom it is said she lived in illicit relationship. Later, she became the mistress of Titus, son of Vespasian, who took her to Rome, but public indignation was so great that he did not marry her. Festus had just recently been appointed governor and Agrippa and Bernice came to Caesarea and congratulated him on the honors which had been conferred upon him. 14-15 And as they tarried there many days,—The time of the sojourn of King Agrippa and Bernice was indefinite, “ tarried there many days” ; the original may mean “ more than one, or several days.” There was sufficient time for Festus to discuss Paul’ s case with King Agrippa. It would help confirm the friendship of Agrippa and Bernice for Festus to advise with Agrippa about Paul’ s case. Festus does not make any official report to Agrippa, but engages him in an informal, personal talk about the case for his advice. Agrippa was more familiar with Jewish affairs than Festus ; he had greater experience as an official; hence, he would be of service to Festus in advising him. We get from this conversation that the Jews had asked the death sentence on Paul without a fair trial. The Jews had evidently made two proposals to Festus: (1) that he should condemn and punish Paul without trial; (2) that he should bring Paul to Jerusalem for trial there, purposing to have him killed on the road.

Festus further informed Agrippa that Paul had been left by Felix; hence, it was, perhaps, an old and difficult case. This would be a good reason for Festus advising with Agrippa about it. 16 To whom I answered, that it is not the custom—It may be that Festus did some boasting in the presence of Agrippa; the record is not clear that he answered the Jews as he claimed that he did. It may not be an accurate representation of the case by Festus. It may be that the Jews did ask for sentence against Paul, and it may be that they did not. Roman officials were often unreliable ; Festus had such a good opportunity to boast of his loyalty to justice that he likely exaggerated in his own favor. Festus stated a point of Roman law and the rights of a Roman citizen. The accused had a right to demand that his accusers meet him “ face to face” and make their charges, and give the accused the opportunity of defending himself.

Paul had told Festus exactly what Festus says that he told the Jews. Those who accused Paul to Festus had not met Paul face to face. Ishmael was then high priest in place of Ananias. 17 When therefore they were come together here,—Festus here relates accurately the facts. While he was in Jerusalem Paul’ s accusers asked that Paul be brought to Jerusalem; Festus refused to let him be brought to Jerusalem, but told them that he would soon return to Caesarea and that they could come to Caesarea and prefer their charges against Paul. They did so, and Festus promptly demanded that Paul be brought before his judgment seat the next day. 18 Concerning whom, when the accusers stood up,—Festus continues his recitation of the details of the trial. When Paul’ s accusers bore witness against him and preferred their charges, and Paul made his defense, Festus saw that there was no proof offered as he had expected. Perhaps Festus was influenced by Paul’ s accusers at Jerusalem, and supposed that Paul was guilty of sedition and disloyalty to the emperor. However, he discovered that the charges were nothing but the vaguest rumors which could not be proved. 19 but had certain questions against him—Festus discovered that the real point urged against Paul was connected with matters devoid of interest to a Roman; no Roman law had been violated by Paul. Festus, in speaking to Agrippa, a Jewish king, would not knowingly use an offensive term. Furthermore, he showed his ignorance of the entire matter when he said that the charges against Paul were of “ their own religion, and of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.” Festus merely understood that Paul was affirming, with other Pharisees, not the general doctrine of a resurrection, but as bearing specific testimony that Jesus had been raised from the dead, while the others denied his affirmation. Festus was like Gallio at Corinth. (Acts 18:17.) This remark shows that Luke gave only a short abstract of Paul’ s speech before the Sanhedrin and of his defense before Agrippa; we are not told that he even mentioned the name of Jesus; yet this name, and the fact of the resurrection of Jesus, had made the strongest impression on the mind of the Roman governor. “ Religion,” as used here, comes from the Greek “ deisidaimonias,” and is translated in the Authorized Version as “ superstitious.” The Greeks used this word to mean “ pious,” or “ religious,” or “ superstitious.” Paul used the word in Acts 17:22. 20 And I, being perplexed—Festus had already determined what to do, and it was difficult for him to justify his conduct in not releasing Paul at once, and not put the government to the expense of an appeal to Caesar. He reports accurately that he had asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem and be judged of these matters. Festus was ignorant as to how to conduct a judicial trial about these matters of religion; to him they seemed to belong to a Jewish court; at least, this is what he says to Agrippa. This was his smooth excuse for proposing to deliver Paul over to the Jews, though it was contrary to Roman custom, as he had formerly stated. (Verse 16.) Festus stated before Agrippa not what he had formerly said, but what had since occurred to him upon reflecting. 21 But when Paul had appealed—When Paul made his appeal to Caesar, Festus had no further jurisdiction over him but to send him to Rome. There seems to be an undercurrent in Festus’ conversation of his displeasure at the appeal to Caesar. He had to grant the appeal, but it was a reflection on Festus’ fairness and justice that a Roman citizen should prefer the imperial tribunal at Rome to his own. Festus had proposed to remove the trial to Jerusalem ; this had forced Paul to take the step of his appeal. The term “ emperor,” as used here, by many is translated “ Augustus.” The Greek is “ Sebastos,” and is a reverent title for the ruler of Rome. 22 And Agrippa said unto Festus,—After hearing Festus relate the details of the case, Agrippa became interested. Perhaps he had frequently heard of Paul and he desired to hear him. It may not have been a desire to satisfy his curiosity, but more to learn something about Christianity from its greatest advocate. Agrippa’ s courteous suggestion or request to Festus was promptly accepted, and Festus promised Agrippa that he should hear Paul the next day. This was as soon as arrangements could properly be made. 23 So on the morrow, when Agrippa was come,—According to promise, Festus made arrangements for Paul to be brought before Agrippa the next day. Luke’ s description is so vivid that one would think that he was an eyewitness to the parade. Much or “ great pomp” was displayed on this occasion. King Agrippa, Bernice, “ the chief captains,” or chiliarch, leader or captain of a thousand soldiers, and “ the principal men of the city,” together with Festus and his attendants— all these dressed in their royal garments and official robes— made a gorgeous display. The place of assembly was near Festus’ court. After the procession had passed in and were seated, Paul, the prisoner, was brought in.

The splendor of the procession and the glittering appearance of the court, Roman and Jewish guards, and the Sanhedrin officials, all made a very imposing scene, and showed an emphatic contrast to the humble prisoner in chains. About eighteen years before this event Herod, the father of Agrippa, was smitten by an angel of the Lord as punishment for his pride. (Acts 12:23.) We have here one of the direct fulfillments of the prophecy of Jesus to his disciples when he said that they would be brought “ before governors and kings” “ for a testimony to them and to the Gentiles.” (Matthew 10:18.) Christ had said to Ananias, who was sent to Saul, that he would “ bear my name before the Gentiles and kings, and the children of Israel.” (Acts 9:15.) We now have Paul standing be¬fore rulers and kings. 24 And Festus saith, King Agrippa, and all men—Festus now with equal pomp and dignity introduced the case to those who were assembled. Festus believed that the feeling against Paul among the Jews was general; he had come in contact only with Paul’ s enemies. Nothing new is stated in the introduction that Festus made except that the Jews of Caesarea had joined with those from Jerusalem in urging that Paul be put to death, and that they had asked Festus to pass such a sentence on him. Festus ad¬dressed Agrippa with a courteous title. It is very likely that the Sadducees from Jerusalem had been able in the course of two years to excite much animosity against Paul among their party in Caesarea; hence, when Festus came to Caesarea, these influential men joined the Sadducees from Jerusalem in demanding the death sentence upon Paul. 25 But I found that he had committed—Festus is frank and fair in stating that he had not found Paul “ worthy of death.” These words were emphatic on the part of Festus; they admit that Paul’ s accusers had failed to prove their charges. However, Festus was bound to send a formal report as to the matter, out of which the case of appeal arose, and he was in doubt as to what he should send to Caesar, and needed the advice and co-operation of Agrippa. Perhaps Paul would have been set at liberty had it not been for the persistent clamor of the Jews against him. However, since Paul had made an appeal to Caesar, Festus must send him. These points are mentioned to show the exact condition of the case; Paul’ s appeal had stopped all judicial proceedings except at Rome. This was not a judicial hearing, but only one for further information, which Festus now declared. 26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write—It was the rule or law when a case was appealed to the emperor to transmit a detailed account of the crime charged, and also to give a full report of the legal proceedings which had taken place in connection with the case. It is clear that Festus must admit Paul’ s innocence, but he reiterated that pressure from the Jews had caused him to retain Paul. Festus referred to the emperor as “ my lord.” Augustus and Tiberius had refused to let anyone address them with such a title, but Caligula and Nero permitted such an address, and even gloried in this title. Festus pleaded for help from the other Roman officials, and especially from King Agrippa. He hoped that from this examination of Paul he would be able to formulate definitely what he should send to the emperor. This was a compli¬ment to his other officials, and especially an act of courtesy toward King Agrippa. 27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable,—It seemed ridiculous to Festus to send a prisoner who had appealed his case to Rome without informing the higher court of the charges that were made against him. Festus hoped that the interview before Agrippa would bring out some fresh facts which had been kept in the background ; at least, he thought that the Roman official, King Agrippa, who was more familiar with Jewish religion, would help him to formulate what he should send to Caesar. It is remarkable how much trouble a single humble man gave to the Jews and the Roman courts.

J.W. McGarvey Commentary On Acts 24Acts 25:1-5. The long imprisonment of Paul seems not in the least to have moderated the hatred of his enemies; but upon the change of governorship they renewed their efforts for his destruction. (1) “Now when Festus had come into the province, after three days he went up from Cζsarea to Jerusalem. (2) And the high priest and the chief men of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him, (3) requesting as a favor against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, preparing an ambush to kill him on the way. (4) But Festus answered that Paul should be kept in Cζsarea, and that he himself would shortly depart thither. (5) Let the influential men among you, said he, go down with me, and if there is any thing wrong in this man, accuse him.” He further told them, as we learn from his speech to Agrippa, that it was contrary to Roman law to condemn a man to death before he had an opportunity for defense, face to face with his accusers. All this shows that Festus was, at this time, disposed to see justice done. He, of course, knew nothing of the plot to waylay Paul: for they kept this purpose concealed, while they professed another. Acts 25:6-8. He made no delay in granting them the promised hearing. (6) “And when he had remained among them not more than ten days, he went down to Cζsarea, and the next day sat upon his judgment seat, and commanded Paul to be brought. (7) And when he arrived, the Jews who had come down from Jerusalem stood around, bringing many and heavy charges against Paul, which they were not able to prove: (8) while he answered in defense, Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Cζsar have I at all offended.” The specifications embraced in this defense are the same as in the defense against the speech of Tertullus before Felix, showing that the charges were still the same. Being a “ ringleader of the sect of Nazarenes” was his sin against the law; the false imputation of taking Greeks into the temple, his sin against that holy place; and the excitement of sedition among the Jews, his sin against Cζsar. In the last specification, reference was had to the mobs which the Jews were in the habit of exciting against him, whose crimes were thus charged upon him. Acts 25:9. The accusers not being able to prove their charges, and the prisoner having plead not guilty to each specification, he should have been unconditionally released. But Festus, notwithstanding the fairness of his answer to their demands in Jerusalem, was now disposed to yield to the clamor of the Jews. (9) “But Festus, wishing to do the Jews a favor, answered Paul and said, Are you willing to go up to Jerusalem, there to be judged concerning these things before me?” It is possible that Festus still knew nothing of the plot to murder Paul by the roadside; but he knew that the Jews desired his death, and he here exhibited a willingness to give them the opportunity which they desired. Acts 25:10-11. The purpose of the Jews was well understood by Paul. He remembered the purpose of the similar request preferred before Claudius Lysias, and perceived that his only safety was in frustrating their present attempt. Fortunately, the very imprisonment which exposed him to danger also furnished the means of his safety. (10) “Then Paul said, I am standing at Cζsar’s judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged. To the Jews I have done no wrong, as you yourself very well know. (11) If I am a wrong-doer, and have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die. But if there is nothing in these things of which they accuse me, no man is able to deliver me up to them.

I APPEAL TO CΖSAR.” This appeal every Roman citizen had the right to make, and it required a transfer of the case to the imperial court in Rome. The statement, “ I stand at Cζsar’s judgment-seat,” was intended to justify him in refusing to be taken for trial away from Cζsarea, which was the appointed capital of the province where the courts were properly held. His appeal to Cζsar, like his communication to Lysias, which secured his rescue in Jerusalem, is claimed as a sanction of military power. But, like that, it is only a demand made upon the military power which was holding him in unjust confinement, not to add to this injustice the crime of yielding him up to assassination. It is not an appeal from a free man to military power for protection; neither was there any necessity for the use of violence in granting his request on either occasion. Acts 25:12. This appeal put an end to the trial, as it did to the murderous hopes of Paul’s enemies. (12) “Then Festus, having conferred with his council, answered, You have appealed to Cζsar; to Cζsar you shall go.” The conference with his advisers was probably in reference to Paul’s right to make the appeal; for he would hardly have dared, if the right was unquestioned, to hesitate about allowing it. His answer indicates some irritation under the severe rebuke of Paul’s last speech. Acts 25:13. The custom of extending congratulations to men newly inducted into high office, which has prevailed in every age of the world, led to the next important incidents of Paul’s confinement in Cζsarea. (13) “Now when some days had passed, King Agrippa and Bernice came to Cζsarea to salute Festus.” This Agrippa was the son of the Herod who murdered the Apostle James. He was, at this time, king of Chalcis, but afterward of Galilee. Bernice was his sister. She had been married to her uncle, Herod, former king of Chalcis, but he had died, and she was still a widow. She afterward married Polemo, king of Cilicia.

Like nearly all the Herod family, both male and female, she was licentious and ambitious. But she and Agrippa, being Jews by birth, were better able to understand Paul’s case than Festus. Acts 25:14-21. Festus knew that the charges against Paul had reference to the Jewish law; but he still had not a sufficient understanding of the case to report it intelligibly to the emperor, as he now had to do, under Paul’s appeal. He determined, therefore, to obtain the benefit of Agrippa’s more familiar acquaintance with Jewish affairs. (14) “And when they had passed many days there, Festus set forth before the king the facts concerning Paul, saying, There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix, (15) concerning whom, when I was in Jerusalem, the high priests and elders of the Jews informed me, demanding judgment against him. (16) To whom I answered, that it is not the custom of the Romans to deliver any man up to death before the accused has the accusers face to face, and has an opportunity for defense concerning the accusation. (17) Then they came hither, and I, making no delay, sat on the judgment-seat the next day, and commanded the man to be brought: (18) concerning whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no charge of such things as I supposed. (19) But they had against him certain questions concerning their own demon-worship, and concerning a certain Jesus who had died, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. (20) And I, being perplexed in the dispute about this matter, asked if he wished to go to Jerusalem, and there be judged concerning these things. (21) But Paul made an appeal to be kept for the examination of Augustus, and I commanded him to be kept till I shall send him to Cζsar.” From this speech it appears that the perplexity of Festus was not so much in reference to the main issue between the Jews and Paul, as in reference to the bearing which the case had upon Roman law. He discovered that the main issue between the parties had reference to that “ Jesus who had died, and whom Paul affirmed to be alive.” This Jesus being claimed by Paul as an object of worship, he supposed it was an instance of that demon-worship, or worship of dead men deified, which was common among the Greeks and Romans. It is for this reason that he characterizes all their charges against him as “ certain questions concerning their demon-worship.” By overlooking the exact mental status of the speaker, and the etymological force of the term deisideimonia, commentators have failed to give it the proper meaning both here and in Acts 17:22. Acts 25:22. It is not probable that this was the first time that Agrippa had heard either of Paul or of Jesus. No doubt he had heard much of both, and had some curiosity to hear more. The singular circumstances which now surrounded Paul added much to his curiosity, and afforded the means of gratifying it. (22) “Then Agrippa said to Festus, I wish to hear the man myself. To-morrow, said he, you shall hear him.“ Acts 25:23-27. (23) “On the next day, therefore, Agrippa and Bernice having come with much pomp, and entered into the audience-chamber, with the chiliarchs and the prominent men of the city, at the command of Festus Paul was brought forth. (24) Then Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us, you see the man concerning whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both in Jerusalem and here, crying out that he ought not to live any longer. (25) Now I perceived that he had done nothing worthy of death; but he himself having appealed to Cζsar, I determined to send him, (26) concerning whom I have nothing certain to write to my lord. Wherefore, I have brought him before you, and especially before thee, King Agrippa, that, after examination had, I may have something to write. (27) For it seems to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not to designate the charges against him.” Festus belonged to one peculiar class of men, who found it difficult to decide how to treat Christians. The bigoted Jews, whose national prejudices were assailed by the new preachers, were prompt to decide that “ they ought not to live any longer.” The blind devotees of heathen worship, like those in Philippi and Ephesus, were of the same opinion; especially when the new doctrine came into conflict with their worldly interests. The firm friend of impartial justice, such as Gallio, could easily see that they were unjustly persecuted. But to the skeptical politician, like Festus, who regarded all religion as a mere superstitious homage paid to dead heroes, and who aimed to so administer government as to be popular with the most powerful class of his subjects, it was a more difficult question. He saw clearly that Paul was guilty of nothing worthy of death or of bonds; therefore, he would not consent that the Jews should kill him; yet he was equally unwilling to offend them by releasing him.

He was incapable, from his worldly and selfish nature, of appreciating Paul’s noble devotion to the good of humanity, and equally unable to understand the enmity of the Jews toward him. He must now, of necessity, send him to the emperor, but he confessed that he had no good reason to give the emperor for doing so, and was about to do an unreasonable act. In this predicament it was quite natural that he should call for the advice of Agrippa.

“ACTS OF THE " Chapter Twenty-Five IN THIS CHAPTER

1. To consider the circumstances in which Paul appealed to Caesar

2. To observe Paul before King Agrippa

SUMMARY Shortly after Festus arrived in Caesarea, he went to Jerusalem. The high priest and chief men informed Festus of Paul. They petitioned him, asking Festus a favor, to bring Paul back to Jerusalem. The Jews planned an ambush to kill Paul along the road as he traveled. Festus indicated that he would shortly be traveling back to Caesarea, and invited those Jews in authority to travel there as well. They could accuse Paul there. After remaining in Jerusalem about ten days, Festus returned to Caesarea. He called Paul before the judgment seat the next day. The Jews attended and laid serious complaints against Paul; however, they could not prove them. Paul answered, “Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I offended in anything at all.” Festus then asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem with him. He suggested that he would judge Paul there. This was recommended to Paul because Festus wanted to do the Jews a favor. Paul responded that he stood at Caesar’s judgment seat, “where I ought to be judged.” He told Festus he had done no wrong to the Jews, “as you very well know.” Paul was willing to die, if he had committed anything worthy of death. But, he had no guilt of the things for which the Jews accused him. Paul was not going to be delivered to the Jews - he was a Roman citizen. Paul then appealed to Caesar. Festus replied, “You have appealed to Caesar? To Caesar you shall go!” (Acts 25:1-12)

A few days later, King Agrippa and Bernice came to Caesarea to greet Festus as the new governor, replacing Felix. Festus laid Paul’s case before Agrippa. He noted that Felix had left Paul a prisoner with his case not resolved. He recalled that the chief priests and elders of the Jews informed him about Paul during his recent visit to Jerusalem. Festus recounted to Agrippa that he had told the Jews that it was not Roman custom to deliver the accused for “destruction” without the accused having the opportunity to answer the charges face to face. Upon Festus’ return to Caesarea, he had Paul come before the judgment seat. He discovered nothing wrong in Paul, other than there were some questions about “their own religion and about a certain Jesus, who had died, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.” Festus asked Paul to go to Jerusalem, since he was “uncertain” about these matters. At that point, Festus noted that Paul appealed to Caesar. After Festus’ explanation of Paul’s case, Agrippa requested to hear Paul himself. Festus said to Agrippa, “Tomorrow you shall hear him.” Paul was brought before King Agrippa the next day, following much pomp upon the entry of Agrippa and Bernice into the auditorium with the commanders and other prominent men of the city. Festus explained the situation to Agrippa and the others. He reported that the Jews claimed Paul was not “fit to live any longer.” However, Festus stated that he found Paul had committed nothing deserving death. He noted that Paul had appealed to Caesar, and he was going to send him. Festus indicated that he had nothing to write to Caesar about Paul. He hoped that after Agrippa’s examination of Paul, he may have something to write. He thought it was unreasonable to send an appeal to Caesar without specifying the charges. (Acts 25:13-27)

OUTLINE I. PAUL TO CAESAR (Acts 25:1-12) A. THE JEWS FESTUS TO RETURN PAUL TO (Acts 25:1-5)1. Shortly after Festus arrived, he went to Jerusalem 2. The high priest and chief men informed Festus of Paul 3. They petitioned him, asking a favor, to bring Paul back to Jerusalem a. The Jews planned an ambush to kill Paul along the road 4. Festus invited those Jews in authority to travel to Caesarea with him a. They could accuse Paul there

B. PAUL STOOD BEFORE FESTUS IN (Acts 25:6-9)1. After remaining in Jerusalem about ten days, Festus returned to Caesarea a. He called Paul before the judgment seat the next day 2. The Jews laid serious complaints against Paul a. They could not prove them b. Paul answered, “Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I offended in anything at all.” 3. Festus asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem with him a. Festus wanted to do the Jews a favor b. Festus suggested that he would judge Paul there

C. PAUL TO CAESAR AND AVOIDED A RETURN TO (Acts 25:10-12)1. Paul stated that he stood at Caesar’s judgment seat, “where I ought to be judged” a. He said he had done no wrong to the Jews, “as you [Festus] very well know” 2. Paul was willing to die, if he had committed anything worthy of death a. He had no guilt of the things the Jews accused him b. He was not going to be delivered to the Jews - he was a Roman citizen, and he then appealed to Caesar 3. Festus stated, “You have appealed to Caesar? To Caesar you shall go!”

II. PAUL’S CASE WAS HEARD BY KING AGRIPPA (Acts 25:13-27) A. FESTUS PAUL’S CASE TO KING AGRIPPA (Acts 25:13-22)1. A few days later, King Agrippa and Bernice came to Caesarea to greet Festus 2. Festus laid Paul’s case before Agrippa a. He noted that Felix had left Paul a prisoner b. The chief priests and elders of the Jews informed Festus about Paul c. He told the Jews that it was not Roman custom to deliver the accused for “destruction” without the accused having the opportunity to answer the charges d. Festus had Paul come before the judgment seat e. Festus discovered nothing wrong, other than there were some questions about “their own religion and about a certain Jesus, who had died, whom Paul affirmed to be alive” f. He asked Paul to go to Jerusalem, since he was “uncertain” about these matters g. Then Paul appealed to Caesar 3. Agrippa requested to hear Paul himself a. Festus said to Agrippa, “Tomorrow you shall hear him”

B. PAUL STOOD BEFORE AGRIPPA AND BERNICE (Acts 25:23-27)1. Paul was brought before King Agrippa the next day, following much pomp upon the entry of Agrippa and Bernice 2. Festus explained the situation to Agrippa and the men gathered a. Festus reported that the Jews claimed Paul was not “fit to live any longer” b. Festus stated he found that Paul had committed nothing deserving death c. He noted that Paul had appealed to Caesar, and he was going to send him d. Festus indicated that he had nothing to write to Caesar about Paul e. He hoped that after Agrippa’s examination of Paul, he may have something to write, for he thought it unreasonable to send an appeal to Caesar without specifying the charges

REVIEW FOR THE CHAPTER

1. What are the main events in this chapter?- Paul appealed to Caesar (Acts 25:1-12)

• Paul’s case was heard by King Agrippa (Acts 25:13-27)

2. After arriving in the province, how many days was it before Festus went from Caesarea to Jerusalem? (Acts 25:1)- Three days (Acts 25:1)

3. Of what did the high priest and chief men inform Festus? (Acts 25:2-3)- Informed him against Paul and petitioned him (Acts 25:2)

• They asked a favor for Festus to send Paul to Jerusalem (Acts 25:3)

4. What was the real plan of the Jews for Paul? (Acts 25:3)- They were laying an ambush to kill him on the road (Acts 25:3)

5. How did Festus respond to the Jews’ request? (Acts 25:4-5)- Paul would be kept in Caesarea; he was going there shortly (Acts 25:4)

• The Jews with authority were to go to Caesarea to accuse him (Acts 25:5)

6. When did Paul come before the judgment seat of Festus? (Acts 25:6)- Festus returned to Caesarea after about 10 days in Jerusalem (Acts 25:6)

• He called Paul to the judgment seat the next day (Acts 25:6)

7. The Jews laid many serious complaints on Paul. Were they able to prove them? (Acts 25:7)- They were not able to prove any of them (Acts 25:7)

8. List the three things Paul had not offended against. (Acts 25:8)- He had not offended against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar (Acts 25:8)

9. Why did Festus ask Paul to go to Jerusalem? (Acts 25:9)- He wanted to do the Jews a favor (Acts 25:9)

10. Where did Paul believe he should be judged? (Acts 25:10)- Where he was - at Caesar’s judgment seat (Caesarea) (Acts 25:10)

11. Did Paul recognize that Festus found no wrong in him? (Acts 25:10)- Yes, he stated that to Festus; “as you very well know” (Acts 25:10)

12. What was Paul trying to avoid by appealing to Caesar? (Acts 25:11)- None of their accusations had been proven; therefore, he did not want to go back to Jerusalem before the Sanhedrin (Acts 25:11)

13. How did Paul have the right to appeal to Caesar? (Acts 25:11)- Paul was a Roman citizen (Acts 25:11; cf. Acts 22:25-28)

14. How did Festus respond to the appeal? (Acts 25:12)- He conferred with the council and then said, “You have appealed to Caesar? To Caesar you shall go!” (Acts 25:12)

15. Why had Agrippa and Bernice come to Caesarea? (Acts 25:13)- To greet Festus (Acts 25:13)

• He was the new governor, replacing Felix (cf. Acts 24:27)

16. What did Festus tell Agrippa about, after they had been there many days? (Acts 25:14-15)- He told them about Paul’s case (Acts 25:14)

• He told them how the Jews had informed him about Paul (Acts 25:15)

17. How did Festus describe his response to the Jew’s request? (Acts 25:16)- It was not the Roman’s custom to delivery any man to destruction with allowing the accused to answer his accusers face to face (Acts 25:16)

18. What questions was Festus uncertain about? (Acts 25:18-20)- Questions “about their own religion and about a certain Jesus, who had died, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.” (Acts 25:19-20)

19. What was Agrippa’s response to Festus? (Acts 25:22)- “I also would like to hear the man myself” (Acts 25:22)

20. While before Agrippa, what did Festus state that the Jews cried out about Paul in Jerusalem? (Acts 25:24)- He was “not fit to live any longer” (Acts 25:24)

21. What was Festus’ finding in Paul’s case? (Acts 25:25)- He had committed nothing deserving of death (Acts 25:25)

22. What was Festus’ dilemma in which he found himself? How was he hoping Agrippa could help? What did he find unreasonable? (Acts 25:26-27)- Paul appealed to Caesar, but no charges were against him (Acts 25:26)

• He hoped to have something to write based on Agrippa’s examination of Paul (Acts 25:26)
• It was unreasonable to send Paul to Caesar without charges (Acts 25:27)

Verse 1 Here are two defenses of Paul, one legal and formal, after which Paul appealed to Caesar, and the other formal enough, but without any legal significance. Nevertheless, we shall treat them as two separate defenses. Each is important and significant in its own right. The first of these was before the new governor Festus (Acts 25:1-12); the second was before Festus and his guests King Agrippa and his sister Bernice (Acts 25:23-27). All of the next chapter is taken up with Paul’s address in the presence of royalty. Festus therefore, having come into the province, after three days went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea. (Acts 25:1) PORCIUS FESTUS TAKES OVERWhile it may be true, as Boles said, that “Festus was a better man than Felix, there being a strong contrast here between the honesty and straightforwardness of Festus and the wickedness of Felix,"[1] it is true, nevertheless, that Festus was a worse governor, affording a startling proof that a strong evil ruler is sometimes better than a good weak one. The incompetence of Festus must have been the laughingstock of the whole temple crowd in Jerusalem. He was naive, totally ignorant of the devices of the people he had come to rule, agreeable, gullible, and obsessed with such a desire for popularity that he would gladly have sacrificed an innocent man to enhance his standing with the Sanhedrinists. It was that latter trait which, at the last, marred Felix’s handling of Paul’s case. As Howson declared: Another governor of Judaea opened the prison that he might make himself popular; and Felix from the same motive riveted the chains of an innocent man. Thus the same enmity of the world against the gospel which set Barabbas free left Paul bound.[2]Festus would fall into the same error as Felix. Up to Jerusalem … Although Caesarea was his capital, Festus quite properly understood that Jerusalem, as the largest city of his province and the center of the religious hierarchy of Israel, was of major concern to him; hence the trip so soon after entering into his new dominion. [1] H. Leo Boles, Commentary on the Acts (Nashville: Gospel Advocate Company, 1953), p. 388. [2] J. S. Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans, Publishers, 1966), p. 614. Verse 2 And the chief priests and the principal men of the Jews informed him against Paul; and they besought him, asking a favor of him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem; laying a plot to kill him on the way.The pressure of this request from the leading Jews was implicit in the fact that they were powerful enough to have “brought about the removal of Festus’ predecessor”;[3] and they doubtless thought they could take advantage of Festus’ newness in office and his natural desire to please such an important group of his subjects. Laying a plot to kill him … Festus, of course, had no idea whatever of the murderous duplicity and cunning deceit of the religious apparatus in the Judean capital. He should have known that the “favor” they had asked of him was based upon some damnable scheme of their own; but Festus seems to have accepted their request as honorable. It was his jealousy for his own prerogatives which led him to deny their request, as in the next verse. ENDNOTE: [3] E. H. Plumptre, Ellicott’s Commentary on the Holy Bible (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1959), p. 162. Verse 4 Howbeit Festus answered, that Paul was kept in charge at Caesarea, and that he himself was about to depart thither shortly. Let them therefore, saith he, that are of power among you go down with me, and if there is anything amiss in the man, let them accuse him.This was a mortal danger to Paul; for if Festus had honored the request of the high priest and his group to bring Paul to Jerusalem, the apostle would almost certainly have been killed. Festus would not have sent such a large escort as Lysias had sent, for he was ignorant of any danger. God, however, protected Paul, using the new governor’s vanity as the motivation of his denial of the “favor” they coveted. Thus, as Wesley said: “By what invisible springs does God govern the world! Festus’ care to preserve the imperial privileges was the means of preserving Paul’s life."[4]ENDNOTE: [4] John Wesley, New Testament Commentary (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House), in loco. Verse 6 And when he had tarried among them not more than eight or ten days, he went down unto Caesarea; and on the morrow he sat on the judgment-seat, and commanded Paul to be brought.D. PAUL’S FOURTH DEFENSE: THE SPEECH BEFORE FESTUSCommentators have lavished praise on Festus for this prompt hearing; but there is no indication that his promptness was due to anything other than the insistence of the high priestly conclave on action as soon as possible. What is in evidence here is not a new governor’s anxious desire to further justice, but a servile willingness to appease Paul’s bitter enemies in Jerusalem. Verse 7 And when he was come, the Jews that had come down from Jerusalem stood round about him, bringing against him many and grievous charges which they could not prove.The Jews that had come down … These had evidently traveled with Festus (Acts 25:5), and no doubt had exercised every possible strategy of ingratiation and fawning cultivation of the man they hoped to manipulate. This group was headed by the high priest, an imposing figure indeed; and many a procurator could tell of the power of such a man. Significantly, the high priest just two years earlier had been Ananias; but God had already struck that “whited wall,” and he had been replaced. “The high priest at this time was Ismael the son of Fabi, who had been appointed by Agrippa."[5]Charges which they would not prove … These are of no particular interest at this point, as it may be certainly concluded that the charges were the same as those reviewed in the last chapter, with whatever variations the priests might have used in an effort to dress up their worthless case against Paul. They were as ineffective before Festus as they had been before Felix. Luke did not bother to record them in detail; and Paul’s defense is summarized (in the next verse), where it is evident that his reply was the same as before. ENDNOTE: [5] Albert Barnes, Notes on the New Testament (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1953), p. 339. Verse 8 While Paul said in his defense, Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar, have I sinned at all.For all their cunning, the priests overreached themselves by alleging Paul’s sinning against Caesar; for Festus could hardly have let that charge be tried by them. That it was not true is evident in Festus’ apparent willingness to declare Paul innocent of the charges against Caesar, if Paul would consent to be tried by the Jews on the other allegations (Acts 25:9). The Caesar mentioned here was Nero, the time being, according to Ramsay, in 59 A.D.[6]ENDNOTE: [6] Sir William M. Ramsay, Pictures of the Apostolical Church (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1959), p. 293. Verse 9 But Festus, desiring to gain favor with the Jews, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged before me?Paul very well knew that the incompetent Festus was no match for the temple Jews who had no intention whatever of trying Paul; all they wanted was to expose him sufficiently that their assassins could kill him; after all, it must be supposed that after two years those forty conspirators were getting pretty hungry. One may feel nothing except contempt for a governor like Festus. Felix would have had far too much sense to suppose that such a proposal could end in anything except death for Paul, had it been accepted. Paul’s only hope of saving his life lay in exactly what he did, appealing to Caesar. Verse 10 But Paul said, I am standing before Caesar’s judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews I have done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest. If then I am a wrong-doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die; but if none of those things is true whereof they accuse me, no man can give me up unto them. I appeal unto Caesar.This was absolutely the only avenue left open to Paul. The namby-pamby Festus knew he was innocent, but insisted on taking him to Jerusalem, where Paul would certainly have been murdered. “Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child” (Ecclesiastes 10:16). Festus was a “child” in understanding. Paul’s rebuke of this governor, in such an appeal, was fully deserved; but his abrupt appeal to Caesar must have come as a shocking surprise to Festus.

Having his very first case appealed to Caesar was not exactly the way he had hoped to begin his term as governor. Still, it did get him “off the hook” with regard to those whom he sought to please in Jerusalem; and he was probably glad that Paul had appealed. I am standing … has the meaning of “I have been standing a long time” at Caesar’s judgment-seat, Festus’ tribunal; and “I ought to be judged” here, rather than before some court in Jerusalem. I refuse not to die … Paul meant by this that he was not appealing for the sake of avoiding punishment for a crime, but in order to prevent his being murdered. “By this appeal, he delivered himself from the injustice of a weak and temporizing judge."[7]Every Roman citizen had a right of appeal from lower tribunals in the empire to the final court of the emperor in Rome; and once an appeal was registered, it had the effect of stopping all further litigation and transferring the case to Rome. Thus, it was his Roman citizenship which saved Paul’s life here. ENDNOTE: [7] E. H. Plumptre, op. cit., p. 163. Verse 12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Thou hast appealed unto Caesar: unto Caesar shall thou go.Conferred with the council … This was not the group of priests, but his own legal advisers. It appears that in some cases, the governor might deny such an appeal; but Festus’ legal staff at once assured him that Paul’s appeal would have to be honored. Unto Caesar thou shalt go … Some have read a sinister note into this remark, as if Festus already knew what a beast Nero was, and that the remark here was uttered with that in mind. However, as Nero, the Caesar mentioned here, had not yet developed the character by which he is notoriously remembered in history, this view of Festus’ words would appear to be wrong. In 59 A.D., Nero was ending the first five good years of his rule, called the quinquennium; and as yet there was no evidence of the outrages that came later. “There was little in A.D. 59 that gave warning of events in A.D. 64."[8]ENDNOTE: [8] F. F. Bruce, The Book of Acts (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans, Publishers, 1954), p. 478. Verse 13 Now when certain days were passed, Agrippa the king and Bernice arrived at Caesarea, and saluted Festus.Agrippa the king … In this ruler, the last of the Herodian dynasty appeared; and with his death in 100 A.D., the sordid record of the whole infamous family ended. He and his sister Bernice had another sister Drusilla (see under Acts 24:24), all of them being great-grandchildren of Herod the Great who had sought to murder the Christ in his infant cradle. We shall note these characters a bit further. AGRIPPA AND BERNICEAgrippa II was the son of Agrippa I who was the son of Aristobulus the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne the Maccabean princess, thus being a fourth generation of the Herods whose names figure so prominently in the New Testament. He was appointed governor of Chalcis in A.D. 48 by Claudius, but traded that position for a kingship over the tetrarchy of Philip in A.D. 54. In the great war (66 to 70 A.D.), he sided with the Romans; and after the war was confirmed in his kingdom, living until A.D. 100. When Bernice (his sister) was only sixteen, and already twice married, first to Alexander of Alexandria and then to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, who died in A.D. 48, she moved in with her brother Agrippa I. Juvenal, the Roman satirist, called her “Agrippa’s incestuous sister”[9] and after a brief marriage she evidently made to quiet rumors of her relationship to her brother, she again took up residence with him at Caesarea Philippi. She was later the mistress of both Vespasian and his son Titus; and the latter would have married her except for popular outrage. She and her brother were the “royalty” who heard Paul on this occasion.[10]Thus, in these two chapters, three of the great-grandchildren of Herod the Great “adorn” the pages of the New Testament! Saluted Festus … Some have supposed that as “a king” Agrippa outranked Festus, but this is not the case. Wesley was correct in the comment that “The visit here was a compliment paid by the vassal king to the representative of Rome."[11] How long they stayed in Caesarea is not known, but it was evidently quite a while. [9] Jack P. Lewis, Historical Backgrounds of Bible History (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1971), pp. 164-166. [10] Flavius Josephus, Antiquities and Wars of the Jews, translated by William Whiston (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston), p. 594. [11] John Wesley, op. cit., in loco. Verse 14 And as they tarried there many days, Festus laid Paul’s case before the king, saying, There is a certain man left a prisoner by Felix.It was only natural for Festus to discuss such a prisoner as Paul with his guests; and his reason for this will appear at once. Verse 15 About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, asking for sentence against him.Asking for sentence against him … This is important as showing that the Jerusalem leaders had demanded a guilty verdict of Festus; and, as Dummelow noted: “They desired from the judge partiality, not justice; and they probably offered him money."[12]ENDNOTE: [12] J. R. Dummelow, Commentary on the Holy Bible (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1937), p. 850. Verse 16 To whom I answered, that it is not the custom of the Romans to give up any man, before that the accused have the accusers face to face, and have had opportunity to make his defense concerning the matter laid against him.From this it is crystal clear that the high priests had requested a guilty verdict against Paul without the formality of any kind of hearing. Verse 17 When therefore they were come together here, I made no delay, but on the next day sat on the judgment-seat, and commanded the man to be brought.Festus left out of sight his purpose in all that promptness, namely, that of pleasing Paul’s accusers. Verse 18 Concerning whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought no charge of evil things as I supposed.Here in the mouth of Felix is the verdict of innocence which he did not have the moral fiber to announce. Verse 19 But had certain questions against him of their own religion, and of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.Pagan that he was, Festus spoke sneeringly here of “a dead Jesus, Paul said was alive,” affirming by such language his skepticism and lack of concern. “In this manner a Roman magistrate could speak of the most glorious truth in the Christian religion."[13] It was not the first time, nor the last, that men in public life have proved themselves to be grossly ignorant of eternal values. ENDNOTE: [13] Albert Barnes, op. cit., p. 344. Verse 20 And I, being perplexed how to inquire concerning these things, asked whether he would go to Jerusalem and there be judged of these matters.This was a misrepresentation. There was no need to inquire any further of charges that had not been proved, were in fact incapable of proof; and Festus’ proposal was made solely out of a desire to please his subjects in Jerusalem. His allegation of a different motive when thus discussing the matter with his guests shows that secretly he was ashamed of what he had done. Verse 21 But when Paul had appealed to be kept for the decision of the emperor, I commanded him to be kept until I could send him to Caesar.The emperor … Caesar … Two titles given here to Nero should be noted. The first of these is actually “Augustus” (English Revised Version margin), which was the title given by the Roman Senate on January 17,27 B.C. to Gaius Caesar Octavianus (63 B.C. to A.D. 14).[14] “Augustus” also translates “Sebastos,” and sometimes emperor, as in this verse. It was later applied as a title to any head of the Roman state. The same is true of “Caesar.” Still a third title of Roman emperors, “Lord,” is used a little later in this chapter (Acts 25:26).[15] This title of “Lord” or “Dominus” carried a divine connotation and was first used by Caligula (A.D. 12-41).[16] “Augustus and Tiberius rejected such a title and would not suffer it to be applied to them."[17]However, we may suppose that Nero would have received it gladly. The names of these ancient Roman rulers are still continued today in the names of the months of July and August, the cities of Augusta, Augsburg, Sebastopol, etc., all being derived from them. [14] Encyclopedia Britannica (Chicago: William Benton, Publisher, 1961), Vol. 2, p. 686. [15] Jack P. Lewis, op. cit., p. 151. [16] Everett F. Harrison, Wycliffe Bible Commentary (Chicago: Moody Press, 1971), p. 477. [17] Albert Barnes, op. cit., p. 345. Verse 22 And Agrippa said unto Festus I also could wish to hear the man myself. Tomorrow saith he, thou shalt hear him.I also could wish to hear him … Agrippa and his sister must have heard many things about Jesus Christ and the faith regarding him, because it was their great-grandfather who had slaughtered the innocent children of Judaea in a vain attempt to murder the Lord in infancy; it was their father who restored the dominion of Herod the Great, seized and executed James the apostle with the sword, and imprisoned Peter who was delivered by an angel. He was the same Herod, whom the Lord slew at Caesarea in 44 A.D. It was also an uncle of theirs who had murdered John the Baptist and mocked the Lord during his Passion.Acts 9:15 and Isaiah 62:2). The setting of this scene was Caesarea, where some thirteen years earlier Herod Agrippa I, the father of this King Agrippa, Bernice and Drusilla, suffered a divine judgment in a sudden and horrible death. ENDNOTE: Verse 23 So on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and they were entered into the place of hearing with the chief captains and the principal men of the city, at the command of Festus Paul was brought in. ARE MADE FOR PAUL’S Great pomp … Here is the only appearance in the New Testament of this word “pomp."[19] The touch of the eyewitness narrator is evident; and one may imagine the ostentatious display of royal apparel, military uniforms, soldiers at attention, the decorations and flags that adorned the hall of meeting, and, over all, the proud demeanor of the Roman deputy Festus, who would hardly have allowed himself to be surpassed in splendor by his royal guests. How sad it all was. What a pity, Luke must have thought, that all that external beauty was lavished upon a weakling like Festus and his profligate guests. Little could any of them have realized that their place in history would turn almost altogether upon the important little man whom the soldiers brought chained into their presence. They did not know this, but Paul knew it; “The weakness of God is stronger than men” (1 Corinthians 1:25). Chief captains and principal men of the city … These were the chiliarchs of the Roman garrison commanded by the governor, each of whom led a tenth of a legion or a thousand men. The plural here suggests that the military arm was a strong one. The principal men of Caesarea would have been its business and leaders. ENDNOTE: [19] E. H. Plumptre, op. cit., p. 165. Verse 24 And Festus saith, King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us, ye behold this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews made suit to me, both at Jerusalem and here, crying that he ought not to live any longer.Both at Jerusalem and here … is a little ambiguous, the doubt being whether it applies to the “suit” having been pressed in both places, or to “the Jews” of both places having joined in the suit. Plumptre applied it to both, saying: It would seem from the addition “and also here,” that the Jews of Caesarea had also taken part in the proceedings, and that they too had been clamoring for a capital sentence.[20]ENDNOTE: [20] Ibid. Verse 25 But I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death: and as he himself had appealed to the emperor I determined to send him.Nothing worthy of death … How quickly this public announcement would have spread through the city, and how happy Philip and all of the Christians there must have been upon hearing of the governor’s verdict. What a shame that the governor had withheld it until Paul, out of concern for his life, had been forced to appeal to Caesar. Verse 26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, King Agrippa, that, after examination had, I may have somewhat to write.No certain thing to write … This was what was bugging the procurator. Why not write the facts, namely, (1) that having found Paul innocent, he did not have the moral guts to release him, and (2) that not having the courage to tell the Jews, he had tried to persuade Paul to go up to Jerusalem and be tried by the Sanhedrin, Festus of course looking on. One has to admit that such a truthful report would probably have provoked his immediate recall. Yes, he was in a predicament. On “my Lord” as a title of Caesar, see under Acts 25:21. Verse 27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable, in sending a prisoner, not withal to signify the charges against him.Unreasonable … What was truly unreasonable was Festus’ own unconscionable delay in announcing the verdict of innocence; and it was not less unreasonable that he proposed sending Paul back to the people who were so determined to kill him. It was that latter thing, really, that forced Paul’s hand and led to the appeal. This concluded the opening remarks of the governor; but instead of introducing Paul, he yielded the honor to his guest. The next chapter gives Paul’s speech.

Questions by E.M. Zerr For Acts Chapter 251. Who succeeded Felix? 2. What was his headquarters? 3. To where did he go in three days? 4. Who approached him when he arrived? 5. State what they requested him to do. 6. What did they plot to do? 7. State Festus’ decision as to this request. 8. Also what did he declare he would do ? 9. What further orders did he give the accusers? 10. How long did he remain in Jerusalem? 11. State his promptness in calling Paul’ s case. 12. How definite were the charges of the Jews? 13. How direct yet complete was Paul’ s answer? 14. What two governments did he recognize ? 15. State the proposition Festus made to him. 16. What was his motive in making it? 17. Tell what court was in Jerusalem. 18. Could it try cases on behalf of temporal law? 19. If guilty at all under what law was it so ? 20. How seriously might one be guilty under this law? 21. State Paul’ s attitude toward this law. 22. Would this not commit Paul to capital punishment? 23. To whom does Paul appeal and on what basis? 24. What body is meant by the “ council” in 12th verse? 25. How did it act on Paul’ s appeal ? 26. What dignitaries came to Caesarea? 27. State their purpose for coming. 28. What subject did their host inform them about? 29. Who had brought this case up? 30. What had they desired ? 31. Describe the Romans’ ideas of justice. 32. Had the Jews asked for this? 33. What was Festus’ first object in calling Paul? 34. Was the case according to his expectations? 35. Relate his impressions of Jesus and his doctrine. 36. State his present version of ninth verse. 37. Did he state the truth as to Paul’ s answer? 38. Why “ Augustus” and “ Caesar” in 21st verse? 39. What request did Agrippa make? 40. When was he to have it granted ? 41. State Festus’ motive for granting this request. 42. Describe the setting for this hearing. 43. By what title does Festus recognize Agrippa? 44. How did he describe the Jews’ clamor against Paul? 45. What had he already found about the case ? 46. Tell what he had determined upon. 47. How definite a statement did he have to send ? 48. What examination is meant in 26th verse? 49. In what jurisdiction will it be conducted ? 50. What unreasonable situation was troubling Festus ?

Acts 25:1

1 Act 25:1. Caesarea was the political headquarters of the Roman Empire in Palestine, but Jerusalem was the chief city of the province from many standpoints. Hence when Festus had been in his own official city three days, he went to Jerusalem to acquaint himself with conditions in that metropolis.

Acts 25:2

2Act 25:2. The leading Jews lost no time in approaching Festus with their complaints against Paul.

Acts 25:3

3Act 25:3. Desired favor means they asked Festus to grant them the favor of having Paul brought from Caesarea to Jerusalem. The inspired writer is the one who is telling the purpose of the Jews to lie in wait and kill Paul in the journey.

Acts 25:4

4Acts 25:4. Festus evidently knew nothing of the murderous intent of the Jews, but supposed they preferred having Paul tried in their own court; it was in keeping with court form to refuse their request under the circumstances.

Acts 25:5

5Acts 25:5. Festus invited the proper persons to accompany him to Caesarea and press their complaint aginst Paul. If there be any wickedness indicates he thought the Jews had some serious charge against the defendant.

Acts 25:6

6Acts 25:6. After spending ten days in Jerusalem, Festus returned to his own Jurisdiction at Caesarea. He did not delay the matter at hand, but summoned Paul to be brought before him the next day after arriving from Jerusalem.

Acts 25:7

7Acts 25:7. The Jews had never appeared at Caesarea while Felix was in office, though they had two years to do so. For some reason they seemed to think they would succeed better with their case before Festus. Many and grievous complaints were doubtless general, and it was not definitely shown whether Paul was accused as an offender against the secular or the religious laws, or both.

Acts 25:8

8Acts 25:8. Whichever they meant, Paul denied having transgressed against either.

Acts 25:9

9Acts 25:9. For reasons of political policy, Festus changed his attitude toward the request of the Jews. He proposed to try Paul at Jerusalem as they had requested.

Acts 25:10

0Acts 25:10. In view of the twofold phase of the complaints made against him, Paul insisted that he should stand trial before Caesar, the secular ruler.

Acts 25:11

1Act 25:11. If I . . . committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die. This sentence is against the sentimentalists who oppose capital punishment, and who claim the New Testament does not endorse it. If that penalty is wrong in God’s sight, then it would be impossible for a man to commit anything worthy of death, and Paul would not have admitted such a possibility, which he did by the words “if I have.” Also, if capital punishment is wrong, then Paul would not have given his consent to it, which he did by not refusing to die. But since he denied any guilt whatsoever, and was a Roman citizen entitled to the rights of such a standing, he appealed his case to the highest secular court in the world, whose headquarters were at Rome.

Acts 25:12

2Act 25:12. This council was not the Sanhedrin, but a consultation with the advisers of Festus. After the consultation, Festus, as the “lower court,” granted the appeal.

Acts 25:13

3Act 25:13. The full name of this man was Herod Agrippa II, who was a ruler in another part of the Roman Empire, and who came to make a friendly judicial call upon Festus. He was accompanied by his sister Bernice, with whom he was suspected to be living in the intimacy of husband and wife.

Acts 25:14-15

5Acts 25:14-15. Festus told his royal guest of Paul, and of the circumstances that brought him as a defendant before him.

Acts 25:16

6Acts 25:16. In this verse Festus states the just procedure of the Roman government in the case of one facing trial for life. The present “recess” in the case was caused by the absence of Paul’s accusers who were supposed to appear soon.

Acts 25:17-18

8Acts 25:17-18. The preliminary hearing showed to Festus that the charges against the defendant were nothing like what was expected to be offered.

Acts 25:19

9Acts 25:19. In the opinion of Festus, the issue between Paul and the Jews was only a matter of superstition with Paul; that he was affirming the resurrection of a man by the name of Jesus who had died. As far as Festus could see, such a question was not worth all the bother the Jews were making, and hence there certainly must be something more serious that had not been brought out.

Acts 25:20

0Acts 25:20. The above opinions are all that Festus stated to Agrippa as his reason for proposing moving the case to the Jewish courts in Jerusalem, there to be tried by him. However, verse 9 gives us another motive he had for the proposal.

Acts 25:21

1Act 25:21. When Festus granted the appeal of Paul, that took the case out of his hands, and he was waiting to get the “appeal papers” ready to send up to the higher court. Augustus is from a Greek word that was one of the titles of the Roman emperors, not a personal name as in other cases.

Acts 25:22

2Act 25:22. Doubtless it was curiosity mainly that prompted the request of Agrippa, but verses 26, 27 show the real motive of Festus in granting it.

Acts 25:23

3Act 25:23. This verse describes the important audience that gathered in the official auditorium to see and hear the speech of Paul.

Acts 25:24

4Acts 25:24. Festus gave Paul a respectful introduction to his audience.

Acts 25:25

5Acts 25:25. Agrippa had not been asked to listen as a trial judge, for Paul had already taken his case to another court. The statement of Festus, therefore, in declaring Paul innocent of any capital crime, was not an effort to prejudice Agrippa.

Acts 25:26-27

7Acts 25:26-27. My lord means the Roman emperor, whose personal name was Nero. Here was a strange situation; Festus had agreed to send a prisoner up to the highest secular court in the world, and yet had no charge of any importance on which to send him. He thought that if Paul were allowed to speak, something might be said as a basis for a charge.