Acts 24

Chap. XXIV. Ver. 1—27. Paul pleads his cause before Felix.—Nothing can show more forcibly the inveterate hatred of the Jews against Paul, than their unwearied pursuit of him from time to time, and from place to place—even to Cesarea, which appears to have been more than 70 miles from Jerusalem. Nor did they spare expense for professional orators, who, as we all well know, do not travel for nothing. In this address of Tertullus, we have also a fair specimen of the flattering style of these venal pleaders, whose office was to make ‘the worse appear the better cause.’—“‘Almost every word of this oration is false,” says Dr. Doddridge: particularly ‘‘the accusation against Paul, and the encomium on Felix.

All historians agree that he was a man of so bad a character, that his government was a plague to all the provinces over which he presided: and, as for Judea, its state under Felix was so far from being what Tertullus here represents, that Josephus (besides what he says of the barbarous and cowardly assassination of Jonathan, the High Priest, by his means) declares that the Jews accused him before Nero of insufferable oppressions, and had certainly ruined him, if his brother Pallas had not interposed in his favour.” As to his “worthy deeds,” the only thing that can be said in favour of him is, that he cleared the country of robbers and impostors. With respect to Paul, we will hear him speak for himself: and without attempting flattery, like Tertullus, we may observe he treats Felix, as a judge, with great respect, and expresses his satisfaction at being called before him, as he knew that he was not altogether a stranger to Jewish laws and customs, in which he may allude, perhaps, to his being married to Drusilla, who was a Jewess.

As to Paul’s attempting to raise a sedition, there was no pretence for it, as he had been there but a few days for many years past; and with respect to his introducing Gentiles into the holy precincts of the temple, he had indeed been seen with an Ephesian in the city, but he went into the temple with Jews only, with whom he was united in the performance of a religious vow. (See ch. xviii. 23—20.) It is true that he belonged to “the sect of the Nazarenes,” i.e. the followers of Jesus of Nazareth; and after the way which they called heresy, or a sect, did he worship the God of Israel believing all things contained in the law or the prophets, and particularly the resurrection of the dead; the avowal of which had brought upon him the vengeance of the Sadducees, to which sect (strange to tell!) belonged many of the higher order of priests as well as laymen. Felix, finding in all this no crime of which, as Roman governor, he could well take cognizance, and that they had brought no witness as to the material points, of raising a riot or defiling the temple, he deferred his decision till the chief captain, Lysias, should come to Cesarea, when he would again hear the cause; in the mean time, finding it was a malicious prosecution, he committed him to the care of a Roman centurion, with orders for his being liberally treated.

Before Lysias arrived, however, his own wife, Drusilla, came, who was a Jewess, and he seems to have considered this a proper opportunity to hear farther ‘‘concerning the faith in Christ.” On this occasion Paul seems to have been regardless of his own circumstances, but reasoned so forcibly on “righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come,” that even Felix trembled. And well, indeed, he might, if he was the character represented by Josephus. No topic could be better calculated to alarm a rapacious tyrant, a seducer, and an adulterer; no eloquence more adapted to make him tremble, than the masterly energetic reasoning of St. Paul. He did tremble, and could bear no more; but hastily dismissed the preacher— “Go thy way for this time: when I have a convenient season I will send for thee.”

Alas! how many have thus put away from them the words of eternal life, and found no other opportunity for ever! As to Felix, he desired no more; but hoped, as Paul was a Roman citizen, that he should have received a bribe for his liberation: but, as this was not the case, (for Paul would neither bribe nor be bribed,) after dallying with the cause two years, till Festus (his successor) came, he left him in confinement, ‘‘willing to show the Jews a pleasure.” Chap. XXV. Ver. 1—27. Paul being accused before Festus, appeals to Cesar.—We have seen, in the close of the preceding chapter, that Felix left Paul a prisoner to please the Jews: accordingly, no sooner had Festus arrived at Jerusalem, than the High Priest and the chief of the Jews applied to him against Paul, desiring that he would send for him from Cesarea to Jerusalem, while he was there, at the same time laying in wait on the way, to kill him.

Whether Festus had seen the letter of Lysias to Felix, stating that the Jews had before done so, (ch. XXIII. 26—30,) or whether it was a special act of His providence, who controls the hearts of princes, in order to preserve Paul, Festus refused to listen to their request, but required them to go with him to Cesarea, whither he went in about ten days afterwards. The next day after their arrival, Paul and his accusers were brought before him, and they laid so many things to his charge, that though they could not prove them, Festus showed an evident disposition to oblige the Jews, by sending him back to Jerusalem. Paul, however, resisted this, as illegal and unjust, and knowing that he was to bear witness for Christ at Rome also, (ch.

xxiii. 11,) at once appealed to Cesar; Festus admitted the appeal, and it appears he had no right to refuse a Roman citizen. A few days after this, however, King Agrippa, and his sister, Bernice, came upon a visit to Festus at Cesarea, on which occasion the latter related the circumstances of Paul’s case, against whom the Jews had desired judgment, on account of a pretended conviction that had previous taken place. Festus, however, gave them to understand that the Roman laws did not allow this, but required the accusers to appear face to face, and that the accused should be allowed to answer for himself. This was therefore done; but when the accusers came, they left their witnesses behind, and substantiated no one charge that he had expected, but “had certain questions against him of their religion, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.”

Not understanding such questions, Festus had inquired if Paul was willing to go to Jerusalem to be judged, but he had declined this, and appealed to Cesar, to whom, therefore, he must be sent. The curiosity of Agrippa being excited by this account, he expressed a great desire to see this celebrated prisoner, and to hear what he had to advance in favour of a sect which was “everywhere spoken against.” This was immediately agreed to, and the following day was appointed for the hearing. Accordingly, next morning, Agrippa, with his sister, Bernice, came into court in company with the chief captains and principal men of the city, and Paul also was brought before them. Festus now, pointing to him, told the court that this was the man to whom he had referred, against whom the Jews had cried out that he was “not fit to live:”

and he was desirous to have him examined before King Agrippa, that he might have something definite to write respecting him.

Notes on the verses

Chap. XXIV. Ver. 1. Ananias…. descended with the elders—i.e. came down from Jerusalem to Cesarea; and they brought with them a professed orator and advocate, to plead their cause. Ver. 2. Seeing that by thee.—[Felix, bad as he was, had certainly rendered some services to Judea. He had entirely subdued a very formidable banditti which had infested the country, and sent their captain, Eliezar, to Rome, (Josephus;) had suppressed the sedition raised by the Egyptian impostor, ((Acts 21:38);) and had quelled a very afflictive disturbance which took place between the Syrians and Jews of Cesarea. But, though Tertullus might truly say, “by thee we enjoy great quietness,’’ yet it is evident that he was guilty of the grossest flattery, as we have seen, both from his own historians and Josephus, that he was both a bad man and a bad governor.|—Bagster, —By thy providence.—Wesley, ‘‘prudence.”

Doddridge, “prudent administration.” b Ver. 5. A pestilent fellow.—More emphatically, ‘a pestilence;” or, as we should say, a pest to society. Ver. 10. Many years.—According to Bishop Pearson, five and a half; but according to Mr. Biscoe, seven. Ver. 14. Heresy.—This is the same word that, in ver. 5, is translated sect, which is admitted to be its primary meaning; though it afterwards acquired a theological or ecclesiastical use, as implying the maintenance of important or fundamental error. So Dr. Waterland defines heresy to be, ‘*Not merely a mistake of judgment, (though in fundamentals,) but espousing such erroneous judgment, either teaching or disseminating it, or openly supporting and assisting those that do.

This I conceive (said he) to be the true scripture notion of heresy.”’ Waterland’s Importance of the Trinity. Ver. 15. Just and unjust.—The Pharisees, according to Josephus, admitted only the resurrection of the just—not the unjust. Ver. 22. Having more perfect knowledge.—Doddridge, ‘‘After have been informed.” Dr. D. remarks, that the words themselves are ambiguous, and may refer to his having obtained by this examination a better knowledge of the subject; or, more properly, (as Beza and Grotius explain them,) to a desire of obtaining farther information, when Lysias came, which seems far more natural. Ver. 24. Drusilla.—Josephus says, this woman was the daughter of Herod Agrippa, before named, and sister to the Agrippa mentioned in the next chapter.

She had been married to Azizus, king of the Emesenes, but Felix seduced her by means of one Simon, a magician; so that they, in fact, lived in adultery. Festus.—(Porcius Festus was put into the government of Judea in the sixth or seventh year of Nero, and died about two years afterward.) Ver. 1. The entire province Judea is meant; for after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of one son Agrippa, who was then but 17 years of age; when after- [ ] and, therefore, Cuspius Fadus was sent to be a [governor].