Acts 26

Chap. XXVI. Ver. 1—32. Paul’s defence before Agrippa.— Paul’s rank as a public speaker has been often underrated. With a person rather diminutive, and a voice perhaps weak, or in some respects defective, (see (2 Corinthians 10:1)) he seems commanded attention, except from the turbulent and bigoted Jews; and sometimes even from them, when he addressed them in their own language, (ch. xxii. 2;) and, when he spoke in Greek, Felix, his judge, trembled before him; Festus thought him transported beyond himself, in an ecstacy of frenzy; and King Agrippa was almost persuaded to be a convert. We must be cautious, however, (and he is the first to caution us,) not to ascribe too much to Paul, since, as an apostle, he certainly came within that promise, “When ye are brought before governors and kings for my sake…. take no thought how or what ye shall speak, for in that same hour it shall be given you.” ((Matthew 10:19).) His orations, indeed, have in them all the fervour of prophetic inspiration, with the perfect coolness of deliberation and self-possession. With the utmost indifference to his own fate, he aims at the conversion of his hearers. “Would to God, that not only thou, (king Agrippa,) but also all that hear me this day, were both almost and altogether such as I am, except these bonds,”—holding up to view, probably, the chain with which he had been bound to the soldier under whose care he was. (See (Acts 12:6), and note.) The account which Paul here gives of his former life and conversion, is so similar to what he had repeatedly given, particularly in (Acts 9), that we shall chiefly confine our present remarks to what passed between Paul and Festus. Several circumstances mentioned by Paul seem to have formed the ground of the governor’s suspicions relative to his understanding being affected. His initiatory studies in general literature at Tarsus, and his progress in Jewish and Rabbinical literature under Gamaliel, might be supposed too much for so weak a frame. The severe mortifications and multifarious devotions of his austere and superstitious sect, might strengthen the suspicion: and one article, at least, of his creed, the doctrine of a resurrection, appeared to Pagans, as well as Sadducees, so utterly irrational and ridiculous, that they would hardly think a man sound in his intellects who could cordially believe it: but what would crown the whole, and might be considered as forming a demonstration of his insanity, was his wild and visionary scheme, as Festus would consider it, of attempting to convert the whole Gentile world to the faith of the crucified Nazarene.

What! a Jew, like Paul, teach morals and religion to the disciples of Socrates and Plato?—a Jew “turn from darkness unto light,” the illumined philosophers of Greece and Rome! “Surely, Paul, thy learning must have made thee mad to think of it.” But what does he reply? With the utmost calmness, and the greatest respect to the governor, he denies the charge. “I am not mad, most noble Festus; but speak forth the words of truth and soberness.” This charge has been often repeated, in various forms, by the enemies of Christianity. Finding the pretence of his being an impostor, or the dupe of such, to be utterly untenable, since no rational motive could be assigned, why a man, with such prospects as Paul had from his education, talents, and connexions, should sacrifice his ease and interests, and even risk his life in such a cause— “Starving his gain, and martyrdom his price.”

On this ground modern infidels have generally considered Paul as a fanatic, an enthusiast, or insane. That his zeal was fervid, in whatever he considered to be true and just, is certain; but the strength and coolness with which he reasoned, the kindness and benevolence with which he acted, and, above all, the purity and consistency of his life and conduct, abundantly demonstrate that he was neither an enthusiast nor insane. Where is the enthusiast whose writings have borne the test of seventeen or eighteen centuries; and particularly that minute and critical comparison to be found in Dr. Paley’s Horae Paulinae? Here all his Epistles are shown to exhibit an exact harmony with each other, and with St. Luke’s History of the Acts of the Apostles, even in the most minute particulars. But to return to Paul’s own defence. Having denied the appeals to king Agrippa, then sitting by him. “The king knoweth of these things, before whom I speak freely, for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a corner.” Then, in his quick and animated manner, Paul interrogates him—“King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets?” and, without waiting for an answer, immediately rejoins, “I know that thou believest.” This implies that Agrippa was not only a Jew, but a Pharisee; for the Sadducees did not receive the prophets. (See exposition of (Matthew 22:15), &c.) He was, therefore, “almost” persuaded by Paul’s arguments to become a Christian: but, alas! it was “almost” only. The consciousness of a licentious life, together with the dread of the opposition he was sure to meet with, prevented him from going farther; and this has been the unhappy case of thousands, whose judgments have been convinced of the truth of Christianity, but either the offence of the cross, or the lusts of their own hearts, have effectually prevented them from cordially receiving it. This Paul lamented; and so will every faithful Christian minister, and pray as Paul did, “I would to God that not only thou, but also all that hear me this day, were not only almost, but altogether such as I am”—a devoted follower of the Lord Jesus—which is, indeed, the exact definition of a Christian.

The assembly now broke up. The governor’s objections must have been silenced, and the king was almost converted. They were disposed, therefore, to hear no more; but all agreed, that if Paul had not appealed to Cesar, he might have been set at liberty. The providence of God had, however, wisely determined “he must bear witness at Rome also.”

Notes on the verses

Josephus. |—Bagster. 2 Ver. 10. I stand at Cesar’s judgment seat.—Doddridge, “Tribunal.” The tribunals of the Roman procurators were held in Cesar’s name, and by commission from him. So our courts are held in the name of the people, the state, or the commonwealth. A Ver. 11. I appeal unto Cesar.—An appeal to the emperor was the right of a Roman citizen, and was highly respected; the Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Cesar. This law was so sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens, who were proved to have turned Christians, but determined to send them to Rome, probably because they had appealed.

|—Bagster. Ver. 13. King Agrippa.—This Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa, ((Acts 13),) who, on his father’s death was thought too young to succeed him, (being only seventeen,) but had now the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, with part of Galilee.—Bernice,—Or Berenice, was the daughter of Herod Agrippa, and sister of king Agrippa. She was first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis; upon whose death, she went to her brother Agrippa, with whom she was said to live in incest, which is alluded to by Juvenal. She was afterwards married to Polemon, king of Cilicia, but soon left him to live with her brother. (Josephus.) Titus Vespasian fell in love with her, and would have made her empress, had he not been prevented by the clamour of the Romans.

|—Bagster. Ver. 15. Desiring to have judgment—i.e. on the ground of his trial before Felix. (Acts 24:1), &c. he nevertheless Ver. 16. Face to face.—Paul complains of the want of this, (Acts 24:19). The procurators The Jews of Asia did not attend his trial. = Ver. 19. Of their own superstition.—Doddridge, “their own religion:” Hammond, “way of worship.” See note on chapter xvii. 22. Ver. 21. Of Augustus—Meaning Nero. Ver. 23. Place of hearing.—Doddridge, “audience.” Ver. 24. King Agrippa—Was the son of Herod Agrippa; who upon the death of his uncle Herod king of Chalcis, A. D. 48, succeeded to his dominions, by the favour of the emperor Claudius. (Josephus.) Four years afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one; giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, that of Lysanias, and the province which Varus governed.

Nero afterwards added Julias in Perma, Tarichea and Tiberias. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews,—and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Josephus. He was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling; and when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus and assisted at the siege of Jerusalem. After the ruin of his country, he retired with his sister Berenice to Rome, where he died, aged 70, about A. D. 90. —Bagster.—Dea‘t.—Doddridge, “pleaded.” 3 Ver. 25. Augustus.—The honourable title of Augustus, that is, venerable, or august, which was first conferred by the senate on Octavianus Cesar, was afterwards assumed by succeeding Roman emperors.

Nero, the blood-thirsty tyrant, was the emperor at this time.—Bagster. = Ver. 26. Unto my lord—i.e. the emperor. The title Lord was refused both by Augustus and Tiberius, who forbade, even by public edicts, its application to themselves. Tiberius used to say, he was lord only of his slaves, of his troops, and prince of the senate. Nero, however, would have it.] Chap. XXVI. Ver. 5. Most straitest sect.—Doddridge, “the strictest sect.” Josephus says, “The Pharisees were reckoned the most religious of any of the Jews, and to be the most exact and skilful in explaining the laws.” Jewish War, book i. (Acts 5)§ 2. Ver. 6. Stand and am judged.—“Stand judged” Dr. John Edwards. Ver. 7.

Unto which promise.—Paul contends that the promise to the fathers included, not only the doctrine of a future life, but of a resurrection from the dead. So our Lord, (Matthew 22:31-32). Compare (Acts 23:6).—Day and night.—Gr. “Night and day.” Ver. 8. Why should it be thought, &c.—“What! is it thought a thing incredible?” &c. Such is the punctuation of Beza, Dr. J. Edwards, &c.; and he who remarks, that “this is suited to the animated manner of Paul’s.” Ver. 10. I gave my voice.—Doddridge, “Vote?” but as Paul (or rather Saul) never sat in the Sanhedrim, Lardner explains this of his joining the popular cry, or clamour, against them. The Syriac renders it, “I joined with those that condemned them.”

Ver. 11. Compelled them to blaspheme.—Pliny says, that the heathen persecutors obliged professors of Christianity, not only to renounce Christ, but to curse him; and the Jews were not less virulent. See Doddridge. Ver. 12—15. Whereupon, &c.—Compare (Acts 9:3-5). Ver. 16. To make thee a minister and a witness.—Part of this commission seems to have been delivered by the medium of Ananias; at least it corresponds therewith. See (Acts 9:15-17). Ver. 20. Showed first unto them of Damascus.—Compare (Acts 9:19-22). Ver. 21. For these causes—That is, because he preached Jesus first to the Jews, and then also to the Gentiles.—The Jews caught me, &c.—See (Acts 21:28). Ver. 22. Both to small and great—i.e. to all ranks of society. Ver. 23. The first that should rise.—Compare 1 Sam. 20. Ver. 24. Much learning doth make thee mad.—Doddridge, “Much study drives men to madness.” This, adds the Doctor, is the exact import of the Ver. 28. Almost.—Gr. “In a little;” that is, in some things—partially. Bp. Ver. 29. Both almost, and altogether.—Gr. “In little and in much;” i.e. altogether. These bonds.—It has been thought that Festus would hardly have set Paul to plead in chains; but perhaps he preferred this: we know that some martyrs esteemed chains for Christ, more than chains of gold; and Lardner cites an instance of a Roman citizen of quality pleading before the senate in his chains.