08. A Coronation
A Coronation
Chapter VII A coronation scarcely possesses in the east the importance which has been attached to it in Europe. In this respect, the ideas of the ancient and the modern east are coincident; and so far as appears in Scripture, the coronation of the founder of a dynasty transmitted whatever rights it conferred, and whatever recognitions it involved, to his lineal descendants. It is seen that the unction, which was the special sign of investiture with royal authority among the Hebrews, was conferred only upon the first two kings, Saul and David; and subsequently upon Solomon and Joash, who ascended the throne under such circumstances that there was danger of their succession to the throne being forcibly disputed.
It may be well to point out the particulars which can be collected respecting the inauguration of the Hebrew kings in the first instance, that the reader may be able to discern at one glance the analogies and differences which the following account presents. The king, surrounded by his guards and officers of state, was conducted to some public place (in the later ages into the temple), and was there anointed by the high-priest with the sacred oil. It seems that he was then girded with a sword. This is not indeed explicitly mentioned, but is supposed to be alluded to in Psalms 45. That a scepter was presented to the new monarch, and a diadem placed upon his head, appears from 2 Samuel 1:10; Psalms 45:6; and Ezekiel 21:26. The covenant, which defined and fixed the principles on which the government was to be conducted, together with the book of the law, were then presented to him, and he took a solemn oath to rule in conformity therewith, 1 Samuel 10:25; 2 Samuel 5:3; 1 Chronicles 11:3; 2 Kings 11:12; 2 Chronicles 23:11; compare Deuteronomy 17:18. The principal men in the kingdom, the princes, elders, etc., then promised obedience on their part; and as a pledge of their determination to perform their engagement, they kissed, it appears, either the feet or the knees of the person inaugurated. After these ceremonies were completed, the new monarch was conducted into the city with great pomp, amid the acclamations of the people, and shouts of “Long live the king!” accompanied by music and songs of joy. Sacrifices were then offered, and were intended, probably, as a confirmation of the oath that had been taken.
It will be seen in the following account, that the coronation of a Persian king is a less public matter; and that it of necessity lacks those features which the law of Moses, and the freer constitution of the Hebrew state produced; but, apart from this, much may be found that is analogous or suggestive of analogy to the Hebrew coronations, and much also that bears upon those circumstances of ancient Persian regal state which the book of Esther indicates.
It is seemingly for the same reason that there are hardly any accounts, even among the native writers, much less among European historians and travelers, of a Persian king’s coronation. Happily, however, one curious description has been left us by Chardin, in his large account (in French) of the coronation of the Sultan Sulieman, from which we abstract such details as may possibly be of interest to the reader. The description of the remarkable hall or chamber, in the palace of Isfahan, in which the Persian ceremonial took place, is in itself interesting, from the scriptural correspondence which may be found in it; and with this, therefore, we begin.
Hard by the palace walls, opposite to one of the gates which lead to the grand entrance, is a detached apartment, in the form of a square, each side of which is eighty feet long. From the gate to this structure is a shady alley, formed by tolerably high plane-trees. Along this avenue, arranged at distances of ten or twelve feet, are stone mangers, to which, on high days of state ceremonial, are attached the choice horses of the royal stables, to the number of ten, twelve, or even more. These horses are then most gorgeously caparisoned. All their harness is covered with precious stones, and all the metal in it is of the finest gold; of which precious metal are also all the requisites of the stable, the chains, hooks, hammers, buckets, and curry-combs. To the right and left of the apartment are beds of flowers and trees, planted in the Persian taste, without any order or view to symmetrical effect. In the front, and on the south side, the garden is more extended both in length and breadth, and is divided into parterres and square spaces, separated from each other by trees, and gown with the various beautiful flowers cultivated in Persia. The apartment itself is almost entirely of joiners’ work; its platform is raised about three feet above the level of the ground; its covering is flat, supported by many pillars of wood, twenty-eight or thirty feet high, and overlaid with thick gold; the ceiling is of wood, with pieces of inlaid work, forming compartments, enriched with gold.
It will be seen that this apartment is open on all sides, except when the curtains attached to the top of the column, even with the ceiling on the outside, are let down. But, when that is the case, they are not suffered to drop to the base of the columns, so as to enclose the apartments, but are attached, by cords, to the nearest trees in the garden, so that they are, at the extremities, ten feet from the ground, thus forming a grand awning around the apartment, which intercepts the rays of the sun, but allows free access of air, and leaves the view open to those who sit within, or who assemble there. The curtains are of red cloth, lined with fine India chintz, patterned in gay colors. The bands with which the curtains are strengthened, as well as the cords, are of rich silk. The body of the apartment is divided into three parts, by means of a breast-high balustrade of fine joinery, richly gilt. In other terms, the width of sixteen feet on each side the room is thus fenced off, forming two open chambers or enclosures, where the officers and courtiers stand during the state ceremonies, leaving free a wider central chamber for the royal and other illustrious personages, whose rank or office more immediately connects them with such solemnities. The central part is a kind of stage, elevated four feet above the side enclosures. In the midst of this is a fountain of white marble, supplied with clear water. All around the place is entirely gilt; and the gold is so thick, that although it had been laid on above a hundred years in the time of Chardin, it was not in the least degree tarnished or scaled in any part. The similar manner in which the solid parts of their sacred structures (the tabernacle and temple) were overlaid with gold by the Hebrews, renders these facts interesting. In modern use, there is precisely the same employment of the precious metal, and we witness the effect. In preparation for the coronation, the wide chambers were laid with silken carpets; but the central one had cloth of gold and silver, except along the sides, which were laid with a kind of velvet (the manufacture of which is peculiar to Persia), inwrought with silken flowers and foliage.
“On the spot which the monarch was to occupy was laid a mattress of silver brocade, upon which was placed an Indian coverlet, quilted with cloth of gold. “This overhangs the mattress, and is kept in its place, at the two front corners, by two large apples of massive gold, set with precious stones. On this, at the upper part, was laid a cushion of cloth of gold, but so covered with jewels on the upper surface that their brilliancy concealed the material. The place was lighted up by fourteen golden lamps, not suspended or placed on tables as with us, but set upon stands as candelabra, ranged along the floor.”
Chardin gives a minute description of the magnificent ornaments employed in the coronation—the crown, the sword, and the dagger of state; but as these, if not the same, are similar to those which have been already noticed, in describing the appearance of the king on great occasions, it is not necessary to follow his account of them. He says nothing of the armlets which are now among the most distinguishing insignia of Persian royalty. He describes the throne, or chair of state, and gives a figure of it. It is different to those we have already noticed, and is so unsuited to the Persian habit of sitting, as to show that it would only be used for this special occasion. It is a somewhat rudely shaped stool, about three feet high, the legs and cross pieces of which are covered with gold, and thickly set with jewels. From its peculiar shape and rude construction, this seat is perhaps esteemed as having been from remote times used for coronation—like St. Edward’s chair, in which our own sovereigns are crowned. In fact, Chardin states that, when not required for this ceremony, it is kept with great care in the royal treasury, in the tower of the fortress of Isfahan. It is so heavy, that two men cannot carry it without difficulty.
Most ceremonies of state take place by day among the Persians; but the coronation of Shah Suffee was held between ten and eleven o’clock at night, as the chief astrologer had declared that to be the auspicious hour. Before ten, the king appeared in the hall of state in his customary attire, and proceeded to take his place on the seat prepared for him. The great officers of state, and the princes of the empire, also took their stations in the center chamber, while the side chambers were filled with officers standing, some to give the sanction of their presence to the coronation, and others to execute the orders of the high personages who took part in the ceremony.
Among them, the chief astrologer held no mean place. He appeared about ten o’clock, and announced that in twenty minutes the propitious moment would arrive. When all but a few minutes of that time had expired, the commander of the forces (answering to the captain of the host of the Hebrews), who took a leading part in the ceremony, stood up, and such of the great lords as had been seated arose at the same moment. The general cast himself on the ground at the king’s feet, upon his knees; and leaning his head towards the ground, drew from his bosom a small bag, containing a letter which the nobles of the realm had agreed to send to their monarch. The general opened the bag, took the letter out, and after respectfully kissing it and pressing it to his forehead, presented it to the king. He received it, but returned it immediately to the bearer, directing him to open and read it. This he did, in a loud and distinct voice, so that everyone present might hear what it contained, and learn from it that the grandees of the empire had, with one consent, chosen the prince then present to be king of Persia, that they acknowledged him as such, and would attest that acknowledgment whenever required. This form of nomination, in such a government as that of Persia, is, under all the circumstances, very remarkable. But something similar seems to exist under all monarchial governments, and may be traced even in the Hebrew monarchies. When the general had finished reading the letter, the king commanded him to call in the sheikh-el-islam, or chief of the law. This venerable functionary then came forward, and after having prostrated himself before the monarch, with the customary salutation, he arose, and the letter was placed in his hands, that he might give the authority of his sanction and recognition. He read it with attention, carefully examined all the seals, and then placed it before the king; signifying by an inclination of his head and subsequent prostration, that he approved of the letter, and that it was a correctly legal document. The general then addressed the king, and asked him whether it would please him to be crowned by the name he had hitherto borne, or by any other. The king answered, that in changing his station, he had no desire to alter his name, and that he would retain that which had been given him in his infancy. The question seems to recognize the fact, of which there are intimations in Scripture, that it was not unusual for a prince to take a new name on ascending the throne. In fact, this very king, sometime after, having taken up the notion that his name of Suffee was unfortunate, caused himself to be re-crowned under the name of Sulieman.
Having received an answer, the sheikh-el-islam and the general conducted the king to the golden stool already described, which was placed in the center of the chamber. On this, the young prince seated himself, with his face turned towards Mecca. The sheikh-el-islam then seated himself reverently upon his heels, a few steps from the king, and with the royal ornaments displayed before him, began to pray, invoking a blessing upon the ceremonial and upon these insignia of royal power. He then arose, and approaching the king, girded to his left side the sword of state, and placed the poniard in his girdle. He then motioned the grand-chamberlain to remove the king’s cap, and set upon his head the crown, repeating, as he did so, some verses of the Koran, appropriate to the occasion. The sheikh-el-islam then gave place to a great and learned doctor, called Meerza Refia, who had been appointed to deliver the khothbeh, a word applied to a prayer merging into an harangue. By immemorial custom, these exercises are to consist of four parts, each part always comprising the same substantial matter, varied only in the style and the turn of the thoughts. The first portion is distinguished by a word signifying, Praise to God (hhamd-khoda),and it is to express nothing else but thanks for all his benefits, “seeing that there is not a moment in which we do not receive from His goodness some new and special mercy—His bounties being as the sources of great rivers, which flow continually and know no exhaustion; and seeing that all His dealings with man in past and present times—all that has ever proceeded from Him, have exhibited the impress of his love.” The second part is devoted to the laudation of Mohammed and his twelve descendants, whom the Persians greatly venerate. The third part is in praise of royalty, and in this the high notions which the Persians entertain of sovereign power are strongly set forth. Royalty is treated as a Divine institution, and kings are God’s lieutenants and representatives in the government of the world. The king is “the shadow of God” (zil ullah), to obey him is to obey God; and to oppose him is to resist the ordinance which has placed the sword of power in his hands. The fourth and last part was a prayer for the king. This contained supplications for the long life, health, and prosperity of the monarch then present, that, “since this sacred scion of the Imaamic race is, according to the true law, the only lieutenant of the monarch of all the earth and true lord of the world, his dominion may extend from pole to pole; that his majesty may always shine forth unclouded and glorious as the sun; that his enemies may be as the dust beneath his feet; that all his wishes may take effect; and that all this may be accomplished more gloriously than in any former time, in favor of Shah Suffee!” The climax was uttered in a very loud voice, that all might hear the words distinctly. Till then, the name of the king had not been pronounced throughout the ceremony. The instant that name was heard, the whole assembly broke forth in loud acclaiming responses of “So be it!”—“May God grant it!” which every one repeated five or six times. This being over, the sheikh-el-islam went and presented himself on his knees before the king, and bowing his face three times to the ground, pronounced a solemn benediction, concluded with ardent wishes for the prosperity of the sovereign, that his reign might render all his subjects happy, and widely extend the boundaries of the empire.
After this, all the lords and great officers then present came forward, in due order, and paid their respects to their sovereign, by the usual profound obeisances before him. When this was ended, the king arose from the golden stool, and resumed his former place upon the mattress. All the grandees then also returned to their seats; for all but the king had remained standing during this august and imposing ceremonial. The mention of the important part taken by the chief astrologer on the occasion of this coronation, reminds us that we may not have sufficiently indicated the degree in which the Persian court and people are, beyond any other, even in the east, inclined to place their faith upon the vain science of the stars. The head astrologer is, as we have just seen, a great man at court—one of the few who enjoy the privilege of being seated in the presence of the sovereign; and all the royal movements of the slightest consequence are regulated in conformity with his indications. The “star-gazers” and “monthly prognosticators,” as the prophet derisively calls this sort of people, hold the whole nation under a yoke often harder than that of its kings, but to which superstition insures a ready and cheerful obedience. A very slight knowledge of astronomy is sufficient to enable a Persian student to set up for an astrologer and an interpreter of the destinies imagined to be revealed in the stars. If a person can take an altitude with an astrolabe, knows the names of the planets and their different “mansions,” is master of a few technical phrases, and can understand the astrological almanacs that are published every year, he deems himself entitled to offer his services to all who wish to consult him, and that includes everyone in Persia who has the means to reward his skill. This is very sad, and yet somewhat amusing; but, before we laugh too loudly at this folly of the Persians, let us remember that we also have astrological almanacs published every year, and that, in the metropolis of our own empire, there are several booksellers who deal exclusively in astrological works, and who thrive by their trade. In Persia, nothing is done by a man of any consequence or property without reference to the stars. If any measure is to be adopted, if a voyage or journey is to be commenced, if a new dress is to be put on, the “lucky or unlucky moment” must be discovered, and the almanac and astrologer are consulted. A person wishing to commence a journey will not allow a fortunate day to escape, even though he is not ready to set out. He leaves his own house at the moment considered propitious, and remains till he can actually proceed in some incommodious lodging in the vicinity, satisfied that he has, by quitting his house, secured all the benefit which the influence of good stars can afford him.
Some years ago, when a Persian ambassador was about to proceed to India, he was informed by his astrologer of a most fortunate conjunction of the stars, which, if missed, was not likely to occur again for some months. He instantly determined that, although he could not embark, as the ship was not ready, he would proceed from his house, in the town of Bushire, to his tents, which were pitched at a village five miles off to receive him. It was, however, discovered by the astrologer that he could neither go out at the door of his own dwelling, nor at the gate of the fort, as an invisible but baneful constellation was exactly opposite, and shed a dangerous influence in that direction. To remedy this, a large aperture was made in the wall of his house, but that only opened into his neighbor’s, and four or five more walls had to be cut through before the ambassador and his friends (who included the principal men that were to accompany him) could reach the street. They then went to the beach, where it was intended to take a boat and proceed two miles out to sea, in order that their backs might be turned upon the dreaded constellation; but the sea was rough, and the party hesitated to encounter a real danger in order to avoid an imaginary one. In this dilemma, the governor was solicited to allow a portion of the wall of the town to be thrown down, that a mission on which so much depended might not be exposed to misfortune. This request, extraordinary as it may appear, was complied with, and the cavalcade marched over the beach to their tents. The astrologer rode near the ambassador, that he might continually remind him of the great importance of keeping his head in one position; and by this aid he was enabled to reach his tents without any occurrence that could disturb the good fortune which was augured to result from his having departed from home at the propitious moment. The ambassador’s conduct in this instance, while it satisfied his own mind, met, no doubt, with the approbation of his court, gave confidence to his attendants, and, absurd as it seems to us, was regarded generally as a measure of much sagacity and prudence; for, as has been stated, the natives of Persia, from the highest to the lowest, have the most implicit faith in this delusive science. It is, however, to be remembered, that many of those whose occupation it is to observe the aspect of the stars, and to calculate nativities, are not the dupes of their own knowledge. Their object is gain, and they make their art subservient to that object. They flatter the ruling passion of those who consult them; and, if apparently compelled to forebode misfortune, it is often with no other view than to point out how it may be averted.
Malcolm, to whom we owe most of these particulars respecting Persian astrology, says, “When I visited Teheran, in 1800, I found that almost all the Persians in my camp were satisfied that the success or failure of my mission would depend, in no slight degree, upon my entering the capital at a fortunate moment. One of my Persian secretaries, who had consulted an astrologer, rode near me, as I approached the gateway, with a watch in his hand; and, as I did not refuse to gratify him by moving in a slight degree quicker or slower as he wished, my horse stepped over the threshold of the gateway at the very instant desired. This circumstance gave great joy to all the Persians who were friendly to the mission, as they anticipated more success from my attention to this trifle than from all the other efforts I could make.”
It may, nevertheless, be regretted that any professedly Christian ambassador should give even this sort of sanction to so gross and dangerous a superstition. We should have liked to have seen whether even this deluded people would not have been quite as favorable, and perhaps more favorably impressed, by hearing a British ambassador declare that he cared for none of these things, but looked for prosperity through God’s blessing upon negotiations which had for their object the welfare of two powerful nations. That would have been a testimony. The reader will have perceived throughout the preceding pages, the profound veneration, the almost idolatrous homage, which is in Persia paid to the person of the sovereign, and to whatever has any direct connection with him. We see this in all the eastern despotisms, but in scarcely any, not perhaps even in China, is this more distinctly marked than in Persia. It is thought that the nature of absolute power requires that it should be supported by a continual revival of the impression of its high and almost sacred character; and hence, many of the Persian usages are framed to produce this effect. Everything connected with the royal name or authority is treated with a respect which is increased by the form which attends it. If, as we have seen, the king sends an honorary dress, the person for whom it is intended must proceed several miles to meet it, and clothe himself in his robes of favor with every mark of gratitude and submission. If a firman, or mandate, is written by the monarch to one of the officers of his government, it is also to be met at a distance by the person to whom it is addressed, who, after raising it to his head, gives it to his secretary to read, and all stand in respectful silence till the perusal is finished. If a minister has occasion to mention the king, it is not unusual, after inserting all his titles, to leave a blank, and to write the royal name at the top of the letter, lest it should be degraded by having even a word above it. A curious illustration of this principle is given by Malcolm, respecting a picture of the king (Futteh Ali Shah), which was sent to the ruler of Scind. “It was enclosed in a case, and nailed down on a litter carried by two mules; but, though not visible, it was deemed entitled to the respectful homage of his subjects in those countries through which it passed. On the approach of the picture to Abushehr (Bushire), the governor of that part, with all his troops and attendants, went a stage to pay his obeisance! When it came near, they dismounted from their horses, and walked forward to meet it on foot; the governor kissed the conveyance, in token of his devotion to that which it contained, and accompanied it to Abushehr, where it was welcomed with salutes, and the inhabitants of the town were commanded to show every demonstration of joy upon this happy occasion. We observe with pleasure, that it is stated in a note that a British officer, who was at that time residing at Bushire, in a high public station, declined to take part in the ceremonies—doubtless from a natural repugnance to this kind of man-worship. Yet, a few years after, the Persians saw a British ambassador landing at the same place, and directing that the same kind of homage should be paid to the letter of his own sovereign, with which he was entrusted. The alleged object was “to raise the character of the mission in the eyes of the Persians;” and we are informed that it had that result; but it may be wished that some less illusory means of producing that effect had been discovered. It was, however, in entire and studied conformity with the Persian ideas of the reverence due to whatever emanates from the sovereign.