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83 Sermon Illustrations on Society

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Christian preaching on society addresses the collective life and moral fabric of communities influenced by biblical principles. It often uses images of cultural conflict, social decay, and transformation, highlighting the church’s role in shaping or redeeming societal values amid secular pressures (Romans 12:2, 1 Corinthians 15:33). These illustrations evoke the tension between worldly trends and godly living.

Richard John Neuhaus: America Still A Christian Nation

America is still a Christian nation, according to one of the foremost authorities on the role of religion in the contemporary world, Richard John Neuhaus. But "Christian America" is defined socially, not theologically, he noted.

"More than 90 percent of Americans claim they are Christians," he said. "We may find them to be a very imperfect Christian, a very muddled Christian, a very confused Christian, an inwardly contradictory Christian, but if in their minds they think they are Christians and if that is true of the overwhelming majority, ... America is still a Christian nation."

Neuhaus compared a Christian nation to an English-speaking nation. "We may not speak English well, but we are still an English-speaking nation," he said. "We may practice Christianity poorly, but we still practice Christianity (thus we are a Christian nation)," he said.

Christian America also is depicted in its tolerance, Neuhaus said. "We are tolerant because we are Christian, not despite being Christian."

Neuhaus explained that tolerance is grounded in biblical faith, Judeo-Christian morality and Christian theology, not in secularism. Christian traditions lead Americans to respect other faiths and not to offend.

Still, some claim America is a post-Christian, or non-Christian, society, Neuhaus added.

"Maybe some say it is a post-Christian world because they don't want to take responsibility for what an overwhelmingly Christian society would look like -- a lot like this one, filled with sinners," Neuhaus said. "We ought not have any problem as Christians in understanding that we are all forgiven sinners and only by the grace of God on our way to what we are to be in its wholeness."

Neuhaus is a Catholic priest and editor-in-chief of First Things: A Monthly Journal on Religion and Public Life and president of New York City's Institute on Religion and Public Life

Victor Hanson III, publisher of The Birmingham News, says, "Father Neuhaus is one of the best defenders of the orthodox tradition that we have today." He noted Neuhaus was named one of the 32 most influential intellectuals in America by U.S. News and World Report.

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The Quality of Mercy: How Christianity Taught the World To Care

Matthew 25:40

Part of the aftershocks of September 11 was a new round of aspersions cast on the role of religion in American life. A representative from the Freedom From Religion Foundation, for example, called the attacks a "faith-based endeavor," a not-too-subtle reference to the President's Faith-Based Initiative.

Viewing faith as dangerous isn't limited to the village atheists. You hear similar arguments against the role of religion in American public life coming from the academy. A recent book called THE MIND OF GOD, advocates "eliminating religion as a factor in public life" because it "legitimizes violence."

Well, admittedly some people have done terrible things in the name of religion, but sustaining this kind of argument requires a willful disregard of history. As a new book, CHRISTIANITY ON TRIAL, reminds us, the world has been changed for the better precisely because Christians weren't willing to treat their faith as a purely private matter.

In no area has this been more true than in Christianity's championing of the weak, the poor, the sick, and the defenseless.

In their chapter on charity, authors Dave Shiflett and Vincent Carroll, remind us how revolutionary the Christian doctrine of mercy has been. They quote historian John McManners, who noted that the classical world into which Christianity was born "regarded mercy and pity as pathological emotions -- defects of character to be avoided by all rational men."

But Christians had a different view. They knew that God's grace and mercy were unearned and so they were unable to withhold mercy from others. They also knew that their Savior had instructed them to see his face in the face of the poor and desperate. Jesus' words still ring through history: "As you have done these things to the least of my brethren, you have done them unto me." (Matthew 25:40)

The Church has never regarded this command as optional. And Christians through the ages have served Christ by serving the poor in many world-changing ways.

Just war theory developed, beginning with Augustine, as an expression of Christian mercy even in war. During the nineteenth century, hundreds of volunteer associations were born to fight every social ill from drunkenness to prostitution to child labor. Christians have founded thousands of orphanages, schools, clinics, and hospitals.

These and countless other public expressions of Christian faith in the form of mercy literally have changed the world -- and the world still needs that kind of changing.

Fortunately, Christians still have the vision. Love and Action ministers to people with AIDS. International Justice Mission circles the globe prosecuting law cases for the needy who are denied justice. The Salvation Army takes the money from those Christmas kettles and uses it to care for the down and out. And Prison Fellowship extends mercy to prisoners, their families, and their communities.

We can and must defend our faith against those who want to forget the blessings that Christianity has brought to the world. When the naysayers denounce us as little different than fanatical terrorists, we can counter with calm, rational facts.

Christianity on Trial is a book that will get you started. It will help you and your neighbors understand what they ought to find very frightening: not too much Christianity, but a world where Christianity isn't a factor in public life.

For more information:

Vincent Carroll and David Shiflett, Christianity on Trial (Encounter Books 2001).

P. C. W. Davies, The Mind of God. Touchstone Books (March 1993).

Love and Action:

International Justice Mission:

The Salvation Army:

Prison Fellowship:

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Copyright © 2001 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. 'BreakPoint with Chuck Colson' is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

The City of God: Obedience vs. Rebellion

On August 24, the year 410, the unthinkable happened: The Goths, under the leadership of Alaric, sacked Rome. Although, by historical standards, it was a fairly “restrained” sacking, there was nothing restrained about response to the news that the “eternal city” had been pillaged.

Pagans blamed the downfall of Rome, and other calamities as well, on Christianity. This prompted a reply by a North African bishop that shaped the course of Western civilization. That bishop was, of course, Augustine of Hippo, and his reply was the classic apologetic book entitled THE CITY OF GOD.

To fully appreciate Augustine’s masterpiece, you need to understand the man and his times. You see, Augustine understood clearly and enunciated the classic Christian truth about the fallen nature of man and the pervasiveness of sin.

For Augustine, sin is a revolt against God and refusing to accept one’s status as a creature. This rebellion causes us to turn away from things that are divine and truly abiding and, instead, turn to things that are changeable and uncertain.

Our desires, and not the love of God, become the center of our existence. Sound familiar? This self-centeredness, absent the grace of God, blinds us to the truth and enfeebles our will and will cripple our institutions.

In the book, Augustine contrasts the City of God versus the City of Man. While the first, the City of God, understands its rebellious nature and therefore submits to God and His purposes, the second city — the secular one — is simply trying to “rival God.”

The City of God is “social” and “seeks the common welfare.” The City of Man is “selfish” and seeks “selfish control...for the sake of arrogant domination.” The City of God “desires for its neighbor what it wishes for itself,” while the City of Man “desires to subjugate its neighbor.”

Augustine makes a great apologetic defense of Christianity and its powerful influence in the welfare of the state. And he makes a powerful critique of the City of Man. Rebellion against the true God is what led to the fall of Rome and other earthly cities. The Romans worshipped false gods, and it was their pride and corruption, not Christianity, that brought catastrophe on Rome.

Contrary to what ancient and modern pagans believe, it is Christians who make the best citizens. We know that the various earthly cities are transitory. We do not see earthly governments as a means to power, wealth, or self-aggrandizement.

Christians fulfill the requirements of citizenship out of obedience to God and love for Him, and in the hope of creating the kind of society where we can live peaceable and godly lives. Of course, this kind of society is good for our non-Christian neighbors as well, which is exactly the point.

There is so much more about THE CITY OF GOD than I can cover here. For one thing, it influenced me to write a book of my own entitled KINGDOMS IN CONFLICT, now republished as GOD AND GOVERNMENT.

So THE CITY OF GOD is indispensable to an understanding of a proper Christian worldview.

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Copyright (c) 2010 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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[Original illustration at this number was a duplicate of HolwickID #11348]

Quotations: On Family

There is no doubt that it is around the family and the home that all the greatest virtues, the most dominating virtues of human society, are created, strengthened, and maintained. — Winston Churchill (1874 – 1965), British prime minister

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Where there’s a will, there’s a relative.

from Sundry · Various via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database society

The New Normal: Singleness In America

A pair of magazine articles recently revealed some intriguing facts about marriage and singleness in America. U.S. NEWS AND WORLD REPORT notes that Americans are getting married later in life. And, according to reporter Michelle Conlin in BUSINESS WEEK, “The U.S. Census Bureau's newest numbers show that married-couple households ... have slipped from nearly 80 percent in the 1950s to just 50.7 percent [of the population] today. That means that the U.S.'s 86 million single adults could soon define the new majority ... What many once thought of as the fringe is becoming the new normal.”

As a result, the way we view many things — singleness, marriage, friendships, and institutions — is changing dramatically. For instance, U.S. NEWS AND WORLD REPORT's article focused on the so-called “Tribal Culture,” in which single friends form highly organized groups that serve as a kind of substitute family. One such group, in Denver, has 110 members. But that number pales in comparison to some of the groups that are forming online at websites like Friendster.com where literally thousands of people meet to form social networks.

The existence of these “tribes” and these statistics tell us something about ourselves, the way we're wired. We are social beings: We need family and community — even in a culture that prizes autonomy above all things. But BUSINESS WEEK's reporter sees a quite different meaning in the trend she calls “the new normal.” Conlin argues that benefits like insurance and Social Security, which have always gone to married couples, should also be extended to singles, cohabiting couples, and homosexuals living together. She writes, “Just because matrimony is good for society doesn't mean that outmoded social benefits are.”

Now, first let me say that it's important for Christians, when examining this trend, to avoid pointing fingers or acting as if singles are somehow inferior to married people. Surrounded by a culture fearful of commitment and more interested in “hooking up” than dating, even those who are interested in getting married often have a hard time finding anyone who shares their interest. Also, as Paul teaches in the New Testament, not everyone is called to be married.

However, there's a genuine cause for concern when people cite widespread singleness as an excuse to promote policies that denigrate traditional families. The benefits we give to two-parent families should have nothing to do with how many families there are. It's a recognition of the great importance of a stable family structure to our society, in all kinds of areas — the strength of the workforce, the emotional health of kids, and even the physical health of adults. These benefits are one way that we encourage standards that reflect the way we were designed to live — standards like lifelong faithfulness to one person and a committed mother and father for every child. The more we insist on ignoring these standards, the weaker our culture becomes.

Marriage already has enough strikes against it in a culture that largely considers it just one more “lifestyle choice.” We don't need to discourage it even more. “The new normal” so-called may change a lot of things, but it shouldn't change the way we look at a God-ordained, time-tested institution. Tribes may have their place in the chaos of postmodern culture, but they are no substitute for marriage and the family.

FOR FURTHER READING AND INFORMATION:

• Michelle Conlin, “Unmarried America,” Business Week, 20 October 2003.

• Caroline Hsu, “Tribal Culture,” U.S. News and World Report, 13 October 2003, 42-44. (Article costs $2.95 to retrieve.)

• Matthew Continetti, “That's What Friendster's For,” Weekly Standard, 15 September 2003. (For subscribers only.)

• Amy Klein, “Over 35 and still single? So what!“ Chicago Sun-Times, 10 November 2003.

• Jennifer Roback Morse, “The Hook Up Culture,” To the Source, 3 September 2003.

• BreakPoint Commentary No. 030912, “Rules for a Reason: The World Rethinks Dating.”

• BreakPoint Commentary No. 030826, “Family Values on HBO?: Truth from Unexpected Sources.”

• Roberto Rivera, “Changing Hearts,” BreakPoint Online, 1 May 2003.

• Budziszewski, “'Little Platoons',” BreakPoint WorldView, March 2003.

• Lori Smith, The Single Truth (Destiny Books, 2002).

• Christina Hoff Sommers, Who Stole Feminism? (Touchstone, 1995).

• “Hardwired to Connect: The New Scientific Case for Authoritative Communities,” Institute for American Values, 9 September 2003.

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Copyright (c) 2003 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database society

A Glimpse of the Future From A Ghost of the Past

When Charles Dickens introduces the character Ebenezer Scrooge in his classic tale “A Christmas Carol,” he is a pathetic figure. Self-absorbed and miserly, he has only one interest -- money. However, once Scrooge is forced to take inventory of his life he transforms. When Ebenezer realizes that his life is headed for a dismal and lonely end, he chooses to change.

America desperately needs to experience a Scrooge-like inventory in order to understand the destructive path it is on. While it took three apparitions to jar Ebenezer's thinking about life, we in the United States need only to encounter one “ghost” from the past to realize we are on a path of self-destruction.

British anthropologist J.D. Unwin died in 1936. But he speaks from the grave through research he conducted that was published in 1940 under the title “Hopousia: The Sexual and Economic Foundations of a New Society.”

Unwin, who was likely influenced by Sigmund Freud to some degree, scrutinized the sexual behaviors of 86 cultures through 5,000 years of history. His observations were -- and are -- sobering.

Freud maintained that sexual repression was the root cause of a society's ills. Unwin found the opposite to be true. His findings showed cultures that observed a strict sexual ethic -- especially valuing pre-nuptial chastity and post-nuptial monogamy -- thrived and flourished. However, those societies that rejected sexual restraint withered and died.

“Expansive energy” was the term Unwin used to describe a culture that was growing and healthy. Concerning this reality he observed, “Expansive energy has never been displayed by a society that inherited a modified monogamy or a form of polygamy....” What Unwin discovered is that once a society ceased to value marriage and sexual restraint, it began to decline.

“In human records,” Unwin wrote, “there is no instance of a society retaining its energy after a complete new generation has inherited a tradition which does not insist on pre-nuptial and post-nuptial continence.” In other words, once a generation abandons a sexual ethic that values sexual restraint and monogamy the following generation begins to wane culturally. It is then only a matter of time before the society shrivels and dies.

Concerning his study, Unwin made a chilling observation. He wrote, “The evidence is that in the past a class has risen to a position of political dominance because of its great energy and that at the period of its rising, its sexual regulations have always been strict. It has retained its energy and dominated the society so long as its sexual regulations have demanded both pre-nuptial and post-nuptial continence... I know of no exceptions to these rules.”

“No exceptions to these rules.” Once a society utterly rejects a sexual ethic that values restraint and monogamy, its days are numbered.

America is in the midst of casting off all sexual restraint. Sexual license is celebrated daily in the popular media. While marriage is still practiced, no one can say that it is approached as seriously, en masse, as it once was or as it should be. With the introduction of same-sex matrimony the deconstruction of marriage will be complete. And, while not yet widely accepted, some “elite” academicians are introducing ideas that pedophilia and bestiality are healthy pursuits.

Will this be the generation that throws off all sexual restraint? Will the next inherit a sexual ethic of ambiguity? How long can America last if she rejects a moral compass that points toward sexual purity before and after marriage? Not long, according to Unwin.

Scrooge saw what his future would be if he continued to pursue his self-absorbed, miserly ways. As a result, he embraced change. Like Ebenezer, America has been given a glimpse into its future by a “ghost” from the past.

The message from J.D. Unwin's research is clear: Make sexual purity and marital commitment top priorities or steady decline and slow death are unavoidable. Scrooge saw his future and trembled. For the sake of future generations, may America do likewise.

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Version from 7/24/09

SEXUAL ANARCHY -- AMERICA’S DEMISE?

When it comes to all things pertaining to sexuality and sexual expression, liberals advocate for nothing less than sexual anarchy. A litany of the left’s positions affirms that the previous statement is an ironclad truth.

The left views traditional marriage as nothing more than an anachronism, sex outside of marriage as sacrosanct and any and all sexual expression worthy of acceptance. If the left does accept any boundaries in respect to sexuality, the lines are hopelessly blurred by post-modern subjectivity.

Those who embrace a hedonistic ethic of unfettered and unrestrained sexual freedom insist that sexuality belongs to the realm of the private and the personal. Consensual behavior, in which no one is harmed, is simply none of society’s business, they say.

Are liberals correct? Is sexuality simply a private matter with no consequences for society? On this subject, as with most others, the left could not be more wrong. One thing the left rarely considers when delineating their dogma is unintended consequences.

“The law of unintended consequences pushes us ceaselessly through the years, permitting no pause for perspective,” observed Richard Schickel, film critic for Time magazine.

Schickel is correct about the ever-present reality of unintended consequences, which the left continues to miss. However, he is wrong about the inability to gain perspective -- especially when it comes to the impact collective sexuality has on a society.

One of the best ways to gain perspective concerning unintended consequences is through the lens of history. And history has much to say about the impact of collective sexuality on a society.

British anthropologist J.D. Unwin studied the sexual behaviors of 86 cultures through 5,000 years of history. His findings were published in 1940 under the title “The Sexual and Economic Foundations of a New Society.” Unwin’s observations were -- and are -- sobering.

Unwin’s observations ran counter to one of the most influential thinkers of his day, Sigmund Freud. Freud maintained that sexual repression was the root cause of a society’s ills. Unwin found the opposite to be true. Unwin’s findings showed that cultures that observed a strict sexual ethic -- especially valuing pre-nuptial chastity and post-nuptial monogamy -- thrived and flourished. However, those societies that rejected sexual restraint withered and died.

“Expansive energy” was the term Unwin used to describe a culture that was growing and healthy. Concerning this reality he observed, “Expansive energy has never been displayed by a society that inherited a modified monogamy or a form of polygamy.” What Unwin discovered is that once a society ceased to value marriage and sexual restraint, it began to decline.

He added, “In human records, there is no instance of a society retaining its energy after a complete new generation has inherited a tradition which does not insist on pre-nuptial and post-nuptial continence.”

In other words, once a generation abandons a sexual ethic that values sexual restraint and monogamy, the following generation begins to wane culturally. It is then only a matter of time before society shrivels and dies.

Concerning his study, Unwin made a chilling observation. He wrote, “The evidence is that in the past a class has risen to a position of political dominance because of its great energy and that at the period of its rising, its sexual regulations have always been strict. It has retained its energy and dominated the society so long as its sexual regulations have demanded both pre-nuptial and post-nuptial continence. ... I know of no exceptions to these rules.”

No exceptions to these rules. Once a society utterly rejects a sexual ethic that values restraint and monogamy, its days are numbered.

America is in the midst of casting off all sexual restraint. Sexual license is celebrated daily in the popular media. While marriage is still practiced, no one can say that it is approached as seriously, en masse, as it once was or as it should be. With the introduction of “gay marriage” the deconstruction of marriage will be complete. And, while not yet widely accepted, some “elite” academicians are introducing ideas that polygamy and polyamory, and even pedophilia and bestiality are healthy pursuits.

Will this be the generation that throws off all sexual restraint? Will the next inherit a sexual ethic of ambiguity? How long can America last if she rejects a moral compass that points toward sexual purity before and after marriage? Not long, according to Unwin.

The message from J.D. Unwin’s research is clear: Make sexual purity and marital commitment top priorities or face a steady decline and slow death. While liberals advocate sexual anarchy, they fail, or refuse, to recognize the unintended consequences of such a position -- consequences that will undermine any hope for America’s future.

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Kelly Boggs is a weekly columnist for Baptist Press and editor of the Baptist Message (www.baptistmessage.com), newsjournal of the Louisiana Baptist Convention.

They Once 'Loved To Tell the Story'

I remember the day I fell in love again with baseball, back in the 1970s. (I'd been in a 20-year funk since the Dodgers moved to L.A.) A Wheaton College colleague and his wife took Sharon and me to see the Cubs at Wrigley Field. We had front-row, upper-deck seats above first base. Wrigley was beautiful, but the infield warm up impressed me first and most. I couldn't believe the ease with which the third baseman fired the ball “on a rope,” 30-40 yards, back to first. Such strength and skill. I still get chills when I see it.

I get a similar thrill when I visit art galleries. Artists can be amazing. If you gave me a year, an offer of $1 million and the best of tools, I still couldn't match a square inch of DaVinci or Vermeer. When it comes to painting, I'm a hopeless clunker, so I'm drawn (no pun intended; well, maybe a little intended) to those who execute their paintings with consummate skill.

My work on a Christian website recently took me to London, where I raced to and through four museums in my free time -- the National Gallery and the National Portrait Gallery one morning, the Wallace Collection and Tate Britain another afternoon.

The artistry was gratifying, but I was struck more than ever by the subject matter -- or rather the change of subject matter through the centuries of Western art.

For roughly the first 1,600 years, A.D., Christianity was the focus. At the National Gallery, I passed through several halls seeing scarcely a secular work. There (and to a lesser extent at the Wallace and Tate), painters frequently turned to the Gospels (the Annunciation, the Nativity, the kings' and shepherds' adoration, Mary's mothering, Jesus' baptism, John the Baptist's beheading, Lazarus' raising, the temple's cleansing, the foot washing, children's blessing, the high priest's interrogation, Gethsemane, the crucifixion, Christ's burial, Mary Magdalene's visit to the tomb, Thomas' incredulity, the supper at Emmaus, Pentecost) and the Roman Catholic saints (Jerome, Eustace, Sebastian, Catherine, Francis, George, Michael, Anthony). Others worked from Acts (Paul's shaking off the viper) and the Old Testament (the flood, worship of the golden calf, Moses in the bulrushes, Egypt's plagues, Belshazzar's feast, Lot's flight from Sodom).

As the Renaissance took hold in the 15th and 16th centuries, everyday people replaced the saints, contemporary settings and dress supplanted the biblical and ancient. New techniques (perspective, natural shading) and materials (tempura, fresco) emerged.

As a child of the Reformation, I have to say I welcome the collapse of the old sacred/secular distinction. I agree with Luther that God calls people to everything from preaching to homemaking to farming to smithing to marketing. The sacred is everywhere, as extensive as the Kingdom. But I do miss generous artistic coverage of biblical stories and personalities. Of course, there were exceptions. William Blake was a virtual industry in this connection in the 19th century, with paintings and illustrations of Satan's smiting Job with boils, Abel the shepherd, heaven's river of life, Joseph and Mary's flight to Egypt, etc. But the generality stands.

Despite the changes, the church was once so much a part of the cultural fabric that artists naturally picked up on its leaders and activities. Seventeenth- century Dutch painters captured Protestant worship services in progress. Eighteenth- and 19th-century English portraiture celebrated such Christians as Robert Raikes (founder of Sunday School), William Wilberforce (who led the Parliamentary fight against slavery) and Hannah Whitehall Smith (who wrote “The Christian's Secret of a Happy Life”).

The 20th century saw the death of cultural piety. Art both hastened and reflected its demise. No greater illustration of this can be found than in the National Portrait Gallery. A short walk from the 1828 Wilberforce by Sir Thomas Lawrence, you find the 1997 prurient self-portrait Gilbert and George - two homosexual artists standing side-by-side in full frontal nudity, with a crude expression at their feet. And the craft is not that impressive -- arty paintwork around a sepia photo.

It would be fun to ask the chief curator, “Have you no shame?” just to see what he would say. Of course, he has none. Shame is a joke now, and likely one turned back on the person who uses the expression without irony. On this modern model, the critic should be ashamed of his “homophobia” or stuffiness -- ashamed of his shame, embarrassed of embarrassment.

I'm not asking that we return to the stylistic days of Duccio and Titian. But just imagine if we had more artists who could work with this conviction:

I love to tell the story

Of unseen things above,

Of Jesus and His glory,

Of Jesus and His love.

I love to tell the story,

Because I know 'tis true;

It satisfies my longings

As nothing else can do.

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Contemporary Culture Evidences 'Darkness At Noon'

John 15:18

Christians must prepare to withstand a pervasive darkness that is producing a post-Christian culture in America according to R. Albert Mohler Jr. America has reached a state of advanced cultural decay, Mohler said in a sermon titled “Darkness at Noon” from Joel 2 and Hebrews 12. The title invoked a 1940 novel by Arthur Koestler which portrays the nightmarish Soviet politics of the Russian Revolution.

“We live in a time of prosperity [but we also] live in a time of trouble,” Mohler said in his sermon.

“I want us to see around us a darkening sky and gathering clouds. I want us to sense that something has happened, that [something] is even now happening in our culture.

“It is going to change everything that we know about ministry in terms of the challenge before us. “It is going to draw out the reality of who the church is in the midst of the gathering conflict. We no longer see the first signs of cultural trouble but we now see indicators of advanced decay.”

The seminary president outlined three manifestations of the encroaching darkness. The first, he said, is the coming of a post-Christian age to America, one that mirrors the radical secularization of countries in Western Europe, where only 2 percent say they attend church.

Elites who govern the political, academic, entertainment, judiciary and legal spheres in America have already embraced and are aggressively advancing a post-Christian worldview, he said.

The post-Christian age is visible in the loss of traditional definitions of truth, beauty, love, marriage and family, among other things, Mohler said. One obvious example from pop culture is the proliferation of reality television shows that flippantly portray base and debauched behavior, he said.

Noting “the ravages of a post-Christian culture,” Mohler said, “Sacred things are profaned, they are trampled underfoot. We see the evidence in our culture in art and music and in literature. We are a people whose cultural and moral aspirations are indicated by the Nielson ratings. We are a nation entertained by a show called 'Desperate Housewives.'

“Look at what has happened to marriage and family [and] the idea of romantic love. We have largely destroyed the purity of marriage. And marriage is under attack by those who would transform it into something that it cannot be and never was and actually never will be. We see all of this and wonder how it can happen [even though] the Scriptures have told us that sinners love darkness rather than light.”

A second manifestation is the closing of the postmodern mind in which a push for tolerance winds up being rabidly intolerant, Mohler said, citing the imprisonment in Sweden of a Christian minister for preaching a biblical sermon in which he spoke of the sinfulness of homosexuality.

Mohler pointed out that this postmodern mind exists much closer to American soil than Western Europe. In the past year, Canada's parliament passed Bill C-250, a “hate speech” code that includes sexual orientation among protected classes. The statute makes it illegal for pastors or Christian broadcasters to say that homosexuality is sinful.

“This is not across an ocean,” Mohler said. “This is across an invisible northern border.”

The third manifestation -– a culturally compliant church -- points to the Christian response to the growing darkness, Mohler said. The church must counter the culture with biblical truth in every arena, he said, and must be prepared to confront a postmodern world on its own turf.

This task will require three levels of reordering, Mohler said: in the church, in the denomination and in the seminary.

In the church, ministers must thoroughly equip believers through an unwavering commitment to biblical preaching, he said.

“It is biblical preaching that will fuel evangelism,” Mohler noted. “It is biblical preaching that will produce missionary fervor. It is biblical preaching that will explain how the Holy Spirit of God will apply the Word of God to the hearts of people so that they will [not only] know what marriage is, but they will live what marriage is and raise their children in the fear and admonition of the Lord.

“They [must] know the truth and stand in the truth and testify to the truth and always be ready to give an answer to the hope that is within them. That is only going to come if they are taught and fed, and that will only happen if the pulpits in America center in the preaching of God's Word.”

In the Southern Baptist Convention, Mohler said, leaders must encourage local churches to work together and encourage each other to be a pillar and buttress of biblical truth. As the cultural skies darken, he predicted a rebirth of cooperation among Baptist churches.

“We have to get ready for a day when our statistical reports may not be what they always have been,” Mohler said. “Because there is going to come a day when we find out how many we really are, and it's not 16 million. I don't know how many we are. I do know this: If there came a day when officials showed up and said, 'It's going to cost you a thousand dollars a year of tax to be a member of this church,' we'd find out how many members we have.

“I think we are going to see in the age to come a true revival of Baptist associationalism, when congregations are going to band together in this hostile environment and say, 'How are we going to encourage each other rightly to preach the Word, rightly to order our ministries [and] rightly to be bold?'“

Mohler said seminaries, meanwhile, must train up ministers who are willing to face intense persecution for the sake of the Gospel because the post-Christian culture will grow increasingly strident in its hatred for the Gospel.

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The Power of Christmas

The Power of Christmas: What it teaches us all, believers and atheists alike.

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The Battle of Christmas is becoming a major event in the current history of liberty. In city after city in the United States and Europe, a war of sorts is being declared on Jesus Christ. He has been designated PERSONA NON GRATA. In public life, He is officially abolished. European bureaucrats do not even want Christianity mentioned in the new European Constitution, or to have anything to do with the European Commission.

In one of our own fair cities, one may no longer speak of the “Christmas Season” — only of “Sparkle Season.” Elsewhere, in personal greetings the correct phrase is no longer “Merry Christmas” but something more indirect and evasive like “Best wishes of the season.”

What is going on? We seem to be returning to a degree of Christophobia, after a tremendous run of 1,669 open and happy Christmas celebrations since the very first one in A.D. 336 in Rome. After the killing of Christians by the Roman emperors had ceased, and Constantine at last removed the legal impediments to the public expression of Christianity in A.D. 313 (and, incidentally, a few years later fixed the date of Christ's birth on December 25), Christophobia faded, except for the totalitarian banishment of Christianity, and all religion, by the Soviet Union in the 20th century.

Now, in the New Europe, the Italian minister for European affairs was forced to describe the convictions of his personal conscience on homosexual conduct. The EU authorities were not content with two prior assurances from him (in the same interrogation) that he respected the laws and civil rights of homosexuals out of respect for their personal dignity, and would uphold political and civil protections for them. No such questions were asked of Romano Prodi or any other European official. It would be unconstitutional in the United States to impose a religious test for public office. Governmental bodies even in Europe should make no intrusions into the realm of conscience; what counts in a public official is his commitment to the rule of law and faithful protection of civil and political liberties.

THE POWER OF TRUTH

Many Europeans still recall that in 1948, when Communism took over many nations to the East (Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and others) and threatened to win elections also in the West (France, Italy, Germany, and elsewhere), what saved the latter group was the sudden strong emergence of the Christian Democratic parties, drawing on spiritual resources many centuries old.

Then, some decades later, what saved Central and Eastern Europe from the deadly grip of the Iron Curtain was Solidarnosc, a labor union steeped in Christian principles of liberty and non-violence. Christians and Jews together upheld the priority of the human spirit over the might of the Soviet Union. Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov together celebrated the power of truth over the regime of lies. Theirs was at bottom a Hebrew notion: that one of the names of the Almighty is Truth, and that the power of truth is shattering and irresistible.

As Natan Sharansky reminds us in his new book on the power of freedom, THE CASE FOR DEMOCRACY: THE POWER OF FREEDOM TO OVERCOME TYRANNY AND TERROR, he found strength in identifying himself with his family and their Jewish roots going back some 55 centuries. And in the same process of self-identification many others reopened their inner ties to Jesus Christ.

It is important to plumb the depths of this rediscovery. The KGB prescribed 18 different diets for prisoners, scaled for severe punishment. They also prescribed 20-some degrees of torture. Yet what Sharansky and many others discovered is that under interrogation power passes from the torturer to the tortured. For what the interrogator wants only the one interrogated can give him, and as long as the latter holds on to fidelity to truth all the power is his. For the interrogator wants him to lie. The interrogator tempts him and tries to undermine his resistance by asking relentlessly, “Who will ever know? All those who agree with you have been compromised; they have been told you have confessed to spying; everyone has contempt for you; you are alone; be practical; just tell us what we want to know, no one else will ever see it. Who cares about you anyway? Just end this. For you and for me, just end it.”

But when a person under torture refuses to be unfaithful to what he sees as the light within him, he soon begins to wonder about the nature of that light. If it is part of himself, where is it? When his torturer torments his flesh, emotions, passions, imagination, mind, and even his self-identity, then what on earth is that light? What is he being faithful to? And why does it seem so important, so absolutely vital, to be true to it? Some in this nothingness begin to address that light as a person, whose name is Truth.

And so the chain of reflection runs like this: Truth is not a proposition, but a person — a light, a kind of intelligence, who in the songs of one's childhood is called Lord, or Creator, or Beloved, or Judge, or One-to-be-feared. It is God. For others, not willing to turn to God, the experience of this searing demand for honesty remains as a burning memory, radiating as a sentinel over the rest of their lives.

WHAT IS CAESAR'S

In this way, by a kind of VIA NEGATIVA, were some of the hidden depths — and real strengths — of the Western tradition rediscovered in the 20th century.

What we mean by God is something like irrepressible inner light, which is not quite a part of us, but apart from us, and yet deep within. It is closer to us than we to ourselves.

As Sharansky also notes in passing, although he is not a Christian, Jesus Christ taught humans to give unto Caesar what is Caesar's and unto God what is God's. One does not have to be Christian to take that lesson, or perhaps even to admit that Jesus Christ is the world's greatest teacher of the illegitimacy of totalitarian government. The very idea of everything belonging to Caesar is false in principle. The modern idea of democracy follows in the wake of this teaching of Christ.

In parallel fashion, a leading figure of Enlightenment thought in Italy today, Eugenio Scalfari, the founder and publisher of LA REPUBBLICA, has reminded readers of his own paper that Jesus Christ introduced into modern Europe the idea of the dignity of every single individual, especially the poor, the weak, and the vulnerable. That is what gave meaning to the terms Equality and Fraternity in the triadic slogan of the French Revolution. To come to the aid of the poor is an essential idea of modern democracy.

And this idea, too, springs in great vividness from the Christmas scene of the endangered infant, the poor shepherds, and the humble animals seeking shelter in the stable under the cold stars, celebrated by angels. It is the poor and the humble who are chosen by the Creator for His greatest gifts.

INDIVIDUAL AND CREATOR

There are other ideas key to democracy embedded in the Christmas drama. Here I must acknowledge that I am using “democracy” where in many ways a term such as “republic” would more accurately serve; but contemporary usage almost demands it. One of the most important of these other ideas is the inalienable liberty of individual persons.

And how is this form of liberty rooted in Christmas? Read again Jefferson's argument in his Bill for Religious Liberty and Madison's argument in his REMONSTRANCE. For both, religion is a duty every person owes to his Creator — a self-evident duty but one to be rendered according to the conscience of each individual. And why is that? Because that is the decree of the particular God they have in mind. That God is found in Judaism and Christianity, in the God of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and also Jesus, Who demands to be worshiped “in spirit and in truth.”

This God, as William Penn of the Society of Friends explained, created the world so as to place within it women and men to whom He could offer His friendship. They would be free to accept or reject his friendship, since He wished not slavish friendship but the friendship of the free. “The Light was sent to shine in the darkness, and the darkness grasped it not.” Since He made the universe for friendship, the Creator had to make it free. Freedom lies at the heart of things.

And so, to continue the Jeffersonian and Madisonian argument, each man must make a choice, face-to-face with his Creator. This choice cannot be put off on one's mother or any other person: It is inalienable. The choice cannot be evaded. And if it is the inalienable duty of every individual, then it must also be an inalienable right. This duty belongs to every individual, and no state or jurisdiction can block its accomplishment. This is a duty precedent both in time and in obligation to all others. It is precedent to civil society, and it is precedent to the state. It is rooted in the relation of individual to Creator.

So powerful is this relation that it holds even for those who deny that there is a God. For the Creator leaves it within individuals' freedom to make such a denial. As Jefferson spells out, we humans can bow our knee to nothing else besides evidence, and if the evidence for God in this world does not convince us, so the Almighty has left us free to conclude. It lies in his almighty power to coerce us, but the Holy Author of our religion chose not to do.

And who was this Holy Author? For heroes such as Sharansky it is the God of his fathers, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. For the great majority of Americans, the Holy Author of our religion is Jesus Christ, whose birthday the whole nation celebrates on Christmas.

There are many reasons why atheists should (and a good many do) celebrate Christmas. Among these are simple ones, like the color and brightness and good spirits of that time. Other reasons include the contributions this humble child born in a manger has made to the thrust of Western experiments in freedom. These reasons are as easily understood by atheists as by devout Christians (who come in every degree of understanding, or lack thereof). At times they have been BETTER understood by atheists, at least in practice.

OUR INALIENABLE LIBERTY

In any case, knowing that this really is a wonderful life, in which implausible dreams can come true, I have been dreaming that one Christmas soon some atheist will start a movement of “Atheists for Christmas.” The purpose would not be to declare that such atheists are Christians. Rather, they or others similarly placed are in a position to state, without partisanship, the positive contributions that Christmas dramatizes for the understanding of freedom and virtue in our time.

It is not just that without Christmas the year would be much drearier. It is rather that Christmas is in fact centered upon the mystery of liberty. During one Christmas or another, each of us is going to have to make a decision: “Who IS this baby in the manger?” The consequences for our own lives that follow upon that question are tremendous. Yet the child appears before our eyes, not in the glory of his terrible swift sword, but in helplessness and need — not as overpowering, but as altogether unthreatening. The decision thus depends upon the free conscience of the observer, upon his inalienable liberty.

For that reason, too, Christmas also instructs us to recognize all around ourselves many persons of good will. Even when their answers to that question differ from ours, we owe their inalienable dignity our respect and honor. Freedom, then, and also charity, forbearance, and tolerance — and not merely tolerance, as George Washington confided to the Hebrew Congregation of Newport, but mutual respect — are all implicit in the scene at the crib.

Therefore, those of us who are Christians ought to launch a reciprocal campaign of “Christians in Gratitude to Atheists,” to honor the contributions of nonbelievers to our free institutions. Let us give credit to all who helped add to natural rights, the free institutions that support them, and the consent of the governed, due process, and the separation of powers.

The defenders of liberty in this coming century may be not too many but too few, and all of us will surely need one another before this century is done. We will also need Christmas, and all that it strengthens in us, and reminds us of.

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Michael Novak is the winner of the 1994 Templeton Prize for progress in religion and the George Frederick Jewett Scholar in Religion, Philosophy, and Public Policy at the American Enterprise Institute. Novak's own website is www.michaelnovak.net.

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Defining and Defending Conservatism -- Senator Rick Santorum's “It Takes A Family”

Senator Rick Santorum (R-PA) admits that political conservatives have often failed to present a comprehensive vision of the underlying commitments and convictions that frame the conservative vision. Beyond this, he laments the fact that some conservatives fail to link those basic convictions with political decisions and matters of public policy. He's out to reverse that failure, and his new book IT TAKES A FAMILY: CONSERVATISM AND THE COMMON GOOD is one of the most important books written by a political figure in recent American history.

Santorum was raised in Butler, Pennsylvania, a small town he describes as “a place where family togetherness, being a good neighbor, and civic participation were on display every day, without complaint or apology.” He later attended college at Penn State University and earned a law degree from the Dickinson School of Law in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. At the age of 32, Santorum was elected to the United States House of Representatives. After two terms, he was elected in 1994 to the United States Senate. He quickly emerged as a national figure and became the youngest person elected to the Republican Senate leadership. He continues to serve as Republican Conference Chairman, the party's third-ranking leadership position in the Senate.

Nevertheless, Santorum is defined as much by his family life as by his political career. He and his wife Karen have six children, and the couple has been very generous in sharing their family life with the larger public.

This is no accident, nor a matter of mere personal eccentricity. In IT TAKES A FAMILY, Santorum points to the natural family as the basic building block of civilization, as the proper focus of government concern, and as the true starting point for a conservative political philosophy.

Santorum argues that civilization is based upon five essential pillars -- social capital, economic capital, moral capital, cultural capital, and intellectual capital. In his book, he deals with each of these in turn, but at the center of his argument lies the assertion “that the key to building capital in all of these areas is fostering the formation, stability, and success of the traditional family.”

This is a controversial book, and we are living in controversial times. Writing and publishing a book of this substance represents something of a political risk, but Santorum's book should serve to help conservatives, as well as others, come to a deeper understanding of why civilization itself depends upon the stable functioning of families, and why the family is now at risk.

Throughout the book, Santorum displays a rather remarkable engagement with significant conservative thinkers of the past and present. Furthermore, he gives evidence of a deep understanding of social realities and the ideological principles that produce concrete social results. This senator also understands that conservative principles have enemies.

Referring to what others have called the “cultural elite,” Santorum speaks of the “village elders” who now attempt to forge a social revolution in terms of their own ideological commitments -- commitments that are directly subversive of families.

According to Santorum, the liberal elites hold to what he identifies as an ideology of “No-Fault Freedom.” The ideology of No-Fault Freedom insists that personal choice, grounded in an assertion of personal autonomy, is the highest good. In the name of liberation, the prophets of No-Fault Freedom insist that limitations upon personal liberty are repressive and unhealthy and that freedom should thus be unconstrained by a larger moral context, set of rules, or other limitations.

Any responsible political philosophy must identify the central unit of civilization. As Santorum sees it, the critical distinction between contemporary forms of liberalism and conservatism is that the liberals see the individual as the basic unit of society, whereas the conservatives see the family as the focal unit.

“Liberal social policy has never put an emphasis on the family because the village elders, frankly, don't believe in the importance of strong, traditional families,” Santorum asserts. “For a raft of reasons, the village elders view the strong, traditional, married-mother-and-father family as contrary to their social agenda. They think of society as fundamentally made up of INDIVIDUALS guided by elite and 'expert' organizations like government, not the antiquated, perhaps uneducated, independent family. The village elders WANT society to be individualistic, because a society composed only of individuals responds better to 'expert' command and control.”

Those who protest or recoil in light of Santorum's pointed rhetoric should understand that his argument is solidly based in the writings and public arguments of those he opposes. The foundation of the modern revolutions in sex, law, education, and the larger society are based in an assertion of either individual or class rights -- not in a focus on the protection of the family as the definitional unit of civilization.

In essence, Santorum sees marriage as the essential glue that defines families and holds civilization together. “Marriage matters because children matter,” he asserts. “Without marriage, children suffer. There is simply no better investment parents can make in their children's future than a healthy marriage.” Santorum's insistence upon the primacy of marriage will be sufficient to give opponents grounds for labeling him a finger-wagging moralist. But, as Santorum understands, the morality of marriage defines the morality of the larger culture.

Ideas do have consequences (another key conservative idea), and Santorum believes that the idea of big government, wedded to the principle of No-Fault Freedom, has led to family dissolution and an entire host of social ills. “We've wasted decades and countless lives under the direction of the village elders trying to build bureaucracies to aid the poor and marginal in our society, while ignoring the central importance of the traditional family,” Santorum insists. In his view, the prevailing elites have been “pretending that the health of the mom-and-dad family isn't really important.”

Without apology, Santorum grounds his concept of family in what he properly identifies as a “natural” form. Even though he speaks of the “traditional” family, he recognizes that the natural or nuclear family is something prior to tradition. As a Roman Catholic, Santorum grounds this in the natural law. In so doing, he raises an issue that should attract broad Christian consensus. He correctly asserts that liberals see nature as far too confining and thus the enemy of freedom. “Liberals believe that the traditional family is neither natural nor vital, and that it's an antiquated social convention which has not only outlived its usefulness, but is now inherently discriminatory and repressive towards legitimate alternative 'families,'“ Santorum reflects.

Why would the senator tie his social vision to such an arbitrary definition of family? He answers that question clearly: “Every known society has some form of marriage. And it's always about bringing together a male and a female into the kind of sexual union where the interests of children under the care of their own mother and father are protected. Marriage is the word for the way in which we connect a man, a woman, and their children into one loving family. It represents our best attempt to see that every child receives his or her birthright: the right to know and be known by, to love and to be loved by, his or her own father and mother.”

Santorum recognizes that many families fail to live up to this vision. Nevertheless, he rightly insists that nothing can replace the family. When advocates for same-sex marriage attempt to redefine marriage as an institution, they are merely articulating a vision of what Santorum calls “liberal marriage.” As he sees it, “the 'right' of homosexuals to 'marry' one another is a logical result of what MUST happen to the definition of marriage if we view society as composed of nothing but abstract, autonomous INDIVIDUALS, rather than of men and women with their given natures. Abstract individuals, after all, are completely interchangeable and completely 'free' to define who and what they are. To the liberal mind, therefore, there is no 'rational basis' for limiting marriage only to people of opposite sexes .... Our village elders now declare that those holding to the traditional understanding of marriage are simply irrational.”

Of course, Santorum is a legislator, and he understands the role of law as an instrument for teaching the young. “Just imagine two or three generations from now, if we legalize same-sex marriage today, what young adults will understand about marriage,” he suggests. “Keep in mind that they will have been raised in a society that considers marriage nothing more than a romantic and sexual coupling between men and men, women and women, and men and women. The law will have declared it so, the centers will have been pressured into silence, and public schools will embrace and teach same-sex marriage as the law of the land. Laws have meaning, and therefore, laws TEACH. When something is legal it has the presumption that it is moral and right. If the sexual unions of men with men and women with women have equal dignity with the union of men and women, then marriage cannot be understood as having anything intrinsically to do with children. Society will teach the next generation that marriage is a self-centered endeavor primarily about adult satisfaction, not children's well-being.”

Throughout the book, Senator Santorum reveals a thoughtful and intelligent engagement with the most basic issues of political theory, conservative political philosophy, and the social impact of culture. He writes personally and sensitively of his own observations and about how threatening social realities have affected his own family and the way he and his wife raise their children.

When addressing issues as sensitive as abortion, Santorum is able to write about the danger abortion poses to our “moral ecology,” even as he provides an insider's view of how he became involved in the partial-birth abortion issue. Movingly, he writes of abortion as “a toxin methodically polluting our fragile moral ecosystem.” As he laments, “It poisons everyone it touches, from the mother and her ill-fated child, to the mother's and father's families, to the abortion provider, to each of us who stands as a silent witness to this destruction and debasement of human life.”

Even more movingly, he wrote of the experience he and his wife shared as they were told by a doctor that their unborn child was afflicted with a fatal birth defect and would surely die. He writes, “That wasn't the news we wanted or expected, but I must tell you that our reaction, after the shock and grief, was not to avoid the pain, the cost, or the struggle; it was not to get rid of the 'problem,' and it was not to take a baby out of his misery like something that was less than human. Karen and I couldn't rationalize how we could treat this little human life at twenty weeks' gestation in the womb any different than one twenty weeks old after birth. At either age, he is helpless, unaware, and thoroughly dependent on us, his parents, to protect him, care for him, and love him unconditionally.” Gabriel Michael Santorum, who died just two hours after his birth, was treated as a human being rather than something less than human, and his life and death testify of the irreducible but vulnerable reality of human dignity.

IT TAKES A FAMILY is an important book for our troubled times. Its emergence can bring only good things for the conservative movement in America. If every public servant was this clear-headed and intellectually courageous, we would see a very different culture.

________

This article was originally published on August 1, 2005.

Christians & Culture: Four Models Assessed

John 17:15

To respond to many of today’s cultural problems, Christians need a theology of culture that enables them to engage culture without conforming to it, said Gene Veith in a two-day lecture series at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary in Wake Forest, N.C. In his first message, Veith outlined and critiqued several theologies of culture, which are ways in which Christians try to relate to their culture.

The first way, which Veith called “Culture Rules Christianity,” is associated with liberal theology. In this model, the world sets the agenda for the church so that “when culture changes, Christianity needs to change as well to remain culturally relevant.”

Problems with this model abound, Veith noted.

“How much can you change the church’s teachings and practice to make them relevant to people today, given that the dominant culture is non-Christian?” he asked. “I’m not saying that we don’t need to make adjustments, but some Christians have gone way too far. There are some churches out there that don’t preach about sin anymore. They also often don’t preach the Gospel anymore, so all through the sermon, you don’t hear about Jesus.

“I would argue there’s a profound problem with that, even to the extent of stepping outside the Christian faith. This model replaces the authority of the Bible with the authority of culture. As far as a biblical critique of that, it’s on almost every page of the Old Testament ... The prophets warned the people of Israel not to conform to the people of the land.”

The second model, “Christianity Rules the Culture,” is “much more noble than the first option” but still runs into serious problems, Veith said.

According to this model, the church’s means of impacting culture is to obtain political power and subsequently implement the laws of the Bible as the laws of the land. Although some throughout church history have attempted to practice this model, it, like the first model, is met with difficulties, Veith said.

“We can say that we can govern culture by God’s law, but can non-Christians follow God’s law?” he asked. “It’s impossible on the face of it. Sinners are going to act like sinners; unbelievers are going to act like unbelievers.”

Veith also noted that under this model the church’s fixation on obtaining political power could distract it from its task of preaching the Gospel. Furthermore, he said, God has provided the state, not the church, as the means to punish evil in society according to Romans 13.

A third view, “Christianity against Culture,” maintains that culture is so sinful that Christians must separate themselves from it. Historically, many of those who adopted this position have pursued ascetic or monastic lives, cloistered away from the rest of the world, Veith said.

“This seems to violate John 17, where Jesus says, ‘I’m not taking you out of the world; I’m sending you into the world,’” he said. “The Lord teaches in that passage a principle: He wants His people to be in the world, but not of the world.”

For the Christian, to abandon one’s role as a member of the culture is also to abandon one’s duty to evangelize it, Veith said.

“How can you be salt and light if you shut yourself away and cannot impact people with the Gospel of Christ?” he asked, noting that another problem with this view is that cultural problems are not alleviated when the church becomes its own culture.

“Sin is not something we shut out because it comes from inside,” he said.

A fourth option, which Veith said he prefers, is “Christianity and Culture” or “the doctrine of two kingdoms.” In this model, Christians live out their faith as citizens of both of God’s kingdoms, the church and culture. Foundational to this view is an understanding that God already reigns in both church and culture as part of His governance of the universe, Veith said.

“We’re engaged in [culture]; we’re active in it,” he said. “But our identity comes not from it but from the spiritual community controlled by His Word.... The church, under this model, is not to be shaped by culture but only by the Word of God. We can shape culture by bringing our faith to everyday life.”

Veith noted that as citizens living in both kingdoms, Christians can, on the one hand, fight against the practice of abortion as citizens of their culture, while at the same time offering grace and forgiveness in Jesus Christ to the woman who has had an abortion.

Such a view of culture also frees the Christian to enjoy culture critically, bringing his values into civic life.

In his April 6 message, Veith addressed what he called “probably the most culturally influential notion to come out of Protestantism” -- the doctrine of vocation.

This doctrine, he explained, teaches that God providentially works through human beings working in their various vocations to provide and care for each other.

Since vocation includes, but is not limited to, a person’s job, people may have more than one vocation, Veith said, such as employee, mother or father, spouse, church member and citizen.

The key to understanding the activities of everyday life as having meaning and significance, he noted, is when Christians realize that God has given them particular vocations in order to live out their faith in the world by loving and serving their neighbors.

Recalling Christ’s teaching from Scripture that anything done “to the least of these” is also done to Christ, Veith challenged the audience to realize that, in everyday life, “Christ is hidden in our neighbors so that when we do something for our neighbor, Christ counts it for Himself.

Does Religion Make People Nicer? -- Only If Big Brother Is Watching

In his movie RELIGULOUS, comedian Bill Maher makes wicked fun of the religiously credulous. But it turns out that the folks who believe in talking snakes and seventy-two virgins per martyr may be on to something. As whacky as some dogmas are, religions do appear to encourage generosity and honesty. At least that is the claim made in a fascinating review article, “The Origin and Evolution of Religious Prosociality” published in the current issue of SCIENCE.

Evolutionary biologists argue that there’s nothing surprising about genetically related individuals making sacrifices for their kin: They are helping some of their own genes get passed along to the next generation. But what might cause people to make sacrifices for the good of unrelated strangers? Here, according to University of British Columbia social psychologists Ara Norenzayan and Azim F. Shariff, religion plays a key role.

The authors have winnowed three decades of empirical evidence looking for examples of religious prosociality, which they define as “the idea that religions facilitate acts that benefit others at a personal cost.” Specifically, their hypothesis is that religion encourages people to sacrifice their individual fitness for the benefit of unrelated individuals or for their group. For example, young men may risk sacrificing themselves in war to protect their tribe. So how does religion encourage prosociality? The answer is that being watched by a Big-Brother-in-the-Sky tends to make believers nervous about being selfish.

This observation accords with numerous studies showing that people behave better when they think that someone may be watching them. For example, one remarkable study in 2006 found that just being under the gaze of eyes on a poster nearly tripled the contributions to an office coffee kitty. Exposing participants in a laboratory economic game to computer-generated eyespots while they played made them twice as generous as those who were not. Another study found that participants in a laboratory economic game were nearly four times stingier with other players when they thought they were anonymous than when they thought they were being observed. In other words, watched people are nicer people. Why should that be? It’s because we want to have the reputation of being cooperative and prosocial so that other people, especially strangers, will want to cooperate with us.

“The cognitive awareness of gods is likely to heighten prosocial reputational concerns among believers, just as the cognitive awareness of human watchers does among believers and non-believers alike,” hypothesize the authors. But supernatural oversight is even better because it “offers the powerful advantage that cooperative interactions can be observed even in the absence of social monitoring.”

So does religion work, in the sense of encouraging prosocial other-regarding behavior? It depends. In one famous 1973 study, degrees of religiosity did not predict which students would stop to help someone lying on a sidewalk appearing to be sick. However, in another experiment, two players would simultaneously decide how much money to withdraw from the same envelope — if their combined withdrawals exceeded the amount in the envelope, neither would get any money. Systematically, less money was withdrawn when the game was played at religious kibbutzim than when it was played at secular kibbutzim. This finding supported the researchers’ prediction that “men who participate in communal prayer most frequently will exhibit the highest levels of cooperation.”

So why do religious believers tend cooperate more? In one illuminating study cited by the researchers, volunteers were given the option to raise money for a sick child’s medical bills. Some would-be volunteers were told that it was very likely that they would be asked to help, while others were told that there was only a small chance that they would be called on. “In the latter condition, participants could reap the social benefits of feeling (or appearing) helpful without the cost of the actual altruistic act. Only in the latter situation was a link between religiosity and volunteering evident,” claim Norenzayan and Shariff. Religion played a role when it appeared that volunteering would improve one’s reputation without much personal cost.

Even more interesting are studies that find that invoking an unseen watcher enhances moral behavior. In one amazing experiment, when participants were told that the ghost of a dead student was haunting the experimental room, they cheated less on a computer test. Other researchers report that when experimental subjects were primed with religious words, they cheated significantly less on a subsequent task. Similarly, Norenzayan and Shariff found that subjects in experimental economic games were more generous when God concepts were implicitly activated before play.

The authors hypothesize that the belief in morally concerned gods who keep track of who’s been naughty or nice helps create and stabilize large-scale societies. “Large groups, which until recently lacked institutionalized social-monitoring mechanisms, are vulnerable to collapse because of high rates of freeloading. If unwavering and pervasive belief in moralizing gods buffered against such freeloading, then belief in such gods should be more likely in larger human groups where the threat of freeloading is most acute,” suggest the authors. In fact, a cross cultural analysis of 186 societies confirms this prediction: The larger a society, the more likely its members believe in deities that are concerned about human morality.

In small hunter-gatherer bands or subsistence farming villages, it’s pretty easy to keep track of just how cooperative your neighbors are. But when groups grow to encompass thousands and eventually millions of strangers, a Big-Brother-in-the-Sky can watch how your fellow citizens behave when you can’t. And even better, Sky Big Brother can punish them with eternal damnation if they swindle you. One big downside is that groups have different Sky Big Brothers, which means that “the same mechanisms involved in ingroup altruism may also facilitate outgroup antagonism.” In other words, kill the infidels!

Shariff and Norenzayan note that while religion remains a powerful facilitator of prosociality in large groups, modern societies have devised secular replacements for Sky Big Brother, including courts, police, and other contract-enforcing institutions. Also, the modern world is headed toward a transparent society in which social monitoring will be nearly as omnipresent as that of a hunter-gatherer band. Increasingly sophisticated information and communication technologies will enable anyone to assess your reputation for prosociality with a few mouse clicks. Sky Big Brother is being outsourced to the Web.

________

Ronald Bailey is "reason" magazine’s science correspondent

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[Original illustration at this number was a duplicate of HolwickID #11628]

Why Is Sexuality So Important To the Church?

Dr. Peter Jensen, the Anglican Archbishop of Sydney, Australia, is one of the most influential evangelical leaders in the worldwide Anglican Communion. The archdiocese he leads is among the most conservative within the Communion and, not surprisingly, one of the healthiest as well.

In a recent address to his the synod of his archdiocese, Archbishop Jensen explained why issues of human sexuality are so important to the Christian church. A church that will abandon biblical truth on issues of sexuality will set the pattern for denying biblical authority when addressing any issue. Consider this passage from his address:

As you know, I have taken the view from the beginning that the

crisis over human sexuality is a very deep one indeed. The idea

that we are somehow to blame for making so much fuss about sex is

ludicrous. Human sexuality is so powerful a gift and so basic to

our human nature, and so fraught with both good and ill, that it

is bound to occupy a large part of our thinking. Indeed it is

all part of our cultural reappraisal of the roles of men and

women, with vast consequences for the quality of family life and

the good of the begetting and nurturing of the race. In the end,

it is also a crisis over biblical authority and its clarity;

hence the importance of Biblical Theology. Here is a crucial

sticking point. To accept various contemporary ways of reading

scripture will leave us vulnerable at all points. We will not

defend the uniqueness of Christ, if we will not defend the plain

teaching of scripture on human sexuality.

Exactly. To allow these “contemporary ways of reading scripture” in matters of sexuality is to allow them in other theological contexts as well. These new “ways of reading scripture” are, in essence, ways of denying what the Bible teaches and what the church has always understood the Bible to teach. Other approaches include the argument that the Bible cannot really be understood, that it is a collection of discordant voices, or that whatever the Bible addresses (and condemns) is not equivalent to modern sexual practices. All of these lead to disaster and undermine the authority of Scripture.

More from Archbishop Jensen’s address:

This was at the heart of the discussions that I shared in public

and in private with our fellow evangelicals and indeed with

others. At the same time we have had contacts with others in

Asia, Canada and South America. I have to report that there was

virtually universal agreement about the significance of this

issue. Our evangelical and other Bible-based colleagues agree

that deviations from biblical teaching on human sexuality is not

a matter which can simply be allowed to pass without strong

protest and appropriate action. These are matters which affect

our humanity itself. It is widely agreed that we must make as

clear as possible and amongst as many as possible that we have

reached the limits of tolerance when it comes to the teaching of

scripture. Furthermore, it is for the good of the gospel and

thus in the interests of the Diocese and that we support others

with the same views and receive support from others. This is

where true unity lies.

In other words, true unity lies in an embrace of the truth. Archbishop Jensen is absolutely correct when he asserts, “We will not defend the uniqueness of Christ, if we will not defend the plain teaching of scripture on human sexuality.” Once we decide to abandon a commitment to biblical authority, every doctrine is instantly negotiable. We do not have to wonder where that leads.

from http://www.albertmohler.com · Dr. R. Albert Mohler Jr., President of Southern Baptist Seminary via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database

America's Most Sinful Cities?

Luke 15:13

What are America’s most sinful cities? How could we know? Well, give FORBES magazine credit for giving this ranking challenge a try. The magazine recently offered rankings on the traditional seven deadly sins -- and ranked America’s “top ten” on each sin.

The folks at FORBES determined a way of tracking statistics on each of the sins. As the staff explained, “For each sin we stretched our imagination to find a workable proxy -- murder rates for wrath, per capita billionaires for avarice -- then culled the available data sources to rank the cities. Some of the results were surprising: Salt Lake City as America’s Vainest City. Some were not: Detroit as America’s Most Murderous.”

Here are the sins and the top cities in each sinful category:

MOST LUSTFUL: Denver ranked first, joined by San Antonio, Portland, Seattle, Salt Lake City, Boise, Washington, DC, Cincinnati, Columbus, Baltimore and Buffalo/Rochester. The research firm of AC Nielson used sales figures for contraceptives and sex items in ranking the list.

MOST JEALOUS: Memphis tops the list, followed by Charlotte, San Antonio, Seattle, Providence, Phoenix, Salt Lake City, Columbus, Oklahoma City, Chicago. The rankings were linked to crime rates for personal property.

MOST OBESE [Gluttony]: Memphis, Birmingham, San Antonio, Riverside/San Bernardino, Detroit, Jacksonville, Nashville, Oklahoma City, Kansas City, San Diego. Health statistics drove this listing.

MOST AVARICIOUS [Greed]: San Jose, San Francisco, Seattle, Denver, Boston, New York, Dallas, Los Angeles, Washington, Miami. The rankings on this sin were determined by looking at the concentration of great wealth.

MOST MURDEROUS [Wrath]: The crime statistics are clear -- the most murderous city is Detroit, followed by Baltimore, New Orleans, Newark, St. Louis, Oakland, Washington DC, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, and Buffalo.

MOST SLOTHFUL [Sedentary]: Memphis tops this list as well, followed by New Orleans, Las Vegas, Detroit, Birmingham, Louisville, San Antonio, Jacksonville, Nashville, and Miami.

MOST VAIN [Pride]: “Pride is supposed to be a deadly sin. When it comes to their looks, however, fewer Americans are seeing it that way,” say the reporters, who used plastic surgery as the marker for this sin. Perhaps surprisingly, Salt Lake City ranked first, followed by San Francisco, San Diego, San Jose, Miami, Louisville, Nashville, Virginia Beach, New York, and Los Angeles.

Interestingly, the Bible and the Christian tradition often associate sin with cities. The concentration of human beings in cities often fuels the business of sin and presents opportunities not available elsewhere. From the “cities of the plains” to Nineveh, Babylon, and Rome, cities often became symbols of human pride, lust, and egoistic sin.

Similarly, John Bunyan’s PILGRIM’S PROGRESS -- perhaps the most influential book in English (other than the Bible) among Christians -- symbolized the sinfulness and allure of the city in its portrayal of Vanity Fair.

But what about the FORBES list? In the final analysis, it is probably not worth more than conversation points. Are the folks in Salt Lake City really more vain than those in Atlanta? Are citizens of Memphis really more jealous than those of Houston? Who can know? The statistics chosen for the report tell only part of the story.

Still, it is interesting to ponder the question of whether sins are particularly celebrated and concentrated in certain cities. It would be hard to ignore the self-advertisement of Las Vegas. Yet, it is not true that what happens in Vegas, stays in Vegas. Sins spill over quite readily, and sin is a powerful contagion.

In reality, the whole world is a Genesis 3 world -- a fallen world inhabited by sinners. Sin is a universal problem and every single human being is a sinner. Put sinful humanity in close quarters, and sin inevitably multiplies.

If anything, the FORBES sin listings should remind Christians of the great challenge of evangelizing the cities -- a task that demonstrates Christian failure to date. In that sense the FORBES list is haunting, humbling, and heart-breaking. Yet, in another sense, it may also be motivating. We can hope.

Religion Is the Foundation of Democracy and Prosperity

Version from YouTube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YjntXYDPw44), March 5, 2014, modified from first-person to third-person:

Some time ago Harvard economist Clayton Christensen has a conversation with a Marxist economist from China. He was coming to the end of a Fulbright Fellowship in Boston. Christensen asked his friend if he had learned here anything that was surprising or unexpected. And without any hesitation he said, “Yeah - I had no idea how critical religion is to the functioning of democracy. The reason why democracy works,” he said, “is not because the government was designed to oversee what everybody does, but, rather, democracy works because most people, most of the time, voluntarily choose to obey the law. And in your past, most Americans attended a church or synagogue every week and they were taught there by people who they respected.” Christensen’s friend went on to say that Americans followed these rules because they had come to believe that they weren’t just accountable to society, they were accountable to God.

His Chinese friend heightened a vague but nagging concern Christensen harbored inside that as religion loses its influence over the lives of Americans, what will happen to our democracy? Where are the institutions that are going to teach the next generation of Americans that they, too, need to voluntarily choose to obey the laws? Because if you take away religion, you can’t hire enough police.

========

Version from article:

I learned the importance of religion for the strength of democracy and capitalism in a conversation 12 years ago with a Marxist economist from China who was nearing the end of a Fulbright Fellowship in Boston. I asked my friend if he had learned here anything that was surprising or unexpected. His response was immediate and, to me, quite profound: “I had no idea how critical religion is to the functioning of democracy and capitalism.” Though de Toqueville also had observed this, I had never made this association between religion, democracy and capitalism in my mind. But it was like this scholar parachuted in from Mars – and this is what he saw.

He continued, “In your past, most Americans attended a church or synagogue every week. These were institutions that people respected. At church, from their youngest years, Americans were taught to voluntarily obey the law; to respect other people’s property, and not steal it. Americans were taught never to lie. Americans followed these rules because they had come to believe that even if the police or court systems didn’t catch them when they broke a law, God would catch them and hold them accountable. Democracy works here because most people most of the time voluntarily obey the laws.

“You can say the same for capitalism,” my friend continued. “It works because Americans have been taught in their churches that they should keep their promises and not tell lies. An advanced economy cannot function if people cannot expect that when they sign contracts, the other people will voluntarily uphold their obligations. Capitalism works because most people voluntarily keep their promises.”

My friend then invited me to look around the world at those countries where, in his words, “America had snapped its fingers at the country and demanded, ‘We want democracy here, and we want it now!’” Unless there was already a strong religious foundation in those countries, he asserted, democracy has failed miserably. There are religions in every country, of course. But he made clear that democracy-enabling religions are those that support the sanctity of life, the equality of people, the importance of respecting others’ property, and of personal honesty and integrity. Those religions also had to be strong enough that they held power over the behavior of the population. People had to believe that even if the police and court system do not catch them, God would hold them accountable if they do not follow the rules. He then gave some examples.

In Russia, for instance, there are religions – but few people are influenced by them. As a result many people avoid taxes, and the government cannot collect them. Murder, bribery and stealing are a part of everyday life. He noted that American foreign policy has been naïve in Haiti and the nations of Africa that have been torn by such brutal civil strife. “You just think that because democracy works for you that it will work everywhere. It only works where there is a strong foundation of religion.” In the course of researching the issue my friend posed I happened upon an elegant summary of what he was trying to teach me, penned by Lord John Fletcher Moulton, the great English jurist, who wrote that the probability that democracy and free markets will flourish in a nation is proportional to “The extent of obedience to the unenforceable.”

My Chinese friend heightened a vague but nagging concern I’ve harbored – that as religion loses its power over the lives of Americans, what will happen to our democracy? Our prosperity? We are living on momentum. The ethic of obedience to the unenforceable was established by vibrant religions, and some of these teachings have become a part of our culture. As a result, today there are many Americans who are not religious, who still voluntarily obey the law, comply with contracts, value honesty and integrity and respect other people’s rights and property. This is because certain religious teachings have become embedded in our culture. But is culture a stalwart protector of democracy’s enabling values? No – because culture has no mechanism for holding citizens accountable for obedience to unenforceable laws.

Those who seek to minimize the role that religions can play in the public stage are making two very serious mistakes – the consequence of their not having asked the right questions. First, they are seeking to minimize the very institutions that have given us our civil liberties in the first place. And second, the debate swirling in judicial discourse about the separation of church and state is a false dichotomy. If we broadly define them as philosophical traditions, there are two classes of religions: theistic religions and atheistic ones. Zealots of atheistic religions who assert that theistic religions must be swept off the democratic stage are knitting the doctrines of their religions into our legal and regulatory fabric. But the adherents to the religions of atheism and secularism haven’t rigorously asked the right question, and are therefore giving us an answer that may well prove to be toxic to democracy.

My Chinese friend’s insight has helped me understand what the valuable question really is: “Because democracy is possible only when most people most of the time voluntarily obey the laws, what institutions can we rely upon to inculcate this instinct amongst the American people? And how can we strengthen those institutions, so that they do this better?”

When the instinct of even a minority of people in a society is to steal what belongs to others, lie when it suits their selfish purposes, evade taxes, demand bribes and disregard the rights of others, then capitalism won’t work, either. Just look at our economic crisis in 2007-8. It didn’t take many financiers whose instinct was to take what belongs to others and to stretch rather than obey the rules, to cause capitalism to very nearly collapse.

When the extent of disobedience to the unenforceable grows, not just democracy, but prosperity becomes in jeopardy. We treasure democracy because it gives us freedoms of speech and the press. But democracy without near-universal obedience to the unenforceable strips from us other crucial freedoms, which include the freedom from want and the freedom to be employed. I again ask what I believe is a crucial question for America: Because capitalism and the prosperity it brings are possible only when most people most of the time voluntarily obey the laws, what institutions can we rely upon to inculcate this instinct amongst the people, before they arrive in our executive suites and on Wall Street? And how can we strengthen the institutions that teach these things, so that they do it better?

When a nation lacks the requisite foundation of extensive obedience to the unenforceable, what form of government will work? Unfortunately democracy and capitalism won’t. It requires the rule of someone who can define good laws and then wield the power required to compel obedience. Living proofs of this hypothesis cover the globe. Just run this experiment. The next time you’re in a taxi with a Haitian cab driver, just ask whether things are better now under democracy than they were under the corrupt rule of the Duvaliers. I guarantee that every one of them pines for the day when there was an iron-fisted ruler who had the instinct and ability to stomp his heel into the chest of those who didn’t follow the rules and force compliance.

It’s not a coincidence that the countries that have transitioned from poverty to prosperity in the last 50 years – including Korea, Chile, Taiwan, Singapore, Portugal and the Dominican Republic – all were led by iron-fisted rulers, who had the instinct and ability to wield power quite ruthlessly, in some instances, to break the vested interests of those that profited from the corruption that had trapped those nations in poverty. Impoverished countries with democratic governments such as the Philippines, in contrast, struggle to prosper because imposition of democracy has simply democratized corruption to the point that capitalism won’t work: The investments that would stimulate economic growth simply cannot be made, because you can’t bribe enough people to make anything happen.

Those who assume that the atheistic religions of secularism are a better backbone for freedom and prosperity than the theistic ones that they are trying to push under the back seat, have a huge burden of proof which they’ve not had the intellectual fortitude to discuss, let alone propose as viable solutions. What institutions are they proposing to establish that have enduring power to teach the next generation of Americans to enthusiastically obey unenforceable laws?

I have been carefully listening for 12 years for a cogent response to these questions from a disciple of atheism and secularism. So far, at least, they seem to have nothing to say.

I invite you to comment on this blog but these are the rules for participate in this discussion: We respect each other. We try to teach each other and learn from one another. That means we assess and comment on the ideas.

________

Some comments from readers:

Mark Pickering

February 11, 2011

I am sympathetic to the arguments you make. But I doubt a reasonable atheist would be persuaded. Consider the following objections he or she could make questioning the relationship between morality and religion:

1. The argument that religion makes people moral falsely assumes that religion encourages only moral behavior. But in many cases religion encourages immoral behavior. Further, different religions contract one another about what is moral and what is immoral, and people within a given religion also sometimes disagree.

2. The argument that atheists are morally worse than theists is false. Atheists are, for example, less likely to go to prison. While this could be due to sociological factors (e.g., atheists are more likely to be educated, and educated people are less likely to go to prison), it at least casts doubt on the claim that religious people are more moral than atheists.

Consider also some empirical challenges to some of the other claims you make.

3. Americans have become less religious than they were 300 years ago. But capitalism and democracy have, if anything, become stronger, not weaker. The economic crisis of 2007-2008 is hardly the first economic crisis in American history. Consider the financial crises of 1792, 1796-1797, 1819, etc. Or consider the undemocratic restrictions on the civil rights of Native Americans, African-Americans, and women. They were lifted only later, as the country became increasingly secular.

Consider also ways in which religion works against democracy or capitalism:

4. It is possible that a democracy will pass laws that contradict the tenets of a religion. In such cases religions sometimes work to undermine democracy. Consider, for example, Iran or Saudi Arabia.

5. Religion often works against capitalism by discouraging the accumulation of wealth, discouraging working on the Sabbath, discouraging women from working, and sometimes seeking to supplant it entirely (in the case of the United Order or other communes).

==============

Jeff

February 8, 2011

Interesting theory. I would love to see some social scientists test it. I had several thoughts.

First, you mention that democracy and capitalism work when most of the people voluntarily obey the law and keep their promises. You state that a strong religious foundation is prerequisite. Is there any data that non-religious people do not voluntarily obey the law and keep their promises? You seem to suggest that if non-religious people actually do voluntarily obey the law and keep their promises, it is because they were raised in a country which has a strong religious foundation built into the culture.

Second, you mention that democracy-enabling religions are “those that support the sanctity of life, the equality of people, the importance of respecting others’ property, and of personal honesty and integrity. Those religions also had to be strong enough that they held power over the behavior of the population.” Which religions does this refer to? For example, you list Portugal as an example of developing because of an Iron-fisted ruler. It is now democratic and capitalistic, yet interestingly it shares the same religious tradition with countries like France, Italy, and Austria.

Finally, like Tim, I immediately thought of European countries as a counter-example. Many European countries have robust democracies, capitalist economies, but also are more secular than the U.S. Maybe like Tim suggested the religious values you talk about are built into their institutions. However, while thinking about that theory — I cannot help but think of Eastern European countries like Estonia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia which are some of the most secular states. Interestingly, they are democratic and capitalistic (arguably more capitalistic than some Western European countries). Maybe their democratic and capitalistic experiences will not endure, or maybe they modeled their institutions after Western European countries (which had their religious foundation built in.) Maybe they are just an anomaly

=========

Clayton Christensen responds

February 9, 2011

Thanks for each of you for your thoughts. It was a treat, Melanie, to read Roosevelt and Lippman weighing in on this issue!

I thought I’d respond to your thinking collectively. You’ve helped my see possibilities and problems that I hadn’t thought much about — so thanks to each of you.

This is what I’m thinking. It is true that to some degree in America and a stronger degree in northern Europe, culture, not religion, keeps most people in line. I refer you to a marvelous book from Edgar Schein on where culture comes from: “Organizational Culture and Leadership.” He shows that culture doesn’t just autonomously emerge. Culture is the result of a group following a process or a set of rules, which led to success, over and over and over. I suspect that religion is the factor that resulted in the culture. Culture of nations does not spontaneously emerge from chaos.

There is a second way to get a culture whose ethic is that everyone must follow the rules — and that is a dictator who articulates the rules, and hold citizens immediately accountable if they don’t follow the rules. Singapore was blessed with such a ruler — Lee Kuan Yew. As Singaporeans prospered by following his rules, a culture emerged which dictated that everybody all the time should follow the rules.

Just as culture has moved into the fore and religions have become minor factors in Europe, the culture of Singapore will sustain capitalism even after democracy supplants the prime ministers.

But if you have a dictator who is corrupt because he doesn’t believe that he will be held accountable for following the rules, capitalism and democracy do not thrive. Corruption becomes rampant, as in Argentina and Russia. There are, unfortunately, not a lot of Lee Kuan Yews around.

In both cases, however — religions or honest dictators — I submit that culture doesn’t have a self-sustaining mechanism to make it so strong that the vast majority of people will always follow the rules. Without strong religions that keep instilling these values, culture atrophies — as if there is a second law of thermodynamics at work. Culture is a temporary factor that keeps capitalism and democracy viable for a time. But that is all.

If you have questions about this, just look at Mexico, a magnificent nation and magnificent people, as it falls off the cliff into chaos over the next 20 years.

Who Needs God When You've Got Government? Umm ... We Do

Acts 4:19

We need a surgeon general’s warning: “This government program may be hazardous to your spiritual health.”

Jesus said we’re to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s, and unto God what is God’s, so it’s clear we have responsibilities both to God and to government. You could fill whole libraries with the volumes that have been written on this rich and vital topic. But what do we do when Caesar attempts to usurp the place of Christ in our hearts?

Sometimes, as when Nebuchadnezzar commanded the people of God to bow down to his golden image, the answer is simple — you obey the Lord and leave the consequences to Him. But sometimes the challenge from those who rule over us is far more subtle. Instead of facing a fiery furnace, we may encounter a temptation that, at its heart, says, “In government we trust.”

That seems to be the conclusion of two psychology researchers who say that better government services are correlated with lower levels of strong religious belief, both in the U.S. and internationally. Their study’s title says it all: “Religion as an Exchange System: The Interchangeability of God and Government in a Provider Role.”

“If a secular entity provides what people need, they will be less likely to seek help from God or other supernatural entities,” the researchers say. “If the benefits acquired in the religious exchange can be acquired elsewhere, religion becomes less useful.” They add that, when it comes to social stability, “the power and order emanating from God can be outsourced to the government.”

Now to my mind that’s a fairly cynical take, as if the only reason people turn to God is for what they can get out of Him. But I know it has an element of truth. God in His sovereign mercy sometimes uses our physical and emotional needs to awaken in us our desperate spiritual need for Him.

But if all our felt needs are met by government, what room will God find in our hearts for Him? I’m not here to argue against effective and targeted government programs, which are good things, and I’m certainly not saying that the church ought to keep the poor in misery. But what I am saying is that the church needs to continue to be the church. God has designed the world so that people are best served, and He is most glorified, when government keeps its place and His people do His work in His way.

My colleague John Stonestreet reminds us of the Catholic social teaching of subsidiarity, which holds that “functions of government, business, and other secular activities should be as local as possible.” The more local we can be, the more loving and effective we can be. The government can start a program, but it cannot love.

Then there is the Reformational concept of “sphere sovereignty,” which Chuck Colson summarized as “society giv[ing] equal respect to all the social structures ordained by God. Family, church, school, business — each has its own distinctive task that no other group can do. The role of the state is to protect these little platoons so they can carry out their God-given tasks.”

That’s often not what happens, as government takes over more and more areas that belong to others — including God. As John says, “In the absence of rivals or challenges to its authority, the reach of the modern state will not and cannot be checked. It will expand to fill the void left by the absence of intermediate institutions like the family, local communities, and the Church.”

So the challenge to God’s people to this encroachment by Caesar couldn’t be clearer. We must strengthen our families, the churches, and our communities. We must stop sitting around waiting for “the government” to “do something.” We need to do something — support a pregnancy care center, feed the hungry, visit the sick, teach the ignorant, befriend the lonely — and proclaim the Good News of Jesus Christ with our lips and in our lives.

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RESOURCES

“Government vs. God? People are less religious when government is bigger, research says,” by Jared Gilmour, Miami Herald, April 18, 2018

“Keeping Leviathan in His Place: We Need to Be the Church,” by John Stonestreet, BreakPoint.org, October 15, 2012

“BreakPoint: Dangerous Disconnect: The People and Their Government,” by Chuck Colson, BreakPoint.org, May 24, 2010

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Copyright (c) 2018 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Eric Metaxas, Stan Guthrie via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database religionsociety

You Go On, Then You Will See

John 3:20

What do Christians’ attitudes toward the culture and the Battle of the Little Bighorn have in common? Find out next.

As far as paying a price for your beliefs goes, the cost to New Mexico Governor Susana Martinez was pretty small. Her hairstylist, Antonio Darden, will no longer cut her hair because of her opposition to same-sex marriage.

Commentators quickly noted that little more than six months ago, the highest court in New Mexico ruled that a Christian photographer violated the law when she declined to photograph a “commitment ceremony” for a lesbian couple.

We were told that “[channeling our] conduct, not [our] beliefs, so as to leave space for other Americans who believe something different,” was the price of citizenship.

Ergo, Darden should be compelled to cut Governor Martinez’s hair or face sanction for refusing to do so. Right?

Don’t hold your breath.

At this point you may be expecting me to lament the obvious double standard and the unfairness of it all.

But not this time, I won’t. On the contrary, I want to explore why we should not complain about double standards or unfairness at all.

For starters, we were promised that double standards, misrepresentation of our views, and discriminatory treatment would be our lot. If you need to be reminded, read the Gospel of John and the Book of Acts.

What’s more, complaining about double standards reflects a failure to understand the witness of the Church to the larger, disbelieving culture.

My friend, theologian T.M. Moore, who served for many years as Chuck Colson’s advisor, uses a scene from the 1970 film, “Little Big Man,” to explain this witness.

In the film, which is one of my favorites, Jack Crabb, played by Dustin Hoffman, serves as mule-skinner to General Custer’s ill-fated Seventh Cavalry. Crabb, who was raised by the Cheyenne, tries to persuade Custer to get beyond his ego and see what common sense makes plain, that there are thousands of Indians out there hoping he’ll come out against them.

But Custer won’t have it. So Crabb says, “You go. You go on out there, general. And then you will know, then you will see.” Custer mocks him, and then of course rides out to his death.

According to Moore, our response toward a world which insists on dashing itself to pieces on the rocks of rebellion, unbelief, and sin perhaps should also be told “you go on and then you will see.”

But it’s a response neither born of anger nor of abandonment of the world to the consequences of its folly. Crabb followed Custer to the Little Bighorn to try and avert the disaster and was wounded in the process.

As Moore puts it, “we both can and cannot separate ourselves from the madness we see all around us. Like Daniel, we have to make our way amid an idolatrous generation with excellence and service, and by finding ways to keep our convictions without ruinous compromises.”

Still, we have to realize that the rot that threatens to destroy this generation “will not be stopped by editorials, apologetics, or politics, although we must make use of all these.” After all, the human heart set on sin is impervious to reason, never mind appeals to fairness.

In the end, Moore tells us, “Only grace can keep this generation from its own Little Bighorn.” And that grace comes to and through us, the “people of grace.”

Part of that grace is recalling that we are blessed when we are unjustly treated on account of the truth, and responding as if we believe it.

________

The original title of this commentary was "When Life Ain’t Fair: Christians, the Culture, and Grace"

Copyright (c) 2014 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

It's the Culture: What Makes A Good Society

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, approximately 1.3 million Swedes immigrated to the United States. By 1910, one in every five Swedes lived in America. After more than a century away from the old country, you’d expect Swedish-Americans to be very different from their old-world cousins. But in terms of life expectancy and economic achievement, they are remarkably similar. This is despite the fact that social policies in the U.S. and Sweden are vastly different.

In a recent column in the New York Times, the astute observer David Brooks cites these similarities in support of the proposition that “huge policy differences” make, at best, small differences in real-world outcomes.

His point isn’t that “policy choices are meaningless,” but that “the influence of politics...is usually swamped by the influence of culture, ethnicity, psychology and dozens of other factors.”

Thus, Asian-Americans in Michigan have on average 11 years longer to live than their white neighbors and 17 years longer than their black ones.

Where you live also makes a difference. People who live in what Brooks calls the “high trust regions” are more likely to live longer and have a college education. He says these regions produce “positive feedback loops of good culture and good human capital programs.”

In other words, people who live among affluent and well-educated people are more likely to be affluent and well-educated themselves.

As Christians, we certainly don’t disagree with this. We know, above all people, the importance of culture and the habits it produces. These habits, more than any government policy, keep people out of poverty by teaching them the importance of hard work, thrift, and postponing gratification.

Likewise, people who believe that their bodies are the temple of the Holy Spirit are less likely to indulge in practices — like drug and alcohol abuse — that damage those temples.

At a time when more and more Americans are looking to government to solve so many of life’s problems, we need a reminder that a good society isn’t built by government dictates but by the shared values of what Edmund Burke called the “little platoons” of society — families, churches, civic groups, and other associations.

These and other reasons are why the church is in the culture-shaping business.

But Brooks goes a little too far in downplaying the role of government policies. On the one hand, he says that government should not only avoid interfering with culture-building institutions. That’s a policy. But he also writes that government should encourage and support the work of these institutions. That, too, is a policy.

Also, Brooks pays short shrift to law’s teaching function — something Christians should never do. We know that law can’t force people to think and feel a certain way, but it can teach them what they ought to do. For example, the Civil Rights Act was way ahead of where most Americans were with regards to race relations when it was enacted. You see, the law is a moral teacher.

Nonetheless, Brooks is on to something which should be obvious, but must be stated again and again: It’s a healthy culture, more than anything else, that produces a healthy society. And a healthy culture produces healthy politics as well.

________

Copyright © 2010 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

Cheating and Character: the Need For Authoritative Communities

Amos 8:5

Last week I discussed the cheating scandal at Harvard. In particular, I’m interested in what the alleged “unprecedented” cheating says about the state of our culture.

The answer is “quite a bit.” Not necessarily because the kids involved are typical or representative of American society as a whole, but because what is alleged to have happened points to the challenges involved in the “moral socialization of [our] young.”

That last phrase is from sociologist James Davison Hunter’s 2001 book, “The Death of Character.” Hunter wrote that “a restoration of character as a common feature within American society and a common trait of its people will not likely occur any time soon. The social and cultural conditions that make character possible are no longer present...”

The key word there is “common.” While we can all point to individual examples of good character beyond reproach, the larger trends are not so encouraging.

The “social and cultural conditions” Hunter refers to involve what he calls “authoritative communities.” These communities make character possible by teaching the young to subordinate their own opinions and desires to what their respective communities require of them.

If this sounds “repressive” to you, congratulations; you get why the word “character” has been replaced by “personality.” Virtually from the founding, American individualism has struggled with the idea of “authoritative communities.” “Liberty” and “freedom” have often meant that you don’t have to subordinate your opinions and desires to anyone or anything.

Unfortunately, as Hunter documents, Christians were and are just as likely as their unbelieving neighbors to reject the idea of an authoritative community. When we insist that that our opinions and desires are shaped by the Bible and our relationship with God, we’re usually invoking an authoritative community of one — that is, ourselves.

Hunter points out that this rejection of authoritative communities matters because character and morality are “always situated.” That means that they’re the product of traditions, “defined by specific moral, philosophical, or religious truths,” and reinforced by “social habit and routine within social groups and communities.”

All of these work together to “[bind] our conscience and behavior” in ways that produce character.

The ultimate “authoritative community” is, of course, the Church. At least in theory, the Church is where, through word and sacrament, prayer and fellowship, and in the power of the Holy Spirit, we are conformed to the image of God’s beloved son day by day.

That’s the theory, at least. The reality is often very different. If anything, the individualism of American Christianity has gone into overdrive. There’s no shortage of authors and books who insist that you don’t really need the Church to be a Christian, at least not one that would have anything resembling the final or even penultimate say over your opinions and desires.

The need to recover the Church as an authoritative community was a priority for Chuck Colson in the least years of his life. While it first surfaced in his 1992 book, “Being The Body,” it came to dominate his thinking in books like “The Faith.”

Chuck knew that if Christians struggled with the idea of an “authoritative community,” then it was silly to expect non-Christians to act as if they lived in one. Which is why events like those at Harvard should not surprise us. Sadden us, yes. Surprise us, no.

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Copyright (c) 2012 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

It's A Cultural Thing: Light a Candle

One of my favorite quotes by Chuck Colson is one he might have spoken again after the November elections: “The kingdom of heaven will not arrive on Air Force One.”

In other words, if we want to change our culture for the better, we should not put all our eggs into a political basket. It’s a lesson we Christians must remember as we begin another year.

Over the last thirty years or so, social conservatives have invested much time and effort in the world of politics. And that’s a good thing. But the recent Election Day losses on the issues of same-sex “marriage,” and the legalization of marijuana are reminders of the limits of politics. As far as I’m concerned, these losses came about because we’ve not been paying enough attention to influencing our culture.

One man who knew the importance of this was Dutch statesman and theologian Abraham Kuyper, who said, “there is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is Sovereign over all, does not cry: ‘Mine!’”

And that includes the domains that most influence modern Americans: The arenas of television, films, newspapers, novels, the theater — even the world of advertising. We’ve neglected bringing God into these parts of His creation, and have pretty much left them to the secularists. So we should not be surprised that most new films and TV shows tend to come from a pretty uniformly liberal, secular humanist point of view.

And these arenas deeply affect the ways Americans think. For example, how much influence do you imagine the Ellen DeGeneres show has on voters’ views on same-sex “marriage”? Well, I can tell you, a lot. Why? Because it’s brought a very clever, very entertaining and likeable person who just happens to be gay, into the mainstream of American culture.

But instead of cursing the darkness of Hollywood and New York — which we do too often — we should light a candle. We who embrace a biblical worldview need to get serious about creating art and culture or supporting those who do.

Not that our works of art should be overtly Christian, complete with an altar call. Not at all. But the art we create should reflect our fundamental values. Redemptiveness and beauty and truth and goodness may not speak of Christ explicitly, but they always do so implicitly.

Think of films like “It’s a Wonderful Life” or TV programs like “The Andy Griffith Show.” There’s nothing overtly religious about them, but they reflect a Judeo-Christian point of view. And even when viewers don’t share this point of view, they often love these types of films and TV programs — perhaps because they point them toward the One true God who is constantly seeking them.

As many BreakPoint listeners know, I’ve written some thirty children’s books over the years, including the three in my Uncle Mugsy Series. Now these three books are certainly not overtly Christian, but they ARE beautiful — mainly because somebody else did the illustrations! They are intended to be fun and redemptive and wholesome — the sort of books I’d want my own daughter exposed to, rather than a lot of the dark or politically correct stuff that’s out there. By the way, if you’re interested in checking out the Mugsy series, come to BreakPoint.org and click on this commentary.

Now, in the coming year, I hope more Christians will learn the importance of getting involved in creating culture — and helping those who create culture to do so. Again, quoting Chuck, “the problems of our society are moral and spiritual in nature. Institutions and politicians are limited in what they can do.”

And of course he’s right. The stories we tell and the art we create are every bit as important — if not more important — than the laws we attempt to pass or the politicians we elect.

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Copyright (c) 2013 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Eric Metaxas via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database darknesspolitics

The New Normal: Singleness In America

A pair of magazine articles recently revealed some intriguing facts about marriage and singleness in America. U.S. NEWS AND WORLD REPORT notes that Americans are getting married later in life. And, according to reporter Michelle Conlin in BUSINESS WEEK, “The U.S. Census Bureau's newest numbers show that married-couple households ... have slipped from nearly 80 percent in the 1950s to just 50.7 percent [of the population] today. That means that the U.S.'s 86 million single adults could soon define the new majority ... What many once thought of as the fringe is becoming the new normal.”

As a result, the way we view many things — singleness, marriage, friendships, and institutions — is changing dramatically. For instance, U.S. NEWS AND WORLD REPORT's article focused on the so-called “Tribal Culture,” in which single friends form highly organized groups that serve as a kind of substitute family. One such group, in Denver, has 110 members. But that number pales in comparison to some of the groups that are forming online at websites like Friendster.com where literally thousands of people meet to form social networks.

The existence of these “tribes” and these statistics tell us something about ourselves, the way we're wired. We are social beings: We need family and community — even in a culture that prizes autonomy above all things. But BUSINESS WEEK's reporter sees a quite different meaning in the trend she calls “the new normal.” Conlin argues that benefits like insurance and Social Security, which have always gone to married couples, should also be extended to singles, cohabiting couples, and homosexuals living together. She writes, “Just because matrimony is good for society doesn't mean that outmoded social benefits are.”

Now, first let me say that it's important for Christians, when examining this trend, to avoid pointing fingers or acting as if singles are somehow inferior to married people. Surrounded by a culture fearful of commitment and more interested in “hooking up” than dating, even those who are interested in getting married often have a hard time finding anyone who shares their interest. Also, as Paul teaches in the New Testament, not everyone is called to be married.

However, there's a genuine cause for concern when people cite widespread singleness as an excuse to promote policies that denigrate traditional families. The benefits we give to two-parent families should have nothing to do with how many families there are. It's a recognition of the great importance of a stable family structure to our society, in all kinds of areas — the strength of the workforce, the emotional health of kids, and even the physical health of adults. These benefits are one way that we encourage standards that reflect the way we were designed to live — standards like lifelong faithfulness to one person and a committed mother and father for every child. The more we insist on ignoring these standards, the weaker our culture becomes.

Marriage already has enough strikes against it in a culture that largely considers it just one more “lifestyle choice.” We don't need to discourage it even more. “The new normal” so-called may change a lot of things, but it shouldn't change the way we look at a God-ordained, time-tested institution. Tribes may have their place in the chaos of postmodern culture, but they are no substitute for marriage and the family.

FOR FURTHER READING AND INFORMATION:

• Michelle Conlin, “Unmarried America,” Business Week, 20 October 2003.

• Caroline Hsu, “Tribal Culture,” U.S. News and World Report, 13 October 2003, 42-44. (Article costs $2.95 to retrieve.)

• Matthew Continetti, “That's What Friendster's For,” Weekly Standard, 15 September 2003. (For subscribers only.)

• Amy Klein, “Over 35 and still single? So what!“ Chicago Sun-Times, 10 November 2003.

• Jennifer Roback Morse, “The Hook Up Culture,” To the Source, 3 September 2003.

• BreakPoint Commentary No. 030912, “Rules for a Reason: The World Rethinks Dating.”

• BreakPoint Commentary No. 030826, “Family Values on HBO?: Truth from Unexpected Sources.”

• Roberto Rivera, “Changing Hearts,” BreakPoint Online, 1 May 2003.

• Budziszewski, “'Little Platoons',” BreakPoint WorldView, March 2003.

• Lori Smith, The Single Truth (Destiny Books, 2002).

• Christina Hoff Sommers, Who Stole Feminism? (Touchstone, 1995).

• “Hardwired to Connect: The New Scientific Case for Authoritative Communities,” Institute for American Values, 9 September 2003.

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Copyright (c) 2003 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database society

The Power of Christmas

The Power of Christmas: What it teaches us all, believers and atheists alike.

________

The Battle of Christmas is becoming a major event in the current history of liberty. In city after city in the United States and Europe, a war of sorts is being declared on Jesus Christ. He has been designated PERSONA NON GRATA. In public life, He is officially abolished. European bureaucrats do not even want Christianity mentioned in the new European Constitution, or to have anything to do with the European Commission.

In one of our own fair cities, one may no longer speak of the “Christmas Season” — only of “Sparkle Season.” Elsewhere, in personal greetings the correct phrase is no longer “Merry Christmas” but something more indirect and evasive like “Best wishes of the season.”

What is going on? We seem to be returning to a degree of Christophobia, after a tremendous run of 1,669 open and happy Christmas celebrations since the very first one in A.D. 336 in Rome. After the killing of Christians by the Roman emperors had ceased, and Constantine at last removed the legal impediments to the public expression of Christianity in A.D. 313 (and, incidentally, a few years later fixed the date of Christ's birth on December 25), Christophobia faded, except for the totalitarian banishment of Christianity, and all religion, by the Soviet Union in the 20th century.

Now, in the New Europe, the Italian minister for European affairs was forced to describe the convictions of his personal conscience on homosexual conduct. The EU authorities were not content with two prior assurances from him (in the same interrogation) that he respected the laws and civil rights of homosexuals out of respect for their personal dignity, and would uphold political and civil protections for them. No such questions were asked of Romano Prodi or any other European official. It would be unconstitutional in the United States to impose a religious test for public office. Governmental bodies even in Europe should make no intrusions into the realm of conscience; what counts in a public official is his commitment to the rule of law and faithful protection of civil and political liberties.

THE POWER OF TRUTH

Many Europeans still recall that in 1948, when Communism took over many nations to the East (Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and others) and threatened to win elections also in the West (France, Italy, Germany, and elsewhere), what saved the latter group was the sudden strong emergence of the Christian Democratic parties, drawing on spiritual resources many centuries old.

Then, some decades later, what saved Central and Eastern Europe from the deadly grip of the Iron Curtain was Solidarnosc, a labor union steeped in Christian principles of liberty and non-violence. Christians and Jews together upheld the priority of the human spirit over the might of the Soviet Union. Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov together celebrated the power of truth over the regime of lies. Theirs was at bottom a Hebrew notion: that one of the names of the Almighty is Truth, and that the power of truth is shattering and irresistible.

As Natan Sharansky reminds us in his new book on the power of freedom, THE CASE FOR DEMOCRACY: THE POWER OF FREEDOM TO OVERCOME TYRANNY AND TERROR, he found strength in identifying himself with his family and their Jewish roots going back some 55 centuries. And in the same process of self-identification many others reopened their inner ties to Jesus Christ.

It is important to plumb the depths of this rediscovery. The KGB prescribed 18 different diets for prisoners, scaled for severe punishment. They also prescribed 20-some degrees of torture. Yet what Sharansky and many others discovered is that under interrogation power passes from the torturer to the tortured. For what the interrogator wants only the one interrogated can give him, and as long as the latter holds on to fidelity to truth all the power is his. For the interrogator wants him to lie. The interrogator tempts him and tries to undermine his resistance by asking relentlessly, “Who will ever know? All those who agree with you have been compromised; they have been told you have confessed to spying; everyone has contempt for you; you are alone; be practical; just tell us what we want to know, no one else will ever see it. Who cares about you anyway? Just end this. For you and for me, just end it.”

But when a person under torture refuses to be unfaithful to what he sees as the light within him, he soon begins to wonder about the nature of that light. If it is part of himself, where is it? When his torturer torments his flesh, emotions, passions, imagination, mind, and even his self-identity, then what on earth is that light? What is he being faithful to? And why does it seem so important, so absolutely vital, to be true to it? Some in this nothingness begin to address that light as a person, whose name is Truth.

And so the chain of reflection runs like this: Truth is not a proposition, but a person — a light, a kind of intelligence, who in the songs of one's childhood is called Lord, or Creator, or Beloved, or Judge, or One-to-be-feared. It is God. For others, not willing to turn to God, the experience of this searing demand for honesty remains as a burning memory, radiating as a sentinel over the rest of their lives.

WHAT IS CAESAR'S

In this way, by a kind of VIA NEGATIVA, were some of the hidden depths — and real strengths — of the Western tradition rediscovered in the 20th century.

What we mean by God is something like irrepressible inner light, which is not quite a part of us, but apart from us, and yet deep within. It is closer to us than we to ourselves.

As Sharansky also notes in passing, although he is not a Christian, Jesus Christ taught humans to give unto Caesar what is Caesar's and unto God what is God's. One does not have to be Christian to take that lesson, or perhaps even to admit that Jesus Christ is the world's greatest teacher of the illegitimacy of totalitarian government. The very idea of everything belonging to Caesar is false in principle. The modern idea of democracy follows in the wake of this teaching of Christ.

In parallel fashion, a leading figure of Enlightenment thought in Italy today, Eugenio Scalfari, the founder and publisher of LA REPUBBLICA, has reminded readers of his own paper that Jesus Christ introduced into modern Europe the idea of the dignity of every single individual, especially the poor, the weak, and the vulnerable. That is what gave meaning to the terms Equality and Fraternity in the triadic slogan of the French Revolution. To come to the aid of the poor is an essential idea of modern democracy.

And this idea, too, springs in great vividness from the Christmas scene of the endangered infant, the poor shepherds, and the humble animals seeking shelter in the stable under the cold stars, celebrated by angels. It is the poor and the humble who are chosen by the Creator for His greatest gifts.

INDIVIDUAL AND CREATOR

There are other ideas key to democracy embedded in the Christmas drama. Here I must acknowledge that I am using “democracy” where in many ways a term such as “republic” would more accurately serve; but contemporary usage almost demands it. One of the most important of these other ideas is the inalienable liberty of individual persons.

And how is this form of liberty rooted in Christmas? Read again Jefferson's argument in his Bill for Religious Liberty and Madison's argument in his REMONSTRANCE. For both, religion is a duty every person owes to his Creator — a self-evident duty but one to be rendered according to the conscience of each individual. And why is that? Because that is the decree of the particular God they have in mind. That God is found in Judaism and Christianity, in the God of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and also Jesus, Who demands to be worshiped “in spirit and in truth.”

This God, as William Penn of the Society of Friends explained, created the world so as to place within it women and men to whom He could offer His friendship. They would be free to accept or reject his friendship, since He wished not slavish friendship but the friendship of the free. “The Light was sent to shine in the darkness, and the darkness grasped it not.” Since He made the universe for friendship, the Creator had to make it free. Freedom lies at the heart of things.

And so, to continue the Jeffersonian and Madisonian argument, each man must make a choice, face-to-face with his Creator. This choice cannot be put off on one's mother or any other person: It is inalienable. The choice cannot be evaded. And if it is the inalienable duty of every individual, then it must also be an inalienable right. This duty belongs to every individual, and no state or jurisdiction can block its accomplishment. This is a duty precedent both in time and in obligation to all others. It is precedent to civil society, and it is precedent to the state. It is rooted in the relation of individual to Creator.

So powerful is this relation that it holds even for those who deny that there is a God. For the Creator leaves it within individuals' freedom to make such a denial. As Jefferson spells out, we humans can bow our knee to nothing else besides evidence, and if the evidence for God in this world does not convince us, so the Almighty has left us free to conclude. It lies in his almighty power to coerce us, but the Holy Author of our religion chose not to do.

And who was this Holy Author? For heroes such as Sharansky it is the God of his fathers, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. For the great majority of Americans, the Holy Author of our religion is Jesus Christ, whose birthday the whole nation celebrates on Christmas.

There are many reasons why atheists should (and a good many do) celebrate Christmas. Among these are simple ones, like the color and brightness and good spirits of that time. Other reasons include the contributions this humble child born in a manger has made to the thrust of Western experiments in freedom. These reasons are as easily understood by atheists as by devout Christians (who come in every degree of understanding, or lack thereof). At times they have been BETTER understood by atheists, at least in practice.

OUR INALIENABLE LIBERTY

In any case, knowing that this really is a wonderful life, in which implausible dreams can come true, I have been dreaming that one Christmas soon some atheist will start a movement of “Atheists for Christmas.” The purpose would not be to declare that such atheists are Christians. Rather, they or others similarly placed are in a position to state, without partisanship, the positive contributions that Christmas dramatizes for the understanding of freedom and virtue in our time.

It is not just that without Christmas the year would be much drearier. It is rather that Christmas is in fact centered upon the mystery of liberty. During one Christmas or another, each of us is going to have to make a decision: “Who IS this baby in the manger?” The consequences for our own lives that follow upon that question are tremendous. Yet the child appears before our eyes, not in the glory of his terrible swift sword, but in helplessness and need — not as overpowering, but as altogether unthreatening. The decision thus depends upon the free conscience of the observer, upon his inalienable liberty.

For that reason, too, Christmas also instructs us to recognize all around ourselves many persons of good will. Even when their answers to that question differ from ours, we owe their inalienable dignity our respect and honor. Freedom, then, and also charity, forbearance, and tolerance — and not merely tolerance, as George Washington confided to the Hebrew Congregation of Newport, but mutual respect — are all implicit in the scene at the crib.

Therefore, those of us who are Christians ought to launch a reciprocal campaign of “Christians in Gratitude to Atheists,” to honor the contributions of nonbelievers to our free institutions. Let us give credit to all who helped add to natural rights, the free institutions that support them, and the consent of the governed, due process, and the separation of powers.

The defenders of liberty in this coming century may be not too many but too few, and all of us will surely need one another before this century is done. We will also need Christmas, and all that it strengthens in us, and reminds us of.

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Michael Novak is the winner of the 1994 Templeton Prize for progress in religion and the George Frederick Jewett Scholar in Religion, Philosophy, and Public Policy at the American Enterprise Institute. Novak's own website is www.michaelnovak.net.

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The Power of Promising

Luke 24:49

Keeping promises makes life more stably human. Promises have power.

1. Human destiny rests on a promise.

2. Freedom comes alive in a promise.

3. The power of promise makes human community possible.

from Christianity Today magazine · Lewis B. Smedes via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database perseverancefamilysociety

Quotations: On Family

There is no doubt that it is around the family and the home that all the greatest virtues, the most dominating virtues of human society, are created, strengthened, and maintained. — Winston Churchill (1874 – 1965), British prime minister

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Where there’s a will, there’s a relative.

from Sundry · Various via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database society

The Cross Must Be Raised

Mark 15:22

Quote by Rev. George McCloud:

"I simply argue that the cross be raised again at the center

of the marketplace as well as at the steeple of the church.

I recover the claim that Jesus was not crucified

on a table between two candles

but on a cross between two thieves,

on a town garbage heap,

at a crossroad of politics so cosmopolitan that they had to

write his title in Hebrew and Latin and Greek,

and at the kind of place

where cynics talk smut

and thieves cursed

and soldiers gambled

because that is where he died and that is what he died about

and that is what Christ's followers ought to be about."

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from Sermon #15827, Rev. Harold Armstrong, First Christian Church; Clearwater, Florida · Rev. George McCloud via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database societyinfluence

Are You Sure You Want To Be Rescued?

The guy had been shipwrecked years before and had never lived alone on this desert island. One day he was excited to see a ship off-shore which had seen his signal flag in the palm tree. A small dinghy came ashore with one occupant. The fellow rowing it handed the marooned sailor a bundle of newspapers and told him, "The captain sends you these papers and suggests you read them before you decide whether you want to be rescued."

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Hoover Rupert, WHY DIDN'T NOAH SWAT BOTH MOSQUITOES? (Lima, OH: CSS Publishing Co. Inc., 1994), p. 89

from Fredericksburg Bible Illustrator Supplements · Hoover Rupert via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database societycorruption

The Surveillance Camera Captures Our Slide From Moral Strength

Job 20:27

There is an increasing interest among municipal governments throughout the United States in the use of surveillance technology as a crime-fighting tool. Is the acceptance of hidden -- and sometimes not so hidden -- cameras a security solution, or is it just another symptom of a society that has lost its moral compass?

"We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion.... Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other," so said John Adams, America's second president.

Charles Carroll, a signer of the Declaration of Independence said, "Without morals a republic cannot subsist any length of time." Benjamin Franklin stated, "Only a virtuous people are capable of freedom."

Those who launched this great experiment we know as democracy understood well the key to success was self-governance. The freedom Americans have enjoyed for more than two centuries is fragile and can only be maintained by a societal agreement of what is morally right and wrong.

While the founders of the United States were not all Christians, they shared a consensus that the Bible was the wellspring that should nourish the individual conscience. "A free government can only be happy when the public principles and opinions are properly directed by religion and education. It should therefore be among the first objects of those who wish well to the national prosperity to encourage and support the principles of religion and morality", said Abraham Baldwin, a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.

The framers of American society knew well there would never be a way to insure absolute compliance with all laws at all times. Thus they understood that for democracy to be successful, people would have to police themselves. Morality would have to be understood and also embraced.

A populace unwilling or unable to bridle its behavior and comply with legal as well as social morality is devastating to democracy. "As nations become corrupt and vicious, they have more need of masters," said Benjamin Franklin.

When everyone does what is right in his own eyes, the result is chaos. No society can survive anarchy for long. Some form of totalitarian system will develop and force people to comply with whatever "morality" leaders deem are most beneficial to the state.

Samuel Adams, who signed the Declaration of Independence, said, "While the people are virtuous, they cannot be subdued; but when once they lose their virtue, they will be ready to surrender their liberties to the first external or internal invader." There is no doubt virtue in America is waning. Since people are not policing themselves, society seems to think it is a good idea for government to do it for them. The result: We are willing to allow an electronic invasion of surveillance into most every aspect of our lives.

Initially, electronic monitoring was introduced to insure national security. It moved into the private sector in an effort to protect assets. Now governments are touting it as a tool in law enforcement. Cities are now using electronic surveillance to monitor high crime areas as well traffic intersections. God only knows where this technology will show up next.

More telling than municipal government's desire to police people with constant surveillance is society's lack of reaction. Rather than searching for the missing compass of morality, we are apathetically welcoming the electronic intrusion into our lives and the resulting fading of privacy. That, in and of itself, is symptomatic of a society in trouble.

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Boggs is pastor of Valley Baptist Church, McMinnville, Oregon

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Does Religion Make People Nicer? -- Only If Big Brother Is Watching

In his movie RELIGULOUS, comedian Bill Maher makes wicked fun of the religiously credulous. But it turns out that the folks who believe in talking snakes and seventy-two virgins per martyr may be on to something. As whacky as some dogmas are, religions do appear to encourage generosity and honesty. At least that is the claim made in a fascinating review article, “The Origin and Evolution of Religious Prosociality” published in the current issue of SCIENCE.

Evolutionary biologists argue that there’s nothing surprising about genetically related individuals making sacrifices for their kin: They are helping some of their own genes get passed along to the next generation. But what might cause people to make sacrifices for the good of unrelated strangers? Here, according to University of British Columbia social psychologists Ara Norenzayan and Azim F. Shariff, religion plays a key role.

The authors have winnowed three decades of empirical evidence looking for examples of religious prosociality, which they define as “the idea that religions facilitate acts that benefit others at a personal cost.” Specifically, their hypothesis is that religion encourages people to sacrifice their individual fitness for the benefit of unrelated individuals or for their group. For example, young men may risk sacrificing themselves in war to protect their tribe. So how does religion encourage prosociality? The answer is that being watched by a Big-Brother-in-the-Sky tends to make believers nervous about being selfish.

This observation accords with numerous studies showing that people behave better when they think that someone may be watching them. For example, one remarkable study in 2006 found that just being under the gaze of eyes on a poster nearly tripled the contributions to an office coffee kitty. Exposing participants in a laboratory economic game to computer-generated eyespots while they played made them twice as generous as those who were not. Another study found that participants in a laboratory economic game were nearly four times stingier with other players when they thought they were anonymous than when they thought they were being observed. In other words, watched people are nicer people. Why should that be? It’s because we want to have the reputation of being cooperative and prosocial so that other people, especially strangers, will want to cooperate with us.

“The cognitive awareness of gods is likely to heighten prosocial reputational concerns among believers, just as the cognitive awareness of human watchers does among believers and non-believers alike,” hypothesize the authors. But supernatural oversight is even better because it “offers the powerful advantage that cooperative interactions can be observed even in the absence of social monitoring.”

So does religion work, in the sense of encouraging prosocial other-regarding behavior? It depends. In one famous 1973 study, degrees of religiosity did not predict which students would stop to help someone lying on a sidewalk appearing to be sick. However, in another experiment, two players would simultaneously decide how much money to withdraw from the same envelope — if their combined withdrawals exceeded the amount in the envelope, neither would get any money. Systematically, less money was withdrawn when the game was played at religious kibbutzim than when it was played at secular kibbutzim. This finding supported the researchers’ prediction that “men who participate in communal prayer most frequently will exhibit the highest levels of cooperation.”

So why do religious believers tend cooperate more? In one illuminating study cited by the researchers, volunteers were given the option to raise money for a sick child’s medical bills. Some would-be volunteers were told that it was very likely that they would be asked to help, while others were told that there was only a small chance that they would be called on. “In the latter condition, participants could reap the social benefits of feeling (or appearing) helpful without the cost of the actual altruistic act. Only in the latter situation was a link between religiosity and volunteering evident,” claim Norenzayan and Shariff. Religion played a role when it appeared that volunteering would improve one’s reputation without much personal cost.

Even more interesting are studies that find that invoking an unseen watcher enhances moral behavior. In one amazing experiment, when participants were told that the ghost of a dead student was haunting the experimental room, they cheated less on a computer test. Other researchers report that when experimental subjects were primed with religious words, they cheated significantly less on a subsequent task. Similarly, Norenzayan and Shariff found that subjects in experimental economic games were more generous when God concepts were implicitly activated before play.

The authors hypothesize that the belief in morally concerned gods who keep track of who’s been naughty or nice helps create and stabilize large-scale societies. “Large groups, which until recently lacked institutionalized social-monitoring mechanisms, are vulnerable to collapse because of high rates of freeloading. If unwavering and pervasive belief in moralizing gods buffered against such freeloading, then belief in such gods should be more likely in larger human groups where the threat of freeloading is most acute,” suggest the authors. In fact, a cross cultural analysis of 186 societies confirms this prediction: The larger a society, the more likely its members believe in deities that are concerned about human morality.

In small hunter-gatherer bands or subsistence farming villages, it’s pretty easy to keep track of just how cooperative your neighbors are. But when groups grow to encompass thousands and eventually millions of strangers, a Big-Brother-in-the-Sky can watch how your fellow citizens behave when you can’t. And even better, Sky Big Brother can punish them with eternal damnation if they swindle you. One big downside is that groups have different Sky Big Brothers, which means that “the same mechanisms involved in ingroup altruism may also facilitate outgroup antagonism.” In other words, kill the infidels!

Shariff and Norenzayan note that while religion remains a powerful facilitator of prosociality in large groups, modern societies have devised secular replacements for Sky Big Brother, including courts, police, and other contract-enforcing institutions. Also, the modern world is headed toward a transparent society in which social monitoring will be nearly as omnipresent as that of a hunter-gatherer band. Increasingly sophisticated information and communication technologies will enable anyone to assess your reputation for prosociality with a few mouse clicks. Sky Big Brother is being outsourced to the Web.

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Ronald Bailey is "reason" magazine’s science correspondent

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[Original illustration at this number was a duplicate of HolwickID #11628]

Religion Is the Foundation of Democracy and Prosperity

Version from YouTube (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YjntXYDPw44), March 5, 2014, modified from first-person to third-person:

Some time ago Harvard economist Clayton Christensen has a conversation with a Marxist economist from China. He was coming to the end of a Fulbright Fellowship in Boston. Christensen asked his friend if he had learned here anything that was surprising or unexpected. And without any hesitation he said, “Yeah - I had no idea how critical religion is to the functioning of democracy. The reason why democracy works,” he said, “is not because the government was designed to oversee what everybody does, but, rather, democracy works because most people, most of the time, voluntarily choose to obey the law. And in your past, most Americans attended a church or synagogue every week and they were taught there by people who they respected.” Christensen’s friend went on to say that Americans followed these rules because they had come to believe that they weren’t just accountable to society, they were accountable to God.

His Chinese friend heightened a vague but nagging concern Christensen harbored inside that as religion loses its influence over the lives of Americans, what will happen to our democracy? Where are the institutions that are going to teach the next generation of Americans that they, too, need to voluntarily choose to obey the laws? Because if you take away religion, you can’t hire enough police.

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Version from article:

I learned the importance of religion for the strength of democracy and capitalism in a conversation 12 years ago with a Marxist economist from China who was nearing the end of a Fulbright Fellowship in Boston. I asked my friend if he had learned here anything that was surprising or unexpected. His response was immediate and, to me, quite profound: “I had no idea how critical religion is to the functioning of democracy and capitalism.” Though de Toqueville also had observed this, I had never made this association between religion, democracy and capitalism in my mind. But it was like this scholar parachuted in from Mars – and this is what he saw.

He continued, “In your past, most Americans attended a church or synagogue every week. These were institutions that people respected. At church, from their youngest years, Americans were taught to voluntarily obey the law; to respect other people’s property, and not steal it. Americans were taught never to lie. Americans followed these rules because they had come to believe that even if the police or court systems didn’t catch them when they broke a law, God would catch them and hold them accountable. Democracy works here because most people most of the time voluntarily obey the laws.

“You can say the same for capitalism,” my friend continued. “It works because Americans have been taught in their churches that they should keep their promises and not tell lies. An advanced economy cannot function if people cannot expect that when they sign contracts, the other people will voluntarily uphold their obligations. Capitalism works because most people voluntarily keep their promises.”

My friend then invited me to look around the world at those countries where, in his words, “America had snapped its fingers at the country and demanded, ‘We want democracy here, and we want it now!’” Unless there was already a strong religious foundation in those countries, he asserted, democracy has failed miserably. There are religions in every country, of course. But he made clear that democracy-enabling religions are those that support the sanctity of life, the equality of people, the importance of respecting others’ property, and of personal honesty and integrity. Those religions also had to be strong enough that they held power over the behavior of the population. People had to believe that even if the police and court system do not catch them, God would hold them accountable if they do not follow the rules. He then gave some examples.

In Russia, for instance, there are religions – but few people are influenced by them. As a result many people avoid taxes, and the government cannot collect them. Murder, bribery and stealing are a part of everyday life. He noted that American foreign policy has been naïve in Haiti and the nations of Africa that have been torn by such brutal civil strife. “You just think that because democracy works for you that it will work everywhere. It only works where there is a strong foundation of religion.” In the course of researching the issue my friend posed I happened upon an elegant summary of what he was trying to teach me, penned by Lord John Fletcher Moulton, the great English jurist, who wrote that the probability that democracy and free markets will flourish in a nation is proportional to “The extent of obedience to the unenforceable.”

My Chinese friend heightened a vague but nagging concern I’ve harbored – that as religion loses its power over the lives of Americans, what will happen to our democracy? Our prosperity? We are living on momentum. The ethic of obedience to the unenforceable was established by vibrant religions, and some of these teachings have become a part of our culture. As a result, today there are many Americans who are not religious, who still voluntarily obey the law, comply with contracts, value honesty and integrity and respect other people’s rights and property. This is because certain religious teachings have become embedded in our culture. But is culture a stalwart protector of democracy’s enabling values? No – because culture has no mechanism for holding citizens accountable for obedience to unenforceable laws.

Those who seek to minimize the role that religions can play in the public stage are making two very serious mistakes – the consequence of their not having asked the right questions. First, they are seeking to minimize the very institutions that have given us our civil liberties in the first place. And second, the debate swirling in judicial discourse about the separation of church and state is a false dichotomy. If we broadly define them as philosophical traditions, there are two classes of religions: theistic religions and atheistic ones. Zealots of atheistic religions who assert that theistic religions must be swept off the democratic stage are knitting the doctrines of their religions into our legal and regulatory fabric. But the adherents to the religions of atheism and secularism haven’t rigorously asked the right question, and are therefore giving us an answer that may well prove to be toxic to democracy.

My Chinese friend’s insight has helped me understand what the valuable question really is: “Because democracy is possible only when most people most of the time voluntarily obey the laws, what institutions can we rely upon to inculcate this instinct amongst the American people? And how can we strengthen those institutions, so that they do this better?”

When the instinct of even a minority of people in a society is to steal what belongs to others, lie when it suits their selfish purposes, evade taxes, demand bribes and disregard the rights of others, then capitalism won’t work, either. Just look at our economic crisis in 2007-8. It didn’t take many financiers whose instinct was to take what belongs to others and to stretch rather than obey the rules, to cause capitalism to very nearly collapse.

When the extent of disobedience to the unenforceable grows, not just democracy, but prosperity becomes in jeopardy. We treasure democracy because it gives us freedoms of speech and the press. But democracy without near-universal obedience to the unenforceable strips from us other crucial freedoms, which include the freedom from want and the freedom to be employed. I again ask what I believe is a crucial question for America: Because capitalism and the prosperity it brings are possible only when most people most of the time voluntarily obey the laws, what institutions can we rely upon to inculcate this instinct amongst the people, before they arrive in our executive suites and on Wall Street? And how can we strengthen the institutions that teach these things, so that they do it better?

When a nation lacks the requisite foundation of extensive obedience to the unenforceable, what form of government will work? Unfortunately democracy and capitalism won’t. It requires the rule of someone who can define good laws and then wield the power required to compel obedience. Living proofs of this hypothesis cover the globe. Just run this experiment. The next time you’re in a taxi with a Haitian cab driver, just ask whether things are better now under democracy than they were under the corrupt rule of the Duvaliers. I guarantee that every one of them pines for the day when there was an iron-fisted ruler who had the instinct and ability to stomp his heel into the chest of those who didn’t follow the rules and force compliance.

It’s not a coincidence that the countries that have transitioned from poverty to prosperity in the last 50 years – including Korea, Chile, Taiwan, Singapore, Portugal and the Dominican Republic – all were led by iron-fisted rulers, who had the instinct and ability to wield power quite ruthlessly, in some instances, to break the vested interests of those that profited from the corruption that had trapped those nations in poverty. Impoverished countries with democratic governments such as the Philippines, in contrast, struggle to prosper because imposition of democracy has simply democratized corruption to the point that capitalism won’t work: The investments that would stimulate economic growth simply cannot be made, because you can’t bribe enough people to make anything happen.

Those who assume that the atheistic religions of secularism are a better backbone for freedom and prosperity than the theistic ones that they are trying to push under the back seat, have a huge burden of proof which they’ve not had the intellectual fortitude to discuss, let alone propose as viable solutions. What institutions are they proposing to establish that have enduring power to teach the next generation of Americans to enthusiastically obey unenforceable laws?

I have been carefully listening for 12 years for a cogent response to these questions from a disciple of atheism and secularism. So far, at least, they seem to have nothing to say.

I invite you to comment on this blog but these are the rules for participate in this discussion: We respect each other. We try to teach each other and learn from one another. That means we assess and comment on the ideas.

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Some comments from readers:

Mark Pickering

February 11, 2011

I am sympathetic to the arguments you make. But I doubt a reasonable atheist would be persuaded. Consider the following objections he or she could make questioning the relationship between morality and religion:

1. The argument that religion makes people moral falsely assumes that religion encourages only moral behavior. But in many cases religion encourages immoral behavior. Further, different religions contract one another about what is moral and what is immoral, and people within a given religion also sometimes disagree.

2. The argument that atheists are morally worse than theists is false. Atheists are, for example, less likely to go to prison. While this could be due to sociological factors (e.g., atheists are more likely to be educated, and educated people are less likely to go to prison), it at least casts doubt on the claim that religious people are more moral than atheists.

Consider also some empirical challenges to some of the other claims you make.

3. Americans have become less religious than they were 300 years ago. But capitalism and democracy have, if anything, become stronger, not weaker. The economic crisis of 2007-2008 is hardly the first economic crisis in American history. Consider the financial crises of 1792, 1796-1797, 1819, etc. Or consider the undemocratic restrictions on the civil rights of Native Americans, African-Americans, and women. They were lifted only later, as the country became increasingly secular.

Consider also ways in which religion works against democracy or capitalism:

4. It is possible that a democracy will pass laws that contradict the tenets of a religion. In such cases religions sometimes work to undermine democracy. Consider, for example, Iran or Saudi Arabia.

5. Religion often works against capitalism by discouraging the accumulation of wealth, discouraging working on the Sabbath, discouraging women from working, and sometimes seeking to supplant it entirely (in the case of the United Order or other communes).

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Jeff

February 8, 2011

Interesting theory. I would love to see some social scientists test it. I had several thoughts.

First, you mention that democracy and capitalism work when most of the people voluntarily obey the law and keep their promises. You state that a strong religious foundation is prerequisite. Is there any data that non-religious people do not voluntarily obey the law and keep their promises? You seem to suggest that if non-religious people actually do voluntarily obey the law and keep their promises, it is because they were raised in a country which has a strong religious foundation built into the culture.

Second, you mention that democracy-enabling religions are “those that support the sanctity of life, the equality of people, the importance of respecting others’ property, and of personal honesty and integrity. Those religions also had to be strong enough that they held power over the behavior of the population.” Which religions does this refer to? For example, you list Portugal as an example of developing because of an Iron-fisted ruler. It is now democratic and capitalistic, yet interestingly it shares the same religious tradition with countries like France, Italy, and Austria.

Finally, like Tim, I immediately thought of European countries as a counter-example. Many European countries have robust democracies, capitalist economies, but also are more secular than the U.S. Maybe like Tim suggested the religious values you talk about are built into their institutions. However, while thinking about that theory — I cannot help but think of Eastern European countries like Estonia, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia which are some of the most secular states. Interestingly, they are democratic and capitalistic (arguably more capitalistic than some Western European countries). Maybe their democratic and capitalistic experiences will not endure, or maybe they modeled their institutions after Western European countries (which had their religious foundation built in.) Maybe they are just an anomaly

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Clayton Christensen responds

February 9, 2011

Thanks for each of you for your thoughts. It was a treat, Melanie, to read Roosevelt and Lippman weighing in on this issue!

I thought I’d respond to your thinking collectively. You’ve helped my see possibilities and problems that I hadn’t thought much about — so thanks to each of you.

This is what I’m thinking. It is true that to some degree in America and a stronger degree in northern Europe, culture, not religion, keeps most people in line. I refer you to a marvelous book from Edgar Schein on where culture comes from: “Organizational Culture and Leadership.” He shows that culture doesn’t just autonomously emerge. Culture is the result of a group following a process or a set of rules, which led to success, over and over and over. I suspect that religion is the factor that resulted in the culture. Culture of nations does not spontaneously emerge from chaos.

There is a second way to get a culture whose ethic is that everyone must follow the rules — and that is a dictator who articulates the rules, and hold citizens immediately accountable if they don’t follow the rules. Singapore was blessed with such a ruler — Lee Kuan Yew. As Singaporeans prospered by following his rules, a culture emerged which dictated that everybody all the time should follow the rules.

Just as culture has moved into the fore and religions have become minor factors in Europe, the culture of Singapore will sustain capitalism even after democracy supplants the prime ministers.

But if you have a dictator who is corrupt because he doesn’t believe that he will be held accountable for following the rules, capitalism and democracy do not thrive. Corruption becomes rampant, as in Argentina and Russia. There are, unfortunately, not a lot of Lee Kuan Yews around.

In both cases, however — religions or honest dictators — I submit that culture doesn’t have a self-sustaining mechanism to make it so strong that the vast majority of people will always follow the rules. Without strong religions that keep instilling these values, culture atrophies — as if there is a second law of thermodynamics at work. Culture is a temporary factor that keeps capitalism and democracy viable for a time. But that is all.

If you have questions about this, just look at Mexico, a magnificent nation and magnificent people, as it falls off the cliff into chaos over the next 20 years.

Does Religion Make People Nicer? -- Only If Big Brother Is Watching

In his movie RELIGULOUS, comedian Bill Maher makes wicked fun of the religiously credulous. But it turns out that the folks who believe in talking snakes and seventy-two virgins per martyr may be on to something. As whacky as some dogmas are, religions do appear to encourage generosity and honesty. At least that is the claim made in a fascinating review article, “The Origin and Evolution of Religious Prosociality” published in the current issue of SCIENCE.

Evolutionary biologists argue that there’s nothing surprising about genetically related individuals making sacrifices for their kin: They are helping some of their own genes get passed along to the next generation. But what might cause people to make sacrifices for the good of unrelated strangers? Here, according to University of British Columbia social psychologists Ara Norenzayan and Azim F. Shariff, religion plays a key role.

The authors have winnowed three decades of empirical evidence looking for examples of religious prosociality, which they define as “the idea that religions facilitate acts that benefit others at a personal cost.” Specifically, their hypothesis is that religion encourages people to sacrifice their individual fitness for the benefit of unrelated individuals or for their group. For example, young men may risk sacrificing themselves in war to protect their tribe. So how does religion encourage prosociality? The answer is that being watched by a Big-Brother-in-the-Sky tends to make believers nervous about being selfish.

This observation accords with numerous studies showing that people behave better when they think that someone may be watching them. For example, one remarkable study in 2006 found that just being under the gaze of eyes on a poster nearly tripled the contributions to an office coffee kitty. Exposing participants in a laboratory economic game to computer-generated eyespots while they played made them twice as generous as those who were not. Another study found that participants in a laboratory economic game were nearly four times stingier with other players when they thought they were anonymous than when they thought they were being observed. In other words, watched people are nicer people. Why should that be? It’s because we want to have the reputation of being cooperative and prosocial so that other people, especially strangers, will want to cooperate with us.

“The cognitive awareness of gods is likely to heighten prosocial reputational concerns among believers, just as the cognitive awareness of human watchers does among believers and non-believers alike,” hypothesize the authors. But supernatural oversight is even better because it “offers the powerful advantage that cooperative interactions can be observed even in the absence of social monitoring.”

So does religion work, in the sense of encouraging prosocial other-regarding behavior? It depends. In one famous 1973 study, degrees of religiosity did not predict which students would stop to help someone lying on a sidewalk appearing to be sick. However, in another experiment, two players would simultaneously decide how much money to withdraw from the same envelope — if their combined withdrawals exceeded the amount in the envelope, neither would get any money. Systematically, less money was withdrawn when the game was played at religious kibbutzim than when it was played at secular kibbutzim. This finding supported the researchers’ prediction that “men who participate in communal prayer most frequently will exhibit the highest levels of cooperation.”

So why do religious believers tend cooperate more? In one illuminating study cited by the researchers, volunteers were given the option to raise money for a sick child’s medical bills. Some would-be volunteers were told that it was very likely that they would be asked to help, while others were told that there was only a small chance that they would be called on. “In the latter condition, participants could reap the social benefits of feeling (or appearing) helpful without the cost of the actual altruistic act. Only in the latter situation was a link between religiosity and volunteering evident,” claim Norenzayan and Shariff. Religion played a role when it appeared that volunteering would improve one’s reputation without much personal cost.

Even more interesting are studies that find that invoking an unseen watcher enhances moral behavior. In one amazing experiment, when participants were told that the ghost of a dead student was haunting the experimental room, they cheated less on a computer test. Other researchers report that when experimental subjects were primed with religious words, they cheated significantly less on a subsequent task. Similarly, Norenzayan and Shariff found that subjects in experimental economic games were more generous when God concepts were implicitly activated before play.

The authors hypothesize that the belief in morally concerned gods who keep track of who’s been naughty or nice helps create and stabilize large-scale societies. “Large groups, which until recently lacked institutionalized social-monitoring mechanisms, are vulnerable to collapse because of high rates of freeloading. If unwavering and pervasive belief in moralizing gods buffered against such freeloading, then belief in such gods should be more likely in larger human groups where the threat of freeloading is most acute,” suggest the authors. In fact, a cross cultural analysis of 186 societies confirms this prediction: The larger a society, the more likely its members believe in deities that are concerned about human morality.

In small hunter-gatherer bands or subsistence farming villages, it’s pretty easy to keep track of just how cooperative your neighbors are. But when groups grow to encompass thousands and eventually millions of strangers, a Big-Brother-in-the-Sky can watch how your fellow citizens behave when you can’t. And even better, Sky Big Brother can punish them with eternal damnation if they swindle you. One big downside is that groups have different Sky Big Brothers, which means that “the same mechanisms involved in ingroup altruism may also facilitate outgroup antagonism.” In other words, kill the infidels!

Shariff and Norenzayan note that while religion remains a powerful facilitator of prosociality in large groups, modern societies have devised secular replacements for Sky Big Brother, including courts, police, and other contract-enforcing institutions. Also, the modern world is headed toward a transparent society in which social monitoring will be nearly as omnipresent as that of a hunter-gatherer band. Increasingly sophisticated information and communication technologies will enable anyone to assess your reputation for prosociality with a few mouse clicks. Sky Big Brother is being outsourced to the Web.

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Ronald Bailey is "reason" magazine’s science correspondent

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[Original illustration at this number was a duplicate of HolwickID #11628]

Defining and Defending Conservatism -- Senator Rick Santorum's “It Takes A Family”

Senator Rick Santorum (R-PA) admits that political conservatives have often failed to present a comprehensive vision of the underlying commitments and convictions that frame the conservative vision. Beyond this, he laments the fact that some conservatives fail to link those basic convictions with political decisions and matters of public policy. He's out to reverse that failure, and his new book IT TAKES A FAMILY: CONSERVATISM AND THE COMMON GOOD is one of the most important books written by a political figure in recent American history.

Santorum was raised in Butler, Pennsylvania, a small town he describes as “a place where family togetherness, being a good neighbor, and civic participation were on display every day, without complaint or apology.” He later attended college at Penn State University and earned a law degree from the Dickinson School of Law in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. At the age of 32, Santorum was elected to the United States House of Representatives. After two terms, he was elected in 1994 to the United States Senate. He quickly emerged as a national figure and became the youngest person elected to the Republican Senate leadership. He continues to serve as Republican Conference Chairman, the party's third-ranking leadership position in the Senate.

Nevertheless, Santorum is defined as much by his family life as by his political career. He and his wife Karen have six children, and the couple has been very generous in sharing their family life with the larger public.

This is no accident, nor a matter of mere personal eccentricity. In IT TAKES A FAMILY, Santorum points to the natural family as the basic building block of civilization, as the proper focus of government concern, and as the true starting point for a conservative political philosophy.

Santorum argues that civilization is based upon five essential pillars -- social capital, economic capital, moral capital, cultural capital, and intellectual capital. In his book, he deals with each of these in turn, but at the center of his argument lies the assertion “that the key to building capital in all of these areas is fostering the formation, stability, and success of the traditional family.”

This is a controversial book, and we are living in controversial times. Writing and publishing a book of this substance represents something of a political risk, but Santorum's book should serve to help conservatives, as well as others, come to a deeper understanding of why civilization itself depends upon the stable functioning of families, and why the family is now at risk.

Throughout the book, Santorum displays a rather remarkable engagement with significant conservative thinkers of the past and present. Furthermore, he gives evidence of a deep understanding of social realities and the ideological principles that produce concrete social results. This senator also understands that conservative principles have enemies.

Referring to what others have called the “cultural elite,” Santorum speaks of the “village elders” who now attempt to forge a social revolution in terms of their own ideological commitments -- commitments that are directly subversive of families.

According to Santorum, the liberal elites hold to what he identifies as an ideology of “No-Fault Freedom.” The ideology of No-Fault Freedom insists that personal choice, grounded in an assertion of personal autonomy, is the highest good. In the name of liberation, the prophets of No-Fault Freedom insist that limitations upon personal liberty are repressive and unhealthy and that freedom should thus be unconstrained by a larger moral context, set of rules, or other limitations.

Any responsible political philosophy must identify the central unit of civilization. As Santorum sees it, the critical distinction between contemporary forms of liberalism and conservatism is that the liberals see the individual as the basic unit of society, whereas the conservatives see the family as the focal unit.

“Liberal social policy has never put an emphasis on the family because the village elders, frankly, don't believe in the importance of strong, traditional families,” Santorum asserts. “For a raft of reasons, the village elders view the strong, traditional, married-mother-and-father family as contrary to their social agenda. They think of society as fundamentally made up of INDIVIDUALS guided by elite and 'expert' organizations like government, not the antiquated, perhaps uneducated, independent family. The village elders WANT society to be individualistic, because a society composed only of individuals responds better to 'expert' command and control.”

Those who protest or recoil in light of Santorum's pointed rhetoric should understand that his argument is solidly based in the writings and public arguments of those he opposes. The foundation of the modern revolutions in sex, law, education, and the larger society are based in an assertion of either individual or class rights -- not in a focus on the protection of the family as the definitional unit of civilization.

In essence, Santorum sees marriage as the essential glue that defines families and holds civilization together. “Marriage matters because children matter,” he asserts. “Without marriage, children suffer. There is simply no better investment parents can make in their children's future than a healthy marriage.” Santorum's insistence upon the primacy of marriage will be sufficient to give opponents grounds for labeling him a finger-wagging moralist. But, as Santorum understands, the morality of marriage defines the morality of the larger culture.

Ideas do have consequences (another key conservative idea), and Santorum believes that the idea of big government, wedded to the principle of No-Fault Freedom, has led to family dissolution and an entire host of social ills. “We've wasted decades and countless lives under the direction of the village elders trying to build bureaucracies to aid the poor and marginal in our society, while ignoring the central importance of the traditional family,” Santorum insists. In his view, the prevailing elites have been “pretending that the health of the mom-and-dad family isn't really important.”

Without apology, Santorum grounds his concept of family in what he properly identifies as a “natural” form. Even though he speaks of the “traditional” family, he recognizes that the natural or nuclear family is something prior to tradition. As a Roman Catholic, Santorum grounds this in the natural law. In so doing, he raises an issue that should attract broad Christian consensus. He correctly asserts that liberals see nature as far too confining and thus the enemy of freedom. “Liberals believe that the traditional family is neither natural nor vital, and that it's an antiquated social convention which has not only outlived its usefulness, but is now inherently discriminatory and repressive towards legitimate alternative 'families,'“ Santorum reflects.

Why would the senator tie his social vision to such an arbitrary definition of family? He answers that question clearly: “Every known society has some form of marriage. And it's always about bringing together a male and a female into the kind of sexual union where the interests of children under the care of their own mother and father are protected. Marriage is the word for the way in which we connect a man, a woman, and their children into one loving family. It represents our best attempt to see that every child receives his or her birthright: the right to know and be known by, to love and to be loved by, his or her own father and mother.”

Santorum recognizes that many families fail to live up to this vision. Nevertheless, he rightly insists that nothing can replace the family. When advocates for same-sex marriage attempt to redefine marriage as an institution, they are merely articulating a vision of what Santorum calls “liberal marriage.” As he sees it, “the 'right' of homosexuals to 'marry' one another is a logical result of what MUST happen to the definition of marriage if we view society as composed of nothing but abstract, autonomous INDIVIDUALS, rather than of men and women with their given natures. Abstract individuals, after all, are completely interchangeable and completely 'free' to define who and what they are. To the liberal mind, therefore, there is no 'rational basis' for limiting marriage only to people of opposite sexes .... Our village elders now declare that those holding to the traditional understanding of marriage are simply irrational.”

Of course, Santorum is a legislator, and he understands the role of law as an instrument for teaching the young. “Just imagine two or three generations from now, if we legalize same-sex marriage today, what young adults will understand about marriage,” he suggests. “Keep in mind that they will have been raised in a society that considers marriage nothing more than a romantic and sexual coupling between men and men, women and women, and men and women. The law will have declared it so, the centers will have been pressured into silence, and public schools will embrace and teach same-sex marriage as the law of the land. Laws have meaning, and therefore, laws TEACH. When something is legal it has the presumption that it is moral and right. If the sexual unions of men with men and women with women have equal dignity with the union of men and women, then marriage cannot be understood as having anything intrinsically to do with children. Society will teach the next generation that marriage is a self-centered endeavor primarily about adult satisfaction, not children's well-being.”

Throughout the book, Senator Santorum reveals a thoughtful and intelligent engagement with the most basic issues of political theory, conservative political philosophy, and the social impact of culture. He writes personally and sensitively of his own observations and about how threatening social realities have affected his own family and the way he and his wife raise their children.

When addressing issues as sensitive as abortion, Santorum is able to write about the danger abortion poses to our “moral ecology,” even as he provides an insider's view of how he became involved in the partial-birth abortion issue. Movingly, he writes of abortion as “a toxin methodically polluting our fragile moral ecosystem.” As he laments, “It poisons everyone it touches, from the mother and her ill-fated child, to the mother's and father's families, to the abortion provider, to each of us who stands as a silent witness to this destruction and debasement of human life.”

Even more movingly, he wrote of the experience he and his wife shared as they were told by a doctor that their unborn child was afflicted with a fatal birth defect and would surely die. He writes, “That wasn't the news we wanted or expected, but I must tell you that our reaction, after the shock and grief, was not to avoid the pain, the cost, or the struggle; it was not to get rid of the 'problem,' and it was not to take a baby out of his misery like something that was less than human. Karen and I couldn't rationalize how we could treat this little human life at twenty weeks' gestation in the womb any different than one twenty weeks old after birth. At either age, he is helpless, unaware, and thoroughly dependent on us, his parents, to protect him, care for him, and love him unconditionally.” Gabriel Michael Santorum, who died just two hours after his birth, was treated as a human being rather than something less than human, and his life and death testify of the irreducible but vulnerable reality of human dignity.

IT TAKES A FAMILY is an important book for our troubled times. Its emergence can bring only good things for the conservative movement in America. If every public servant was this clear-headed and intellectually courageous, we would see a very different culture.

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This article was originally published on August 1, 2005.

Who Needs God When You've Got Government? Umm ... We Do

Acts 4:19

We need a surgeon general’s warning: “This government program may be hazardous to your spiritual health.”

Jesus said we’re to render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s, and unto God what is God’s, so it’s clear we have responsibilities both to God and to government. You could fill whole libraries with the volumes that have been written on this rich and vital topic. But what do we do when Caesar attempts to usurp the place of Christ in our hearts?

Sometimes, as when Nebuchadnezzar commanded the people of God to bow down to his golden image, the answer is simple — you obey the Lord and leave the consequences to Him. But sometimes the challenge from those who rule over us is far more subtle. Instead of facing a fiery furnace, we may encounter a temptation that, at its heart, says, “In government we trust.”

That seems to be the conclusion of two psychology researchers who say that better government services are correlated with lower levels of strong religious belief, both in the U.S. and internationally. Their study’s title says it all: “Religion as an Exchange System: The Interchangeability of God and Government in a Provider Role.”

“If a secular entity provides what people need, they will be less likely to seek help from God or other supernatural entities,” the researchers say. “If the benefits acquired in the religious exchange can be acquired elsewhere, religion becomes less useful.” They add that, when it comes to social stability, “the power and order emanating from God can be outsourced to the government.”

Now to my mind that’s a fairly cynical take, as if the only reason people turn to God is for what they can get out of Him. But I know it has an element of truth. God in His sovereign mercy sometimes uses our physical and emotional needs to awaken in us our desperate spiritual need for Him.

But if all our felt needs are met by government, what room will God find in our hearts for Him? I’m not here to argue against effective and targeted government programs, which are good things, and I’m certainly not saying that the church ought to keep the poor in misery. But what I am saying is that the church needs to continue to be the church. God has designed the world so that people are best served, and He is most glorified, when government keeps its place and His people do His work in His way.

My colleague John Stonestreet reminds us of the Catholic social teaching of subsidiarity, which holds that “functions of government, business, and other secular activities should be as local as possible.” The more local we can be, the more loving and effective we can be. The government can start a program, but it cannot love.

Then there is the Reformational concept of “sphere sovereignty,” which Chuck Colson summarized as “society giv[ing] equal respect to all the social structures ordained by God. Family, church, school, business — each has its own distinctive task that no other group can do. The role of the state is to protect these little platoons so they can carry out their God-given tasks.”

That’s often not what happens, as government takes over more and more areas that belong to others — including God. As John says, “In the absence of rivals or challenges to its authority, the reach of the modern state will not and cannot be checked. It will expand to fill the void left by the absence of intermediate institutions like the family, local communities, and the Church.”

So the challenge to God’s people to this encroachment by Caesar couldn’t be clearer. We must strengthen our families, the churches, and our communities. We must stop sitting around waiting for “the government” to “do something.” We need to do something — support a pregnancy care center, feed the hungry, visit the sick, teach the ignorant, befriend the lonely — and proclaim the Good News of Jesus Christ with our lips and in our lives.

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RESOURCES

“Government vs. God? People are less religious when government is bigger, research says,” by Jared Gilmour, Miami Herald, April 18, 2018

“Keeping Leviathan in His Place: We Need to Be the Church,” by John Stonestreet, BreakPoint.org, October 15, 2012

“BreakPoint: Dangerous Disconnect: The People and Their Government,” by Chuck Colson, BreakPoint.org, May 24, 2010

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Copyright (c) 2018 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Eric Metaxas, Stan Guthrie via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database religionsociety

It's the Culture: What Makes A Good Society

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, approximately 1.3 million Swedes immigrated to the United States. By 1910, one in every five Swedes lived in America. After more than a century away from the old country, you’d expect Swedish-Americans to be very different from their old-world cousins. But in terms of life expectancy and economic achievement, they are remarkably similar. This is despite the fact that social policies in the U.S. and Sweden are vastly different.

In a recent column in the New York Times, the astute observer David Brooks cites these similarities in support of the proposition that “huge policy differences” make, at best, small differences in real-world outcomes.

His point isn’t that “policy choices are meaningless,” but that “the influence of politics...is usually swamped by the influence of culture, ethnicity, psychology and dozens of other factors.”

Thus, Asian-Americans in Michigan have on average 11 years longer to live than their white neighbors and 17 years longer than their black ones.

Where you live also makes a difference. People who live in what Brooks calls the “high trust regions” are more likely to live longer and have a college education. He says these regions produce “positive feedback loops of good culture and good human capital programs.”

In other words, people who live among affluent and well-educated people are more likely to be affluent and well-educated themselves.

As Christians, we certainly don’t disagree with this. We know, above all people, the importance of culture and the habits it produces. These habits, more than any government policy, keep people out of poverty by teaching them the importance of hard work, thrift, and postponing gratification.

Likewise, people who believe that their bodies are the temple of the Holy Spirit are less likely to indulge in practices — like drug and alcohol abuse — that damage those temples.

At a time when more and more Americans are looking to government to solve so many of life’s problems, we need a reminder that a good society isn’t built by government dictates but by the shared values of what Edmund Burke called the “little platoons” of society — families, churches, civic groups, and other associations.

These and other reasons are why the church is in the culture-shaping business.

But Brooks goes a little too far in downplaying the role of government policies. On the one hand, he says that government should not only avoid interfering with culture-building institutions. That’s a policy. But he also writes that government should encourage and support the work of these institutions. That, too, is a policy.

Also, Brooks pays short shrift to law’s teaching function — something Christians should never do. We know that law can’t force people to think and feel a certain way, but it can teach them what they ought to do. For example, the Civil Rights Act was way ahead of where most Americans were with regards to race relations when it was enacted. You see, the law is a moral teacher.

Nonetheless, Brooks is on to something which should be obvious, but must be stated again and again: It’s a healthy culture, more than anything else, that produces a healthy society. And a healthy culture produces healthy politics as well.

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Copyright © 2010 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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