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84 Sermon Illustrations on Pro Life

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Valuing life from conception to natural death, this subject emphasizes the sanctity and preciousness of every human being as taught in Scripture (Psalm 139:13-16). Christian preaching often contrasts God’s creation of life with cultural challenges such as abortion and cloning, using vivid images of vulnerable children, parental love, and the defense of the innocent (Jeremiah 1:5).

Survival of the Fittest: the Abortion Movement Shows Its True Colors

Mark 9:37

The story is heartbreaking. A woman showed up at an abortion clinic “in flip-flops and in tears,” having walked for an hour to have her fourth child aborted after her boyfriend lost his job. “‘This was a desired pregnancy — she’d been getting prenatal care — but they re-evaluated expenses and decided not to continue,’ said Dr. Pratima Grupta,” in the Associated Press report.

Yes, it’s a heartbreaking story. But columnist Bonnie Erbe sees it quite differently. “In the long run,” she asks, “can we agree that this unwed couple’s decision not to bring a fourth child into the world when they are having trouble feeding themselves and three children is no tragedy?”

After a brief analysis of the expenses of raising a child, Erbe then reiterates that their “fact-based, rational decision” is “no tragedy: it’s a good decision.” In fact, she believes, we’d all be better off if we could recapture the national mood we had just after Roe V. Wade, when abortion “was not something women whined about publicly on the scale many seem to now.” Unbelievable! It’s as if abortion is a good thing.

It’s appalling to see the shift in pro-choice attitudes that’s accompanied the worsening of our economy. For a while, pro-choicers were willing to humor mothers who were grieving over their aborted children. Not that they were willing to give up advocating the killing of those children, but some of them still recognized that these actually were children being killed, and that they had little to gain by denying it.

Just a few years ago, I spoke on this program about a group of abortion clinics where women were counseled to see abortion as “a loving act,” and encouraged to do things like write messages to their aborted children and take home colorful stones as mementos.

Well, things may be changing. Now, it appears, there’s no time or place for sentiment over one’s aborted child — ”not when the economy is depressed, jobs are scarce and family incomes are dropping,” as Erbe says. Get the job done and quit your whining, would seem to be her motto.

And she’s not alone. Katherine Ragsdale goes her one better by calling abortion a “blessing” when it enables women to continue their education or career. And Ragsdale has just been named the new dean of the Episcopal Divinity School in Cambridge, Massachusetts!

Just the other week, you may remember, I talked about British official Jonathan Porritt and his desire to cut his country’s population in half for the sake of the environment. Although Erbe bases her concern on the scarcity of economic resources instead of environmental ones, the message is fundamentally the same: Fewer humans means better living for those of us who do get to live.

If you remember your history, the famous satire by Jonathan Swift, Modest Proposal, suggested that Irish children be eaten to save resources. That’s just about where the pro-abortion movement seems to be heading — except this time there’s no satire about it.

Maybe it’s just as well that the abortion movement is starting to show its true colors. In stark contrast with the crisis pregnancy centers and the church volunteers who would lovingly help provide for parents in need, the “pro-choice” movement can now be seen for what it truly is: “no-choice” movement. Death is your duty to save the environment or the economy.

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Copyright (c) 2009 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

He Died For His Disabled Son

John 15:13

A few years ago, Catholic priest Fr. Thomas Vander Woude made headlines when he and his parish rallied to save the life of an unborn child with Down syndrome. [see below]

The parents had decided to abort, but Fr. Vander Woude got wind of what was happening, contacted the parents, and urged them to hold off while he and the Church used their social networks to appeal for an adoptive family. The response was overwhelming — and the child’s life was saved.

But there’s more to this story. Fr. Vander Woude learned about saving a victim of Down syndrome from certain death from his dad.

Also named Thomas, Fr.Vander Woude’s dad died in 2008 after leaping into a septic tank to save his youngest son, Joseph, who had fallen in. According to sources at the time, Thomas, 66, allowed himself to sink beneath the sewage while holding 20-year-old Joseph above his head until rescuers arrived. Joseph, the elder Thomas’ son and the younger Thomas’ brother, has Down syndrome. His father died so that his special needs son would live.

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"Moving the Cultural Needle for Life: Change Is Coming," John Stonestreet, BreakPoint Commentary, October 12, 2015, Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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If you ever ran into Nokesville, Virginia, dad Thomas S. Vander Woude, chances are you would also see his son Joseph. Whether Vander Woude was volunteering at church, coaching basketball or working on his farm, Joseph was often right there with him, pitching in with a smile, friends and neighbors said yesterday.

When Joseph, 20, who has Down syndrome, fell into a septic tank Monday in his back yard, Vander Woude jumped in after him. He saved him. And he died where he spent so much time living: at his son’s side.

“That’s how he lived,” Vander Woude’s daughter-in-law and neighbor, Maryan Vander Woude, said yesterday. “He lived sacrificing his life, everything, for his family.”

Vander Woude, 66, had gone to Mass at Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Gainesville on Monday, just as he did every day, and then worked in the yard with Joseph, the youngest of his seven sons, affectionately known as Josie. Joseph apparently fell through a piece of metal that covered a 2-by-2-foot opening in the septic tank, according to Prince William County police and family members.

Vander Woude rushed to the tank; a workman at the house saw what was happening and told Vander Woude’s wife, Mary Ellen, police said. They called 911 about 12 p.m. and tried to help the father and son in the meantime.

At some point, Vander Woude jumped in the tank, submerging himself in sewage so he could push his son up from below and keep his head above the muck, while Joseph’s mom and the workman pulled from above.

When rescue workers arrived, they pulled the two out, police said. Vander Woude, who had been in the tank for 15 to 20 minutes, was unconscious. Efforts to revive him were unsuccessful, and he was taken to a hospital, where he was pronounced dead, police said.

Joseph remains in Prince William Hospital with double pneumonia, and doctors are monitoring him for infection, said Erin Vander Woude, Thomas Vander Woude’s daughter-in-law. Joseph is in critical condition and on a ventilator, she said.

“He doesn’t know that his dad died,” she said.

For those who knew him, Vander Woude’s sacrifice was in keeping with a lifetime of giving.

“He’s the kind of guy who would give you the shirt off his back,” said neighbor Lee DeBrish. “And if he didn’t have one, he’d buy one for you.”

Vander Woude was a pilot in Vietnam, a daughter-in-law said. After the war, he worked as a commercial airline pilot and in the early 1980s moved his family to Prince William from Georgia. In the years to come, he would wear many hats: farmer, athletic director, volunteer coach, parishioner, handy neighbor, grandfather of 24, husband for 43 years.

He divided his Nokesville farm into multiple plots, offering land to all his sons so they could stay close to home if they wanted, the daughter-in-law said. His eldest, Tom, became a priest. Five others -- Steve, Dan, Bob, Chris and Pat -- all married. And there was Joseph, who loved helping with all the odd jobs that filled the retired days of his father.

“He was retired,” DeBrish said, “but that was a misnomer, because he was always out crankin’ with the backhoe or the tractor.”

All of Vander Woude’s sons except Joseph attended Seton School in Manassas, where Vander Woude volunteered as coach of the boys’ soccer and basketball teams for about 10 years, said the school’s director, Anne Carroll.

“He never took a cent for it,” she said. Carroll said that Vander Woude was a successful coach, winning multiple championships, but that his greatest strength was his ability to guide kids through challenges off the field.

“He was a mentor,” she said. “He wanted them to be good young men, not just good players.”

Vander Woude also served as athletic director at Christendom College in Front Royal for about five years, the school’s president, Timothy T. O’Donnell, said.

But loved ones said his favorite job was the one he did last: being a good dad.

“They always considered Joseph a wonderful blessing to the family,” said Francis Peffley, pastor at Holy Trinity, where Vander Woude served as a sacristan and also trained altar servers. “His whole life was spent serving people and sacrificing himself.... He gave the ultimate sacrifice.... Giving his life to save his son.”

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"Father Who Died Saving Son Known For Sacrifice," Jonathan Mummolo, Washington Post Staff, September 10, 2008; .

from (see notes) via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

For the Least of These

Job 20:19

When Tony Hall first met Mother Teresa, she took his solid left hand in her frail one. “I want you always to remember something,” she urged the U.S. congressman from Ohio. And as she gently folded each of his fingers, she accentuated, “For...the...least...of...these. I want you to always think of this.”

Ever since he came to faith in Christ many years ago, Tony Hall has lived his life in service to those Christ calls the “least of these” — the poor, the oppressed, the vulnerable.

That combination of conviction and action to serve the least of these is why we recently awarded Tony Hall the 2010 William Wilberforce award. The award, bestowed in years past on men like Congressman Frank Wolf, Father John Neuhaus, and Gary Haugen is given to those who are making a significant impact on the social ills of the day. Hall has done just that.

In 1984, partway into his 24 years in the House of Representatives, Tony was the first congressional leader to visit Ethiopia during its deadly famine. The devastation shocked him. “In a period of a few minutes,” he said, “I saw 25 children die.” And as a result, he sensed God calling him to focus his political work on humanitarian issues — particularly the needs of the poor and hungry around the globe.

Tony Hall co-founded and later chaired the House Select Committee on Hunger — dedicated to finding solutions to national and international hunger and poverty. When the House abolished the committee in 1993, Tony shocked his colleagues when he announced that he was beginning a 22-day fast to protest the action.

“Congress has lost its conscience,” he said at the time. And for more than three weeks he abstained from all food to draw attention to the more than nine million people who die every year from starvation and malnutrition. His fast, publicized in the media and joined by others who shared his concern, succeeded in pricking the consciences of many of our leaders, who went on to pass important legislation to battle world hunger.

In 2002 Tony Hall was confirmed as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture. In his three years of diplomatic service he continued as a leading advocate for hunger relief programs and the improvement of human-rights conditions around the world.

As a pro-life Democrat, Tony has courageously stood as an advocate for the rights and protections of unborn children — against his party. He has also shown concern for the rights of another group among “the least of these” — prisoners.

But his overriding passion has focused on the poor and hungry of the world, victimized not only by natural disasters such as famine, but also by political corruption and oppression. His passion has taken him to more than 100 countries. Three times he has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for his global humanitarian efforts.

Tony Hall once told a student audience at Georgetown University, “By working with the poor, you’re showing a sermon,” not just giving one. That, of course, is the Christian worldview in action, and an example we’d all do well to imitate.

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Copyright (c) 2009 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Frankie Has Two Mommies: Redefining Humanity

A letter recently published in the prestigious journal Nature told readers about a technique that could potentially “prevent a number of incurable genetic diseases.” But, as is often the case, exploiting the potential comes at a cost — like redefining what it means to be human.

The letter bore the innocuous sounding title “Pronuclear Transfer in Human Embryos to Prevent Transmission of Mitochondrial DNA Disease.”

Mitochondria are important parts of the cell because, among other things, they produce a chemical called ATP. And ATP provides usable energy for the cell. Mitochondria have their own DNA, which is passed from mother to child.

Illnesses associated with mitochondrial defects are serious and incurable. They include, to name but a few, heart, kidney and liver disease, diabetes, and dementia.

The researchers’ method of preventing these diseases was to first use in vitro fertilization to produce human zygotes. A zygote is a single cell that forms when a sperm cell and an egg fuse. These zygotes had defective mitochondrial DNA, which they inherited from the mother.

They then repeated the process, only this time using a female donor without the defect. This left them with two sets of zygotes — one healthy, one not.

What the researchers basically did was replace the defective mitochondria in one zygote with the healthy mitochondria of the other. The result, the letter declares, was “a seemingly healthy cell with the genetic identity” of the first couple, “and the mitochondria of the second woman.”

In other words, it produced a child who, genetically speaking, really does have two mommies.

Gerald Nadal, a molecular biologist, asked the question we should all be asking: “What have we done to ourselves?” Instead of being begotten, “children are manufactured in In Vitro Fertilization clinics...the composite of two mothers and one father.”

This “Frankenstein’s baby” came about, Nadal says, “through the destruction of two humans...[and] is a composite of its two destroyed progenitors.”

Our laudable desire to reduce suffering has led us to sacrifice our human dignity and identity.

C.S. Lewis wouldn’t be surprised. In The Abolition of Man, he warned that “the conquest of Nature, if the dreams of some scientific planners are realized, means the rule of a few hundreds of men over billions upon billions of men....The power of Man to make himself what he pleases means...the power of some men to make other men what they please.”

In the name of reducing suffering we have indeed opened a door to “the abolition of Man.” We are on our way to making human life customizable like a new sofa.

And instead of having intrinsic value as men and women made in the image of God, our worth will be a function of how we conform to someone else’s expectations.

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Copyright (c) 2010 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Lift Up Your Heads: Von Galen and the Third Reich

Job 3:20

Recently, I told you the story of Lothar Kreyssig, the Protestant German judge who defied the Third Reich’s program to rid Germany of what it called “lives unworthy of life.” [See HolwickID #63000] But while Kreyssig was exceptional, he wasn’t alone.

Clemens August Graf von Galen was the Bishop of Muenster. He became bishop in 1933, the same year Hitler came to power, and from the start he made life difficult for Nazi officials.

He opposed Reich policies in education and its attacks on religious freedom. When others were bending over backwards to avoid provoking the Nazis, von Galen went on the rhetorical offensive: He mocked Nazi ideology and defended the authority of the Old Testament against Nazi attacks.

But von Galen’s most important confrontation with the regime came over the Action T4 program - the Nazi effort to eliminate the physically and mentally disabled. By 1941, Nazi persecution of Catholics, which included sending thousands of priests to concentration camps, had caused leading German prelates, as historian Richard Evans put it, to “[keep] their heads down.”

But as more and more disabled patients were being murdered, keeping one’s head down became tantamount to complicity with evil. What’s more, as von Galen realized, it was futile - because the Nazis were going to persecute the Church, anyway.

So, in July and August of 1941, he delivered a series of sermons that denounced the Nazi regime. He told the German people that if the disabled could be killed with impunity, “then the way is open for the murder of all of us, when we become old and weak and thus unproductive.” If a regime could disregard the commandment against murder, it could do way with the other nine commandments as well.

The sermons caused an international sensation: Copies were sent to German soldiers at the front lines; the BBC read excerpts on the air. The local Nazi leader demanded that von Galen be executed. The bishop’s sister, a nun, was arrested and locked in the nunnery basement, from which she escaped by climbing out the window.

Von Galen himself expected to be martyred. But something extraordinary happened: The Nazis backed down. The bishop’s sermons had galvanized the public: nurses and orderlies began to obstruct the program. So Hitler issued an order suspending the gassing of disabled adults.

While the Nazis did continue to kill the disabled, especially children, they killed fewer and they took pains to hide it. As Evans has written, but for von Galen’s actions, the Nazis would have continued unhindered in their quest to rid German society of “those they continued to be a burden to it.”

Von Galen outlived the Third Reich but not by much: shortly after being made a Cardinal in 1946, he died from an appendix infection. But he wasn’t forgotten: in 2005, he was beatified by the Catholic Church. In Catholic terms, that makes him the “Blessed Clemens von Galen.” But it is we who are blessed by examples like his and that of Lothar Kreyssig. They stood up for life in circumstances we can’t imagine and forced a demonic dictatorship to back down.

Imagine what we could accomplish today with their kind of commitment and courage.

The Real Story of Christianity and Abortion

Mark 9:37

Performing Abortion is “God’s Work?” The Real Story of Christianity and Abortion

To the utter consternation of the abortion rights movement, the issue simply will not go away. Decades after they thought they had put the matter to rest with the Roe V. Wade decision, America’s conscience is more troubled than ever, and near panic appears regularly to break out among abortion activists. Such a panic is now underway, and the defenders of abortion are trotting out some of their most dishonest arguments. One of the worst is the claim that Christians have only quite recently become concerned about the sanctity of human life and the evil of abortion.

In fact, one of America’s most infamous abortion doctors, Dr. Willie Parker of Mississippi, has made such a claim in his new book, Life’s Work: A Moral Argument for Choice. Parker, who refers to himself as a Christian, writes: “If you take anti-abortion rhetoric at face value, without knowing much about the Bible, you might assume that the antis have Scripture on their side. That’s how dominant and pervasive their righteous rhetoric has become. But they do not. The Bible does not contain the word ‘abortion’ anywhere in it.”

This is the same argument we so often confront on sexuality issues. We are told that Jesus never said anything against same-sex marriage. The disingenuous nature of this argument is fully apparent when we look to a text like Matthew 19:3-6. Jesus makes abundantly clear that God’s intention “from the beginning” is that humanity, made male and female, should united in marriage and “the two shall become one flesh.” As Jesus continued, “What therefore God has joined together, let not man separate.” That should settle the matter.

Similarly, Dr. Parker claims that the Bible does not even mention abortion as a word, which is quite true but irrelevant. The Bible consistently reveals life as God’s gift and mandates the protection of human life, made in God’s image, at every stage of life and development.

As you might expect, Dr. Parker would not change his argument even if the Bible did condemn abortion by name. Why do I say this? Dr. Parker’s words speak better for themselves: “As an inspired document, the Bible is full of guidance for me about justice and love. But as a historical document, the Bible is a ruthless, unsparing record of the historic misogyny of the early Jewish and Christian people.” Later in his book he attributes the pro-life position to preoccupation with regulating sexual behavior and “a rigid reading of Scripture that invites no questioning or interpretive consideration.” It is only by undermining the Bible’s authority that he can make his pro-abortion argument.

Even more recently, Nicholas Kristof, an influential columnist for The New York Times, affirmed Dr. Willie Parker in his column, approvingly quoting Parker as he states, quite astoundingly: “I believe that as an abortion provider, I am doing God’s work.” Kristof is well known as a humanitarian, a defender of human rights and human dignity. The great tragedy is that his humanitarian vision does not extend to unborn human beings. He celebrates Parker as a doctor who had a “come to Jesus moment,” turning from pro-life conviction to performing abortions. He now believes it is “morally right” to perform abortions.

“If that seems incongruous,” Kristof writes, “let’s remember that conservative Christianity’s ferocious opposition to abortion is relatively new in historical terms.” He goes on to make Parker’s argument that the Bible “does not explicitly discuss abortion” and proceeds to states “there’s no evidence that Christians traditionally believed that life begins at conception.”

What is the truth? Let’s begin with where Kristof’s punch lands with force. He makes the case that America’s evangelical Christians came late to a consistently pro-life position. On this he is absolutely right. He is able to document the equivocation and confusion that abounded within evangelicalism, from the annual meetings of the Southern Baptist Convention in the early 1970s to the pages of Christianity Today. An embarrassing number of prominent evangelical preachers held to “moderate” views on abortion and speculated about when life begins and thus deserves protection. That did not begin to change until the latter years of that decade, when the biblical and theological logic of the pro-life position began to take hold of the evangelical mind and heart.

At this point we need to separate two issues that are confused in both Parker’s and Kristof’s argument. The first is the historic Christian understanding of the morality of abortion. The second is the question of when what some theologians have called “ensoulment” takes place. As for the second question, though it was a matter of intense speculation in late antiquity and the medieval age, it is not a helpful theological question, nor is it answerable. The only consistent biblical logic is to affirm the sanctity and dignity of every human life from the moment of fertilization.

As for the first question, the evidence is irrefutable. The early church was decidedly, vocally, and courageously pro-life and opposed to abortion. One of the earliest documents of Christianity after the New Testament is the Didache, dated to around A.D. 80-120. The teaching describes two ways: the way of life and the way of death. The way of life demands that Christians “shall not murder, you shall not commit adultery, ... you shall not murder a child by abortion nor commit infanticide.” Both abortion and infanticide were common in the Roman Empire. Christians were forbidden to murder any child, born or unborn. The way of life honors the sanctity of life.

Clement of Alexandria (A.D. 150-215) made clear the sin of women who “in order to hide their immorality, use abortive drugs which expel the matter completely dead, abort at the same time their human feelings.” Tertullian (A.D. 160-240) taught even more comprehensively: “For us, we may not destroy even the fetus in the womb, while as yet the human being derives blood from other parts of the body for its sustenance. To hinder a birth is just a speedier man-killing; nor does it matter when you take away a life that is born, or destroy one that is coming to birth. That is a man which is going to be one; you have the fruit already in the seed.” These two are just examples of a pro-life position rejecting abortion that included — at the very least — Athenagoras, Hippolytus, Basil the Great, Ambrose, Jerome, John Chrysostom, and Augustine.

As ethicist Ronald Sider commented, “Eight different authors in eleven different writings mention abortion. In every case, the writing unequivocally rejects abortion.” The most comprehensive survey of early Christianity on the question of abortion comes from Michael J. Gorman in Abortion and the Early Church. As Gorman states, “all Christian writers opposed abortion.” Every mention of abortion in the early church rejects it, forcefully.

The Apostolic Constitutions, a document from the fourth century, asserts: “Thou shalt not slay thy child by causing abortion, nor kill that which is begotten. For every thing that is shaped, and hath received a soul from God, if it be slain, shall be avenged, as being unjustly destroyed.”

Gorman writes: “Writers of the first three Christian centuries laid the theological and literary foundation for all subsequent early Christian writing on abortion. We will see that three important themes emerged during these centuries: the fetus is the creation of God; abortion is murder; and the judgment of God falls on those guilty of abortion.” Those three convictions lie at the heart of the Christian pro-life consensus that came together after the shock of the Roe V. Wade decision in 1973.

The shame is not that evangelicals hold these pro-life convictions now. The shame is that there was ever any evangelical equivocation on such a matter of life and death and human dignity. Furthermore, there can be no question that historic Christianity condemned abortion and affirmed the sanctity of human life, born and not yet born.

Let there be no confusion on this question. The Bible reveals the sanctity of all human life; the early church affirmed the sanctity of every human life; and anyone who performs an abortion is not “doing God’s work.” Rather, he is undoing it. As the Didache, echoing Deuteronomy, reminds us from so long ago — we are to choose the way of life, and never the way of death.

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NOTES:

Michael Gorman, Abortion and the Early Church: Christian, Jewish, and Pagan Attitudes in the Greco-Roman World (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Pubishers, 1998. Original edition InterVarsity Press, 1982).

Ronald Sider, ed. The Early Church on Killing: A Comprehensive Sourcebook on War, Abortion, and Capital Punishment (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2012).

Nicholas Kristof, “A Christian Abortion Doctor,” The New York Times, Sunday, May 7, 2017).

Dr. Willie Parker, Life’s Work: A Moral Argument for Choice (New York: 37INK/Atria, 2017).

The Inconsistent Logic of Abortion Rights Advocates

Mark 9:37

During the debate between Vice President Joe Biden and Republican vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan, the moderator asked a very interesting question. Basing her question on the fact that both Biden and Ryan are Catholic, Martha Raddatz asked the candidates to explain how their faith impacts their politics, especially related to the issue of abortion. The answers were perhaps surprisingly similar in their foundation but vastly different in their application.

Congressman Ryan stated that he believes life begins at conception, which is in keeping with Catholic doctrine. He declared that he cannot separate his faith from his politics on the issue of abortion. Therefore, Ryan concluded that the policies of a Romney-Ryan administration would oppose abortion except in cases of rape, incest and to save the mother’s life. It should be noted, however, that Ryan had stated previously his personal beliefs even oppose abortion in cases of rape and incest.

Vice President Biden offered a very similar response regarding the beginning of life. He acknowledged agreement that life begins at conception as a de fide doctrine of the Catholic Church. However, he went on to declare that he cannot force his morality on someone else and that a woman has the right to do as she wishes with her own body.

I doubt many people were shocked by the answers that Biden and Ryan offered. Some may have been surprised that Vice President Biden believes life begins at conception, and others may have been intrigued that Ryan did not espouse his personal views on abortion in cases of rape and incest. However, the general tenor of the answers held to firmly established party platforms for each candidate.

In the midst of this debate, I find it interesting that little evaluation has been offered of the inconsistency of Mr. Biden’s argument. There are two key elements of his answer that contradict many of his other political goals -- absolute autonomy and the refusal to impose his own morality.

The argument for autonomy is common in the abortion debate. It generally takes the following form: A woman has the right to do with her body as she pleases. Her right to privacy and free choice trumps any other right. No one can tell her what she can and cannot do. Thus, a woman should have the right to have an abortion for any reason. This is the effect of the collective Supreme Court rulings of Roe V. Wade and Doe V. Bolton in 1973.

There is logical and political inconsistency in this position, however, for Mr. Biden. This argument is libertarian in nature and raises the question of complete autonomy in every aspect of life. For example, Mr. Biden (and pro-choice advocates in general) desire to see abortion on demand with no questions asked of the woman involved. She should be completely free to choose abortion for herself. Yet, there are a number of “choices” limited by government restrictions that contradict the logic of this argument. In most states, a young woman under the age of 18 cannot get a tattoo. Even if she has parental consent, states like California, Illinois, New Hampshire, New York, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas and Washington make the tattooing of a minor a crime. In these states, parental consent cannot even trump the law to allow a minor to receive a tattoo.

By contrast, New York City is piloting a program in 13 of their public schools to make Plan B, the “morning-after pill,” available to young women without parental consent. Therefore, a 15-year-old girl cannot get a tattoo, but she can get an abortion-inducing drug. I ask the question: Is she completely autonomous? Is the government telling her that she cannot do with her body as she chooses? Why does it apply to tattoos but not abortion?

This libertarian argument can be extended to several other areas that are restricted or outlawed by the government. You cannot buy a non-diet soda larger than 16 ounces in New York City. A host of drugs are illegal, not only to buy or sell but even to possess. Marriage laws forbid a person from marrying his/her siblings and first cousins. Government even restricts the number of people one can marry. In each of these cases, government has said that you are not free to do with your body as you wish. If Mr. Biden and other abortion rights advocates want to be consistent, they must disavow laws like these as well. However, I imagine that government officials could make a reasonable case for such laws to be on the books. Thus, their inconsistency is exposed.

The other part of Mr. Biden’s response relates to the idea that he is unwilling to impose his morality on someone else. This is egregiously inconsistent for anyone involved in government. The role of laws established by government is the imposition of morality on others. Laws that prohibit murder, theft, fraud and slander impose someone’s morality on the rest of society. In fact, all laws impose morality. For the argument of abortion rights advocates to be consistent, one has to accept moral anarchy. Everyone should be able to do what is right in his own eyes.

Abortion rights advocates claim they do not want morality imposed on them, but they are willing to accept the imposition of their own morality on others. The recent birth control mandate added to the health care law imposes abortion rights morality on everyone by requiring that insurance companies supply birth control to all individuals covered at no charge to the patient. This mandate includes abortion-inducing drugs, such as Plan B and ella. If abortion rights advocates are so opposed to the imposition of morality on others, they should oppose this mandate as well.

As seen in the examples above, the logic of abortion rights advocates is inconsistent. Without even considering the merit of their arguments, one can see that they are unable to apply their logic universally.

Stem Cell Breakthrough: A Scientific and Ethical Leap Forward

Thirteen years ago, Dr. Shinya Yamanaka, a Japanese pharmacologist and researcher, made a social call to a friend’s fertility clinic. His friend invited him to look at some human embryos through a microscope.

What Yamanaka saw set him on a path that culminated in a Nobel Prize for Medicine and Physiology. And in the process has won him praise from the pro-life community.

As Yamanaka later told The New York Times, “when I saw the embryo, I suddenly realized there was such a small difference between it and my daughters ... I thought, we can’t keep destroying embryos for our research. There must be another way.”

The search for “another way” took eight years, but eventually Yamanaka and his colleagues at Kyoto University discovered a way to turn “adult skin cells into the equivalent of human embryonic stem cells without using an actual embryo.”

Using methods first developed with laboratory mice, Yamanaka and company “reprogrammed” the adult skin cells by adding “genes called master regulators to the skin cells’ chromosomes. These genes can change the cell’s behavior by turning other genes on and off.”

When the findings were announced five years ago, the moral implications were, if anything, even clearer than the scientific ones. The New York Times, in a bit of understatement, said that his research offered a “possible way around the thorny moral issues that have slowed the study of stem cells.” What the Times thought about the destruction of embryos was, of course, left unsaid.

Others were not as reticent: the Vatican followed his work closely and publicized it. Cardinal Justin Rigali, the chairman of the Vatican’s Pro-Life Committee, preached a homily in which he told the story of Yamanaka peering into the microscope. According to Rigali, “God can use a helpless embryo to change a human heart.” The National Right to Life Committee urged that Yamanaka be awarded the Nobel Prize.

Between 2009 and 2012, Yamanaka won three prestigious scientific prizes. Each of them cited the ethical, as well as scientific, impact of his work.

Then on October 8, he won the “big one,” the Nobel Prize for Physiology and Medicine, which he shares with John Gurdon of Great Britain.

As William Saletan of Slate magazine pointed out, the announcement completely omitted any reference to the moral and ethical implications of Yamanaka’s work. They merely cited him for developing “new tools” with which to fight diseases.

As Saletan also noted, much of the mainstream media followed the Nobel committee’s leading: The New York Times, which commented, albeit somewhat begrudgingly, on the implications five years ago, completely omitted any such reference this time.

If I were of a more suspicious bent, I might suspect that some people would rather ignore the obvious, and look silly in the process, than acknowledge that pro-life objections to embryonic stem-cell research stand on firm scientific, as well as moral, grounds.

Even when the Nobel laureate himself has acknowledged the moral considerations that motivated the research, they insist on ignoring the connection.

Well, consider this a shout from the housetops: Saletan is right when he says that Yamanaka deserves an additional Nobel in ethics for tearing “down the wall between preserving embryos and saving lives.”

________

Copyright (c) 2012 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Eric Metaxas via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database abortionmedical ethics

A Moral 'right' To Die?

Philippians 1:21

The Pew Research Center has released results of a study on views of end of life medical treatment. Among the findings is how different faith groups view the morality of ending life.

A fourth of evangelicals believe a person has a moral right to suicide if he or she “is ready to die, living is now a burden” (25 percent) or if that person “is an extremely heavy burden on family” (24 percent).

When the situation is escalated to an incurable disease, 36 percent of white evangelicals believe a person has a moral right to suicide. If the patient “is in a great deal of pain” with “no hope of improvement,” the percentage increases to 42 percent.

Should we be surprised by these increasing numbers? Is it concerning that growing percentages of evangelicals (and every other religious category) view suicide as a moral right?

When I was a seminary student, I took a class on the ethics of life and death. One of my classmates made a presentation asserting that he would rather take his life than live through a difficult disease. He based his conclusion on the words of Philippians 1:21, “For to me, to live is Christ and to die is gain.”

My classmate rebuffed any attempts to be talked out of his view that his moral right -- even his biblical right -- was to take the supposed perspective of the apostle Paul and seek death in order to be united with Christ.

While the Pew Research Center did not equate the changing views of faith groups with the Pauline declaration of Philippians 1:21, I cannot help but think that is at least in the background. Is this what Paul meant? Did he really intend to encourage Christians to seek death over life in difficult circumstances?

Let’s consider what was happening in Paul’s life.

In Philippians 1:7, we see that Paul has been imprisoned. He is fighting for his own freedom (and possibly his life) in front of the Roman authorities. Even though Paul was a Roman citizen and may have spent some of his imprisonment in house arrest, the Roman authorities were still not known for making the lives of their prisoners as comfortable as possible. In fact, it is likely that Paul considered his own life to be at risk from the Roman government. His spirits are buoyed by the love and affection of the believers in Philippi (Philippians 1:3–11), but life is still hard.

Taken out of context, Philippians 1:21 seems to be Paul’s final desire for death in the face of his circumstances. But we need to take a closer look. He goes on to say, “But if I am to live on in the flesh, this will mean fruitful labor for me; and I do not know which to choose” (Philippians 1:22). Verse 22 puts Paul’s struggle in context. He knows that if he continues living he will be fruitful spreading the Gospel, but if his life ends he will be united with Christ.

We then read the following: “But I am hard-pressed from both directions, having the desire to depart and be with Christ, for that is very much better; yet to remain on in the flesh is more necessary for your sake. Convinced of this, I know that I will remain and continue with you all for your progress and joy in the faith, so that your proud confidence in me may abound in Christ Jesus through my coming to you again” (Philippians 1:23–26).

Paul sets aside his own personal desire to be united with Christ and sets his sights on living for the benefit of those he loves. He considers it to be more necessary that his sufferings continue for the sake of the Philippians so that they will progress in their faith.

Now let’s revisit the topic at hand. Do we have a moral right to suicide? The text most often employed to justify this right (Philippians 1:21) actually compels us to continue living for the sake of others. No matter how bad the circumstances are, our suffering can be beneficial for the faith of others.

Suicide is often considered an escape from the pain of this world. No one desires to endure an extended bout with a terminal illness. No one wants to be a burden on family. However, claiming a moral right to suicide does not take into account the biblical understanding of the value of life and how persevering in terrible circumstances can build the faith of others and advance the Gospel.

Getting It Over With: What Euthanasia Steals From Us

Facing an unpleasant circumstance, sometimes we just want to “get it over with.” But that’s no way to approach people at the end of their life.

We talked recently on BreakPoint about the push towards assisted suicide and how language is being manipulated to win acceptance for a horrible practice. Instead of using terms like “euthanasia” or “assisted suicide,” advocates peddle the much-kinder sounding “aid in dying.”

But there’s more to say. Today I’d like to focus on how our hearts are being manipulated through a worldview that says nothing good can come from suffering — especially suffering unto death. And I’d like to do this primarily by telling a couple stories.

First story: My grandfather and grandmother have been married for more than 70 years. For years, they ran a dairy farm and delivered milk all over northern Virginia. Then because my grandmother was an incredible baker, they started a catering business. And my grandparents supported each other every step of the way. He was an accomplished pianist and church organist; she taught Sunday School for decades, and along the way they had two daughters, seven grandchildren, 17 great-grandchildren and even some great-greats. What an amazing life.

But for the last couple of weeks, my grandfather hasn’t been able to get out of bed. The reality is, he’s going to die soon. My grandmother has had no thought of “getting it over with.” She’s patiently, lovingly walking with her husband through the final days of his life. And she’s not alone — my mother is there with them, even though she has to make numerous trips back and forth. Other friends and family members are helping as well.

My mother told me what many people in similar situations say: It’s been difficult, but she wouldn’t have traded these last days with her dad for anything. They’re not “getting it over with”!

Story number two, from a coworker: His wife comes from a large family, and I mean large. Her mom had six brothers and sisters, her dad had nine. Well, her grandfather, George, was dying. The house where he and his wife, Marie, lived in had been the gathering place for all kinds of birthdays, holidays, and other things.

Now it would be a gathering place for his home going. His family decided, as he was growing weaker, that he would die at home. George wasn’t in much pain, but it was hard for him to breathe. All kinds of people would go into the bedroom to visit and talk and sit by his bedside. They gave George palliative care, but that was it. And there was absolutely no thought of “getting it over with.”

One day the pastor came. Years before, he and many other young shepherds would go to George and Marie’s for dinner and just to get fussed over. So now, maybe 40 years later, the pastor came to say goodbye. He sat on the edge of the bed with George propped up and Marie sitting next to them. The room was filled with maybe 30 people. There were four generations of family members who stood or sat on the floor and listened to George, Marie, and the pastor talk about old times. There was smiling, laughing, and wiping away tears.

And George died a few days later.

“I get teary thinking of it,” my colleague tells me. “I can’t imagine not having had that evening.”

Friends, euthanasia and assisted suicide will take these difficult but incredibly important moments away from us. We need these moments, to stretch our understanding of love, to deepen our relational thinking and to help our generation steward the heritage given to us by past generations. A culture that just wants to “get it over with” is a dehumanizing one.

It’s hard for my grandfather to depend completely on others right now. But it’s good for him, too, both to see people loving him and to let those people serve him. It’s good for him to know his frailty as he prepares to meet God. And it’s good for married couples to walk through the commitment that they made, “‘til death do us part, as long as we both shall live.”

Currently, five states allow assisted suicide, and Colorado may be poised to become the sixth. We can’t let ourselves be manipulated by this culture of death. We must overwhelm it with life, one bedside at a time.

________

Editor’s note: Shortly after John recorded this script, his grandfather went home to be with the Lord.

from BreakPoint Commentary · John Stonestreet via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro lifedeathold age

Live Each Day, Says Terminally Ill Woman

Job 3:20

Melinda Pinkerton was on the cross-country track team when her coach noticed the 14–year-old’s ankles turned inward when she ran. She recalls the date, Nov. 18, 2002, when her parents received the results of her MRI.

“They told me about the results; the big NF2 [Neurofibromatosis Type 2] word scared me. My first thought was that I was going to die,” Pinkerton wrote. “A month later, Dec. 18th, I had surgery to remove a grape-sized tumor that was squeezing my spinal cord flat.”

Neurofibromatosis Type 2 is not a form of cancer, but is an incurable, genetic nervous system disorder. Today, the 26-year-old Pinkerton has about eight major tumors on her brain, three major tumors on her spinal cord and 40 or 50 smaller tumors on the spine.

Despite the crippling disease, she savors life and is disturbed when others facing medical adversities choose to end their own lives, even under the guise of legal physician-assisted suicide.

Among notable cases, terminally ill cancer patient and right-to-die advocate Brittany Maynard ended her own life Nov. 1, 2014, at her Portland, Oregon, home. She took a lethal prescription administered under Oregon’s Death with Dignity Act.

Pinkerton’s father Mark Pinkerton gave up his medical practice to spend more time with his daughter. He now works as a professor of pharmacy at Cedarville University in Cedarville, Ohio. He said Melinda was shaken by Maynard’s choice.

“We were watching the news one night ... and it was top news about how Brittany took her life, and after that went off, she just broke [into] probably the hardest tears I have seen her have at all with this disease,” Mark Pinkerton said. “She was just devastated. She was broken.”

Melinda marveled at everything Maynard could still do when she took her life, such as travelling to the Grand Canyon and Machu Picchu.

“And she’s like, ‘Wow, I’ve done a lot of things myself that Brittany’s robbing herself of even. But at the same time, [Melinda] was trying to comprehend how can you do these things and come home and swallow a pill. And I said, ‘Well, if you look at that level of activity, and when is the last you had activity of that level? You’re 26 now, I would say probably your freshman year of college, if not junior [or] senior year of high school.”

Neurofibromatosis Type 2 sufferer Melinda Pinkerton worked with limited use of her hands and arms to paint this abstract acrylic that hangs in her father’s office at Cedarville University in Cedarville, Ohio.

Today, Melinda is deaf, cannot walk without a walker, and is losing her sight, balance and the use of her hands. But she maintains the blog, MyLifeWithNF2.com, where she recorded the memory of learning her fatal diagnosis. She writes frequent, encouraging blogposts and emails with the use of two fingers; maintains friendships and worldwide connections; prays for many and less frequently, paints acrylic abstracts.

“I have a peace,” she blogged Jan. 13. “It did not come without tears and questions and frustrations. Even last night I had more, but as I got in bed and reflected on the past few days -- grand days of living to the full -- I was happy. And in decisions I have made, I am happy and in this peace, I am happy.”

Neurofibromatosis Type 2 attacks one in 40,000 people, either passed genetically or spontaneously mutated. Melinda Pinkerton’s biological father, whom she calls “Daddy Cory,” died of the disease at age 24, weeks before Melinda’s mother Bonnie learned she was pregnant. Pinkerton married Bonnie before Melinda’s second birthday.

“The doctor told my Mom that I would have a 50% chance of genetically inheriting the NF2 disease. She had the option to abort me, but chose to keep me, as she trusted God that He had special plans for my life,” Melinda wrote on her blog. “I know it was not only special plans for me, but also for my Mom and sisters. Daddy Cory and Mom had both graduated from the same college, one year before a special man named Mark –- or ‘Mr. Mark’ as my sisters called him. That special man is now my Dad.”

Melinda has lived longer than expected. Her numbness is so severe she could burn herself without feeling it, her father said. She deals with headaches, neck and back pain, preferring to forego pain medications that cause drowsiness.

“She said I would just rather deal with pain than trying to stay awake all the time,” her father told Baptist Press. “And with where these tumors are it has caused her bowels to not work. And so there’s a lot of health conditions there she has to fight with each day.”

She went through menopause at 23, her pituitary gland doesn’t work, and her eight-to-10 daily prescriptions cause side effects. Her skin is thin and fragile from corticosteroids; she bruises easily because of blood thinners.

But she professes joy and strength in the Lord.

“I think what’s amazing with Melinda is she has an incredible ability to just laugh at life and laugh with life,” her father said. “I told her you can giggle in my house any time you want to, and she will. She just can find joy in little things.

“She’s terminal. How long, they won’t even try to guess. She’s lived longer than we thought. You kind of wonder how she’s living day to day. A couple of times we thought we’d lost her already.”

“Every month, in fact lately every week, we can see her condition declining.”

She encourages others to face life’s challenges and make the most of the blessing of life.

“She just said the other day that really if you had no hope, you didn’t know who God was, things like suicide, you can’t really blame anybody,” Pinkerton said. “But [we need to] realize that there is a better way than to live in such despair, to realize that it’s God that gives you that hope and joy and significance to live each day.

“She just said you know, you have to face the challenges. Keep doing what you love to do, even though it is hard and you have to find another way of doing it. Face the challenges as they are for what they are.”

Christians especially should encourage the terminally ill to appreciate all of the time God gives them on earth, said Pinkerton, who worked 20 years as a primary care physician.

“I’ve had many times I’ve seen what could have been a worst-case scenario death process, and it ended up being a beautiful thing. They were able to spend last minutes with family. The family has gone through the grieving process, the gift that this person gave their family through this prolonged illness, is the gift of that letting go, that grieving process that you work through, so when they do die, the grieving process has already been worked through for the most part.”

Doctors should be committed to helping people live, instead of speeding their death, Pinkerton said.

“It bothers me when our health situation seems so bad, we just want to brush it off and let it go,” Pinkerton said. “And the doctors even say, ‘Well, what do you want to do, take a pill?’ Well no, it’s time to go find a new doctor.”

Life and Death, Blessing and Cursing

Proverbs 8:36

The Bible is a pretty absolutist book.

All through it are uncompromising contrasts between the God who is and gods who aren’t, obedience and sin, life and death, blessing and cursing, light and darkness, belief and unbelief, heaven and hell.

To our modern ears, it sounds harsh to offer no third way to blessing and life. But those who find a third way to respond to God must torture the Scriptures to do so. It was not God’s intention to offer a third option.

Thus, the world has difficulty understanding pro-life Christians in the context of modern ways of thinking. Florida pastor Mac Brunson recently applied Proverbs 8:36 to Planned Parenthood President Cecile Richards and others who profit from abortion: “But he who sins against me wrongs his own soul; All those who hate me love death.” Those who believe the Bible have little difficulty with the application, understanding that love and hate is another biblical contrast.

If you have no regard for God, “hate” is the proper word in this verse, and if you profit from unjust death, “love” is the proper word. Pastor Brunson may be accused of intemperate language by some gentle souls; I think “prophetic” is a better understanding of what he said.

But it’s not exclusively a Planned Parenthood problem. A whole culture has evolved toward hate for God and love for death.

Abortion would not have taken hold in a culture that loved life. Neither would physician-assisted suicide have been thinkable or legalized in any U.S. state if we loved the God who is the source and lord of all our days and hours, the one who ascribes value to each individual. Many women and girls are pregnant too early, too often and at inconvenient times because biblical precepts regarding sexual purity are considered quaint. We do not honor our elderly as the Bible instructs but consider them a drain on limited medical resources.

What we believe is evident in what we tolerate, encourage and do.

Yet there is also a culture of life in America. Thousands of churches and millions of Christians do understand that their neighbors, even the inconvenient ones, bear the image of our Creator.

For that reason, we support those facing a pregnancy they cannot handle alone; we support adoption services, foster care for needy children, hunger relief, ministry to refugees, taking the Gospel to the lost of every tribe and a host of institutions and ministries aimed at keeping our neighbors alive while making them whole.

These things are counter-cultural, certainly in their motive, flowing from traits against which “there is no law,” as stated in Galatians 5:23. That means we’ll always find ways to help the helpless even in a society that scorns our motives and hates our God.

And in this unusually complex election year, we can affect the decision-making process of our communities and nation as part of our service to the God of life. Each of us must decide: Upon what values will we base our political involvement?

You first will have to determine that you will be involved, registered to vote, informed and fortified with convictions worthy of your heavenly citizenship.

I have more than once seen pundits wondering at how middle-class heartland voters vote “against their best interests,” meaning that we don’t always fall for promises to give us free money and instead try to vote with values both political parties find relatively trivial. Most opinion makers do not understand my “best interests.” A candidate who believes that some people have less worth than others or who panders to those who love death will not be my candidate for any office.

I do not have the option of sitting this one out. I continue to work alongside those who love life and will try to be one of that earnest number, but such work takes place in an amazing variety of contexts. We don’t need popular acclaim or even permission to live out the life that has been born in us by the Spirit of God. It’s as urgent as it’s ever been in our world, and our enemies remain the same as in past generations -- paganism, idolatry, our old fleshy selves, and the father of lies and death himself.

We must not be timid to reflect the light and truth of our Creator. Some will be saved from darkness and death as we show forth His light and life.

Reformers' Pro-Life Views Recounted

Mark 9:37

The pro-life ethic has deep historical roots, including advocacy by the 16th-century Protestant Reformers. Reformation leaders John Calvin and Martin Bucer both condemned willful termination of a pregnancy directly while Martin Luther addressed the dignity of unborn children and the glory of childbearing. Anabaptists likewise dignified unborn life.

The Reformers’ “anthropology -- their doctrine of humanity -- led them to confess that abortion was the killing of a human being,” said Union University bioethicist and provost C. Ben Mitchell. “Similarly, for pro-life evangelicals, biblical anthropology leads us to affirm the sanctity of every human life, from womb to tomb, because human beings are made in the image of the living God,” Mitchell told Baptist Press in written comments.

When Calvin addressed the destruction of unborn life, he didn’t mince words. “The fetus,” Calvin wrote in a commentary on Exodus 21:22, “though enclosed in the womb of its mother, is already a human being, and it is almost a monstrous crime to rob it of the life which it has not yet begun to enjoy. If it seems more horrible to kill a man in his own house than in a field, because a man’s house is his place of most secure refuge, it ought surely to be deemed more atrocious to destroy a fetus in the womb before it has come to light.”

In commenting on Psalm 139:16, Calvin spoke of “God’s having known” the “embryo” when “he was yet a shapeless mass” in the womb.

That view seems to contrast with a popular medical manual of the day written by German physician Eucharis Rosslin, who taught that “human life does not begin at conception,” according to Steven Ozment’s account of Reformation family life, “When Fathers Ruled.” Rosslin claimed that “during the first two months the womb contains only formless matter,” Ozment recounted.

Though abortion was regarded as sinful and illegal in medieval times, according to Wolfgang Muller’s “The Criminalization of Abortion in the West,” many people believed a baby was not human until 40 or 80 days following conception.

Calvin “sounds about as pro-life as you’re going to get,” Timothy George, Reformation scholar and dean of Samford University’s Beeson Divinity School, told Baptist Press.

Similarly, Bucer, a German Reformer, regarded abortion as “profoundly contrary to the divine institution of marriage,” according to H.J. Selderhuis’ “Marriage and Divorce in the Thought of Martin Bucer.”

Should a wife procure an abortion without her husband’s knowledge or consent, Bucer argued, he would have grounds for divorce.

Chemical and surgical abortions have been available since ancient times, according to Michael Gorman’s “Abortion and the Early Church.”

Luther apparently never addressed abortion directly, but he “reportedly maintained that a rational soul animated the fetus right from conception,” Muller wrote. That view “enjoyed great popularity among the Lutherans.”

In his 1522 treatise “The Estate of Marriage,” Luther said “a woman in the pangs of childbirth” should be encouraged with the admonition “that this work of God in you is pleasing to Him. Trust joyfully in His will, and let Him have his way with you. Work with all your might to bring forth the child.”

By giving birth, Luther said, a woman is doing God’s will “even if her child is born out of wedlock.”

Fathers who wish they did not have to “rock the baby, wash its diapers, make its bed, smell its stench [and] stay up nights with it,” Luther said, are in error. Amid the difficulties of parenthood, fathers and mothers should tell God, “I am certain that it is thus pleasing in thy sight.”

Anabaptist Janneken Munstdorp gave birth to a daughter while imprisoned for her faith and awaiting execution in 1573, according to George’s “Theology of the Reformers.” Munstdorp’s letter to her newborn seemed to reflect a tender care for preborn and infant life.

“Now that I have abided the time, and borne you under my heart with great sorrow for nine months,” Munstdorp wrote, “and given birth to you here in prison, in great pain, they have taken you from me. Here I lie, expecting death every morning, and shall now soon follow your dear father,” who was martyred.

“And I, your dear mother, write you, my dearest child, something for a remembrance, that you will thereby remember your dear father and your dear mother,” Munstdorp wrote.

Admittedly, George told Baptist Press, explicit treatments of abortion by Reformers are limited. Yet they obviously upheld the sanctity of unborn life. Reformers “didn’t address [abortion] more directly,” George said, because “it was just assumed” that anti-abortion sentiments were valid. “They were a part of the ongoing biblical, patristic, medieval, Catholic tradition. “This was part of the assumed consensus that all life was sacred and came from God, including the life in the womb before it was born,” George said.

________

David Roach is chief national correspondent for Baptist Press, the Southern Baptist Convention’s news service.

Make The Case For Life: How To Answer Pro-Abortion Arguments

Mark 9:37

Every year, thousands of Americans will stream to the National Mall to voice their support for the sanctity of all human life — and to mark the deadliest mistake in Supreme Court history: Roe V. Wade.

Now, you may not be able to attend the March for Life in Washington, D. C. or in any of the other cities that host one. But you can have those important conversations about life and abortion with friends, colleagues, and relatives.

In fact, you must. Don’t stay silent. Don’t succumb to cocktail party pressure. Don’t think that it’s only the job of professional speakers and writers and activists to speak out on the killing of innocent, preborn human beings. A case can be made for life that is thoughtful, reasonable, and articulate. To make that case, we have to be prepared.

Scott Klusendorf, founder of the Life Training Institute and one of the truly great pro-life apologists is a master at training others to make the case for life. Scott brings up the main objections people have about the pro-life position, discusses the arguments behind each objection, and then describes not only how to refute them but how to make the case for life.

We have to know how to make our fundamental case, that abortion is wrong. Our case is clear: First, it is wrong to intentionally kill innocent human beings. Second, abortion kills innocent human beings. Therefore, abortion is wrong.

Now, notice we’re not telling people how we feel. We’re not quoting a Bible verse or a religious authority. We’ve simply made an objective case, and from there we should be prepared to defend that argument.

For example, we can say with confidence that the science of embryology shows that from the earliest stages of development, you were a distinct living and whole human being — not part of another human being, but a whole distinct member of the human family. So, there’s no essential difference between you the embryo and you the adult that would justify killing you. Sure, your size, level of development and dependency, your environment were different when you were in utero, but these aren’t differences that justify killing you then as opposed to now.

That’s our case. And we’ll hear objections: “Well, you believe what you believe because you’re religious. You can’t impose your religious beliefs on me or on women.”

That’s called changing the subject. As Scott says, don’t let them do it. Tell your friend, politely, “Hold on, I just laid out a case as to why abortion is wrong. I gave reasons for my views. I noticed you didn’t refute them, you simply accused me of being religious.”

Then refer back to the main case: Killing an innocent human being is wrong. Abortion kills an innocent human being, therefore it’s wrong.

Another objection, which we hear a lot: “Women have a right to choose. Why are you against a woman’s right to choose?”

Well, ask the person: The right to choose what? Of course, women absolutely should have the choice about their careers, their health care, marriage. But some choices are wrong — like the choice to intentionally kill an innocent human being. And notice there, we’re taking the person back to the fundamental pro-life case.

Here’s one more objection: This is just a clump of cells, not a human being.

Even though embryology and science have proven this wrong, we still hear it. So you might tackle it this way: A clump of cells doesn’t grow into an adult human being. For example, take the cells on the back of your hand. They are part of you, but they, along with say, a sperm cell and an egg, are different from an embryo, which is a whole living organism, and as we’ve made clear, a whole human being, that will mature into adulthood.

And then we remind them of the case: It is wrong to kill an innocent human being.

________

Copyright (c) 2019 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · John Stonestreet & David Carlson (edited by David Holwick) via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Heroes For Life: Countercultural Defenders of Human Dignity

John 9:2

As Chuck Colson shared yesterday on BreakPoint, these are troubling times for human dignity and the pro-life movement. President-elect Obama has promised to pass the Freedom of Choice Act, which would eliminate every common-sense restriction passed on abortion at the state level and federal level in the past 20 years. The new administration is also encouraging embryonic stem cell research. And nowadays, 90 percent of babies diagnosed with Down syndrome prior to birth are aborted.

In times when many evangelicals are tempted to retreat from the front lines of the battle for human dignity, we need some modern-day heroes for life — people whose bold and countercultural stand for life can serve as inspiring role models.

So as the 36th anniversary of Roe V. Wade ominously approaches, I want to recognize a few people have chosen to put life first — way outside the boundaries of what most of us would call our comfort zones.

For one Illinois woman, being pro-life cost her her job. As a nurse at Christ Hospital in Oak Lawn, Illinois, Jill Stanek discovered that babies were being aborted alive and left to die in a utility room. When Jill publicized the atrocity, she was fired. That was seven years ago. Since then, she has fought relentlessly for the rights of the unborn, particularly for the passage of the Born Alive Infant Protection Act, which protects children who survive abortion.

A few states over in Michigan, Lucy Talbot, a mother of a daughter with Down syndrome, is fighting hard to combat the horrifying and rising trend of aborting babies with Down syndrome.

Lucy points out that no one congratulates the new parents of a Down syndrome baby. But she says, “It’s a baby first, and we have to congratulate” them.

Lucy has started a nonprofit organization to educate prospective parents about the joys and struggles of raising a child with Down syndrome — and to challenge obstetricians to offer a more positive perspective on Down syndrome to their patients. She even goes to hospitals during lunch to challenge the healthcare professionals to view Down syndrome differently.

In Ohio, a single woman named Anita White is making perhaps an even more unusual sacrifice. Anita always dreamed about getting married and starting a family. Although she has yet to marry, that didn’t stop her from making the heroic decision to adopt three “unwanted” children. One of her children survived a premature delivery and was born with cerebral palsy. She says, “I’m willing to take the children whom nobody else will take.”

In a culture that tells single people to live for themselves, Anita’s example is radically countercultural — and radically for life.

People like Jill, Lucy, and Anita remind me that there is still hope for those who can’t defend themselves. Life might be on the rocks across this country and in our courtrooms, but that doesn’t stop these remarkable individuals from continuing to champion human dignity one life at a time. Their examples challenge me to think creatively about how I can fight for life.

________

Copyright (c) 2009 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Mark Earley via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database heroabortiondisability

Getting It Over With: What Euthanasia Steals From Us

Facing an unpleasant circumstance, sometimes we just want to “get it over with.” But that’s no way to approach people at the end of their life.

We talked recently on BreakPoint about the push towards assisted suicide and how language is being manipulated to win acceptance for a horrible practice. Instead of using terms like “euthanasia” or “assisted suicide,” advocates peddle the much-kinder sounding “aid in dying.”

But there’s more to say. Today I’d like to focus on how our hearts are being manipulated through a worldview that says nothing good can come from suffering — especially suffering unto death. And I’d like to do this primarily by telling a couple stories.

First story: My grandfather and grandmother have been married for more than 70 years. For years, they ran a dairy farm and delivered milk all over northern Virginia. Then because my grandmother was an incredible baker, they started a catering business. And my grandparents supported each other every step of the way. He was an accomplished pianist and church organist; she taught Sunday School for decades, and along the way they had two daughters, seven grandchildren, 17 great-grandchildren and even some great-greats. What an amazing life.

But for the last couple of weeks, my grandfather hasn’t been able to get out of bed. The reality is, he’s going to die soon. My grandmother has had no thought of “getting it over with.” She’s patiently, lovingly walking with her husband through the final days of his life. And she’s not alone — my mother is there with them, even though she has to make numerous trips back and forth. Other friends and family members are helping as well.

My mother told me what many people in similar situations say: It’s been difficult, but she wouldn’t have traded these last days with her dad for anything. They’re not “getting it over with”!

Story number two, from a coworker: His wife comes from a large family, and I mean large. Her mom had six brothers and sisters, her dad had nine. Well, her grandfather, George, was dying. The house where he and his wife, Marie, lived in had been the gathering place for all kinds of birthdays, holidays, and other things.

Now it would be a gathering place for his home going. His family decided, as he was growing weaker, that he would die at home. George wasn’t in much pain, but it was hard for him to breathe. All kinds of people would go into the bedroom to visit and talk and sit by his bedside. They gave George palliative care, but that was it. And there was absolutely no thought of “getting it over with.”

One day the pastor came. Years before, he and many other young shepherds would go to George and Marie’s for dinner and just to get fussed over. So now, maybe 40 years later, the pastor came to say goodbye. He sat on the edge of the bed with George propped up and Marie sitting next to them. The room was filled with maybe 30 people. There were four generations of family members who stood or sat on the floor and listened to George, Marie, and the pastor talk about old times. There was smiling, laughing, and wiping away tears.

And George died a few days later.

“I get teary thinking of it,” my colleague tells me. “I can’t imagine not having had that evening.”

Friends, euthanasia and assisted suicide will take these difficult but incredibly important moments away from us. We need these moments, to stretch our understanding of love, to deepen our relational thinking and to help our generation steward the heritage given to us by past generations. A culture that just wants to “get it over with” is a dehumanizing one.

It’s hard for my grandfather to depend completely on others right now. But it’s good for him, too, both to see people loving him and to let those people serve him. It’s good for him to know his frailty as he prepares to meet God. And it’s good for married couples to walk through the commitment that they made, “‘til death do us part, as long as we both shall live.”

Currently, five states allow assisted suicide, and Colorado may be poised to become the sixth. We can’t let ourselves be manipulated by this culture of death. We must overwhelm it with life, one bedside at a time.

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Editor’s note: Shortly after John recorded this script, his grandfather went home to be with the Lord.

from BreakPoint Commentary · John Stonestreet via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro lifedeathold age

Destroying Abortion Myths: the Cost of 'Choice'

Mark 9:37

As Americans have learned more about the devastating impact of abortion, we've seen our country become more pro-life. But we're still a long way from building a culture of life that welcomes every child. To do that, we need to demolish the most pervasive myths about abortion. A new book titled The Cost of 'Choice': Women Evaluate the Impact of Abortion is a valuable tool in that effort. In a series of thought-provoking essays, women from all walks of life tackle those myths head-on.

Myth number one: Abortion is first and foremost a woman's issue. Again and again, the writers in this book make the case that abortion is an issue that hurts all of us, not least by pitting men, women, and children against each other. We've reached a point, the writers explain, where instead of providing support and solutions to women in crisis pregnancies, society often turns against them. The book is full of quotes and stories from women who aborted against their will because other people expected them to do so.

Also noteworthy here is an essay titled “The Feminist Case against Abortion,” in which Serrin M. Foster points out, “It is a man — abortion rights activist Larry Lader ... who credits himself with guiding a reluctant [Betty] Friedan, the first president of NOW to make abortion a serious issue for the organization.” Foster explains how Lader and Dr. Bernard Nathanson worked together to promote the abortion agenda to the feminist movement.

That leads to myth number two. Foster adds, “Dr. Nathanson, who later became a pro-life activist, said that he and Lader were able to persuade Friedan that abortion was a civil rights issue, basing much of their argument on the claim that tens of thousands of women died from illegal abortions each year. Nathanson later admitted that they had simply made up the numbers.” In other words, those who claim that repealing Roe would take us back to a Dark Age of women dying in back alleys are basing their argument on a lie.

Which takes us to myth number three: the myth that legalized abortion automatically means safe abortion. Again, the writers in The Cost of 'Choice' beg to differ. Attorney Denise Burke writes, “With the abortion industry's own statistics as a basis, it is clear that thousands of women are being injured by abortion each year and that some of them die.” And then there's the physical aftermath of abortion, examined most thoroughly here by Dr. Angela Lanfranchi in an essay on the much-maligned link between abortion and breast cancer.

To enumerate all the abortion-related myths dealt with here could take all day. But really, they're all part of one greater myth: the myth that abortion is good for women. As this book demonstrates, nothing could be further from the truth. Wilberforce Forum Fellow Paige Comstock Cunningham of the Center for Bioethics and Human Dignity sums it up well: “Women are simply offered abortion, the quick fix, while genuinely meaningful solutions to their social or personal problems are left unexplored. ... As long as abortion on demand remains legal and a constitutional right, women will continue to be isolated and exploited.” Please, don't tell us abortion is good for women.

FOR FURTHER READING AND INFORMATION:

• Erika Bachiochi, “The abortion debate,” Washington Times, 29 October 2004.

• Jan Wolfe, “Feminist argues cost of abortion,” The Heights (Boston College), 9 December 2004.

• Steven Ertelt, “Women Who Regret Their Abortions to Speak at Supreme Court,” Lifenews.com,11 January 2005.

• BreakPoint Commentary No. 041026, “Human Life: It's What Matters Most.”

• BreakPoint Commentary No. 041015, “Politics First, Women Second: The Illness They Won't Talk About.”

• Brian McGuire, “Abortion: A Tool of Male Oppression?“ interview with Serrin Foster, National Catholic Register, 16-22 April 2000.

• Jill Stanek, “How does 'moderating pro-choice position' translate?“ Worldnetdaily.com, 5 January 2005.

• Debra Rosenburg, “Anxiety Over Abortion,” Newsweek, 20 December 2005.

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Copyright © 2005 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro lifefeminism

Getting Wise To the Lies: Why Young Women Are Choosing Life

The numbers have abortion advocates running scared.

Twelve years ago, 49 percent of all women between age 18 and 29 thought unrestricted abortion should be the law of the land. Today, just 28 percent of young women hold this view.

Those who promote — and profit from — abortion are trying to figure out what's going on. Alexander Sanger, chairman of International Planned Parenthood, complains that the numbers are “unbelievably shocking.” And he warns: “It's not just the numbers that are down ... It's the enthusiasm.” When Sanger visits colleges, he finds that many no longer have an abortion rights group. But, as he told GLAMOUR magazine, he “has yet to visit one that doesn't have a strong, vocal faction of pro-life women.”

Abortion advocates are astonished because, after all, these are the very women who are supposed to want abortion rights the most. A story in GLAMOUR magazine, titled “The mysterious disappearance of young pro-choice women,” came up with several possible answers. Among them are three reasons. First, young women now take abortion rights for granted. Second, they think good birth control will make abortion obsolete. And third, they've seen ultrasound pictures of unborn babies.

GLAMOUR gets it partly right. But the magazine neglects the most important reasons. First, since pro-choice women aborted their daughters, those daughters didn't grow up to advocate for abortion rights. Meanwhile, pro-life women have taught their daughters why it's wrong to kill unborn children.

Second, today's college kids know that some of their sisters and brothers are missing because their mothers had abortions — and they know that, under different circumstances, they themselves might have been aborted.

Third, women who abort are breaking through the media blackout to tell their stories — telling younger women how their bodies were damaged by so-called safe, legal abortions — describing how their abortions led to infertility, and to emotional pain that won't go away. They're talking about the proven link between abortion and breast cancer, about the higher suicide rate among women who abort, and about women who are killed by chemical abortions. They're revealing the fact that huge numbers of women regret their abortions for the rest of their lives.

In short, young women are finally hearing the truth about abortion: it doesn't get rid of a “blob of tissue” — it kills a living baby. And it's not the “safe surgery” that advocates claim: it carries terrible risks and long-term consequences.

The fact that so many women have suffered at the hands of the abortion industry is tragic. But it's wonderful news that so many young women are finally getting wise to the lies. We will never win the abortion war without winning the hearts and minds of the American people — and especially young women.

This is why we must keep telling young people the truth behind abortion. And we must continue helping women in crisis pregnancies through groups like Care Net and the Nurturing Network.

For 32 years, support for legal abortion has been based on a pack of lies. But now, the truth is coming out, and young women are listening: abortion often damages women — and always kills babies.

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Copyright (c) 2005 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Pandora's Box: What Roe Has Wrought

This Sunday marks the thirty-third anniversary of the Roe v. Wade decision -- a day Americans should mark with sadness and shame. Forty million babies have been sacrificed on the altar of personal choice and autonomy.

When Roe came down, many of us argued that it was the beginning of a slippery slope, that once we devalued life in the womb we would devalue life -- and endanger life -- at all stages. After all, we had just established, as a matter of law and social priority, that individual choice trumps even the right to life.

Tragically, we have been proven right. The so-called “right to choose” has led to Supreme Court decisions like the Lawrence case that held that it is discriminatory for states to legislate against sodomy. As Justice Scalia put it in his dissent, “This opens the flood gates for gay marriage and makes it impossible for any morals legislation to be enacted.” He is right. Who can say the common good demands the preservation of traditional marriage when personal choice is exalted to the summum bonum of society and is constitutionally protected?

The worst post-Roe decision was Casey v. Planned Parenthood, in which Justice Kennedy wrote: “At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.” Now, if you take those words literally, it makes it impossible to legislate any determination of the common good, because inevitably, the individual then has the right to say that does not conform to his idea about the meaning of life. This is individualism run amok.

And this week more damage was done. By invoking federal drug laws, John Ashcroft, when he was U.S. Attorney General, tried to stop Oregon from allowing doctors to assist in patient suicide. This week the Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision, held that the federal government cannot bar the dispensing of controlled substances for assisted suicide in the face of a state provision permitting it.

Thankfully, it is a limited decision. The Court did not rule on the constitutionality of the assisted suicide -- except by implication. But it does suggest that six justices are sympathetic to it. If assisted suicide is ever permitted, it will soon become involuntary euthanasia, as it has in Holland.

I don't like to be an alarmist, but unless we do something -- such as getting more justices like Roberts, Scalia, and Thomas on the Court -- we will soon have Dutch-style euthanasia in America.

Some good news this week from the Court: On Thursday it unanimously ruled that a New Hampshire law requiring parental notification if a teenager is seeking an abortion can stand. An exception must be added for medical emergencies, but on principle, parental notification still passes constitutional muster. This vindicates the incremental strategy: Chip away at Roe.

On this anniversary, Christians must resolve to go on fighting, not only on behalf of the unborn, but addressing a broader question: Does our society have the capacity to rule itself according to what is the common good, adhering to its founding principles of the protection of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Or will it be swept up in the notion that the only thing that matters is that individuals can choose for themselves whatever they want?

Don't give up this struggle. We must resolve to fight smarter and harder -- for as long as it takes.

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Copyright (c) 2006 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

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from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Are All Lives Worth Living? A Dangerous Idea Moves Front and Center

In 1967, the New Jersey Supreme Court rejected a “wrongful birth” claim and framed its decision in an eloquent affirmation of human dignity:

“The right to life is inalienable in our society. A court cannot say what defects should prevent an embryo from being allowed life such that the denial at the opportunity to terminate the existence of a defective child in embryo can support a cause of action ... A child need not be perfect to have a worthwhile life .... The sanctity of the single human life is the decisive factor in this issue in tort. Eugenic considerations are not controlling. We are not talking here about the breeding of prize cattle. It may have been easier for the mother and less expensive for the father to have terminated the life of their child while he was an embryo, but these alleged detriments cannot stand against the preciousness of the single human life to support a remedy in tort.”

In other words, the New Jersey Court affirmed that every single human life, whatever its circumstances or genetic condition, is worthy of existence, and that existence is to be prized over nonexistence as a matter of principle.

Just six years later, the U. S. Supreme Court would hand down the infamous ROE V. WADE decision, legalizing abortion. With that sweeping decision, everything changed. As attorney Jay Webber explains, “The ROE opinion completely reshaped legal views of the unborn, however, and soon thereafter the New Jersey Supremes were singing a different tune. In 1979, that court became the first to recognize the torts of wrongful birth. In light of ROE, the Court said that eugenic considerations in fact did control decisions regarding the birth of a child.”

Keep all that in mind when you look at Sunday's edition of THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE. In this issue, writer Elizabeth Weil addresses the issue of “wrongful birth” claims and the ethical confusion into which these issues are now debated. Beyond this, she acknowledges that this issue points, not only to confusion, but to significant danger.

She should know. As she recounts in her essay, Weil and her husband decided roughly two years ago to abort an unborn child when she discovered at 23 weeks of gestation that “our unborn son had contracted cytyomegalovirius [sic].” That disease, if contracted by the mother for the first time while she is pregnant and then passed along to her fetus can lead to severe birth defects. “Most likely our child would be deaf, blind and have serious mental retardation -- a doctor friend told me that this prognosis could make a child with Down look like a walk in the park -- but no one could tell us for sure what our unborn son's health would be like. What is more, no good studies existed because most of the women in the samples terminated before birth.” So what did Weil and her husband decide to do? “We did what seemed right at the time: we aborted.”

In her lengthy essay, Weil reviews many of the current issues related to wrongful birth and wrongful life claims. At the center of her essay is the Branca family and little A. J. Branca, born June 11, 1999. As Weil explains, Donna Branca was 31 when she became pregnant with A. J. Therefore, many of the prenatal tests that are customarily done on older mothers were not performed on Branca and her baby. Even after she experienced bleeding and other complications of her pregnancy, her doctors did not offer her tests in order to determine whether the baby might be carrying a genetic disease. “Looking back now, of course, it's easy to say I should have asked more questions or maybe been a little more concerned,” Branca told Weil.

Just before A. J. was born, however, further complications led to a visit to another medical facility, where an amniocentesis test indicated that A. J. had a gene duplication and a gene deletion on his fourth chromosome. After A. J.'s birth, it was determined that he had Wolf-Hirschhorn syndrome, which often includes mental retardation, an inability to speak, physical disfigurement, as well as seizures and other problems.

“What happened next -- the years in which the Brancas came to love A. J. deeply and also to file a multimillion-dollar lawsuit claiming that Donna Branca's obstetrician's poor care deprived her of the right to abort him -- sheds an uncomfortable light on contemporary expectations about childbearing and on how much control we believe we should have over the babies we give birth to.” An uncomfortable light indeed.

Weil describes and defines many of the most sensitive issues with skill and insight. “The technology of prenatal care has been shifting rapidly,” she reminds readers. “Our ethical responses to the information provided has been shifting as well. As in many other realms, from marriage and its definition to end-of-life issues, those ethics and standards are being hashed out in the courts, in one lawsuit after another. And what those cases are exposing is the relatively new belief that we should have a right to choose which babies come into the world.”

Weil's candor is refreshing and frightening. She is certainly right in pointing to “the relatively new belief” that human beings should have a right to choose which lives are worth living and, armed with prenatal tests and diagnoses, which babies will be allowed to be born.

Thus, we now find ourselves living in the very Brave New World we have been fearing for decades -- a world in which human life is often reduced to the cold calculus of genetic testing and to the murderous subjectivity of those who will decide which lives are worth living.

The “new belief” that Weil describes is, she argues, built upon two related assumptions, both of fairly recent vintage. “The first is the assumption that if we choose to take advantage of contemporary technology, major flaws in our fetus's health will be detected before birth. The second assumption, more controversial, is that we will be able to do something -- namely, end the pregnancy -- if those flaws suggest a parenting project we would rather not undertake.”

As recent reports have made clear, many are deciding not to take on the “parenting project” Weil describes. The dramatic decrease in the number of babies born with Down syndrome is but one sign of the fact that prenatal genetic testing is leading to the termination of an untold number of pregnancies -- but certainly numbering in many thousands.

This is surely only a hint of things to come, for the number and comprehensiveness of new genetic tests increases each year. As Weil reports, the number of prenatal genetic tests jumped from 100 to 1,000 just between 1993 and 2003. Yet, even as the number of these tests has increased exponentially, there are still no ethical guidelines about how such information should be used. The questions are not matters of mere abstract ethical theory.

“Should it be OK to terminate a deaf child? What about a blind one? How mentally retarded is too mentally retarded? What if the child will develop a serious disease, like Huntington's later in life? According to one reproductive legal scholar, Susan Crockin in Newton, Massachusetts, 'As reproductive genetics opens up new possibilities, we should expect to see more of these cases, and we should expect to see more novel issues.'“

Of course, when dealing with the issue of genetic testing on embryos or prenatal patients, there are no medical means of “curing” the problem. The only option, and the very option implied in the tests themselves, is killing the fetus.

“At this moment, we are fairly adept at finding chromosomal flaws and horribly inept at fixing them,” Weil acknowledges. “There is no chemical or surgical remedy if you find your child-to-be has cystic fibrosis, fragile X, Down syndrome, Tay-Sachs, and anencephaly -- the list goes on and on.” Weil cites professor Leon Kass, former chairman of President Bush's Council on Bioethics, to the effect that “the only way to cure the illness is to prevent the patient.”

The courts have responded to these questions with even more confusion. About half of all states allow some form of wrongful-birth lawsuits, but few allow wrongful life suits. The reason for this is not completely clear, but the courts have been especially wary to enter into the question of whether a living person should be able to claim that non-existence is preferable to existence. Yet, some of these same courts have been willing to allow parents to argue that they were denied a right to terminate their pregnancy, had they known of the genetic disease or abnormality with which their child would be afflicted. In her explanation of the complexities, Weil borrows the language of the New Jersey Court's 1967 decision. “We may not want to give birth to disabled children,” she acknowledges, “but at the same time we do not want to see ourselves as reproducing in a way that calls to mind prize cattle.”

Some medical ethicists see this as a direct threat to human dignity. Adrienne Asch, a professor at Yeshiva University in New York, argues that parents “want to think that they are open to loving whomever comes into their families, and they don't want to think that they aren't.” Nevertheless, Asch suggests that many parents really aren't willing to accept whatever child may result from a pregnancy. She argues that the very existence and medical context of these prenatal tests comes with the “automatic assumption” that, should the testing reveal a disability, the pregnancy should be terminated. As she curtly explains, prenatal testing “is not a medical procedure to promote the health of the fetus. It is a procedure to give prospective parents information to decide whether or not to eliminate a possible future life.”

David Wasserman, a bioethicist at the University of Maryland, agrees with Asch, arguing that these prenatal tests legitimate fears of persons with impairments.

Laurie Zoloth rejects that argument. Director of the Center for Bioethics, Science and Society at Northwestern University, Zoloth seems to argue that these tests should simply be welcomed as a way of producing fewer persons with genetic abnormalities. “When people worry about curing too many things, I'm always glad that bioethics wasn't around when people were thinking about infectious diseases or polio or yellow fever,” she retorts. Of course, this argument is both dishonest and disingenuous. Those infectious diseases were killing and afflicting living persons, and the scientists who were seeking to cure those diseases were attempting to save lives, not to terminate lives considered to be unworthy of living. Weil commendably describes the struggle of the Branca family to love A. J. and take care of his needs. They did sue the doctors involved in her pregnancy, and won an undisclosed multimillion dollar settlement. That settlement allows A. J. to receive the very best medical care, but it was won on the basis of an argument that the Brancas would have aborted A. J. had they known about his afflictions in time. There can be no doubt that they love him dearly, and give themselves sacrificially to his care. But what are we to make of the argument that they would have aborted the pregnancy, had they been armed with sufficient information at just the right time?

Weil's argument also comes with other fascinating information. For one thing, she cites studies indicating that many of the tests intended to reveal genetic abnormalities are themselves suspect. In one major study, embryos were seen to be healthier as development proceeded. In other words, some embryos claimed to be defective turned out not to be as defective as thought -- and perhaps not defective at all.

As with so many other contentious issues, the questions of wrongful birth and wrongful life are now being adjudicated in the courts, where arguments about parental rights are pitting the interests of parents over against the interests of their unborn children.

“An unintended and particularly disconcerting consequence of all these new reproductive lawsuits is that they may bias the medical establishment toward termination, and some argue that such a bias already exists,” Weil acknowledges. The new field of “genetic counseling” adds yet another dimension of complication to the issue, with many genetic counselors evidently steering patients toward “starting again with a clean slate.”

Elizabeth Weil's essay is itself an important marker in the nation's debate over human dignity. Are all lives worth living? Elizabeth Weil and her husband decided to abort their unborn child, rather than to face the genetic complications that child was diagnosed as carrying. She expresses continuing confidence that they made the right decision. Still, the fact that she is the author of this essay indicates that questions remain, reaching even to the deepest levels of her own moral decision-making.

When any life is deemed to be unworthy of living, every single human life is cheapened, discounted, and threatened. We are living in an age increasingly without moral rules -- an age in which choices about life and death are now commonly made with specific reference to what kind of child we would welcome, and what quality of life we will accept and protect. The Christian affirmation must be that every single life is worthy of living -- EVERY life is worthy of our protection, our care, and our welcome. No one should ever discount the difficulties of dealing with children who are born with severe genetic abnormalities or serious diseases. Most of us, within our extended families or circle of friends, are intimately familiar with just how excruciating many of these situations can be. Nevertheless, these are the very same issues we will all face in terms of issues at the end of life, and at many points between birth and death.

The eugenic temptation is, in this modern age of advanced medical technologies, always too close at hand. If we do not learn to resist it, human dignity will soon rest in the dustbin.

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A Call To the Faithful: the Didache and Human Life

One of the most important early non-scriptural Christian documents is called the DIDACHE, written toward the end of the first century. As CHRISTIANITY TODAY explains in an excellent article last month, “While no one believes that any of the twelve apostles wrote it, scholars agree that the work is a faithful transmission of the apostles' teaching, intended primarily for the training of Gentile believers.”

So this is no mysterious subject of an ancient conspiracy, just a practical guide to discipleship and obedience — maybe not as thrilling to many readers and moviegoers, but a lot more important.

The DIDACHE came to my attention at the last meeting of the group Evangelicals and Catholics Together. As some of you know, I am one of the founders of the group, which is dedicated to finding common ground in our Christian faith and mission, and standing together in the culture war. Specifically, I came across the following passage

“There are two ways, a way of life and a way of death; there is a great difference between them ... in accordance with the precept of the teaching 'You shall not kill,' you shall not put a child to death by abortion nor kill it once it is born.... The way of death is this; they show no compassion for the poor. They do not suffer with the suffering. They do not acknowledge their Creator, they kill their children and by abortion cause God's creatures to perish; they drive away the needy, oppress the suffering; they are advocates of the rich and unjust judges of the poor; they are filled with every sin. May you be ever guiltless of all these sins!”

That's pretty powerful language, condemning the brutal practices of the Romans and of the pagan societies. But what really caught my attention is that this demonstrates so clearly that the sanctity of all human life is an issue that goes back to the very beginnings of the Church. That ought to be news to those who slam the so-called “religious right” as if abortion were some issue we just recently latched onto for political power. To the contrary, this struggle against the culture of death is an ancient one, going back two thousand years. The DIDACHE wisely identifies the unborn with the poor, and condemns the rich and unjust judges who oppress them.

Fascinating, isn't it? All the hoopla over the “Gospel of Judas,” which was discredited in the second century. The world, you see, wants to believe all kinds of deep dark secrets that might shake the foundations of the faith. But here comes a genuine document — no attention paid to it — but what it proves is the validity of the biblical account.

The DIDACHE, the Church's first written guide for discipleship, may not contain ear-tingling, earth-shattering revelations like all the other recent sensational disclosures, but it contains something much more important: a reminder of the Church's great heritage and a call to our generation to be as faithful as our ancestors were in protecting life and the weak and the defenseless.

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Copyright (c) 2006 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Christians Have 'Cultural Mandate'

The abandonment of sound Judeo-Christian moral principles foundational to the American republic and the embrace of ideas counter to those values are at the root of the nation’s cultural decline, Ken Connor told a chapel audience at New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary.

Christians are under “a cultural mandate” by which God has ordained their stewardship of all of His creation, Connor said in delivering the seminary’s annual Tharp Lecture Oct. 31. Connor is chairman and co-founder of the Center for a Just Society, a Washington-based evangelical public policy think tank.

“We are increasingly in this culture moving away from a sanctity of life ethic that maintains that human beings are special, precious and worthy of protection, to applauding a quality of life ethic that measures the net worth of people ... on the basis of their functional capacities,” Connor said. “This has profound implications for the handicapped, like Terri Schiavo, and the elderly, who live in nursing homes whose quality of life is compromised and who cost more to maintain than they produce.”

An advocate for the sanctity of life, Connor represented former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush in the Schiavo case, in which the Florida woman died after various legal and legislative challenges failed to stop the removal of her feeding tube.

Connor said the cheapening of life is a byproduct of a rejection of Judeo-Christian ideals: “For all practical purposes [as a culture] we have denied the existence of God, deconstructed truth and demoted man from the status of bearer of God’s image to simply the best of the beasts.”

As a result, Americans are living with the consequences of what Connor called “a new moral and philosophical order.” Among those: 47 million children have been aborted since Roe V. Wade in 1973; the divorce rate has doubled since 1960 while the marriage rate has declined, fueled by the push to abandon traditional heterosexual marriage.

“That new order, I would suggest to you, threatens the weak and the frail and the vulnerable in ways that we have not heretofore witnessed in our society,” Connor said.

Echoing a recent opinion piece he wrote for Baptist Press, Connor said the country was founded on a moral and theological consensus rooted in a belief in the God of the Bible. And of the rights granted by God, the most important is the right to life.

“The right to life is foundational to all others,” Connor said. “It is that right that, without which, no other right can exist. Our right to freely assemble, to worship as we please, to pray in the manner in which we please are all foundational to the right to life, without which, no other right can exist.”

Connor responded to secularists who he charged would toss away the foundational values of the republic in favor of a secular humanist view that gives rise to moral relativism, situational ethics and law determined solely by the state.

“This worldview, I would suggest to you, has led to an erosion of the respect for life and threatens the protection of the individual in our culture, especially for those who are the weakest, the frailest and the most vulnerable among us,” Connor said.

By contrast, Connor said, “The Judeo-Christian worldview, has led to the greatest freedom and the greatest protection the world has ever known.

“Ideas have consequences, folks,” Connor said. “What we believe determines how we behave.”

Connor cited Thomas Jefferson, who, while not evangelical, saw God as foundational to American democracy. “The only firm basis of a nation’s liberties,” Connor quoted Jefferson as writing, “is the conviction in the minds of the people that their liberties are a gift of God.”

In order to stem the tide of moral decline, Connor said, the church must “reclaim and proclaim the Gospel of Christ. We must remind man of who he is and what Christ has done for us. We must remind our neighbors and our co-workers and our friends that we have value because God loves us and gave Himself for us.”

Connor reminded the audience that there are no political solutions to moral problems, and that government reflects the views of the people it represents. It will be up to those in ministry to help shape those views.

Connor said the church should follow the examples of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego from the Old Testament Book of Daniel. The three Hebrew young men and other biblical role models set an example for the culture.

“The church must be willing to take a risk. We have to be willing to stick our necks out,” Connor said. “Because these young men were willing to stick their necks out, they were able to change the culture.”

While taking a stand will lead to persecution and resistance, Connor urged the seminarians to persevere. The seminary’s resurgence after Hurricane Katrina is cause for optimism, he added.

“As long as this seminary is able to produce people who proclaim the Gospel of Christ, who are willing to stick their necks out and persevere to the end, there is reason for hope.”

*

[Original illustration at this number was a duplicate of HolwickID #20931]

Rape Victim Chooses Life Over Abortion

Elizabeth Cameron, a virgin who was only 16 years old at the time, was forced into a van one day in December 2005 and raped by three men. Weeks later, she learned she was pregnant.

“Everyone, save for mum, thought I should have an abortion,” the resident of the South Coast of England told the Daily Mail, a British newspaper. “My dad even made an appointment at the clinic, and they showed me the little blob on the scan, I presume, to convince me that it was just a mass of cells and the whole thing would be over quickly.”

Elizabeth, however, had always been opposed to abortion. Nothing about her situation changed her mind.

“[I] couldn’t go through with it,” Elizabeth said. “At school, my friends -– most of whom didn’t even know about the rape -– couldn’t understand why anyone my age would want to have a baby rather than an abortion.

“Every time I look at Phoebe, I know I made the right decision,” Elizabeth told the Daily Mail. “I never wanted to end my baby’s life just because of how she came to be.”

Phoebe turned 2 years old Sept. 15.

________

The names have been changed for legal reasons, according to the Daily Mail.

Why Liberals Should Fear Stem-Cell Research

Mark 9:37

Most people do not understand what the stem-cell debate is really about. It is not an argument about when life begins, for it is a simple and uncontroversial biological fact that a human life begins when an embryo is created. The real question is a profoundly ethical one: Is a microscopic proto-human, with no self-awareness and no resemblance to us, morally equal to walking, talking human beings?

For much of human history, it was a brutal fact that people were NOT created equal; the wealthy and the strong dominated the weak with no qualms, assuming that this was the natural order of things. But in the Declaration of Independence, our country’s Founders asserted a revolutionary idea -- that the youngest and the oldest, the weakest and the strongest, all of us, simply by virtue of our common humanity, are in some basic and inalienable way equals.

This essentially liberal proposition is now being challenged by biotechnology, aided and abetted by our natural impulse to help the sick. But if we exploit and kill human embryos for humanitarian ends, we will have decided that some lives are worth more than others. Making that choice will require us to sacrifice our highest ideals.

from The Week (magazine); Original Article Is From The New York Times · Yuval Levin (edited) via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro lifeabortion

A Tale of Two Babies: When Children Are Less Than Human

Two little girls have recently been in the public eye — little girls who, by modern standards, could not be more different.

One of these children was so wanted by her parents that they jumped through nearly every hoop to conceive her, including years of health-endangering infertility treatments, IN VITRO fertilization, and finally surrogacy. (Peggy Orenstein, the child’s mother, tells the story in her new book, WAITING FOR DAISY.)

The other child was so unwanted that her mother, Jennifer Raper, is filing a “wrongful birth” suit against the doctor who botched her abortion and another doctor who failed to discern that she was still pregnant afterwards.

Two little girls, nothing in common — that’s how our society would perceive these children. But our society would be wrong, because both of these stories have the same focus: the adults. It’s all about THEIR “rights” to get what THEY want, or, as the case may be, not to get what they DON’T want. That’s what these two cases have in common: The BABY who should be at the center of the story becomes a THING to which a price tag is attached.

Peggy Orenstein herself tackles that fact with rare and searing honesty. She looks back on her rocky path to parenthood with ambivalence, acknowledging that the effort threatened her health and nearly destroyed her marriage. In an essay adapted from her book, she writes, “You don’t notice your motivation distorting, how conception rather than parenthood becomes the goal, how invested you become in its ‘achievement.’”

Despite her joy over her daughter’s eventual birth, Orenstein also felt so guilt-ridden that for the first time in more than twenty years, she found herself at the Jewish temple on the Day of Atonement. There she prayed for what she calls “the strength to forgive myself for the sins against my marriage and my own heart that I’d committed ... [the] betrayal of my deepest self.”

At least Orenstein’s daughter, unlike Jennifer Raper’s daughter, will not have to go through life with the knowledge that her mother believed she had no right to be here. But what else can we expect when we have trained people to believe that the most important thing about a baby is whether or not it is wanted? The Supreme Court case PLANNED PARENTHOOD V. CASEY infamously stated, “At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence.” Tragically, what this means is that our “concepts of existence” — our desires and needs and wishes and beliefs — now define our children’s lives. We have OUR rights — so-called — but what happened to theirs?

Orenstein, however hesitantly, believed she had the right to have a child at any cost. Raper believed that she had the right NOT to have a child if she did not want one. Both children, different as their situations are, demonstrate the reality in our culture today: the tragic reality that children have become mere commodities to meet our needs, or, if they don’t meet our needs, things to be discarded.

Now more than ever, Christians need to proclaim — and live out — the truth that children are indeed good. And they are good not because they meet our needs, but because they bear the image of God and propagate the human race. That’s our God-given task: Be fruitful and multiply.

________

Copyright (c) 2007 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

Pro-life Television: That's A Baby!

The scene on the popular medical drama HOUSE was typical TV. One doctor, a woman, was explaining to a pregnant woman what was being done to save her baby. But Dr. House, the strongly atheistic hero, kept correcting his colleague with the term “fetus.”

The mother was so sick that all the so-called “rational doctors” leaned toward aborting. The only doctor fighting for the child was a woman whose maternal instincts had clearly gone into overdrive, letting her emotions warp her judgment. As I said, this was typical TV.

But what happened after that was not-so-typical TV.

The mother would not abort, leading the medical team to perform risky fetal surgery. As Dr. House worked on the mother’s uterus, a tiny hand emerged and took his finger.

It was literally a re-enactment of the famous moment when surgeon Joseph Bruner found himself holding the hand of tiny Samuel Armas while operating on Samuel’s mother’s womb. While there has been some debate over whether that little hand reached out or fell out, there is no denying that Bruner touched the hand of a living human being. The photographer who took the picture was converted on the spot.

But who would expect now such a picture to turn up on primetime television?

This is not even the first time it’s happened. When one of our bloggers on THE POINT wrote about the HOUSE episode, another blogger noted that another primetime show, SCRUBS, had already done a similar scene. And then a blog commenter chimed in with news about pro-life storylines on CSI: MIAMI.

Now, when you have watched Hollywood for a while, you learn that one praiseworthy moment does not mean everything is rosy. HOUSE and the other shows I have mentioned have more than their share of so-called “mature themes,” and HOUSE adds to the mix a title character after atheist Richard Dawkins’s own heart. Even in the episode in question, the mother had been impregnated via insemination by a gay donor.

And yet — doesn’t that make what’s happening all the more remarkable? I don’t know whether any of these shows have Christian writers, directors, or actors. You certainly would not compare them with TOUCHED BY AN ANGEL. But somebody working on each show still recognized that there are truths that can’t be ignored, if only for the sake of creating good, realistic drama. If you’re talking about life and death these days, you cannot escape the fact that what is in the womb is life. Science has made it obvious. When truth is breaking out even on primetime television, that’s a real and important breakthrough.

And whatever the beliefs of those behind the scenes, they are making an impact. Even pro-choicers have marveled over the powerful moment on HOUSE. People who never thought twice about abortion will remember Dr. House telling his patient, “Don’t thank me. I would have killed the kid” — the word FETUS disappearing. People who would never listen to a sermon will remember the image of the unsentimental, rationalist, pro-choice doctor sitting alone, thoughtfully rubbing his fingers together where the little hand had touched them.

The Christian worldview acknowledges that we can’t expect perfection from the dark world around us. But what it does teach is that when the light of truth shines into the darkness, unexpected and amazing things can happen — even in Hollywood.

________

Copyright (c) 2007 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro lifetelevision

The Dinner Party Test

The Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists in England is concerned that a growing number of doctors there are refusing to perform abortions. The crisis they fear is actually a crisis of recovered moral consciousness.

The Independent newspaper [London] has published an amazing report on this and one paragraph is too important to miss. Look closely at these words:

Distaste at performing terminations combined with ethical and

religious convictions has led to a big increase in “conscientious

objectors” who request exemption from the task, the RCOG says. A

key factor is what specialists call “the dinner party test”.

Gynaecologists who specialise in fertility treatment creating

babies for childless couples are almost universally revered - but

no one boasts of being an abortionist.

This is a truly remarkable paragraph. The moral conscience rears its head in unexpected ways. “The dinner party test” is an amazing example of a common grace display of suppressed moral knowledge.

Philosopher Leon Kass, former chairman of the President’s Council on Bioethics, has long argued that humanity demonstrates a basic level of moral knowledge through a moral instinct he calls the “Yuck Factor.” As he explains, humans almost instinctively know that some actions are morally wrong, even if they have no elaborated moral argument to back up their judgment.

This new test -- “The Dinner Party Test” -- is very similar, but even more fascinating. Put bluntly, doctors who help people to have babies “are almost universally revered,” while “no one boasts of being an abortionist.”

The fundamental ugliness and tragic sinfulness of abortion makes for an awkward introduction at a dinner party. “I abort babies” is almost surely to lead to awkwardness and strained expressions from fellow guests -- even if these people claim to be “pro-choice.”

That response of moral repugnance reveals something of vital importance. “The Dinner Party Test” is a reminder that moral knowledge may be denied and repressed for some time, but it reappears in unexpected ways. The real “crisis” is a crisis of conscience reasserting itself.

The Culture of Death is a most awkward and embarrassing guest at a dinner party. “The Dinner Party Test” gets right to the heart of the matter.

Survival of the Fittest: the Abortion Movement Shows Its True Colors

Mark 9:37

The story is heartbreaking. A woman showed up at an abortion clinic “in flip-flops and in tears,” having walked for an hour to have her fourth child aborted after her boyfriend lost his job. “‘This was a desired pregnancy — she’d been getting prenatal care — but they re-evaluated expenses and decided not to continue,’ said Dr. Pratima Grupta,” in the Associated Press report.

Yes, it’s a heartbreaking story. But columnist Bonnie Erbe sees it quite differently. “In the long run,” she asks, “can we agree that this unwed couple’s decision not to bring a fourth child into the world when they are having trouble feeding themselves and three children is no tragedy?”

After a brief analysis of the expenses of raising a child, Erbe then reiterates that their “fact-based, rational decision” is “no tragedy: it’s a good decision.” In fact, she believes, we’d all be better off if we could recapture the national mood we had just after Roe V. Wade, when abortion “was not something women whined about publicly on the scale many seem to now.” Unbelievable! It’s as if abortion is a good thing.

It’s appalling to see the shift in pro-choice attitudes that’s accompanied the worsening of our economy. For a while, pro-choicers were willing to humor mothers who were grieving over their aborted children. Not that they were willing to give up advocating the killing of those children, but some of them still recognized that these actually were children being killed, and that they had little to gain by denying it.

Just a few years ago, I spoke on this program about a group of abortion clinics where women were counseled to see abortion as “a loving act,” and encouraged to do things like write messages to their aborted children and take home colorful stones as mementos.

Well, things may be changing. Now, it appears, there’s no time or place for sentiment over one’s aborted child — ”not when the economy is depressed, jobs are scarce and family incomes are dropping,” as Erbe says. Get the job done and quit your whining, would seem to be her motto.

And she’s not alone. Katherine Ragsdale goes her one better by calling abortion a “blessing” when it enables women to continue their education or career. And Ragsdale has just been named the new dean of the Episcopal Divinity School in Cambridge, Massachusetts!

Just the other week, you may remember, I talked about British official Jonathan Porritt and his desire to cut his country’s population in half for the sake of the environment. Although Erbe bases her concern on the scarcity of economic resources instead of environmental ones, the message is fundamentally the same: Fewer humans means better living for those of us who do get to live.

If you remember your history, the famous satire by Jonathan Swift, Modest Proposal, suggested that Irish children be eaten to save resources. That’s just about where the pro-abortion movement seems to be heading — except this time there’s no satire about it.

Maybe it’s just as well that the abortion movement is starting to show its true colors. In stark contrast with the crisis pregnancy centers and the church volunteers who would lovingly help provide for parents in need, the “pro-choice” movement can now be seen for what it truly is: “no-choice” movement. Death is your duty to save the environment or the economy.

________

Copyright (c) 2009 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

The Real Story of Christianity and Abortion

Mark 9:37

Performing Abortion is “God’s Work?” The Real Story of Christianity and Abortion

To the utter consternation of the abortion rights movement, the issue simply will not go away. Decades after they thought they had put the matter to rest with the Roe V. Wade decision, America’s conscience is more troubled than ever, and near panic appears regularly to break out among abortion activists. Such a panic is now underway, and the defenders of abortion are trotting out some of their most dishonest arguments. One of the worst is the claim that Christians have only quite recently become concerned about the sanctity of human life and the evil of abortion.

In fact, one of America’s most infamous abortion doctors, Dr. Willie Parker of Mississippi, has made such a claim in his new book, Life’s Work: A Moral Argument for Choice. Parker, who refers to himself as a Christian, writes: “If you take anti-abortion rhetoric at face value, without knowing much about the Bible, you might assume that the antis have Scripture on their side. That’s how dominant and pervasive their righteous rhetoric has become. But they do not. The Bible does not contain the word ‘abortion’ anywhere in it.”

This is the same argument we so often confront on sexuality issues. We are told that Jesus never said anything against same-sex marriage. The disingenuous nature of this argument is fully apparent when we look to a text like Matthew 19:3-6. Jesus makes abundantly clear that God’s intention “from the beginning” is that humanity, made male and female, should united in marriage and “the two shall become one flesh.” As Jesus continued, “What therefore God has joined together, let not man separate.” That should settle the matter.

Similarly, Dr. Parker claims that the Bible does not even mention abortion as a word, which is quite true but irrelevant. The Bible consistently reveals life as God’s gift and mandates the protection of human life, made in God’s image, at every stage of life and development.

As you might expect, Dr. Parker would not change his argument even if the Bible did condemn abortion by name. Why do I say this? Dr. Parker’s words speak better for themselves: “As an inspired document, the Bible is full of guidance for me about justice and love. But as a historical document, the Bible is a ruthless, unsparing record of the historic misogyny of the early Jewish and Christian people.” Later in his book he attributes the pro-life position to preoccupation with regulating sexual behavior and “a rigid reading of Scripture that invites no questioning or interpretive consideration.” It is only by undermining the Bible’s authority that he can make his pro-abortion argument.

Even more recently, Nicholas Kristof, an influential columnist for The New York Times, affirmed Dr. Willie Parker in his column, approvingly quoting Parker as he states, quite astoundingly: “I believe that as an abortion provider, I am doing God’s work.” Kristof is well known as a humanitarian, a defender of human rights and human dignity. The great tragedy is that his humanitarian vision does not extend to unborn human beings. He celebrates Parker as a doctor who had a “come to Jesus moment,” turning from pro-life conviction to performing abortions. He now believes it is “morally right” to perform abortions.

“If that seems incongruous,” Kristof writes, “let’s remember that conservative Christianity’s ferocious opposition to abortion is relatively new in historical terms.” He goes on to make Parker’s argument that the Bible “does not explicitly discuss abortion” and proceeds to states “there’s no evidence that Christians traditionally believed that life begins at conception.”

What is the truth? Let’s begin with where Kristof’s punch lands with force. He makes the case that America’s evangelical Christians came late to a consistently pro-life position. On this he is absolutely right. He is able to document the equivocation and confusion that abounded within evangelicalism, from the annual meetings of the Southern Baptist Convention in the early 1970s to the pages of Christianity Today. An embarrassing number of prominent evangelical preachers held to “moderate” views on abortion and speculated about when life begins and thus deserves protection. That did not begin to change until the latter years of that decade, when the biblical and theological logic of the pro-life position began to take hold of the evangelical mind and heart.

At this point we need to separate two issues that are confused in both Parker’s and Kristof’s argument. The first is the historic Christian understanding of the morality of abortion. The second is the question of when what some theologians have called “ensoulment” takes place. As for the second question, though it was a matter of intense speculation in late antiquity and the medieval age, it is not a helpful theological question, nor is it answerable. The only consistent biblical logic is to affirm the sanctity and dignity of every human life from the moment of fertilization.

As for the first question, the evidence is irrefutable. The early church was decidedly, vocally, and courageously pro-life and opposed to abortion. One of the earliest documents of Christianity after the New Testament is the Didache, dated to around A.D. 80-120. The teaching describes two ways: the way of life and the way of death. The way of life demands that Christians “shall not murder, you shall not commit adultery, ... you shall not murder a child by abortion nor commit infanticide.” Both abortion and infanticide were common in the Roman Empire. Christians were forbidden to murder any child, born or unborn. The way of life honors the sanctity of life.

Clement of Alexandria (A.D. 150-215) made clear the sin of women who “in order to hide their immorality, use abortive drugs which expel the matter completely dead, abort at the same time their human feelings.” Tertullian (A.D. 160-240) taught even more comprehensively: “For us, we may not destroy even the fetus in the womb, while as yet the human being derives blood from other parts of the body for its sustenance. To hinder a birth is just a speedier man-killing; nor does it matter when you take away a life that is born, or destroy one that is coming to birth. That is a man which is going to be one; you have the fruit already in the seed.” These two are just examples of a pro-life position rejecting abortion that included — at the very least — Athenagoras, Hippolytus, Basil the Great, Ambrose, Jerome, John Chrysostom, and Augustine.

As ethicist Ronald Sider commented, “Eight different authors in eleven different writings mention abortion. In every case, the writing unequivocally rejects abortion.” The most comprehensive survey of early Christianity on the question of abortion comes from Michael J. Gorman in Abortion and the Early Church. As Gorman states, “all Christian writers opposed abortion.” Every mention of abortion in the early church rejects it, forcefully.

The Apostolic Constitutions, a document from the fourth century, asserts: “Thou shalt not slay thy child by causing abortion, nor kill that which is begotten. For every thing that is shaped, and hath received a soul from God, if it be slain, shall be avenged, as being unjustly destroyed.”

Gorman writes: “Writers of the first three Christian centuries laid the theological and literary foundation for all subsequent early Christian writing on abortion. We will see that three important themes emerged during these centuries: the fetus is the creation of God; abortion is murder; and the judgment of God falls on those guilty of abortion.” Those three convictions lie at the heart of the Christian pro-life consensus that came together after the shock of the Roe V. Wade decision in 1973.

The shame is not that evangelicals hold these pro-life convictions now. The shame is that there was ever any evangelical equivocation on such a matter of life and death and human dignity. Furthermore, there can be no question that historic Christianity condemned abortion and affirmed the sanctity of human life, born and not yet born.

Let there be no confusion on this question. The Bible reveals the sanctity of all human life; the early church affirmed the sanctity of every human life; and anyone who performs an abortion is not “doing God’s work.” Rather, he is undoing it. As the Didache, echoing Deuteronomy, reminds us from so long ago — we are to choose the way of life, and never the way of death.

________

NOTES:

Michael Gorman, Abortion and the Early Church: Christian, Jewish, and Pagan Attitudes in the Greco-Roman World (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Pubishers, 1998. Original edition InterVarsity Press, 1982).

Ronald Sider, ed. The Early Church on Killing: A Comprehensive Sourcebook on War, Abortion, and Capital Punishment (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2012).

Nicholas Kristof, “A Christian Abortion Doctor,” The New York Times, Sunday, May 7, 2017).

Dr. Willie Parker, Life’s Work: A Moral Argument for Choice (New York: 37INK/Atria, 2017).

The Inconsistent Logic of Abortion Rights Advocates

Mark 9:37

During the debate between Vice President Joe Biden and Republican vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan, the moderator asked a very interesting question. Basing her question on the fact that both Biden and Ryan are Catholic, Martha Raddatz asked the candidates to explain how their faith impacts their politics, especially related to the issue of abortion. The answers were perhaps surprisingly similar in their foundation but vastly different in their application.

Congressman Ryan stated that he believes life begins at conception, which is in keeping with Catholic doctrine. He declared that he cannot separate his faith from his politics on the issue of abortion. Therefore, Ryan concluded that the policies of a Romney-Ryan administration would oppose abortion except in cases of rape, incest and to save the mother’s life. It should be noted, however, that Ryan had stated previously his personal beliefs even oppose abortion in cases of rape and incest.

Vice President Biden offered a very similar response regarding the beginning of life. He acknowledged agreement that life begins at conception as a de fide doctrine of the Catholic Church. However, he went on to declare that he cannot force his morality on someone else and that a woman has the right to do as she wishes with her own body.

I doubt many people were shocked by the answers that Biden and Ryan offered. Some may have been surprised that Vice President Biden believes life begins at conception, and others may have been intrigued that Ryan did not espouse his personal views on abortion in cases of rape and incest. However, the general tenor of the answers held to firmly established party platforms for each candidate.

In the midst of this debate, I find it interesting that little evaluation has been offered of the inconsistency of Mr. Biden’s argument. There are two key elements of his answer that contradict many of his other political goals -- absolute autonomy and the refusal to impose his own morality.

The argument for autonomy is common in the abortion debate. It generally takes the following form: A woman has the right to do with her body as she pleases. Her right to privacy and free choice trumps any other right. No one can tell her what she can and cannot do. Thus, a woman should have the right to have an abortion for any reason. This is the effect of the collective Supreme Court rulings of Roe V. Wade and Doe V. Bolton in 1973.

There is logical and political inconsistency in this position, however, for Mr. Biden. This argument is libertarian in nature and raises the question of complete autonomy in every aspect of life. For example, Mr. Biden (and pro-choice advocates in general) desire to see abortion on demand with no questions asked of the woman involved. She should be completely free to choose abortion for herself. Yet, there are a number of “choices” limited by government restrictions that contradict the logic of this argument. In most states, a young woman under the age of 18 cannot get a tattoo. Even if she has parental consent, states like California, Illinois, New Hampshire, New York, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas and Washington make the tattooing of a minor a crime. In these states, parental consent cannot even trump the law to allow a minor to receive a tattoo.

By contrast, New York City is piloting a program in 13 of their public schools to make Plan B, the “morning-after pill,” available to young women without parental consent. Therefore, a 15-year-old girl cannot get a tattoo, but she can get an abortion-inducing drug. I ask the question: Is she completely autonomous? Is the government telling her that she cannot do with her body as she chooses? Why does it apply to tattoos but not abortion?

This libertarian argument can be extended to several other areas that are restricted or outlawed by the government. You cannot buy a non-diet soda larger than 16 ounces in New York City. A host of drugs are illegal, not only to buy or sell but even to possess. Marriage laws forbid a person from marrying his/her siblings and first cousins. Government even restricts the number of people one can marry. In each of these cases, government has said that you are not free to do with your body as you wish. If Mr. Biden and other abortion rights advocates want to be consistent, they must disavow laws like these as well. However, I imagine that government officials could make a reasonable case for such laws to be on the books. Thus, their inconsistency is exposed.

The other part of Mr. Biden’s response relates to the idea that he is unwilling to impose his morality on someone else. This is egregiously inconsistent for anyone involved in government. The role of laws established by government is the imposition of morality on others. Laws that prohibit murder, theft, fraud and slander impose someone’s morality on the rest of society. In fact, all laws impose morality. For the argument of abortion rights advocates to be consistent, one has to accept moral anarchy. Everyone should be able to do what is right in his own eyes.

Abortion rights advocates claim they do not want morality imposed on them, but they are willing to accept the imposition of their own morality on others. The recent birth control mandate added to the health care law imposes abortion rights morality on everyone by requiring that insurance companies supply birth control to all individuals covered at no charge to the patient. This mandate includes abortion-inducing drugs, such as Plan B and ella. If abortion rights advocates are so opposed to the imposition of morality on others, they should oppose this mandate as well.

As seen in the examples above, the logic of abortion rights advocates is inconsistent. Without even considering the merit of their arguments, one can see that they are unable to apply their logic universally.

Life and Death, Blessing and Cursing

Proverbs 8:36

The Bible is a pretty absolutist book.

All through it are uncompromising contrasts between the God who is and gods who aren’t, obedience and sin, life and death, blessing and cursing, light and darkness, belief and unbelief, heaven and hell.

To our modern ears, it sounds harsh to offer no third way to blessing and life. But those who find a third way to respond to God must torture the Scriptures to do so. It was not God’s intention to offer a third option.

Thus, the world has difficulty understanding pro-life Christians in the context of modern ways of thinking. Florida pastor Mac Brunson recently applied Proverbs 8:36 to Planned Parenthood President Cecile Richards and others who profit from abortion: “But he who sins against me wrongs his own soul; All those who hate me love death.” Those who believe the Bible have little difficulty with the application, understanding that love and hate is another biblical contrast.

If you have no regard for God, “hate” is the proper word in this verse, and if you profit from unjust death, “love” is the proper word. Pastor Brunson may be accused of intemperate language by some gentle souls; I think “prophetic” is a better understanding of what he said.

But it’s not exclusively a Planned Parenthood problem. A whole culture has evolved toward hate for God and love for death.

Abortion would not have taken hold in a culture that loved life. Neither would physician-assisted suicide have been thinkable or legalized in any U.S. state if we loved the God who is the source and lord of all our days and hours, the one who ascribes value to each individual. Many women and girls are pregnant too early, too often and at inconvenient times because biblical precepts regarding sexual purity are considered quaint. We do not honor our elderly as the Bible instructs but consider them a drain on limited medical resources.

What we believe is evident in what we tolerate, encourage and do.

Yet there is also a culture of life in America. Thousands of churches and millions of Christians do understand that their neighbors, even the inconvenient ones, bear the image of our Creator.

For that reason, we support those facing a pregnancy they cannot handle alone; we support adoption services, foster care for needy children, hunger relief, ministry to refugees, taking the Gospel to the lost of every tribe and a host of institutions and ministries aimed at keeping our neighbors alive while making them whole.

These things are counter-cultural, certainly in their motive, flowing from traits against which “there is no law,” as stated in Galatians 5:23. That means we’ll always find ways to help the helpless even in a society that scorns our motives and hates our God.

And in this unusually complex election year, we can affect the decision-making process of our communities and nation as part of our service to the God of life. Each of us must decide: Upon what values will we base our political involvement?

You first will have to determine that you will be involved, registered to vote, informed and fortified with convictions worthy of your heavenly citizenship.

I have more than once seen pundits wondering at how middle-class heartland voters vote “against their best interests,” meaning that we don’t always fall for promises to give us free money and instead try to vote with values both political parties find relatively trivial. Most opinion makers do not understand my “best interests.” A candidate who believes that some people have less worth than others or who panders to those who love death will not be my candidate for any office.

I do not have the option of sitting this one out. I continue to work alongside those who love life and will try to be one of that earnest number, but such work takes place in an amazing variety of contexts. We don’t need popular acclaim or even permission to live out the life that has been born in us by the Spirit of God. It’s as urgent as it’s ever been in our world, and our enemies remain the same as in past generations -- paganism, idolatry, our old fleshy selves, and the father of lies and death himself.

We must not be timid to reflect the light and truth of our Creator. Some will be saved from darkness and death as we show forth His light and life.

Make The Case For Life: How To Answer Pro-Abortion Arguments

Mark 9:37

Every year, thousands of Americans will stream to the National Mall to voice their support for the sanctity of all human life — and to mark the deadliest mistake in Supreme Court history: Roe V. Wade.

Now, you may not be able to attend the March for Life in Washington, D. C. or in any of the other cities that host one. But you can have those important conversations about life and abortion with friends, colleagues, and relatives.

In fact, you must. Don’t stay silent. Don’t succumb to cocktail party pressure. Don’t think that it’s only the job of professional speakers and writers and activists to speak out on the killing of innocent, preborn human beings. A case can be made for life that is thoughtful, reasonable, and articulate. To make that case, we have to be prepared.

Scott Klusendorf, founder of the Life Training Institute and one of the truly great pro-life apologists is a master at training others to make the case for life. Scott brings up the main objections people have about the pro-life position, discusses the arguments behind each objection, and then describes not only how to refute them but how to make the case for life.

We have to know how to make our fundamental case, that abortion is wrong. Our case is clear: First, it is wrong to intentionally kill innocent human beings. Second, abortion kills innocent human beings. Therefore, abortion is wrong.

Now, notice we’re not telling people how we feel. We’re not quoting a Bible verse or a religious authority. We’ve simply made an objective case, and from there we should be prepared to defend that argument.

For example, we can say with confidence that the science of embryology shows that from the earliest stages of development, you were a distinct living and whole human being — not part of another human being, but a whole distinct member of the human family. So, there’s no essential difference between you the embryo and you the adult that would justify killing you. Sure, your size, level of development and dependency, your environment were different when you were in utero, but these aren’t differences that justify killing you then as opposed to now.

That’s our case. And we’ll hear objections: “Well, you believe what you believe because you’re religious. You can’t impose your religious beliefs on me or on women.”

That’s called changing the subject. As Scott says, don’t let them do it. Tell your friend, politely, “Hold on, I just laid out a case as to why abortion is wrong. I gave reasons for my views. I noticed you didn’t refute them, you simply accused me of being religious.”

Then refer back to the main case: Killing an innocent human being is wrong. Abortion kills an innocent human being, therefore it’s wrong.

Another objection, which we hear a lot: “Women have a right to choose. Why are you against a woman’s right to choose?”

Well, ask the person: The right to choose what? Of course, women absolutely should have the choice about their careers, their health care, marriage. But some choices are wrong — like the choice to intentionally kill an innocent human being. And notice there, we’re taking the person back to the fundamental pro-life case.

Here’s one more objection: This is just a clump of cells, not a human being.

Even though embryology and science have proven this wrong, we still hear it. So you might tackle it this way: A clump of cells doesn’t grow into an adult human being. For example, take the cells on the back of your hand. They are part of you, but they, along with say, a sperm cell and an egg, are different from an embryo, which is a whole living organism, and as we’ve made clear, a whole human being, that will mature into adulthood.

And then we remind them of the case: It is wrong to kill an innocent human being.

________

Copyright (c) 2019 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · John Stonestreet & David Carlson (edited by David Holwick) via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

For the Least of These

Job 20:19

When Tony Hall first met Mother Teresa, she took his solid left hand in her frail one. “I want you always to remember something,” she urged the U.S. congressman from Ohio. And as she gently folded each of his fingers, she accentuated, “For...the...least...of...these. I want you to always think of this.”

Ever since he came to faith in Christ many years ago, Tony Hall has lived his life in service to those Christ calls the “least of these” — the poor, the oppressed, the vulnerable.

That combination of conviction and action to serve the least of these is why we recently awarded Tony Hall the 2010 William Wilberforce award. The award, bestowed in years past on men like Congressman Frank Wolf, Father John Neuhaus, and Gary Haugen is given to those who are making a significant impact on the social ills of the day. Hall has done just that.

In 1984, partway into his 24 years in the House of Representatives, Tony was the first congressional leader to visit Ethiopia during its deadly famine. The devastation shocked him. “In a period of a few minutes,” he said, “I saw 25 children die.” And as a result, he sensed God calling him to focus his political work on humanitarian issues — particularly the needs of the poor and hungry around the globe.

Tony Hall co-founded and later chaired the House Select Committee on Hunger — dedicated to finding solutions to national and international hunger and poverty. When the House abolished the committee in 1993, Tony shocked his colleagues when he announced that he was beginning a 22-day fast to protest the action.

“Congress has lost its conscience,” he said at the time. And for more than three weeks he abstained from all food to draw attention to the more than nine million people who die every year from starvation and malnutrition. His fast, publicized in the media and joined by others who shared his concern, succeeded in pricking the consciences of many of our leaders, who went on to pass important legislation to battle world hunger.

In 2002 Tony Hall was confirmed as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations Agencies for Food and Agriculture. In his three years of diplomatic service he continued as a leading advocate for hunger relief programs and the improvement of human-rights conditions around the world.

As a pro-life Democrat, Tony has courageously stood as an advocate for the rights and protections of unborn children — against his party. He has also shown concern for the rights of another group among “the least of these” — prisoners.

But his overriding passion has focused on the poor and hungry of the world, victimized not only by natural disasters such as famine, but also by political corruption and oppression. His passion has taken him to more than 100 countries. Three times he has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for his global humanitarian efforts.

Tony Hall once told a student audience at Georgetown University, “By working with the poor, you’re showing a sermon,” not just giving one. That, of course, is the Christian worldview in action, and an example we’d all do well to imitate.

________

Copyright (c) 2009 Prison Fellowship Ministries. Reprinted with permission. "BreakPoint with Chuck Colson" is a radio ministry of Prison Fellowship Ministries.

from BreakPoint Commentary · Charles Colson via Kerux Sermon and Illustration Database pro life

The Inconsistent Logic of Abortion Rights Advocates

Mark 9:37

During the debate between Vice President Joe Biden and Republican vice presidential nominee Paul Ryan, the moderator asked a very interesting question. Basing her question on the fact that both Biden and Ryan are Catholic, Martha Raddatz asked the candidates to explain how their faith impacts their politics, especially related to the issue of abortion. The answers were perhaps surprisingly similar in their foundation but vastly different in their application.

Congressman Ryan stated that he believes life begins at conception, which is in keeping with Catholic doctrine. He declared that he cannot separate his faith from his politics on the issue of abortion. Therefore, Ryan concluded that the policies of a Romney-Ryan administration would oppose abortion except in cases of rape, incest and to save the mother’s life. It should be noted, however, that Ryan had stated previously his personal beliefs even oppose abortion in cases of rape and incest.

Vice President Biden offered a very similar response regarding the beginning of life. He acknowledged agreement that life begins at conception as a de fide doctrine of the Catholic Church. However, he went on to declare that he cannot force his morality on someone else and that a woman has the right to do as she wishes with her own body.

I doubt many people were shocked by the answers that Biden and Ryan offered. Some may have been surprised that Vice President Biden believes life begins at conception, and others may have been intrigued that Ryan did not espouse his personal views on abortion in cases of rape and incest. However, the general tenor of the answers held to firmly established party platforms for each candidate.

In the midst of this debate, I find it interesting that little evaluation has been offered of the inconsistency of Mr. Biden’s argument. There are two key elements of his answer that contradict many of his other political goals -- absolute autonomy and the refusal to impose his own morality.

The argument for autonomy is common in the abortion debate. It generally takes the following form: A woman has the right to do with her body as she pleases. Her right to privacy and free choice trumps any other right. No one can tell her what she can and cannot do. Thus, a woman should have the right to have an abortion for any reason. This is the effect of the collective Supreme Court rulings of Roe V. Wade and Doe V. Bolton in 1973.

There is logical and political inconsistency in this position, however, for Mr. Biden. This argument is libertarian in nature and raises the question of complete autonomy in every aspect of life. For example, Mr. Biden (and pro-choice advocates in general) desire to see abortion on demand with no questions asked of the woman involved. She should be completely free to choose abortion for herself. Yet, there are a number of “choices” limited by government restrictions that contradict the logic of this argument. In most states, a young woman under the age of 18 cannot get a tattoo. Even if she has parental consent, states like California, Illinois, New Hampshire, New York, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas and Washington make the tattooing of a minor a crime. In these states, parental consent cannot even trump the law to allow a minor to receive a tattoo.

By contrast, New York City is piloting a program in 13 of their public schools to make Plan B, the “morning-after pill,” available to young women without parental consent. Therefore, a 15-year-old girl cannot get a tattoo, but she can get an abortion-inducing drug. I ask the question: Is she completely autonomous? Is the government telling her that she cannot do with her body as she chooses? Why does it apply to tattoos but not abortion?

This libertarian argument can be extended to several other areas that are restricted or outlawed by the government. You cannot buy a non-diet soda larger than 16 ounces in New York City. A host of drugs are illegal, not only to buy or sell but even to possess. Marriage laws forbid a person from marrying his/her siblings and first cousins. Government even restricts the number of people one can marry. In each of these cases, government has said that you are not free to do with your body as you wish. If Mr. Biden and other abortion rights advocates want to be consistent, they must disavow laws like these as well. However, I imagine that government officials could make a reasonable case for such laws to be on the books. Thus, their inconsistency is exposed.

The other part of Mr. Biden’s response relates to the idea that he is unwilling to impose his morality on someone else. This is egregiously inconsistent for anyone involved in government. The role of laws established by government is the imposition of morality on others. Laws that prohibit murder, theft, fraud and slander impose someone’s morality on the rest of society. In fact, all laws impose morality. For the argument of abortion rights advocates to be consistent, one has to accept moral anarchy. Everyone should be able to do what is right in his own eyes.

Abortion rights advocates claim they do not want morality imposed on them, but they are willing to accept the imposition of their own morality on others. The recent birth control mandate added to the health care law imposes abortion rights morality on everyone by requiring that insurance companies supply birth control to all individuals covered at no charge to the patient. This mandate includes abortion-inducing drugs, such as Plan B and ella. If abortion rights advocates are so opposed to the imposition of morality on others, they should oppose this mandate as well.

As seen in the examples above, the logic of abortion rights advocates is inconsistent. Without even considering the merit of their arguments, one can see that they are unable to apply their logic universally.

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